The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1852-04-06 00:00:00

A SONG FOR THE TIMES. A. STODART,AUTHOR OF "NATIONAL BALLADS," &C Stand fast, stand fast, Lord DERBY With all your noble friends; Right earnest be your efforts, Unselfish be your ends ! E'en as the eagle riseth With firm and fearless flight, So strong and steadfast be your course, Illum'd by heaven's own light. Success to thee, Lord DERRY ! Success, thou Premier bold! • 's a spirit still in England, a as in days of old. are sound and strong, Tiler Her And she can float again, To launch the living thunders And rule the raging main. GOD help thee, good Lord DERBY ! There's many a prayer for thee, From man's strong heart, from woman's lips, That GOD thy guide will be. We care not for the " rabble rout"; He, who his course began Relying on the might of GOD, Fears not the face of man. Then onwards, brave Lord DERB " Sans changer" is the word : His duty is man's work on earth, z„ 4 uccess is from the LORD. And let thy course be short or long, We trust that it will prove 6t blessing to the world at And to the land we love s.—lt is almost unnecessary to remind the reader that st of the Earl of Derby is the eagle, and his motto changer." LITERATURE. HI REVIEW, &c.—New Books, Prints, Music, &c., ded for review, may be left at Mr. C. Mitchell's, Red :out, Fleet-street, London, addressed " to the Editor LIVERPOOL STANDARD," when they will be forwarded, eceive attention. Scott's Commentary on the Bible. London : Wer- theiin and Macintosh The new proprietors of this valuable work are doing good service to the public, by placing it more within the reach of every clergyman and minister whose means are unfortunately not ample. It will be seen from an advertisement in our columns this day, that the selling price has been reduced from six guineas to three guineas per copy. The edition, consisting of six handsome quarto volumes, con taining 5000 pages, with maps and illustrations, is printed in a good bold type, on good paper, and is decidedly cheap. Indeed, the only way the propri etors can afford to sell the work at such a price, is by a large subscription issue; and we would strongly advise all whom we can influence, immediately to enter their names as subscribers to this best edition of Scott's Commentary, as such an opportunity may possibly never again occur. Blackwood's Edinburgh 3lagazine. The number of Blackwood for the, present month is one of sterling value ; and the political articles especially, of which there are three, are addressed most happily to the circumstances of the present crisis in the nation's affairs. The opening article-- "The Earl of Derby,"—is an eloquently written por traiture of that nobleman, as he presented himself before his fellow peers and his country on assuming the conduct of the nation's affairs in February last ; ncontains in addition some references to the period last year when he occupied a similarly pro minent though less favoured position. Another article, on "Th C'7 - trati - cia !Disasters of 1851," is worthy of attest, i,erusal, and disposes completely of the prosperity flippantly alleged to have been enjoyed during the past twelve months by the mer cantile and trading classes. The views of the writer, it will be seen, were fully confirmed by the declara tion made on Thursday last, at the Amphitheatre meeting, by Mr. Chas. Turner, the Conservative candidate for Lirerpool, when he said, " I believe in no period has Liverpool ever lost so much as in the last fifteen months. I believe more money has gone out of Liverpool during these fifteen months than has ever been known since Liverpool was a port." Another excellent article, from which we give the following extract, is entitled THE APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY. We would entreat every man in the country who is opposed to democratic innovation, and who values the blessings of that constitution which we now enjoy, to reflect that, unless due support be given now to Lord Derby's Ministry, there may be no possibility of erecting another bulwark against the tide of organic change—in other words, of revolution. Men lived as calmly as we do, during the earlier days of the French commotions. They saw the waters rising gradually at their feet; but they would not believe that they could he overwhelmed, until the current became too strong for resistance. So is it always. We do not profit by the lessons of history, because we do not realise our own situation. We make light of things trivial in themselves, but which are, never theless, the necessary harbingers of greater things to come. No event which has occurred for the last twenty years is so significant as the movement of Lord John Russell towards Mr. Cobden. It shows us what we must expect if the constituencies do not give their hearty support to Lord Derby and his Administration. We are not ashamed to confess that we greatly dread organic changes ; but we dread them upon no narrow grounds. We do not advocate, and never have advo cated, any class interests. What we wish to see is, a happy and contented people, united by that harmony of interest which cannot be attained if one class is to be unduly favoured at the expense of another, or if jealousies are to be sedulously promoted between natives of the same island, brothers in blood, subjects of the same sove reign, professing the same religion, and distinguishable only by a difference of craft and livelihood. What is there wanting but an equitable adjustment of interests, to restore peace and concord throughout the whole nation ? Who stand in the way of that adjustment but the agita tors who derive their fortune from their trade, and the trading politicians who, incapable of holding office them selves, will not allow others, with better and purer mo tives, to occupy it unmolested ? lf, as all concerned with trade and manufactures allow, the history of the last three years has been one of almost unmitigated disaster, why not allow some remedy to be tried ? We do not fear the people—if by that word is meant the bulk o lthe opera tive masses—at all. Why should we . For their cause we have ever strenuously contended. We wish to see the rights of British labour most thoroughly recognised and defended. If, in bygone years, our treasure was spent, and the labour of unborn generations mortgaged, most thanklessly, for the subsidy of continental nations, who even failed to fulfil their part of the contract, it is the more reason that we should take care that no undue advantage is given to those nations over the people of our own soil ; and that Englishmen should not be forced to emigrate, for the sake of carrying out a vain and imprac ticable theory. The