The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-03-01 00:00:00

MYSTERIOUS ALLIANCS.--The Independent of Brussels states th a t great surprise has beep exerted at Liege by the recent marriage in that town. de young flower girl, well known by the visitere of Spa, to a Young gentleman of dis believed to be from Gerthany, but educated in tinetiOn, whose name has been kept pr o foundly secret. The France, match, 1 "t says, seems to have been forined by a gentleman himself, who was witlihim as &kind a tutor or older than companion during the last season at*Pau. Th e young man indifferent to his wife; and the rumour goes, says the is quite ~#that he is the illegitimate son of some great Independent, who w i s hes personage, family. A person, a pparently the guardian o f th e young p . rn anion before mentioned, were pre sent, wi th his co p the ma rriage, gentleman , journal, at the and afte r i t was sent, says this' solemnized they to ok ten. h ' leave, saying to him. "O ur task is now accompl ished, a nd we are going back to Germany. deavour to spend in a suitable man- Do what you like, and en ner the pension wh ich you shall receive punctually." The young man, it adds, has set out for France with his wife. COMMERCIAL GREATNESS — ITS BEST 'FOUNDATION.— Trade is a fluctuating thing :it p as sed from Tyre to Alex andria, from Alexandria to Venice, from Venice to Antwerp , from A n t werp to Amster d am and London ; the English rivalling tbe Dutch, as the French arc now rivalling both. All nations almost are wisely applying themselves to trade ; f it, to take the and it behoves those who are in possession o greatest care th at they do not lose it. It i s a p lant of tender growth, and re qu i res sun, and soil, and tine seas on s to make it thrive and florish. It w ill not grow like the pa lm- tree, which, with the more weight and pressure, r i ses t h e more. But the is a friend t o t h at, as that is a friend to li b erty . the greatest enemy to both is licentiousness, which tramples upon all law and lawful authority, encourages riots and tumults, profnotes drunkenness and debauchery, sticks at nothing to supply its extravagance, practises every art of illicit gain, ruins credit, ruing trade, and will, in the end, ruin liberty itself. Neither kingdom s nor commonwealths, neither public companies nor Private persons, can long carry on a beneficial, flourishing trade, without virtue, and what virtue teacheth sobriety, industry, frugality, modesty, honesty, punctuality, humanity, charity, the love of your -, country, and the fear of God... h am Newton's Disserta hoar a* the Prophecies. i ST. DAVID'S DAY. THE ANNIVERSARY of ST. DAVID'S DAY will be celebrated THIS DAY, the Ist March, when the Directors and Friends of the Welsh Charity Schools will attend Divine Service at St. David's Church, at Eleven Ancient British Language by the Rev. ROBERT DAVIES, A.M., and a SERMON preached by the Rev. HENRY JONES, A.M., Vicar of Northorp. After Service the Annual Examination of the Children will take place in the School-Room, Russell-street, to which the Friends of the institution are earnestly invited. JAMES ASPINALL, Esq., President. A COLLECTION in aid of the FUNDS of the WELSH CHARITY SCHOOLS will be made after the Sermon. By order of the Directors. WM. C. DAVIES, Secretary. LECTURES ON the TWELVE NOVEL ARTICLES of the CREED of POPE PIUS IV., at the MUSIC-HAIL, Bold-street, on FRIDAY Evenings. By Clergymen of the Church of England. On FRIDAY NEXT, the 4th instant, on the FIRST NOVELTY. " I most steadfastly' admit and embrace Apostolic and Ecclesiastical Traditions, and all other observances and constitutions of the same Church." By Rev. THOMAS NOLAN, A.M., Incumbent of St. Barnabas. Tickets to the Platform and Reserved Seats, Is. each ; to the Body of the Room, 6d, May be had at the STANDARD OFFICE. Mr. CRISP'S Office, 20, Slater-street. Mr. NEWLING'S, Ranelagh-Street. Mr. PERRIS, Church-street. Chairs will be provided fur Ladies. The surplus proceeds to be handed to the Liverpool Protestant Association. The Chair will be taken each evening at Seven o'clock. LIVERPOOL FISH COMPANY THE Public, and particularly the Hotel-keepers, are respectfully informed that the FISH-HALL, in Mur ray-street, is now OPENED for the SALE of FISH and the number of Boats employed enable the Company to re ceive a regular and abundant supply. By order, RALPH RENNER, Mana g er. Fish-hall, Febr uary 25, 1842. G AME LISTS. COUNTY OF LANCASTER. [Fourth Publication.] Arranged and Published by R. HALL, Surveyor, Manchester. PERSONS WHO HAVE OBTAINED GAME CERTI FICATES FOR THE YEAR 1841. LIST I.—GENERAL GAME CERTIFICATES AT £4 Os. 10d. EACH. Ainsworth, Peter Asheton, William, Esq. Aspinall, John Thomas Walsham.. Pendleton Atherton, Thomas Pemberton Banner, Harmood . Barnes. William Bate, Edward. ... Birch, Sir Thomas D., Bart Liverpool Windle Manchester The Hazles Catterall, John Chaffer, Benjamin Church, Robert Clarke, Robert Clegg, John Cotton, J. L..... Crosthwaite, John Preston Habergham Eaves Liverpool Salford Oldham Preston Much Woolton Davis, Thomas .... Doming, Elias .... Dunderdale, Robert Pilsworth Fletcher Fold, Bury Claughton Finch, Thomas James Fowler, John France, R. W. Mawdesley Cuerden Out Rawcliffe Green, T. (M.P.) Whittington Hall Joseph Halliwell. 'James .. Harrison, William.. Harrison, David .. Hetherington, John Hilton, Henry .... Hinds, Henry, Esq. Hodgson, Edward.. Howard, Robert .. Hughes, George.... Ashton-under-Lyne Bold Garston Ashton-under-Lyne Liverpool Harpurhey Rufford; . Clitheroe Tarleton Warrington Irlam, James Lowton Jackson, John Liverpool Kaye, Thomas Kenworthy, Benjamin M Knowles, James Knowles, John Knowles, Joseph . Pendletou Ashton-under-Lyne Little Bolton Little Bolton Winwick Mc. Intyre, George Mercer, William .. Broughton Windle Paley, John, jun. Pendlebury, James Cole Petre, Henry Pickup, George Pimblett, Samuel Preston Heapey Clayton-le-Moors New Accrington Newton Ratcliffe, William Rawstorne, Rev. Robert A. Robinson. Robert Windle Rogers, Thomas Manchester Rosthern, Peter Newton Rushton, John Much Wootton Segar, Ha!salt . Sharples, John Shaw, Sir Charles Shaw, William Willoughby Slater, John . . Liverpool Cliviier Chorlton-upon-Medlock Salford Osbaldestone Thomas, John Bossley Turner, James Burnage Bowland Veevers, Miles Burnley Wainwright, Charles Walker, George. . Watson, Evan Westhead, Joshua Proctor Whittle, William Whystt, John Wood, William Woods, Edward Woodcock, William Woollam, George Swinton Manchester Bold Chorltou-upon-Medlock Chorley Outwood Liverpool Newton Windle Manchester Yates, William Charles, Esq. Eccleston Yates, Rev, William Eccleston LIST 3.—GAMISICEEPER S BEING ASSESSED SERVANTS , AT £1 7s. 6d. EACH. Jackson, David Great Heaton—appointed by the Earl of Wilton, for the Manors of Great and Little Heaton, Blackley, Crump sail, and Pilsworth. Newton, Richard Kermincham, Cheshire--by Henry Hilton, Esq., for Kermincham. Schofield, John Mitton—by John Aspinall, Esq., for Little Mitton Walker, John Wrightington—by Richard Boulton, Esq., for Wrightington. LIST OF PERSONS LICENSED TO DEAL IN GAME. Bailey, John Ball, John Carter, William Liverpool Davies, Lydia Chorlton- upon -Medlock Hubberstey, Thomas Lawless, John Warrington Made up to the 19th of February, 1842. By order of the Board, CHARLES PRESSLY, Secretary, Stamps and Taxes. PENALTIES.--The Commissioners of Stamps and Taxes hereby give Notiee, that every Person taking, killing, or pur suing Game, without first obtaining a Certificate, incurs a Penalty of £2O, and is also liable to be surcharged in double the amount of the Certificate Duty. Any Person in pursuit of Game, refusing, on being duly required, to produce his Certificate, or to permit the same to be read, or a copy thereof to be taken, or refusing to de clare his true Name and Place of Residence, also incurs a Penalty of £2O. Gamekeepers are desired to take Notice, that a Certificate at the rate of .£1 7s. 6d. will not authorise any Person to kill Game beyond the limits of the Manor f or w hi c h h e is de puted ; and, in order that a Certificate at such rate of duty may protect a Gamekeeper, it is requisite not only that he should be deputed by some Lord or Lady of a Manor, or re puted Manor, but also that such deputation should be regis tered with the Clerk of the Peace, or the Gamekeepe r will be liable to be surcharged in double the Duty of £4 Os. 10d., and also be prosecuted by any common informer for the Pe nalty of £2O. KB.—lt is the intention of the Commissioners of Stamps and Taxes to publish, in a separate List,the Names and Re sidences of all Persons surcharged in double Duty for Sport ing without Certificates. TO DR. HTGGINS, 20, MERSEY-STREET. DEAR SIR,—As there appear existing doubts amongst your friends in Liverpool as to the matter contained in a letter dated July 20th, 1835, which I had the pleasure of addressing you relati v e to a malady ' under Which I had la boured for some years, but which, I am proud to'say , was totally removed by a perseverance in taking your Pills for the space of three months ; and aS I am now in Liverpool, I have to request that you will, as you are at liberty to, refer any person to me during my sojourn here ; and my domicile is No. 61 , Grand Parade, Brighton, where, in future, you are at liberty to refer any person as to the veracity of my grateful acknowledgments to you; and once more thanking Yon, believe me to remain, dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, GEORGE LIND. 36, Bridgewater-street, Liverpool. N.B.—The above invaluable Pills are very efficacious in all cases of Scurvy, Scrofulous Eruptions, Liver and Bilious Complaints, and all impurities of the blood ; to be had only of the sole Proprietor, Dr. Htdmi•Cs. Sold in boxes at 2s. each, and in p acka ges . contaihin g four boxes Gs., whereby there is a saving of 2s. . • Dr. HIGGINS giveil advice on all Diseases from eight in the morning till ten at night. impala! Vat' .---_._....t50..--_ HOUSE OF LORDS—TInasnAY. The Bishop of EXETER called the attention of their lord lips to a petition complainine of the conduct of the Door commissioners res cuarge in the petition was, otion had been unfairly conducted, the party permitted to conduct the case main chars:. the death of two pat Crediton, in Devon that the it seeking for inquiry not before the assistant poo g an investigation connected with the workhouse of the union of Lord ‘VIIARNCLII , FE defended the commissioners, though he thought some portion of their conduct improper, and im puted the excitement upon the subject in the neighbourhood of Creditou to the desire of the party complaining to render himself notorious, and thus serve himself in his profession as an attorney. After some observations in reply from the right rev. pre late, their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-THURSDAY Lord ELIOT obtained leave to bring in a bill to legalise mar riages solemnised in Ireland by presbyterian ministers be tween presbyterians and members of the church of England. Mr. MuNTz moved that at future divisions of the house neither the strangers in the house nor the reporters shall be required to withdraw, excepting by special motion for that purpose. Sir R. PEEL thought that no sufficient grounds had been advanced for altering the ancient customs of the house. The motion was negatived by a majority of 187 to 51. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER reluctantly con sented to a motion of Col. Sibthorp's, for a return of the number of days on which Lord Monteagle, as Comptroller of the Exchequer, attended at the office of the receipt of Exche quer, from the time of his appointment to the sth January, 1812 ; also for a return of the number and amount of the se veral Exchequer bills signed and issued by Lord Monteagle himself, and the places and periods at which such bills had been signed and issued by him. His only reason for agreeing to the returns was a fear that if he refused there might be a suppositiion that there was something to conceal. The adjourned debate was then resumed by Mr. JOHN STONE, who contended for a total repeal of the corn laws, and was followed on the same side by Mr. V. STUART and Mr. AGLIONBY. Mr. HENEAGE was opposed both to a fixed duty upon and a total repeal of the corn laws. Formerly there was a popular outcry against the fundholder, and the only thing talked of was a sponge ; but now popular invective was turned against the landholder, and the remedy was a repeal of the corn law. He would vote against a motion so ruinous as that of Mr. Villiers. Mr. HORSMAN, in supporting the motion, said he could not supply a parallel to an occurrence which took place in England four years ago. Some merchants, having a large quantity of corn so far gone as to render even the expenses of warehousing for an uncertain period a loss, petitioned to be allowed to take it out of bond to destroy it. Their petition was acceded to, and under the supervision of the excise the corn was sunk in the Thames, while many of her majesty's subjects were starving in other parts of the kingdom. Sir H. DOUGLAS said at the period of his election, being aware that measures of vast national moment would be brought under the early notice of parliament, he had deter mined that on none of those questions should aught of doubt or suspicion rest on the accordance of his views with those of his constituents. (Hear, hear.) He, therefore, had taken care fully to explain his principles and opinions on them all, relating whether to the agricultural, the commercial, or the manufacturing interests ; he had declared explicitly that he was, and should continue, a firm supporter of the "protec tive" system ; he had gone into the commercial history of every country in the world for the purpose of showing that in no country where the free trade principles thoroughly car ried out ; thence deducing the certainty of great and danger ' ons evils arising from the abolition, as to agriculture, of pro tection. With these declarations he had offered himself a candidate for Liverpool, and had experienced the honour— ' he might call it the singular honour—of being elected with out even a contest. (Loud cheers.) He had a right, there fore, to conclude that the opinions on which he was prepared in that house to act were agreeable to his constituents. He begged it to be distinctly understood, that he considered him self there not as the representative of any particular " class" or " interest," but as one bound to consider the general in terests of the community. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentle man opposite, the member for Wolverhampton ' had called the attention of the house to the geo g r a phic a l position of these countries. He spoke of these islands as being placed between two great continents—the old world and the new ; and then the hon. member represented us as refusing to both a supply of our manufactures. " Continents" was a term of wide signification, and, perhaps, it would be hardly neces sary that he should trouble the house by examining very mi nutely into the systems on which the several nations of the continent of Europe conducted their commercial relations. He should not then waste the time of the house by recapitu lating the heads of the Russian, Prussian, and Danish tariffs, but he should observe that the consumption of British manu factures by the populations of those countries varied between 31d. and 54d. for each individual per annum. It was not necessary, as he before said, to occupy the time of the house by any detailed investigation of our commercial intercourse with those countries ; but he should rather come at once to the position in which we stood towards France. It had been said in the course of the present discussions, as well as on former occasions, that we shut our doors against French pro duce,—shut our doors ! Had we not twice altered the duties which we charged upon French wines? Had we not opened the ports of our West Indian colonies, and had we not given the French people coals, iron, machinery, and tools? But to us they made no return—no diminution of duty. The fact was, that articles of British manufacture were positively pro hibited, with hardly an exception. Eleven pence per annum for each individual composing the French nation was about the average value of the manufactured goods imported by France from this country. (Hear, hear.) Pass we then to the United States of America, and here he paused for a moment to refer to the sentiments of the noble lord the member for London, previous to doing which, however, he wished to express his regret that that noble lord was not in his place, as he entertained for him great respect. He re spected his abilities and his character, and, remembering the relation in which they recently stood towards each other, he could not refrain from expressing his high sense of the kind and generous manner in which he had been supported by the noble lord. Though he was the nominee of a different ministry, yet the noble lord had, with the weight which be longed to his office, sustained him (Sir H. Douglas) in his administration which he rejoiced to think had proved satis factory to the government at home, beneficial to the lonian people, and not discreditable to himself. (Hear, bear.) The noble lord had said that the manufactures of this country were shut out from the Unite States of America, because we refused to take the productions of the new continent. He desired to learp upon what foundation such a statement rested. The facts known to the pubic, and of which he in common with the rest of the world possessed evidence, could leave not a shadow of doubt upon the mind of any man that this was a statement resting upon no solid basis. What were the facts ? In the year 1840, there were imported into the town which he had the honour to represent 1,160,000 bales of cotton; nearly the whole of the cotton used for manu factures in this country came from the United States of Ame rica. Under such a state of things it was absurd beyodd measure to say that we shut out the produce of America. (Hear, hear.) It could hardly fail to be in the recollection of every gentleman who heard him, that we had lowered the duty on American cotton to please the merchants and manufacturers of Manchester ; that was received as a boon, and in the next breath the government were told that they were shutting out the produce of the United States. (Hear.) In the course of these discussions, and on many similar oc casions, free trade had been in the mouth of almost every speaker; but he confessed himself one of those who thought that what people called free trade was a sheer abrurdity. It was the opinion of all men who exercised common sense upon political. subjects, that a new country exporting raw material to a highly civilized and manufacturing nation ought in return to take back some portion of its own productions when converted into manufactured goods. Now he beg ged of the house to look at the position in which we stood towards the United States of America. We took their raw material, but they refused to take our manufactured goods. (Hear.) Considerable importance had been attached to a judicious observation made by the American President, when he said that no country ought to permit itself to depend upon foreign supply for the necessary articles of life, and least of all for the food of the people. Such waa the lan guage now held—such were the principles upon which the government of America was now carried on, but they were not contrary to the principles adopted in the earlier days of republicanism. The system was unchanged, it was the pro tective system, and whatever alteration of circumstances might arise. it was the fixed resolution of every successive government in America neither to abolish nor relax their exclusive regulations. To support this opinion he had made brief extracts from the annual message of every President since the days of Washington, and with the permission of the house he would read them. (A laugh.) The first, of course, was from a message of Washington's; it was his eighth annual message, and bore date the 7th of December, 1796. It was in these words :—" Congress have repeatedly directed their attention to the encouragement of manufac tures. The object is of too much consequence not to insure a continuance of their efforts, in every way which shall ap pear eligible The next extract which he should read to the house wa from the eighth annual address of Mr. Jeffer son, dated November the Bth, 1808, and was in the following terms :—" The extent of this conversion is daily increasing viz., the application of industry and capital to internal ma manufactures, and little doubt remains that the establish ments formed and forming will, under the auspices of cheaper material and subsistence, the freedom of labour from taxa tion with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, be come permanent." Such was the language of President Jefferson. Now let the house listen to the words of Mr. Madison in his seventh annual message, dated December 6, 1815. These were his words:—" However wise the theory may be which leaves to the sagacity and interest of indivi duals the application of their industry and sesources, there are in this, as in other cases, exceptions to the general rule. Besides the condition which the theory itself implies of a re ciprocal adoption by other nations, experience teaches that so, many circumstances must occur in introducing manufac turing establishments, that a country may remain long without them, although sufficiently advanced, and in some respects very peculiarly fitted for carrying them on with success. Under these circumstances, giving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry, it has made among us a progress, and exhibited an efficiency which justify the belief that, with a protection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose interests are now at stake, it will become at an early day, not only safe against occasional com petitors from abroad, but a source of domestic wealth, and even of external commerce." He now came to Presi dent Munroe, who on the sth of March, 181 7, addressed Congress as follows :—" Our manufactures find a generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry ; and the surplus of our produce a steady and pro fitable market by local wants in less favoured parts at home." In a previous message (his first annual message), on the 2d December, 1817, he says—" Our manufactories will require the continued attention of Congress. The capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge required in the machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value. Their preservation, which depends on due encouragement, is connected with high interests of the na tion." The same president, on the 3d of December, 1821, proceeds, in a similar spirit, to say, that " Possessing, as we do, the raw materials in such vast amount, with a capa city to augment them to an indefinite extent, raising within the country aliment of every kind to an amount far exceed ing the demand for home consumption, even in the most un favourable y ears , and to be obtained always at a very mode rateadretms , a P a a rie. n d d B fa i ; n r eenrde skilled rtyh ei m price also, pr o r a ae s mf our t puero, calculatedp t e i a s r manifest at i no n i fl ea t h ss ts e a that mechanic e t i c h et a h d n e ei i c r. success in every branch of domestic industry may and will be carried, under the encouragement given by the present duties, to an extent to meet any demand which, under a fair competition, may be made on it." ,Again w hod him say ing—" It cannot be doubted, that the more complete our internal resources, and the less dependent w powers for every n a ti ona l as we l l as domesticareurponosete foreign greater and more stabl e w ill b e t h e public felicity. By the increase of domestic manufa c t ures w ill the demand for the rude materials be increased, and thus will the dependence of the several parts of our union on each other, and the strength of the union itself, be proportionably augmented." He should now, with the permission of the house, read an ex tract from the first annual message of President Jackson, which was addressed to Congress on the 18th of December, 182:—The general rule to be applied in graduating duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that which w ill p l ac e our own in fair competition with those of other countries; and the inducements to advance even a step be you, d this point, are 4outrolling in regard to those articles t time of war " From the which are of primary necesa y m • year 1816 to the year 1832, the protective system of the United States was carried to its utmost limit; in fact, pro tection was overdone, and without abandoning the principle upon which they had always acted, the American Govern ment relaxed the degree of its severity. They reduced by one-tenth a duty which had been (as we understood) 20 per cent. The Americans then proceeded to cousider whether those duties were to cease, or whether they were to be con tinued, looking to us in order to see whether we should, or should not, modifying our tariff; but they had already de cided not to make any change—their necessities, however, would decide them, for they must have revenue but they looked on the matter not merely as an affair of revenue, but as one of protection also, and, accordingly, on the 4th of December, 1832, we find President Jackson using this language in his address to Congress :—" That manufactures adequate to the supply of our domestic consumption would, in the abstract, be beneficial to our country there is no reason to doubt ; and to effect their establishment, there is, perhaps, no American citizen who would not, for a while, be willing to pay a higher price for them." He now thought that the extracts which he had read to the house were quite sufficient to show that the Americans proceeded upon the protective system, and carried it to as high a point as existing circum stances permitted. Whatever had been done or might be done, America would not abandon her protective system. For himself, he must be allowed to say that he admired the policy which would not sacrifice independent power to any considerations of mere wealth, and he admired the disposi tion of the French people to adopt that principle. There might be doctrinaires who might teach them that it was wise to buy only where they could buy the cheapest, but the French did not listen to that. It might be a doctrine of political economy to buy at the cheapest market ; but poli tical economy was not always political wisdom. (Hear, hear.) At the late election he told his friends not to inscribe on his banners " free trade ;" that which he wanted was " fair trade." He did not understand that one-sided policy which under the name of free trade produced unfair trade. But fair trade, he confidently hoped, would be maintained by the present government. He had no doubt that they would do everything that was necessary to preserve the dignity of the crown, and to promote the safety, happiness, and welfare of the people. (Hear, hear.) He now wished to say a few words about the pleasing dream in which the noble lord op posite appeared to indulge. Those visions of his would not appear at all surprising if he were unsophisticated country gentleman from the Hebrides, or from Wales—(a laugh)—if he had been returned to that house by the influence of a maiden aunt, under whose care, aided by some Dominic Sampson, he received his education—(renewed laughter)— if the noble lord were such a man, he should not won der at his being duped; but, remembering his real cha racter of the noble lord, he marvelled that, being such a man as he was, and a minister too of such expe rience, he should not be warned by the present poli tical aspect of the world; for national rivalry was never more stern, nor national antipathy never more wide awake— the propensity to war was never stronger ;—(hear, hear) — yet, in such a state of our foreign relati ins, it did surprise him to find the noble lord say he desired to see the word " protection" erased from our commercial code. He chal lenged the noble lord to go along with him in a comparison, point by point, country by country, and class by class, in connexion with this question, and he would engage to prove that if all protection were abolished, that the noble lord could no more raise a revenue to pay the national debt and the current expenses of the country than be could fly to the moon. (Laughter and cheers.) He would ask the noble lord what would be the situation of the agriculturist of the home market if protection were withdrawn ? What would become of the colonies? (Hear, hear.) He did not hesitate to say, that if in the present artificial state of the country, loaded as it was with debt, the noble lord were to erase the word " protection" by any instrument whatever, he would find it necessary to perform a corresponding operation—that of erasing the national debt, and thereupon the blotting out of majestic, imperial Britain from that high station to which, in the rank of nations, she had attained. (Cheers.) An hon. member had made a declaration in that house by which it would be seen that he was perfectly aware that the majestic greatness of this nation had not been attained by carrying into effect those doctrines of political economy which were professed and lauded by the hon. member for Bolton, whom he greatly respected, and whose talents, notwithstanding that he dissented from his political opinions, he admired. In spite, however, of those principles, he would tell the hon. gentleman that the little islands which composed the United Kingdom, bounded and limited as they were by stormy seas, but inhabited by a hardy and industrious race, had been ex panded into such an empire as the world never saw. May we be able to maintain that great empire in that vast ascend ancy to which she has attained (exclaimed the bon. gentle man,) in spite of the principles and predictions of those who say that we have pursued a wrong course ! (Cheers.) I have been reluctantly called upon'to take a part in this dis cussion, and I shall finish by thanking the house f or it s atten tion, and by assuring hom gentlemen that I shall not often trespass upon their patience; that I shall never speak except when I have something to say. (Ironical laughter on the opposition side, and cheers from the ministerial benches.) I repeat, that I shall never speak unless I have something to say, and that I shall finish when I have done. (Laughter and cheers.) Mr. COBDEN asserted, that the men of England were worse fed in proportion to their toil than its dogs and horses, and contended that the right hon. baronet, Sir R. Peel, was try ing to keep up the price of corn by legislation, but he would not try to keep up the price of cotton and silks ; which proved that, in that house, they were legislating for a class and not for the whole people. Why legislate to raise the price of food when they acknowledged it was beyond their power to prevent a fall in the wages of labour? It would be better if the oligarchy of the country were to pursue the course adopted in ancient Venice, and inscribe their names in the golden book, drawing from thence the produce of the labour of the community, rather than seek to crush the people by a tax such as this, upon the chief necessary of life. Mr. FERRAND.—It would be folly and ingratitudes in me were I to take advantage of the kind indulgence which has always be shown to me by the house, and inflict a long speech upon you at this late stage of the debate ; but I trust you will give me a hearing for a few moments, when you recollect that for the last few days I have been the object at which nearly all the hon. gentlemen opposite have hurled their pointless darts. (Cheers.) lam happy to say that, clothed in the mantle of truth, I have come through the one-sided war unscathed and unharmed. (Cheers.) It is true the hon. baronet the member for the Tower Hamlets came down the night after I had addressed the house, and said,—" Even had I the ability to reply to the speech of the hon. member for Knaresborough, I do not think I should have the inch , nation, for though his speeches may amuse the house, they are more calculated to damage the right hon. baronet and the party behind him. I, therefore, make a present of him to the right hon. baronet, and wish him joy of him." (Laugh ter.) Sir, I will support the right hon. baronet when I can conscientiously do so, and my support will be given without any hope of reward or expectation of an honour so high as that bestowed upon a gallant officer below me (Sir H. Har dinge), for many years of toil in the service of his country (cheers), and for the loss of limb which lie has sustained— (cheers)—an honour which was bestowed upon the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets, for what services I know not, by the late self-denying no-patronage Government. Then, sir, next came the attack of the hon. member for Shef field (Mr. Ward). With that blushing modesty (laughter) for which he is conspicuous —with that positive authority by which he has become notorious—(roars of laughter)—he de clared that my speech was one of scandalous levity. Then followed the honorable member for Wycombe (Mr. Bernal), and