approaching political struggle—however it may be disguised by local influences, whatever complexion it may assume in districts more or less interested in the solution of particular questions—is a national one, and upon its issue the destinies of the country must depend. If there are any who look with complacency on the expatriAtion of the British labourer, on the decline of the colonial empire, on the depression of once thriving branches of industry at home, and an unsettled trade abroad—if there are any who think that a democratic form of government is the safest and the best which can be devised by the wit of man; who agree with Mr. Cobden, " that the instinct of the million is wiser than the wisdom of the wisest"—let them by all means cast the weight of their influence into the opposite scale. But let those who wish to see the harmony of interests restored, and the conflict of classes ended ; who desire that labour should be justly dealt with, and native industry encouraged; who deprecate all rash innovations on the constitution; who uphold the cause of Protestantism, and appreciate the value of sound govern ment—let them rally around Lord Derby in answer to his noble appeal; and the triumph of the cause of truth, justice. humanity, and religion is secure. Complete Worlit of Kin; Alfred the Great. Jubilee Edition. Parts 1. and IL Oxford : J. &F. Smith Many of our readers will remember the Alfred Jubilee of 1849, when the birth of an illustrious King was cele brated 1000 years after the event. It was on this occa sion that it was resolved to publish the works of King Alfred, accompanied by such illustrations as might be necessary ; and the present is the first volume of the series. It consists of two parts, the first of which is a Harmony of no fewer than six Chronicles. The Saxon Chronicle takes the lead, then the life of Alfred by Asser, Ethelwerd, Florence, Henry of Huntingdon, and Simeon of Durham. The second part consists of a treatise on the Coins illustrative of the reign of Alfred; but, strange to say, they are alluded to by a system of continuous numbers in the letterpress, while each of the plates is numbered separately and independently. The series pro mises to be an interesting and valuable one. from India. By William Byrom. London Arthur Hall, Virtue and Co s one of our own townsmen, engaged in the walks of commerce ; yet he has given to the public a very interesting little volume, which we take to be a combination of fiction and fact. It consists of two sto ries, " Alice Jevons," and " The Heiress of Halls in both of which the incidents are of a local character. and brought under the writer's attention in a natural Mr. Byrom ead" ; easy manner. The curious coincidences are perhaps 'onerous ; for though all within the limits of possi -re far out of the range of ordinary probabi econd tale is a very interesting one, and the well sustained. In a simple narrative and places would not have been given there is a vrairemblance about both parts ari flip name tomer, which convinces us that By D, R, h : Bla ed up with the fac 4rts of D the Society of Arts tinguishe interests, and promotin REPRESENTATION OF LIVERPOOL. GRAND CONSERVATIVE DEMON STRA TION AT THE AMPHITHEATRE. We announced in our last publication that a requisi tion, signed by nearly 3,500 of the Conservative electors of Liverpool, had been presented on the previous day to WILLIAM FORBES MACKENZIE, Esq., M.P., and CHAS. TURNER, Esq., soliciting them to come forward as can didates for the representation of the borough ; and that both gentlemen had acceded to the prayer of the requisi tionists, and would present themselves to the electors on the Thursday following, at the Amphitheatre. On Wed nesday, accordingly, Mr. Forbes Mackenzie arrived in town, and proceeded with Mr. Alderman Molyneux to the latter's residence at Childwall Hall. where he spent the night. A little before eleven o'clock on Thursday morning he returned to Liverpool, and, accompanied by his fellow -candidate Mr. Turner, Mr. Alderman Moly neux, Mr. Alderman J. Bramley-Moore, Mr. Alderman Bennett, Mr. Alderman Procter, Mr. Alderman J. N. Wood, and Duncan Gibb, E. W. Moss, John Lockett, Robert Rankin, George 11. Ilorsfall, Thomas Bold, Arthur Henderson, James Robertson, James Tyrer, Joshua Prowse, Richard C. Gardner, Henry Cleaver Chapman, Francis Shand, Esqrs., was escorted on 'Change, to be presented to the merchants assembled there. On no previous occasion, we are assured by some of those who have had most experience in Liverpool elections, were candidates more favourably and even enthusiastically re ceived. Not a single mark of disapprobation was ob served amongst any portion of the numerous body assem bled. After having passed through the News-room, and being introduced to many of our leading and most in fluential men, the candidates proceeded to the Underwri ters' Room, where they were received with the same cor diality. and, after a short stay, left, to proceed with their friends to the Amphitheatre. Although the meeting had been called for half-past twelve, the various entrances to the Amphitheatre were besieged by eager crowds for above an hour before that time. A portion of the platform was occupied before twelve o'clock, and the pit was beginning to fill. About a quarter of an hour afterwards, the doors were thrown open, and the building was in a few minutes crowded from the back of the stage to the gallery, every sitting or standing place being occupied ; and many parties went away without being able to gain an entrance. To those who, in our own neighbourhood, are acquainted with the capacity of the building, we need not say a word as to the numbers Rho attended on the occasion ; but, for the benefit of other parties, we may state that the lowest computation places it at about 5,000 persons. The stage, which had been cleared of scenery, and fitted up with forms for the occasion, was occupied by a large number of the leading gentry and merchants of the town, amongst whom we observed :—Messrs. Nicholas Robinson, Richt]. C. Naylor, J. H. Webster, J. T. Bourne, S. Downes, Joseph Steel, H. Thornton, Edward Tennant, Joshua Pro wse, James Campbell, Thomas Bold, Wm. Fisher, jun., Gilbert 'Winter Moss, Francis Shand, Adam Hodg son, Joseph Need Walker, Robert Rankin, Ireland Blackburn, Josias Booker, George H. Horsfall, William Mann, John Myers, John Worrell, W. Warner Shand, Duncan Gibb, John Lockett, Henry Cleaver Chapman, Janes Bourne, Christopher Bushell, David Hodgson, Charles Groves, William Jones, John Langton, John Campbell, Edward Jones, R. C. Gardner, C. J. Wad dington, 'William French, M.D., Charles Calles, Robert Frodsham, J. B. Drinkwater, Percy M. Dove, Edward Lawrence, Robert