he told the house that my speech was one of bombastic declamation. (Laughter.) Now, I quarrel with neither of the hon. members. I shall leave them to settle the dispute as best they may, contenting myself with offering up a fervent prayer that it may be settled amicably. (Laughter.) My next assailant was the hon. member for Salford (Mr. Bro therton). I ask the indulgence of the house for a moment while I defend myself from and expose a most despicable quibble. (Cheers.) The hon. member, speaking of my speech, said, " If I am to judge of the correctness of his speech by what I know to be untrue, I shall not value it very highly. I know that there are some statements that are en tirely destitnte of foundation." It will be remembered that I stated in a former speech, that the hon. member for Stock port (Mr. Cobden) worked his mills night and day. The hon. member for Salford said, " he spoke from his own knowledge when he said, the hon. member for Stockport never had a mill in his life." (Cheers.) I instantly gave my authority up to the house. (Cries of " No, no.") I placed my authority in the bands of the house, and said if the name were demanded I would instantly give it, but I was met with a general cry of " No," from this side of the house, which was most generously responded to from yours. In a few minutes after the hon. member for Salford left the house, I followed him and offered him the name of my authority, to show him the letter, and to give him the date and the name of the place from which it came. The hon. member laughed in his quiet way, and said, " But we call them printworks in Lancashire, not mills." (Loud cries of " Oh, oh !") But in justice to my authority I trust the house will indulge me to read four lines from a letter I have received from my cor respondent since. He says—" I notice in the paper this evening that the Rev. Mr. Brotherton—(loud laughter)— has contradicted your statement of Cobden working his mills night and day ; but •1 know they will not deny working his printworks near Chorley night and day, and I have no doubt he is doing so at the present." Sir, I now come to what fell from the hon. member for Westmister, the champion for the liberties of the people ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Those gentlemen out of doors say they will treat me with contempt ; but have not my statements caused a sensation throughout the length and breadth of the land. (Cheers and laughter.) Yes, I will tell the hon. member for Wycombe that that is true. They have destroyed the Anti-Corn-Law • League. (Laughter.) You may laugh, but my statements • have destroyed you, I have forced you to join with the Chartists ;—(Cheers)—it was the only way left you by which you could continue the unholy and selfish agitation you have carried on for years. (Cheers.) You have coalesced with those who hate you in their hearts. (Cheers.) I can prove that ; and if you urge them on to rebellion, as you have been trying to do,—(cheers, laughter, and uproar) I warn you that their first outburst will be to plunge the knife in the bosoms of their oppressors. (Cheers.) Let me assure you that if you goad them on, there is sufficient force and strength in the country to make you quail before it. (Cheers.) Now, Sir, I would call the attention of the hon. member for West minster to a letter I have received from a poor working man; and perhaps the house will oblige me by allowing me to read a few lines from it. (" Read all.") I shall do so with plea sure. My correspondent says—" Sir,—l hope when you have read this you will pardon the liberty I have taken in addressing it to you. The speech which you delivered on Monday has caused more sensation than any that was made during the whole debate; because we all have witnessed similar transactions to those you then related, and many working men have experienced worse treatment than you have described. Nobody has ventured here to deny your as sertions. The rooms of the Leeds Operative Conservative Society were besieged by strangers anxious to have a peep at The Timex of Tuesday, all of whom confirmed your state ments. The " Leaguers" are raging at their exposure. But I should not have troubled you had not Mr. Bernal doubted your statements respecting the anti-corn-law petitions. Why, in Leeds, on several occasions, the Leaguers have been de feated by the Chartists at public meetings. The very num- • ber of signatures to the petitions proves them to be forgeries. In the township of Leeds, which contains about 87,000 in habitants, it is said that no less than 43,000 signatures have been obtained, and in the whole borough (including the women's petition, 23,000) no less than 66,000 signatures, or nearly the half of the population of all ages. Besides this fact (I have a rather extended circle of acquaintance) I meet with numbers who are indifferent to, numbers who are positively opposed to, the Whig scheme —num bers who are favourable to the repeal, who will not sign any petition whatever. The petitions have been hawked round the machine-shops and factories. They have been placed in all parts of the town ; men have been engaged to go from house to house with cheap bread petitions. One young D am, by name Robert Whitehead, who came to work in the same room as myself the day after the petitions were closed, informed me that from Monday morning to Tuesday noon he procured 850 names, for which he was paid Bs. 6d., at the rate of ls. per 1 00 . In one yard, which the print e d statistips of the borough states to contain 34 houses, thi s man says h 2 obtained near 300 names. This man i s a re pealer, peeler, and a pretty fair informed man, and no d ou bt cou ld tell how hundreds of sham signatu res were obtained. I cou ld fill sheets with incidents which have been related to me, but I forbear, merely assuring these are facts which I can prove." Sir, I have another letter from another correspondent. (Cries of " Name, name.") No, I will not give the name now, but I will give it to any hon. member who will apply to me when the house is up. He says—" In all the parts of the manufacturing districts in which I have been I have heard the ' workies' declare that it is the truth you have told them in the house, and that if you wanted any to corro borate what you )rave said, you might have hundreds of thou sands to affirm it. I will now put you in possession of a fact in the way and manner in which the corn-law league manu facture their petitions. The other day I called upon one manufacturer to ask him to sign the petition in favour of the ten hours' Lill. He was in a room filled with power-looms, and he heard me say ' petition ;' he instantly said yes,' and went across the yard into his counting-house, and lifted up the lid of his desk, took out a petition, and said, Now, you see, I think I have done it pretty well. I have varied my hand as much as possible, and I have put them all down, for I have taken them out of the wage-book.' " Now, what think you of the manner in which your.petitions are got up? Sir, in detailing the misery, the plunder, and the robbery that is committed upon the poor working man by the manu facturers belonging to the anti-corn-law league, I am prepared to prove that they used the truck system as one of the en gines of their destruction. I will now read to the house a statement that will make you stand aghast. (Laughter.) Yes, it will have that effect upon any hon. member who has a heart to feel for the sufferings of the poor. l - wish the house to remember that I never did charge these crimes upon the whole manufacturers of the country, but I distinctly charge them upon those manufacturers who are members of the anti-corn-law league. 1 know many manufacturers in my own neighbourhood who are men of the kindest natures, but they tell me that they cannot compete with those manufacturers who are connected with the league, because they paid their labourers in money, while the leaguers paid theirs upon the truck system. I will is-ow give a broad sketch of no isolated cases, but of many - of the most flagitious nature which are now occurring throughout Lancashire. " Messrs. blank and Son." (Loud cries of " Name.") I again tell hon. members, that I am prepared to prove everything which I assert. If any hon. member will move for a committee, I pledge myself to sum mon witnesses to prove every word of what I am going to read ; but I trust that, under present circumstances, the house will agree with me, that it will not be fair to give to the world the names of the parties. (Cheers.) " Messrs. and Son, --, three mills. There is a shop in the immediate vicinity of each of these mills, and each shop is kept by a son-in-law for his own advantage. The work people are also supplied with coals by the same firm.—Mr. , two mills. The work-people are obliged to procure both food and clothing at a shop in the neighbourhood of the mills, which is kept by his brother for his own benefit.—Mr. —, one mill, close to which is a shop, over the door of which his son's name is placed, who is a minor, residing with his father.—Messrs. ----- and Co., one mill. They have a shop, which is kept for their own benefit.—Mr. one mill, near which a shop is kept by his son-in-law, for his own benefit, who is also manager of the mill. There are five more mills in this very neighbourhood, which have cottages at tached to them, and belonging to the owners, and which are occupied by their work-people." (The reading of this docu ment, was interrupted throughout with loud cries of "Name. ' In order to make members aware of the manner in which these manufacturers evaded the penalties of the law, I will state how they arrange matters. On the Saturday night the working-people go into the counting-house, where they are paid their wages in money; but instead of being allowed to come out the same way, they are obliged to go through a room, in which is sitting the person who keeps the books at the truck shop belonging to the mill, and there they have to pay every farthing of the food and clothing which they had required during the previous week ' • and if it could be proved that one man had spent even one halfpenny on any sort of goods out of that shop, he would be instantly, and without one word of explanation, discharged from his employment. (Cheers.) Now I call that a tax upon food—(cheers)—that I call a tax upon provisions. That is your free trade system. It is notorious that the masters obtain 25 per cent. upon the whole of the goods they sell, and that they make 10 per cent. upon the cottages they oblige their workmen to reside in. A. key is placed in the hands of any workman who applies for and obtains work at any of these mills, and it is well understood that that is the key of a cottage built by his mas ter, who will not let it to him tinder 10 per cent. for the out lay of his money, nor give him employment unless he takes it. I will now tell the house how the members of the anti-corn law league contrive to enhance the price of corn. Are hon. members opposite aware that, according to a calculation which has been made, 100,000 quarters of wheat are annually consumed by the men of the