Horsfall, Edward Byford, John Ewd. Naylor, George Scholfield, Ralph Clay, Oliver Hatch, Joseph Brereton, J. B. Molyneux, J. B. Amey, George Thompson, Thomas Branch, John Peacock, Jonas Gleave, John Higson, A. R. Lafone, John Atkinson, Thomas Wignell, James Poole, Joseph Robinson, Wm. Wagstaff, T. A. Anderson, Wm. Marwood, S. L. Trotman, John Troughton, Robert Hughes, R. M'Neile Crawford, Adam Norris, John B. Cooper, W. Walcot Shand, Wm. Trougliton, James Robertson, James Bold, Lawrence Peel, 11. B. Molyneux, Edward Guy Deane, Archibald Sinclair, Francis A. Clint, Weir, S. J. Arnold, James Brebner, James Byrne, G. Bryce, E. M. Brodie, Charles Batten, Henry T. Browne, G. R. Glover, F. F. Chitin, John Clint, Joseph Cook, W. D. Chidson, Thomas Dowdall, Hilton Halhead, George Hargraves, Joseph Hargraves, Glazebrook, H. Glynn, Wm. Hall, James Harding, Hamilton, Joseph Harrison, Jacobs, W. B. Jones, R. Kneeshaw, Thomas Kaye, J. B. Leather barrow, G. H. Loxdale, John Montgomery, M'Con nell, Samuel Martin, Thomas Molyneux, Wm. Rowett, R. A. Payne, J. C. Roper, James Royle, Ambrose Byford, John Sparks, Thomas Sparks ; Aldermen Bramley-Moore, James Parker, Win. Bennett, Joseph Cooper, Thomas Robinson; Councillors Arthur Henderson, Samuel Holme, James M. Wood, Jas. Aspinall Tobin, John Buck Lloyd, Hugh Neill, John N. Wood, James Tyrer, Thomas Fleming, John Gladstone, jun., R. M. Beckwith, Thos. Roy den, Thomas Wagstaff, A. F. Jones, Robert Aked, Walter P. Jeffreys ; Churchwarden Thomas Clarke ; and others, whose names we could not so well gather, were accommodated in the side boxes and the front seats of the pit. The theatre was decorated with banners for the occasion,—some of which have stood the brunt of many a former contest, and one or two of which we noticed on a similar occasion at the last election, when a gentleman, now discarded for having turned his back upon himself, was the chosen of a large portion of the constituency ; and upon the entrance of Messrs. Mackenzie and Turner, with their friends. the splendid spectacle which it pre sented appeared to take the former entirely by surprise. The chair was taken by EDMUND MOLYNEUX, Esq., who, on rising, was most enthusiastically received. He said,—Gentlemen, as I have the honour to take the chair on this occasion, I beg to observe that, from recent public events, and from the probability of a dissolution of par. liament taking place shortly, it has become requisite that the inhabitants of this great town should consider who are fit and proper persons to represent their principles, and the great and extending interests of this important emporium of commerce. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think the majority of the electors of this borough will agree with me in thinking, that our present members do not enjoy our confidence—(hear, hear) ; and, therefore, it is necessary and proper that we should look out for others —for two other gentlemen who would more fully repre sent our views, and our principles, and our wishes. (Hear, hear.) We have found two such gentlemen in Mr. William Forbes Mackenzie and Mr. Charles Turner. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) A requisition has been signed and presented to those gentlemen, and they have cordially accepted it. (Hear, hear.) This meeting has been called to-day in order that they may communi cate to you their opinions, and that you may hear what they have to say on all the affairs relating to ourselves and the country. (Hear, hear.) I hope, gentlemen, you will give these two excellent gentlemen your kind atten tion, and also, you will pay the same respect to those other gentlemen who may favour us with their observa tions. (Hear, hear.) When the day comes for the struggle, I hope you will all be at your posts—(hear, hear) ; and that we shall be able, by our united exer tions, to return Mr. Forbes Mackenzie and Mr. Turner triumphantly to the next session of parliament. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Gentlemen, I will not detain you longer, but beg to introduce to you Mr. Mackenzie. (The Chairman resumed his seat amidst great applause.) Mr. FORBES MACKENZIE then came forward, and was received with loud and long-continued cheering. He said, —Gentlemen, from the bottom of my heart I thank you for the magnificent reception which you have this day given me. When the proposition was first made to me that I should come forward and represent this place, I doubted as to the propriety of my accepting it ; not that I undervalued the high distinction that the representation of Liverpool would confer upon me, nor was I insensible to the compliment you paid me in so offering to support me in that representation ; but, gentlemen, I felt my own unfitness to represent the various and complicated inte rests of so great a place as this. When I received your requisition, signed so numerously and respectably as to leave no more doubt on my mind as to your wishes on this point, I could hesitate no longer (cheers) ; and I now appear before you, to place myself and:my political pros- pects unreservedly in your hands. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I hope my friends have told you that Jam no orator. I am not used to make speeches to public assemblies like this ; but if you will accept sincerity instead of eloquence—if, in place of flowers of rhetoric, you will accept a sincere, earnest, and anxious desire on my part to do my duty, in whatever situation I may find myself placed,—then I think I may assure you, that should you do me the dis d honour of returning me to the House of Corn one of your representatives, I will devote myself 11 my energy and ability to the discharge of the sed upon me—to the discharge of your local g the welfare of the inhabitants of THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD, TUESDAY, APRIL 6, 1852. Hear, hear.) Gentle- might almost content myself 1 in the Ho on political matters, I referring you to the fourteen years I have had the honour of a se eh, Mo articular ch, I th: lk, you from land, I think the community ought in some way or other to give us fair play. (Cheers.) If you force us to enter into the race of competition with the whole world, you ought at least to see that in that race we are not over weighted. I don't desire to have an advantage at the expense of the consumer; but, at the same time, I think that the consumer ought not to have an advantage at the expense of the producer. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it has been declared in the House of Lords by Lord Derby, and in the House of Commons by Mr. Disraeli and by Mr. Walpole, that the Government have no intention what ever of reversing this policy, but that they mean only to alter and modify it. (Cheers.) Now, as an agriculturist, I am content to wait till I see what these measures are ; and I feel satisfied, confident and relying as I am upon the wisdom and integrity of the Earl of Derby—(loud cheers),—that those measures will be such as will give re lief, without giving anything more than relief, and that they will, in the minds of all sensible and independent men, set this question at rest for ever. (Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I said that agriculture was not the only interest that had grievances to complain of. In this town there are many of you, no doubt, who anticipate the inte rest I mean to allude to. I think the shipping interest — (hear, hear)—l think the repeal of the navigation laws placed the British shipping in a most unfair predicament —(cheers); and I think, moreover, while England has many things of which she may well be proud, there is no thing she possesses of which she may be more justly proud than her great commercial marine. (Cheers.) Now, in the presence of the inhabitants cf Liverpool, I feel great diffidence in speaking on a question of this sort; but I think that the grievances of the shipping interest may be redressed, and that the wisdom of Government may de- I vise means, by reciprocity or otherwise, to place it in a proper position, without any absolute reversal of the law which has been passed. (Hear, hear.) Well, gentle men, the next question to which I shall allude is that most important question of the relations between the Protestants and the Roman Catholics. (Hear, hear, and loud applause.) Gentlemen, there is a paper published in Edinburgh, near which place I reside, which, from the first houi; of my entering public life, bas_singied me out as the object of its envenomed attacks. (Hear, hear.) I understand that that paper has been circulated in Liver pool, and that some attacks have been made on me in the papers of Liverpool which have been copied from the Edinburgh newspaper, the Scotsman. Gentlemen, there is one part of that charge to which, unfortunately, I must plead guilty. I did once vote for the grant to Maynooth but when the Scotsman says I gave that vote for the pur pose of obtaining office, and that I now reverse that vote for the purpose of obtaining the representation of Liver pool, I say that the Scotsman says that which is simply untrue; and I think that this refutation of mine is capable, in some sort, of being proved, because, within twelve months of the time I accepted office under Sir Robert Peel, I resigned office, when I found I could no longer go on with him in his policy. Now, if I were the sordid being represented by the Scotsman, do you think that I should have thus abandoned the office for which I was supposed to pay so dear ? Well, then they say that I reversed that vote for the purpose of obtaining the representation of Liverpool. Now, at the general election in 1847 I told my constituents in Scotland that I repented of that vote. I saw I had committed as error, and, thinking that the manliest thing I could do W l / 4 5 at once to avow that error, I came forward and told them that no persuasions would induce me to vote one shilling of public money to the Roman Catholic 'church. (Vehement applause.) Gentlemen, lam willing and ready to repeat that solemn declaration now—(cheers),—and I pledge myself here, in the face of 4000 inhabitants of Liverpool, that be a grant proposed by whomsoever, when ever, or for whatever purpose, towards the Roman Ca tholic church in this country. that vote shall have my uncompromising opposition. (Loud cheers ) Hut, gen tlemen, having disposed of these two questions, there re mains one point scarcely less in magnitude and moment than those of which I have been talking, and that is,— under what form of Government are we in futue to live ? (Hear, hear.) When I look to the opposite benches of the House of Commons, I see there three parties. The first party is of the late Government—a party strong in numbers, strong in union, led by an able tactician,. the late prime minister, Lord John Russell. (A hiss.) Then there is another party likewise strong in union and num bers—l mean the party of the men of Manchester— (expressions of disapprobation),—and that party is led by Mr. Bright and Mr. Cobden. (Renewed groans, followed by a cry of " Three cheers for them," and shouts of " Turn him out," Order," &c.) Then there is a third party sitting there, not so numerous, certainly, as that. which I have now mentioned ; it is a small section of the followers of the late Sir Robert Peel, and it is led by, if not entirely composed of, Sir James Graham and Mr. Cardwell. (Disapprobation.) Now, gentlemen, these three parties have coalesced, and assumed an attitude hostile to the present Government; and it is perfectly obvious to all men who look to the signs of the times, that, should the Government of Lord Derby fail, out of those materials a new administration must be formed. Now, gentlemen, this is the question which it behoves every elector in the United Kingdom calmly and carefully to ponder before the coming election. Are you content, gentlemen, with the blessings you enjoy under the present constitution, or do you want others ? (Cries of " No, no.") Are you satisfied with the peace and plenty, the security to life and property, which you now enjoy ?—(hear, hear)—or will you throw all these bless ings to the winds, and renounce the substance while you grasp at the shadow ? Are you prepared to support the Government of Lord Derby—(" Yes, yes")—composed as it is of men who, though untried in official life, have already shown that they are capable of conducting the public business of the country, while they have at their head a nobleman whose position precludes the supposition of any corrupt or selfish motives, who brings to the con sideration of every question a vigorous intellect, and a judgment the most mature, while his eloquence is so brilliant and commanding, that it wrings applause even from his political foes ? (Loud cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, are you prepared to support this Government, which will secure you the wise administration of the laws, which will stand by the connexion between Church and State—(hear, hear)—which will uphold the rights of the Crown, which will maintain the authority of the House of Lords, which will respect the privileges of the House of Commons, and preserve unimpaired the civil and religious liberty of the people of this country ? (Cheers.) Or, gentlemen, are you ready to subvert this government, and to set up another in its place, composed, as 1 have shown it must be, in a great measure, of the men of Manchester ? —men whose views tend obviously to a revolution, which will be succeeded by a republic, but which, like other re publics we have seen in modern days, will speedily dege nerate into a military despotism. (Hear.) Gentlemen, the British Constitution may be likened to a tree which, under its spreading branches, shelters all in the sphere of its influence, as well from the too great heat of the sun as from the storms of wind and rain, while its roots ramify through all classes of society, giving sustenance to all. Do you think you can transplant that tree—that you can dig it up by the roots, and place it elsewhere, and bid it grow and flourish as it has hitherto done ? No ; the first blast of popular fury would bring it to the ground ; and small indeed would be our consolation when we found that those who had caused its ruin were the first to be crushed beneath its fall. (Cheers and Kentish fire, amidst which the speaker sat down.) Mr. CHARLES TURNER next rose, and was loudly and repeatedly cheered. He said,—Highly, gentlemen, as I should appreciate the distinguished honour of represent ing in Parliament the greatest commercial seaport in the world, I am not here to-day, gentlemen, to gratify any personal vanity of my own, but because it has been repre sented to me by friends whose opinion I value, and which opinion has been backed by the requisition which has been presented to my friend Mr. Forbes Mackenzie and myself, bearing the signatures of nearly 3000 electors, representing that, in their opinion, by coming forward at the present crisis, I should render good service to that Protestant and Conservative cause which lies so near to the hearts of all of us. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I fear, gentlemen, that my friends may over-estimate my ability to serve you—(" No, no")—but I did feel that, called upon as I have been, it was my duty to lay aside all per sonal considerations, and to place my services at the dis posal of my fellow-townsmen. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, my friend Mr. Forbes Mackenzie has said that he is no orator. I may truly say that this is the first time I ever addressed a public meeting of this kind ; and therefore you must not expect from me any lengthened or eloquent address, which I trust, indeed, is the less necessary, be cause, having lived amongst you nearly a quarter of a century--(hear, hear)—during which time I have been actively engaged in the commerce of this port, I am well known at least to many amongst you; and wherever I am known, I trust that I am known for maintaining those Conservative and Protestant principles—(cheers)—from which I have never swerved. (Renewed cheering.) A firm and decided Protestant, and sincerely attached to the Established Church of which I am a member, I am still in favour of the free exercise by others of those civil and religious liberties which I claim for myself. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) lam opposed, gentlemen, to the en dowment of the College of Maynooth. (Loud cheers.) I am opposed to that endowment, not only because I think it is unsound in itself, but I am opposed to it on the principle of toleration, which is the glory and pride of this Protestant country. (Cheers.) In this Protes tant community, gentlemen, all denominations of reli gionists, and Roman Catholics amongst the number, are allowed the free and full exercise of their religion, ac cording to their own forms of worship (hear, hear) ; but, gentlemen, when I look abroad at other countries, where the Roman Catholic religion is predominant, and, parti cularly, when I look at Rome—(hear, hear)—the seat of the head of that religion, whose health is drunk in the festive assemblies of the Roman Catholics before that of our gracious Queen—(hear, hear)—l find, gentlemen, in that country that that toleration is not given to Protes tants which is accorded by Protestants in this country to Roman Catholics. (Hear, hear.) When, gentlemen, I find that such is the case, I would put it to you whether it is right, in this Protestant country, to support the endowment of a college in which 500 priests are constantly receiving their education, the main object of whose life is to propagate the Roman Catholic religion, and to pull down the Protestant religion ? (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, 1 shall think it my duty to support any measure which may be necessary to maintain the supremacy of our gra cious Queen in this country, and especially the indepen dence of this great nation. (Cheers.) Although, gen tlemen, I am, with all commercial men, strongly in favour of real freedom of trade, I think that the late Govern ment, and the Government conducted by Sir Robt. Peel, unwisely in extending to foreign nations all the sion of their ships and pro s country, without ohtaining ~n countries reciprocal advantages for the and manufactures of this country. en, it is unfair and unwise stern produce into this it th o the ports of t , and prod r, hear.) I think, low the is to import e into this country, whilst he Arm arts levy a duty of 0 per cent. on eastern pro- Ultee new, IC Ulll CLUJ direct from th East to the United States. (Hear, hear.) The effect of such measures as these is to give an unfair advantage to the American merchant and shipowner over the English importer and shipowner. The American shipowner obtains the profit of the long voyage, of which the English shipowner is de prived ; and the American merchant has two markets for his produce, whilst the English merchant has only one. I think also it is unfair and unwise to allow Spanish and French vessels to bring imports into this country on the same terms as British ships, whilst reciprocal advantages are not given to British ships in the ports of these court. tries or in their colonies. The effect of that is manifest to you. Whilst the Spanish vessel is now getting four guineas direct from Liverpool to the Spanish colonies, the British vessel can scarcely get a guinea • and while the French vessel can take a cargo of New Orleans cotton from New Orleans to Liverpool, a British vessel is not allowed to take a cargo of cotton from New Orleans to Havre. An instance of that occurred lately at New Orleans, where a British and French captain both found themselves with their ships in search of cargoes. The British captain had a charter offered him to Havre, which in his ignorance, supposing what was fair for one was fair for another, he was negotiating for. A. cargo was offered to the French captain from New Orleans to a British port. The English captain found he was prohibited from taking a cargo from New Orleans to Havre, and in the meantime the cargo from New Orleans to England was gone. The Yankee captain took the cargo from New Orleans to Havre, and the British captain was left with out a cargo at all. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, if we are to have freedom of trade, let us have it not on a one-sided system like this—let us have legitimate freedom of trade, and not the bastard that is attempted to be im posed on us as real freedom of trade. (Loud cheers.) I think that reciprocity ought to govern nations as it does individuals in dealing with each other, and that a system which gives advantages only to the foreigner and not to the British shipowner, is not a system which an enlight ened policy would lead us to pursue. At the same time it has been said by my friend (Mr. Mackenzie) no one wishes to revert to the exclusive system of the old times. It is one thing to oppose changes, be they good or bad, and another thing, when these changes have been made, to attempt to revert to the old system. Although I think that the great changes that have been made in the navi gation laws, and the laws relating to shipping and com merce, and the extent to which they have been carried, have been ill-considered and unwise —(cheers)—and that they ought in some measure to be modified, it is impossi ble, without a parliamentary investigation, to say in which way the remedy ought to be tried, and to what extent relief ought to be afforded. That must be matter for parliamentary investigation s but 1 think you will agree with me that something is due to the British shipowners, end that they are grossly injured by the present state of things. (Hear, hear, and cheers.). Now, gentlemen, with respect to the much-vexed question of the corn law s you will all recollect that in the year 1841 we had Lord John Russell advocating a duty on corn of Bs. per quarter. In 1845 that nobleman advocated a fixed duty of 6s: per quarter, and I must confess that I for one think it would have been wise if the recommendation of that nobleman had been adhered to by the legislature. I think it is a great mistake to suppose that the difference be tween 69. and Is. would have fallen materially on the consumers of this country. (Cheers.) Looking at the effect of the increased reduction of duties on other articles, I do not find that the whole of the effect, or anything like the whole of the effect, falls upon the consumer. My belief is, that the greater part of that increased duty would have been paid, in the general course of years, by the foreign producer. (Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, it seemed good to the legislature, upon the recommendation of Sir Robert Peel, in 1846, to reduce the duty to Is. per quarter ; and that, gentlemen, having been done, I shall be opposed to any reimposition of any increased duty, except it were called for by the general voice of the country—(cheers)—except, gentlemen, it meet with your sanction, I am for no increase of the present duty upon corn. I think that to lay an increased duty upon corn, except with the almost unanimous voice of the country, would be unwise, and would be altogether improper. (A voice, " Three cheers.") My Lord John Russell thought proper, in the speech which he advised her Majesty to make in the beginning of last session of Parliament, to advert to the distress of agriculture—(hear, hear)—and having so advised her Majesty to allude to that distress in her speech in Parliament, it was expected by the country, and I think naturally expected—(hear, hear, and cheers)—that some measure would have been brought before Parliament by Lord John Russell to relieve that distress ; but no measure whatever was brought forward up to the time when he gave up the Government, by Lord John Russell, to alleviate that distress which he thought proper to advise her Majesty to allude to in her speech in Parliament. If, gentlemen, you should return me as one of your representatives in Parliament, I should feel it my duty to give my best consideration to any measures which her Majesty's Government thought proper to bring for ward for the relief of that distress. (Applause.) It has been said, gentlemen, that'the country has been eminently prosperous, under what r must say is miscalled freedom of trade, and I will admit that there has been great apparent prosperity—great prosperity, if you will—in the manu facturing districts, and amongst the large population de pending upon them, and at this prosperity I greatly re joice;. but great as the manufacturing interest of this. country is, it is not the only interest in this country— (hear, hear,)—and I would ask whether the agricultural interest has been prosperous—whether the shipping inte rest has been prosperous—whether the colonial interest has been prosperous ? (Hear, hear.) I look around me and see gentlemen connected with the colonial interest, and I think it will be admitted by all, that every gentle-- man connected with the colonial interest has suffered most severely, and many families- have been absolutely ruined, without any fault of their own, by precipitate or careless legislation.. Hear, hear.) Has the importer, the Liver pool merchant, has he been prosperous under this system ? I believe in no period has Liverpool ever lost so much money as within the last 15 months. I believe more money has gone out of Liverpool during those 15 months than has ever been known since Liverpool was a port. But, great and important as are the questions regarding the commerce and navigation of the country—great as is the question of the corn law—L would mention that there are still higher and more important considerations to be de cided by the issue of the pending election. This has al ready been alluded to by my friend Mr. Mackenzie ; but when my Lord John Russell ceased to be a member of the Government, instead of giving that fair and reasonable al liance to Lord Derby which he ought to have done, his first step was to call Sir James Graham, Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Bright to his councils, for the purpose of organizing an opposition, and, since he could not carry on the Go vernment himself, to render all Government impossible in this country. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I look at the coalition between Lord John Russell, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Cobden—when II review the opinions of Sir James Graham in Parliament, and when I look at the tendency of all Mr. Cobden's acts, to pull down and de stroy all those institutions in the country which we most venerate,—l say I look at the coalition with those gentle men with the greatest regret, and I look to the possibility of those gentlemen forming part of the Government of this country as fraught with the greatest peril to every in stitution of the country. (Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I say what you will be called upon to decide is, whether you will send members to Parliament to support such a Government, or whether you will send members to Par liament to support Lord Derby—(cheers)—the Protestant Consitution, and the civil and religious liberties of this country. Gentlemen, if you should do me the honour to send me as one of your representatives to Parliament — (shouts of "we will")-1 can only hope to perform the dotes of that office with any degree of satisfaction to my self or of usefulness to you in dependence upon that Su preme Being who rules over all of us—(applause) ;-and, gentlemen, I pray that the same Being may direct our minds to pass those laws that will be most useful—disre garding temporary matters—to the permanent interest of this great port and of the magnificent empire of which it forms apart. (Cheers.) So guided, gentlemen, there is no fear for the result, that in the day of trial England will find that the electors of Liverpool will do their duty. (Mr. Turner then sat down amidst loud and long con tinued cheering.) Mr. JOHN BUAMLEY.MOORE next presented himself, and was received with several hearty rounds of cheering. He said he had felt it to be a duty which he owed to him self and to the town to come before them, and state why, having on the last election taken a prominent part in procuring the return of Mr. Cardwell, he now abandoned him. In doing this, he would address himself to three propositions. First, that gentleman came forward as a supporter of our Protestant establishments; the next was upon his general views of commerce ; the third was the repeal of the Navigation Laws. After reading a passage from the address of Mr. Cardwell, in which he expressed his sincere attachment to our Protestant Church Estab lishment as " the great bulwark, not only of civil and religious liberty, but of all the Protestant institutions of the country," the speaker asked what had been the con duct of Mr. Cardwell last session, when a bill was brought into parliament to put down the insulting aggression of the Pope upon the prerogative of the Queen? On its being first introduced, he voted in its favour. When it came to the second reading, he said that it was not stringent enough, and that he should vote against it ; and when it came before the house with an amendment moved by Mr. Walpole, making it more stringent, he did not vote at all. He struck his colours, and ran away. (Hisses.) With respect to the general commerce of the country, his friend Mr. Turner's remarks would save him much trouble ; but he could not resist the opportunity afforded him of correcting a recent statement made by Mr. Cardwell. On the 19th of March, that gentleman made a speech in parliament with a view of proving the great prosperity of the country. In one part of that speech, he endeavoured to show, by figures, that under our old commerciaal system the consumption of cotton in America had risen from 300,000 to 550,000 bales in ten years preceding 1845, when the duty on cotton was removed ; and that since that year, and the revision of our tariff in 1846, the decline in American consumption of cotton, and the substitution for it of British manufac tures, had certainly increased. This declining consump tion of cotton since 1845, he (Mr. Bramley-Moore) most distinctly denied. In the year 1845, the American mann fact urers consumed 389 ,000 bales ; in 1846. 422,000; in 1847, 427,000; in 1818, 53100; in 1849,518.000 ; in 1850,487,000; in 1851, 404,000. The decrease in 1851 was accounted for by that year being one of great speculation and high prices, when the Americans were able to make more profit by sending their cotton to Europe than in manu facturing it, as all their manufactures consist of heavy goods. To show that there had been no real decrease, he referred to a circular received by the last packet, two days ago, which showed that for six months ending the Ist of March last, America consumed 342,000 bales of cotton ; and for the corresponding period of the year prate only 165,000 bales ; making the enormous increas 177,000 bat n manufactures, t And he prod but the reverse tion of import produc 1 1 respect to the inerc in this country. I from £3.900,000, in 18-51, to 1:5,c. 1 to coffee, however, the consumption had decrease years no less than 5,000,0001h5. although the duty had been reduced from 4d. on c o l on i a l and Bd. on foreign to 3d. all round. He would now come to the question of the Navigation Laws. He had been particularly anxious, before giving Mr. Cardwell his support in this town, to ascertain his views upon this subject, considering the maintenance of our mercantile marine as a mighty arm of defence to this country, far above mere commercial con siderations. No man of sane mind ever objected to modi fications of these laws, preserving their principle. But when you come to sweep them from the statute book, and throw all the advantages into the scale of the foreigner, he was afraid to apply the term which he felt in his heart to the man who had so betrayed them. (Cheers.) This was on no unimportant matter, but on a grave ques tion, by which, in one moment, at one single blow, the British shipping belonging to this empire was re duced in value some £12,000,000 to £15,000,000 sterling. Having briefly pointed out a few of the modifi cations which were required, the speaker quoted from Mr. Cardwell's address to the constituents, written be fore the last election, in which that gentleman expressed his congratulations that the great increase of tonnage in Liverpool was composed of British shipping. If such was Mr. Cardwell's gratification then, what must be his pain now to learn that the foreign tonnage of the port last year increased 100,000 tons. After showing that Mr. Cardwell had pledged himself solemnly to main tain the principle of the navigation laws, the speaker proceeded to examine the assumptions made by Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Labouchera, others, and that the shipping interest is prospering. The merchants of Liverpool would lay open their books to prove the reverse ; and they ought to know better than the shoemaker where the shoe pinches. They would soon tell those gentlemen whether Liverpool had been prosperous or not. Mr. Newdegate, on the 15th of March, had moved for a re turn of the tonnage of the United Kingdom., comprising the years when the navigation laws were repealed, and the completion of the year 1851. By that return the tonnage entered inwards in the United Kingdom from foreign ports in 1£349 was 4,390,375 tons ; that