anti-corn-law league, to enable them to defraud the public by daubing their calicoes with flour paste? (Great laughter, which continued for some moments.) Some hon. gentlemen opposite do not laugh ; they see the murder is out. (Renewed laughter.) I can prove what I have just asserted by the evidence of manufac turers of the highest standing in the country, who are pre pared to come forward and bear out my statements, and expose this system of robbery and plunder. (Hear.) It was only the other day that a poor man was transported for sev en years for selling to the noble lord the Secretary of the Colonies (Lord Stanley) a few bricks for a chandelier. (Loud laughter.) I have received the following statement from an individual who, as well as others, is ready to give evidence on the subject before a committee of this house, if required to do so : " Immense quantities of flour are used in the cot ton trade to give a false appearance to the calico." (Laughter, and cries of "Oh !") I assure the house it is true. (Hear.) I assert the fact, and I ask hon. gentlemen opposite, who are acquainted with the cotton trade, whether it is not true ? (Hear.) My informant proceeds, " Some manufacturers use from 2,000 to 3,000 packs per annum. The calicoes are passed through a machine, in which they are stretched in length and breadth. The interstices occasioned by stretching are filled up by paste, which is applied by a brush. Afterwards the calico is passed between two rollers, which press or calender it. It then comes out apparently a beautiful, fine, stout piece of calico. Its real quality is discovered ,in washing, after both the purchase money and the expense of making it into wear ing apparel has proved it to be a dead loss to the confiding purchaser." I will now, with the permission of the house, read an extract from a letter written by an English mer chant, exposing a process which is adopted by certain ma nufacturers of buying up all the old rags they can obtain, which are torn into pieces by a machine, and converted into a kind of dust, and are then mixed with wool, which is even tually manufactured into cloth. This dust, from its nau seous nature, and from its engendering numerous diseases, has been christened by the manufacturers and workpeople of Yorkshire, the "devil's dust. (Great laughter.) The gentleman to whom I refer writes :—" Things are worse in Huddersfield; and it seems that all is over without any hope. The trade is leaving this country most rapidly. is w eavers, becaus e th e f ore i gners paying off nearly 200 o f his are sending the same sorts of goods over at very little more than half the price that he has been selling them at. I wish you could get a full account of this shoddy trade ; it is mon strous. They now pu t scarcely any wool into their yarn, only just as much as will keep the devil's dust together. The rags, as you kn ow are collected from the most filthy holes inLondOn and Dublin, and are brought from the most un healthy regions, infected by the plague and every epidemic, and of course they ar e full of deadly Poison. S— has had a boat load of this rubbish, and also buys a good deal of the Dewsbury people. When his goods are made up, the first time they are worn they split up, and then the game be gins. Mr. informs me that B— S— has sent out a large quantity of doeskins , ' charged ss. 9d. per yard, which have proved to be not worth one farthing—not worth tailor's wages. They will all be se nt back fr om A merica to the manu facturer, with a charge of ss. Bd. a yard upon them for duty, carriage, freight, co mmission, &c. ; and this, of course, be sides the loss of the goods, they being worthless. If this won't cure him, I cannot tell what will. Mr. has been on the continent recently, and there he saw a small manufac tory of ' d o eskins,' all made of wool no devil's dust in them. The man, before this season, he believes, had never made 18 pieces of goods in one year. He had then in hand an order for 1800 pieces, considerably below the price of English devil's dust goods, pretending to be of the same quality, Thus the manufacture is leaving us as fast as it can—thanks to the knavery of our avaricious, covetous, cheating, canting selves. Nothing can show our baseness and deceit more than this. These things prove clearly, that our ruin is deservedly brought upon us by our own villainy. It is well known that the Sheffielders passed cast-iron cutlery upon the foreigners for steel, until they would not have it - given; and they have had to find new countries to send it to, and their former customers have been obliged to manufacture for themselves. Thus our canting, professing Christians, are ruining their own country, and cheating the poor pagans, and all the while blubbering about trusting in Providence,' and are trying to make par liament believe that they care for the poor !" [While Mr. Ferrand was reading the above extract, Colonel Sibthorp, who had been conspicuous in cheering the hon. member in the course of his speech, was observed to leave the house, and soon afterwards returned with a large orange, which he presented to Mr, Ferrand amidst roars of laughter.] I will only detain the house a few moments longer (the hon. gentle man continued,) while I call their attention to a meeting of manufacturers which was held some years ago in New York. An account of it appeared in all the American papers, and the account I will, with the permission of the house, read is from an eye-witness. He says :—" It was my good luck to attend a meeting of merchants and manufacturers convened in the Town-hall, for the purpose of ' considering the best means of protecting the manufacturers of the United States.' The.meeting was composed of manufacturers of all grades, and very numerously attended ; and a spirit of unanimity pervaded the assembly. Specimens of cloth of John Bull's manufacture were held up to the gaze of the meeting, all in tatters, and motheaten by the paste. These were compared with their own honest domestic manufacture, and the follow ing resolution was agreed to ;—' that it is the opinion of this meeting that it is the duty of Congress to protect the ma nufactures of the United States by an augmentation of the present tariff, to prohibit, as far as possible, the importation of foreign manufactures.' " (Hear, hear.) I will just call the attention of the right hon. baronet the First Lord of the Treasury to a fact which has not yet been brought before the notice of the house, yet a most important fact. It is, that if the corn laws were to be repealed there would be an im mense body of industrious labourers in the north of Eng land not only thrown out of employ, but ruined for ever. That ruin would result from this cause :—lt has been for many years the custom of the chief landed proprietors in the north to let pieces of waste land to working men on leases of 14, 21, or 30 years, at a small rent, on condition that they shall break up that land, and repay theniselves by tho sale of the corn which they may produce from it. Now, if the corn laws were to be repealed, all these men must be ruined; yet they have as much right to protection from the country as hon. members opposite have, and they look to the government to protect them, in order that they mi g ht r ea p some slight reward for their labour. They never dream that they can possess such wealth as those gentlemen ; they say, " Live and let live," that is all they aspire to. Then why refuse them such an offer ? They say We have let you live—we would scorn to rob you of your own, and it -is un just, cruel, unmanly, nay, dishonourable, and beneath the name of Englishme n , to come forward and advocate a mea sure, the object of which is to plunder the poor." (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Manchester, who spoke the night before last, offered his advice to the farmers of Eng land. If the farmers of England look to the political con sistency of the hon. member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson), they will not, perhaps, think much of him (a laugh) ; but this I will say, the farmers of England look to the laws of their country for protection ' • and when they lose that pro tection, depend on i t , if they fall, you fall with them. (Cheers.) Mr. BROTHERTON said when he used the word " mill," he did not think that he should be understood to include " print works." He had no intention to mislead the house. Mr. GILL argued in favour of a fixed duty. Mr. HINDLcy, Mr. FIELDEN, and General JOHNSTON supported the motion. Mr. VILLIERS replied ; and on a division his motion was negatived by a majority of 393 to 90. HOUSE OF LORDS.—FRIDAY. The Lonn CHANCELLOR said, in reference to the bill for the purpose of legalising certain marriages which had been celebrated between presbyterians and members of the church of England by presbyterian clergymen, that the bill would be one of enactment, and not a declaratory bill. Lord LYTTLETON postponed his motion respecting the bishop of Jerusalem, in consequence of the absence of the Earl of Aberdeen. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FnIDAY, Mr. O'CONNELL asked if it was the intention of the government to bring in any bill for the amendment of the Irish Municipal Corporation Act. Lord ELIOT said the subject was at present under the con sideration of the government. The house having resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on the corn laws, Mr. CHRISTOPHER moved his amendment to the scheme of Sir R. Peel. He proposed that under the price of 51s. the duty should be 255, which duty should decrease one shilling for every shilling increase in the price up to 735., from whence the duty should remain at Is. By beginning with a duty of 255. instead of 205., as proposed by Sir R. Peel, he terminated with a Is. duty at the same point—the surplus ss. being equivalent to the two rests in the scale of the government. He proposed this scale with regret, b ecause o f its being opposed to that of his right hon. friend; but he felt it to be his duty to do so, convinced as he w as that a higher protection than that pro- posed by the government was necessary for the protection of agriculture. Mr. F. BARING said the house ought to he placed in possession of the information upon which the right hon. bart. had formed his scale, but no such information had been given. Although the right hon. baronet had professed his adherence to a sliding scale, yet he had adopted the princi ple of a fixed duty, by resorting to a fixed duty of 20s. when ever the price of corn was under 505., an approximation to which was also to be found in the rests in his scale of duties. The right hon. gentleman also contended that the additional . towns from whence the averages were to be taken would so far keep down the price as to raise the duty, and thus prevent the importation of foreign corn. Mr. GLADSTONE denied that such would be the effect of the addition of those towns ; but said that if it could be shown that the averages would be thus unfairly kept down, the government would be quite prepared to reconsider that portion of their proposition. lie contended that the country was in favour of the proposition of the government, and that importation would not only be general, but almost con stant, and at prices several shillings under 60. This was the opinion of practical men embarked in the corn trade, and he attached more importance to the opinions of practi cal men embarked in trade than to any calculations made by hon. gentlemen on either side of the house. Mr. LABOUCIIERE complained that the government should have--been so late in laying before the house the information, which they must have deemed important, because upon it they had founded their present proposition. Sir J. TYRRELL said that the ministerial side of the house Was twitted with being fond of the silent system, and he only regretted that it was not in his power to return the compli ►nent to gentlemen on the other side ; for they had now gone through a very long debate, and it had never been his fortune to listen to a debate with so little reason and argument in proportion to its length. He placed so much confidence in Sir R. Peel that he would give his humble support to the proposition of the government. Mr. HORSMAN attempted to fasten a charge of inconsis tency upon Mr. Christopher in having assented to any altera tion in the corn laws whatever, after the pledges he had given upon the hustings that he would pursue a contrary line of conduct. _ _ Mr. BANKES condemned the waste of public time occa sioned by hon. gentlemen on the opposition side of the house rising one after another to say precisely the same thing. He was opposed to giving up so large a proportion of the pro tecting duty enjoyed by the agriculturists, when the railways through the north of Europe were on the eve of completion, thus exposing them to an inundation of corn from places which hitherto could not send to our markets owing to the difficulties of carriage. As, however, it was impossible to carry into effect the proposition of Mr. Christopher, he should support that of Sir R. Peel. Lord WORSLEY said he was of opinion that the scale of Mr. Christopher was better than that of Sir R. Peel, and he was surprised that the agriculturists did not support it. Mr. MILES said that at the last election the country had given its approval of the measure of Sir R. Peel in preference to that of Lord John Russell, and he hoped Mr. Christo pher would withdraw his motion for the sake of preserving unanimity on that side of the house. He was of opinion that he was doing his duty to his country by supporting Sir R. Peel's proposition, for, although it gave a great concession to the consumer. that concession was almost counterbalanced by the extent to which the averages would be lowered by the addition of the - 150 agricultural market towns. After a few observations from Mr. WALLACE, Mr. FLEMING expressed a hope that Mr. Christopher would withdraw his motion, and not create disunion amongst the conservative party. . . . . Mr. C. WOOD contended that the admission of Mr. Miles that the lowering of the averages by the addition of 150 new towns would counterbalance any proposed loss of protection to the agriculturist, was a clear proof that the whole of the proposition of the Government was a delusion, as far as re spected its being a boon to the consumer. Mr. GLADSTONE, in reply to a question from Mr. Labou chere, said that, assuming the house would agree to the pre sent resolutions, it was not the intention of the government to impose any duty on wheat imported into Canada ; but that with respect to flour the same reduced duties would be imposed as prevailed in our other colonies. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he would take care to test the sincerity of Mr. Christopher in making this motion by forcing it to a division. He would take care that the people of Eng land should not be imposed upon by a humbugging speech and a humbugging moonshine motion like that of the hon. mover. He also insisted upon it that the applause which greeted the speech of Mr. Ferrand on the previous evening from the ministerial side of the house proved that the agri cultural classes had declared open war against the manufac turers. Mr. A. O'BnIEN said that he had consulted his constitu ents in the northern division of Northamptonshire, as to the proposition of Sir R. Peel, and he was fully empowered by them to support it, as, under all the circumstances, the best that could be expected when so many conflicting interests were concerned. Mr. CHRISTOPHER, in reply, denied the accuracy of the reports upon which Mr. Duncombe had founded his charge of inconsistency against him. In spite of the taunts of the hon. member for Finsbury, he should not be found walking out of the house to divide with him. Mr. DUNCOMBE said it was clear that the motion was a moonshine one, and it had been represented as such (at the dinner of the Duke of Buckingham) by Captain Hamilton, who also imputed motives other than that of a wish to raise the scale to the hon. member for North Lincolnshire. Lord PALMERSTON said, it appeared that the skirmishers had been withdrawn and had joined the main body, and now the ministry were prepared to meet their real opponents. He was relieved from a difficulty by Mr. Christopher's an nouncing his intention to support the motion of Sir R. Peel, as he could now vote against that motion without risking having his vote misunderstood. Mr. AGLIONBY said he had voted for a small fixed duty, and bad also voted for a total repeal, as the next best thing ; as he could obtain neither of these things , he would now vote for the 20s. duty, as the best that could be got. Sir R. PEEL said, the honourable member had exercised a wise discretion, nor Was he guilty of the slightest inconsis tency in the course he pursued. He must say that he had not employed any skirmishers, and if his honourable friend Mr. Christopher had found sufficient support to carry his motion, he (Sir R. Peel) would have been no party to carry ing his proposition into law, conceiving as he did that 20s. was quite sufficient protection to the agriculturist. The right hon. baronet, in conclusion, declared that he did not intend raising the duty by lowering the averages, and if he found such en effect to an extent of even 25., he should feel. him self called upon to re-consider that portion of the bill re lating to the averages. The committee then divided, and the resolution of Sir R Peel was carried by a majority of 306 to 104. 03 M170==a=7133tmlIVNGPX- VM7ffIMe=GRIGIMC=.IM THE DIVISION ON MR. VILLIERS'S AMEND MENT ON THE CORN LAWS. The following is an analysis of the minority in the division on Mr. Villiers's amendment on the corn laws—viz., " that all duties payable upon the importation of corn, grain, meal, or flour, do now cease and determine." Ayes, 90; Noes, 393 ; Minority, 303 : FOR THE AMENDMENT. ENGLAND Counties . Boroughs 0 68 -68 WALES. Nil. SCOTLAND Counties Boroughs IRELAND Counties Boroughs 5 4 -9 Total corn law repealers On the 2Gth of May, 1840, Mr. Villiers submitted a motion to the effect " that the house immediately resolve itself into a committee to take into consideration the act regulating the importation of foreign corn," which was negatived by a ma jority of 123 ; and the votes on each side of the question were distributed in the following manner : FOR THE MOTION ENGLAND. Counties Boroughs WA LES Counties Boroughs AGAINST THE MOTION ENGLAND. Counties Boroughs 105 Universities 2 SCOTLAND Counties Boroughs - 128 Counties Boroughs IRELAND Counties Boroughs WALES -- 20 Total for the motion.. 177 SCOTLAND Counties Boroughs - 217 11 4 - 15 IRELAND Counties . Boroughs lO Universities . 2 Total against the motion 300 The undermentioned members who voted against Sir R. Peel's resolution, fixing the maximum duty on foreign corn at 20s. per quarter, on this occasion voted against Mr. Vil liers's amendment, and are to be found in the majority against the corn law repeale-s Acheson, Viscount Baring, Right Hon. F. T. (Portsmouth.) Berkeley, Hon. Grantley F. Browne, Hon.W.(Kerry Co.) Buller, Charles Chapman B. (Westmeath) Childers, John Walbanke Colborne, Hon. N.W. Ridley Colebrooke, Sir Thos. Edw Cowper, Hon. W. F. Curteis, Hubert Barnett Duff, J. Duke, Sir J. Ebrington, Viscount Esmonde, Sir Thomas Evans, William Ferguson, Sir Robert A. Fitzalan, Lord French, Fitzstephen Gill, Thomas Gordon, Lord Frederick Grey, Right Hon. Sir G. Hatton, Captain Villiers Wason, Rigby Watson, William Henry 1 Howard,Hon.C.W.G. Cum berland. Howard, Hon. E. G. G. (11 , 1orpeth.) Howard, Sir R. (Wicklow shire.) Labouchere, Right lIon.II. Langston, James Haughton Mitcalfe, Henry O'Brien, W. Smith (Lime rick Co.) O'Conor, Don Ogle, Savile C. H. Palmerston, Viscount Redington, Thomas N. Russell, Lord John Smith, J. A.. (Chichester.) Stanley, Hon. C. (Anglesey) Stanton, William Henry Staunton, Sir George. Towneley, John Traill, George Tuite, Hugh Morgan Turner, Edmund (Truro) Wood, Charles (Halifax) Wrightson, Wm. Battye REGULATION OF APPRENTICES BlLL.—This bill is pre pared and brought in by Sir James R. G. Graham, Sir P. Pollock, and Sir W. W. Follett (the Attorney and Solicitor- General,) and contains only two clauses. The first clause, in which lies the whole gist of the bill, enacts—" That all the powers and provisions of the acts 20th George 11., cap. 19, the 33d George 111., cap. 55, and the 4th George IV., cap. 29, and each of them shall be taken to extend to appren tices where no sum or premium of apprenticeship was paid on the binding of such apprentices." THIEF EXTRAORDINARY.—A landlady of all inn at Har lington, near Uxbridge, havinc , reason to suspect that a regular abstraction of moneys from the till had been going on for some time, made up her mind to make a strict search, in the hope of discovering the depredator, without casting suspicion upon her servants. After some time a nest of mice was' found near the place, and, extraordinary to relate, in it was found concealed 160 farthings, two halfpence, one sixpence, two shillings, a dollar, and a sovereign. This sum had been from time to time carried off by them from the drawer, the only egress from which was over the top, as it was found to be in a perfect state of repair. With reference to the corn law discussion, we may observe that, according to the latest return of the average price of corn, made up to Saturday week, and published on Thurs day, a still further decline in the price of wheat has taken place, according to the aggregate average of the last six weeks, which has occasioned a corresponding advance in the duty. The aggregate average price of the last six weeks is 61s. Ild., and the duty on foreign wheat imported during the week will consequently be 265. Bd. ; but, according to Sir Robert Peel's proposed scale, the duty would only have been 125., or less than one-half the duty now payable. Surely this is a boon not to be despised, independent of the greater uni formity and steadiness of price which will be produced by the projected scale of duties. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE CHINA AND INDIA By an extraordinary despatch from Marseilles, The Times was enabled to publish, on Saturday, news from India to the 9th January, inclusive. A merchant steamer, which left Bombay for Suez on the oth, brought an Indian mail, which was conveyed from Alexandria to Marseilles by the Gorgon packet, where it was landed on the night of the 22d instant. The only intelligence from China is the announcement that the British troops have taken , Mangknowfow. From Affghanistan the latest news is of the sth of Decem ber. Col. M`Laren, who was sent to relieve General Sir IL Sale, had failed in opening a way to him, so that his position was exceedingly dangerous. He was still surrounded by Affghan hordes. There was a formidable renewal of the at tempt to cut off the British troops, but the assailants had the worst of it. _ On the 27th ult. the new protestant bishop of Palestine made his public entry into the city of Jerusalem. his lord ship was well received by the authorities, who appeared to entertain the greatest veneration for his venerable character. MEDITERRANEAN We have received advices from Beyrout of the first inst., giving a full account of the changes lately introduced by the Seraskier in the government of Mount Lebanon. The dis position of the Emir Beschir was resolved upon at a secret Divan, held on the 15th, under the presidency of Mustafa Pasha. The Emir was arrested immediately afterwards, de prived of the Nishan Itikar, or insignia of his authority, and, finally shipped in the Misri Bahri steamer for Constan tinople on the 18th. Omer Pasha, who was appointed Governor of Lebanon in his stead,left Bryrout for Deil-el- Kamar on the 16th, with 1,000 men, but he had not proceeded beyond that town at the date of our last letters. Colonel Rose returned on the Ist to Beyrout, from Jaffa, in the Devastation, which sailed on the next day for Alexandria. According to intelligence from Athens of the 10th ul timo. the National Bank commenced operations on the 3rd. The Government had been for some time endeavouring to collect funds to pay the interest of the loan, and had taken up for the purpose 500,000 drachmas, constituting the reserve of the War-office and various sums belonging to other de partments. M. Mavrocordato bad accepted the embassy to Constantinople. The return to. Athens of M. Theocaris, who had been specially sent for by the King, was considered by many as the forerunner of the formation of a new Cabinet. COLONIAL _INTELLIGENCE. CAPE OF GOOD HOPE By an arrival from the Cape of Good Hope we have Gra ham's-town papers to the 18th, and Cape Gazettes to the 20th, December. They contain very little news. The wheat crops in the neighbourhood of the Kat river, Winterburg, &c., promised to yield a❑ abundant harvest, notwithstanding the locusts had, in several places, caused some destruction. The rust had been less prevalent this year. The Caffie tribes were troublesome to the border farmers, whose list of " irre claimable" cattle were increasing weekly for presentment to the magistrates. Nothing whatever is mentioned in these papers - of the occupation of Natalia by our troops, although the governor's proclamation had been out some time. UNITED STATES The George Washington, Captain Burrows, which sailed from New York on the Bth February, arrived here on Satur day forenoon. We have received by her the city papers to the day of sailing, and Canada journals to the 31st January. In the Senate, on the 4th ult., Mr. Calhoun made a pro position to refer to the Committee on Foreign Relations the message of the President on the mutiny and murder by the slaves on board the Creole, and the liberation of those slaves by the British authorities in Nassau, New Providence. He considered that prompt action on this subject was necessary, as it involved important principles, paramount to any of those which are now the subjects of negotiation between the United States' Government and Great Britain. The mes sage was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. The House of Representatives had been almost wholly en grossed by the debates arising out of the motion for a vote of censure on Mr. John Quincy Adams, for having presented an objectionable petition to the House. Mr. Adams was de fending himself vigorously and ably. He was in possession of " the floor" at the date of the latest accounts from Washington. The Philadelphia banks remained in the state they were in at the date of the previous accounts. Considerable distrust was felt after the failures of the Girard and Pennsylvanian banks : hence money was exceedingly plentiful in private hands, which hesitated to invest it in stocks or to deposit it in banks. The Legislature of Pennsylvania, which was in session at Harrisburg, had before it a bill compelling the banks of the State to resume each payments immediately. Several clauses had passed the House of Representatives by large majorities. The Governor of the State of Pennsylva nia had, it is stated, succeeded in obtaining nearly 400,000 dollars from the Pennsylvaniaßank, which, together with 100,000 dollars in possession of the State Treasurer, had been paid to the loanholders and their representatives,- leaving 300,000 dollars to be provided by the other banks, under a requisition from the Governor. " Thus," says the Harris burg Intelligencer, " the State interest will be paid in a few days." The case of Mr. Jaudon was still before the Court of Ge neral Sessions. Witnesses had been examined in support of the charge of conspiracy to defraud the stockholders of the United States Bank. The Bankruptcy Law had gone into operation. The ap plications for the benefits of the law were numerous in the principal cities. A New York editor, who had been a great advocate for thelaw, was amongst the first applicants. The accounts for Texas are to the 24th ult. The Texans were still under apprehensions of an attack from Mexico. Extensive preparations were making to repel it. A bill had been introduced into the Senate, directing the president to open the negotiations for annexing the republic to the United States. An act to fund the debt had passed that body. The government had been authorised to issue 150,000 dollars in exchange bills. Congress had passed a bill repudiating Texas liabilities after the Ist of February. The old bonds or notes of the republic were not after that date to be taken in payment of government dues. The brig Cumberland, 54 days from Monte Video, had arrived at New York. The captain reported that an ac tion had been fought on.the 12th of December, between the Buenos Ayrean and M'onte Videan fleets. The result had not been ascertained at the time of her sailing; but it was supposed to have been in favour of the Monte Videan squa dron. The firing, which lasted two hours, was heard at Monte Video. _ Lima papers to the 16th of December had been received at New York. Gamarra, who was in the south of Peru, had sent an order to Lopera for the troops that were in the city ; but Lafuente and Menezden refused to obey the order, be cause they apprehended a revolution if the troops left the city. There had been three or four attempts to assassinate Sir James Wilson, her Britannic Majesty's envoy, which had caused a great sensation throughout the Peruvian republic. It was generally believed that the infamous attempts were at the instigation of General Lafuente. The Pique frigate, from Portsmouth, had arrived at Ber muda. Several fatal cases of smallpox had occurred during the voyage. The New York money market, at the latest date, was in a depressed condition, without the chance of recovery. Sales of all descriptions of American securities were pressed for ward, regardless of the sacrifice the seller must submit to compared with recent quotations, the great apparent desire being to get rid of them. There was no price for United States' Bank shares, nor had there been for some days prior to the sailing of the packet. A New York cotton circular, after speaking of the state of trade in that staple, which it characterizes as declining, rates having fallen A to 4 cent per pound since the close of Decem ber, gives the receipts for 1842 as 693,584 bales, showing an increase of 108,417 bales as compared with the receipts in 1841 ; the exports are stated at 373,977 bales, also showing an increase of 93,519 bales as compared with the exports of 1841; while the stock, which is given of 258,584 bales, shows an increase of 56,222 bales. The excess in exports to France had been 66,878 bales, but to England only 23,575 bales. Notwithstanding this, the purchases on English account were most active. The present year's crop promised to be large MESSRS. MARSHALL, THE MILLOCRATS OF LEEDS AND SHREWSBURY, AND THE AGRI CULTURAL INTEREST. (From the Shropshire Conservative.) It is really extraordinary—how far beyond the bounds of common sense, and simple reason, impudence will go, and how much delusion may be practised on the public mind, by those who possess a tolerable quantum of brass in their visages, and loud declarations, with leaden tongues, from senseless craniums. This is the case with the firm of Mar shells, the factory slave-drivers of Leeds and this horough. These gentlemen profess liberal! principles, announce them selves the friends of the poor, and denounce the corn laws as a great oppression—and compare the burdens of the ma nufacturers with the land, stating the former to be insuffera ble. What is the fact ? Facts are stubborn things—and, as one instance is as good as a hundred, let us show, in the case of these very Marshalls, how oppression works. Marshall's factory in this town, has been clearing, for the last 25 years, a profit averaging £B,OOO per annum, and the last rate of the factory, to the poor of the parish of Saint Mary's, was £528 —while on the other hand, Mr. Gough, farmer, of Gravel Hill, residing in the same parish, is rated to the poor, for the same space of time, £1,000! Where is the light burden of the farmer here? We have no doubt, Mr. Gough would be satisfied with one-eighth of the profit obtained by the factory owners, although he pays 100 per cent. more to the poor. What are the wages allowed by Messrs. Marshall to grown-up women, 24 years of age or more, at the factory? Why this kind, liberal, anti-corn law firm, actually pay Gs. per week, the hours of work from half-past five in the morn ing till eight o'clock at night—and more, if any of the factory people (who have to come from the top of the building) should be absent, from necessity, more than five minutes, four-pence is stopped for the time lost—yes, four-pence for five minutes is but 4s. an hour, and yet the work is only paid for as we have stated. Upon a fair calculation, after rent is paid, and scanty clothing, say for both 2s. per week, these poor wretches have only, to provide them with food and firing, six-pence three farthings per day ! Could not these millionares give rather more than paupers receive for out door relief? when granted. Have the Marshalls, at any time, contribated one six-pence to any of the town charities? A town the factory has burdened with the expense of pau pers, increasing the poor rates, &c. There is not in Shrews bury, a vestige of charity bestowed by these grinders of the poor—no refuge for age, after long services—or for those crippled at the mill. Oh, no, but these are liberal gentle men! It is high time the poor-rate was levied in the form of a property tax—then the taxation would fall on the right shoulders. THE POWER OF CONSCIENCE.—About 18 years ago the body of a man was found bruised, cut, and mangled in Pit tencrief Quarry, near Dunfermline, as if he had fallen over the precipice in the dark and had been killed. The body was recognized to be that of a man named Stewart, a homer in the town. It was known that he had been watching the churchyard the night previous, along with some other persons —his sister having been lately buried—and, as on such occa sions spirits were never wanting, it was thought that the party had quarrelled, and that the homer had met with foul play. An investigation took place at the time, from which, however, nothing resulted, and doubt and mystery have hitherto enveloped the whole transaction. Within these few days an individual has returned from America or the West Indies, whither he had gone shortly after the,horner's death; and he has returned, he says, impelled by the never -ceasing accusings of his conscience to divulge to the authorites here his having been a witness to the manner in which the un fortunate Stewart met his death. He states that he saw the dead body brought out of the town house, where the watch men spent the night, after a dreadful scuffle within, and ter rible cries, and that the body was rolled and kicked about the street. It would be improper to publish more at present, as doubts are entertained of the sanity of the witness, and some of the parties are now dead ; but we doubt not the matter will meet with all due attention from the legal autho rities.—Fifeshire Journal. THE LATE COACH ROBRERY.—Two men and a woman have been apprehended as having been concerned in stealing the £2OOO, sent by Messrs. Cunliffes, Brook and Co., ban kers, from Manchester to Bury. No direct evidence has been yet adduced against the prisoners, and they were remanded until to-morrow (Wednesday.) The inhabitants of Birmirig ham have petitioned pa r li amen t to reduce the new police, and to relieve them from the charter of incorporation, which boon of whiggism they call a " great grievance "! THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL, Under the Management of Me., , srs. J. H. ANDERSON an W. J. HAMMOND. Second Price to all Parts of the House at Nine o'clock THIS present T U E S D A Y, March the Ist, GILDEROY. After which, THE KING'S GARDENER. To conclude with the New Comic Pantomime, called THE WORLD OF COINS, First Price.—Lower Boxes, 4s. ; Upper Boxes, 3s. 6d, Pit, 2s. Gd. ; Gallery, ls. Second Price.—Lower Boxes, 2s. 6d. ; Upper Boxes, 2s Pit, ls. 6d.; Gallery, 6d. THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL MR. J. S. THORBURNE'S BENEFIT. ON FRIDAY EVENING next, the 4th instant, will b performed, Mr. Knowles' popular Play of the WIFE; A TALE OF MANTUA / Mariana Miss Julia Bennett. Leonardo (on this occasion) Mr. G. V. Brooke Julian St. Pierre.... Mr. J. S Thorburne. After which, the eccentric Drama, in one act, called TURNING THE TABLES; in which Mr. Baker, Mrs. Clarke, and Mr. Thorburne will appear. To conclude with the splendid and attractive NEW COMIC PANTOMIME! TO CORRESPONDENTS, In the report which appeared in the STANDARD of Tuesday last of a presentation to the Rev. Dr. Ralph, a somewhat ludicrous mistake occurred. The rev. gentleman is stated to have received a tankard from the younger members of his flock. The present was a handsome silver inkstand. " A Subscriber" must excuse us noticing his letter further than to say we shall give due attention to the concluding portion of it. The proprietors of the LIVERPOOL STANDARD have always been as " condescending " as the proprietors of the Manx Liberal appear anxious to make them, but the former con sidered that the corn market of Tuesday, in our second edition would not be unacceptable to our witty contempo rary. Elm Etherpool gPtanbatti. TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 1, 1842 Perhaps one of the most important inquiries which could occupy the attention of a statesman, at the pre sent crisis, would be to determine the actual position which the manufacturers of Great Britain occupy in foreign markets, as compared with that enjoyed by the manufacturers of other states; and yet it is precisely that upon which the organs of the Anti-corn League are the least solicitous to afford us information. 'We are told, indeed, that in this or that market our manu facturers are unable to compete with the foreigner; but then it is the corn-law which raises the tariffs of those markets against us. We are assured of the pro sperity which would attend our operations in every market, upon the abolition of these laws—a prosperity which is not to be purchased by a reduction in the wages of the operative; but we are nowhere furnished with practical and detailed information, which can be relied upon, to determine what is our actual, present position in those markets, both as regards the native manufacturer and the foreigner who enters them upon equal terms with ourselves. We shall endeavour, however, to approach such an inquiry, and to elicit the important result which it is calculated to convey. We select (not only as the best suited and thefairest for our purpose, but also because it has been repre sented that there the operation of our corn laws pre sents an especial hindrance to Commercial intercourse) the market of the United States. Again and again, in Parliament and out of:it, the assertion has been put forth, that, were Great Britain to throw open her ports to the corn and provisions of America, we should, in return, engross the vast consumption of her increasing population. That the government of that country, however, will not, by any reciprocal concessions, for ward such a consummation, has been already and clearly shewn by our able representative, Sir Howard Douglas, in his speech upon Mr. Villiers's motion, which will be found fully reported in another column ; and we proceed, therefore, to inquire " what is the po sition which, independent of any such concession, the British manufacturer now occupies in the market of the United States, as compared with that enjoyed by the native and the foreign manufacturer ? " The American tariff, it is well known, is one of an almost prohibitory nature, as against the manufactured goods of every nation. With respect to cottongoods, &c., it virtually establishes an exclusive protection in favour of the consumption of home manufactured fa brics below a certain cost. The duty payable upon importation is levied upon an assumed value of 33 cents the square yard, which is higher considerably than the real value of nine-tenths of the fabrics of ordinary consumption; and, consequently, it presses so heavily upon all low priced cotton goods of foreign manufac ture, as effectually to secure the consumption to the American manufacturer himself. As the scale of value rises, however, or as the cost of goods imported approaches towards this assumed value of 33 cents, the duty presses more lightly; and competition between the American ancl_the foreign manufacturer commences. In dyed goods of ordinary fabric, in printed calicoes of the medium and best de scriptions, in the finer description of shirtings, mus lins, &c., the home -manufacturer is unable to sustain a competition with his more:skilful rivals; and to them alone, therefore, the market for these goods is virtually abandoned, except so. far, however, as the increasing skill of the native manufacturer himself, still highly protected, and the superior reputation of his wares for durability' enable him yearly to:increase his share in its supply. From this point, then, the competition is exclusively one, conducted upon equal terms, between the British manufacturer and the manufacturers of continental Europe ; and what ground, becomes the important in quiry, do we occupy in this competition ? Here, be it observed, we are at the least upon a par with our fo reign rivals. We have paid the same import duties ; we have received the raw material from the same mar kets; we have the prestige of country and the simila rity of tastes, habits, and fashions in our; favour ; we have the advantage of our perfect machinery and our abundant capital ; and, manifestly, if British manufac turing power occupies that prominent position, in re ality, which its advocates claim for it, here, at least r it ought surely to assert that position and maintain it too. We fear greatly, however, that such i 3 not the fact— that we do not and cannot maintain it. The low-priced and, we must call them, the trashy goods of our manufacturers ; do indeed force them selves largely into consumption in the markets of the United States, displacing alike, by their cheapness, the the better descriptions of the American manufacture and equally defying competition from the foreigner. The produce of our power-looms, at barely remunera tive prices, and frequently at losing prices to the im porter, monopolizes the consumption of the middle classes. We furnish nearly the whole of the medium fabrics which the market requires,—common prints, fustians, cambrics, ginghams, &c.; but here we stop. We do not command the supply of the best description of goods, but yield in the race of competition to the superior taste, the superior finish [and beauty, and, must we add ? to the superior reputation for honesty, of the French and Swiss manufacturers. To these is awarded the highest price and the highest esteem. To the Swiss calico-printer, to the French manufacturer of the finer descriptions of cotton goods, as well as of those fabrics of woollen and of silk in which he pe culiarly excels, the American dealer looks for those ar ticles which he purposes for the consumption of the wealthier classes of his purchasers. We engross, in deed, the greatest amount of the supply; but the most profitable portion of it — profitable as regards the ma nufacturer and the importer as well—is enjoyed by other manufacturing nations. It may be said that this degree of pre-eminence is as much as any nation ought to aspire to ; but we can not ourselves so readily be satisfied. We bear in mind that the class of goods in which we do principally command_a preference, in this and in other markets as well, is precisely lila 'Which affords the lowest rate of profit to the importer, the manufacturer, and the com munity ; and we must acknowledge our dissatisfaction that in those more highly matured fabrics—by which we mean those goods which contain a larger portion of manufacturing labour and skill, and which are the most profitable to an exporting country—we are compelled to yield to any superiority. Indisputably, we are so compelled in the great markets of the United States. We have not there—if, indeed, we have in other mar kets—any better reputation than that which is acquired by mere cheapness. We have long ago, in our insane race after this doubtful reputation, sacrificed the far more valuable name, which attached to our fathers, of being the best manufacturers; and we are confident