is, cf British tonnage. In 185.1, the British tonnage inwards, was 4,388,245 tons, showing not this boasted increase of prosperity about which Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Card- well talk, but showing since the repeal of the navigation laws and their operation, in 1851, a positivq, falling off and diminution of 2,130 tons. (Cheers.) In 1849, the last year under the old laws, the foreign tonnage entered inwards was 1,680,894 tons ; hut in 1851 this foreign' tonnage had amounted to 2,50,988 tons, showing an in crease—a fearful increase—of 919,094 tons. Thus the foreign tonnage of England had increased within a few thousand of a million of tons, whilst the amount of British tonnage had actually decreased 2,130 tons. (Hear, hear.) But it was due to Mr. Cardwell to state that he had himself moved for a return on shipping in the House of Commons ;- but this return—why he could not say, or whether or not it had undergone the pro cess of " cooking"—(A Voice—" Its just like him") — differed from Mr. Newdegate's in just turning the scale and showing a slight increase in British tonnage, viz.: of 54.000 tons ; but it showed, at the same time, an increase of 898,018 tons of foreign tonnage. He gave Mr. Card well the benefit of the slight difference. Hut it had been said that the tonnage in foreign ports afforded no true criterion as to the effect of the repeal of the navigation laws, and that our shipping had received increased em ployment to and from foreign ports. In reply, Mr. Bram ley-Moore quoted from the report of a foreign house, contained in the Hull Packet; a statement that in 1850 there passed through the Sound of British vessels, 5,448 ; in 1851, 4,811 ; showing a falling off of 637 British ves sels. The number of foreign vessels which passed the Sound in 1850 was 13,522; and in 1851, 15;108; chewing an increase in foreign vessels of 1,586. (Hear,. hear, and cheers.) We had also , been deprived of the long voyage, which was the most remunerative to the shipowner. Mr. Bramley-Moore glanced briefly at the treatment of our colonies by the British Parliament, and the refusal of foreigners to give us reciprocal advantages for our con cessions. America prevents us from sending our surplus stock of tea to her ports for sale by levying upon our ships an extra duty of 20 per cent. Spain and Prance treat us in the same way. A Spanish ship in our docks can take in a cargo for Manilla, and get £4' per ton freight, whilst a British shipowner would have to go down upon his knees to get £l. This is because goods im ported there, under the Spanish flag, pay less duty than. under the British. After calling the attention of the meeting to the various occasions during the last election in which he went with Mr. Cardwell to , different meetings and bodies of the constituency, and there pledged himself to his soundness upon , this important question of the Navigation Laws, and especially to the proceedings at a meeting at the Carpenters' Hall, where he thought Mr. Cardwell would never dare to shew his face again, and at the hustings, where he claimed to be regarded as a sup porter of the principle of those laws, from the fact that he had him (Mr. Bramley-Mborel on one hand, and his friend Mr. Lockett, the Chairman of the Shipowners' Association, on his right, he put it to the meeting whether he had not made out a case to shew that Mr. Cardwell was no longer worthy of his confidence or theirs. The speaker then proceeded to say that he had had the honour of Mr. Mackenzie's acquaintance for some time. He knew his business habits, the influence which he possesses in both Houses of Parliament ; and others were acquainted with his abilities in committees, and could bear their testimony to his fitness in all respects to repre sent this important community in Parliament. (Cheers.) He had come forward and avowed that he once committed a mistake, and that he had repented of it. Some men have not the manliness to avow an error. Mr. Mackenzie had been selected by a nobleman, who , was above all , mercenary motives, to occupy en important position in his Government; and he entertained a strong conviction that he would form a valuable member of it. The speaker then referred briefly to Mr. Turner, whom he recom mended highly to their approval. (Cheers.) He was well-known to most of them as a liberal eontributor to the charitable institutions of the town ; and as he had been asked by a friend respecting his Protestantism and his attachment to his Church, he could state that both himself and his family were its munificent supporters. Mr. Bramley-Moore here stated that a church in a country village, being in ruins, and the parishioners unable to repair it, it was repaired by Mr. Turner's family ; and that Mr. Turner himself subsequently gave a sum of £250 as the expense of warming it. He concluded by proposing, "That thismeeting cordially welcomes William Forbes Mackenzie Esq., and Charles Turner, Esq., as the candidates for this borough at the approaching general election ; and this meeting pledges itself to use the most earnest and zealous efforts to secure their triumphant return." (Most enthusiastic cheering followed, and on his retiring three cheers were given for Mr. Bramley-Moore.) Mr. SAMUEL HOLME, on rising, was received with deafening cheers. He said that he should not long occupy the meeting, after the eloquent and able speeches from the future members for Liverpool—(cheers)—and after the able statistical display which had been •made by the future member for Hull. (Great cheering.) After remarkin g that such meetings as the present were salutary indica tions of that liberty of speech which they had ever enjoyed in England as a part of the constitution, he stated that it was owing to that constitution, based as it was upon the mixed principle of hereditary power, controlled and balanced by the prerogative of the crown, that this coun try was preserved throughout a war unparalleled in the history of the world. That constitution gives no privilege to the peer above the peasant ; it cherishes under its wing both alike ; and when they saw any danger threatening it, their duty was to stand forward with united voice, and to tell any intelligent statesman whatever, that they were ready to amend and repair —but that they would not suffer that equilibrium which is so nicely poised to be in the slightest degree disturbed ; that they would not allow a stone to be removed, lest in attempting to repair its sym metry they might destroy its stability. (Cheers.) He believed that the Whigs, who, when in place, were oli garchs, and when out of it leaders of faction, were ready to disturb that equilibrium. By the Lichfield-house con-. spiracy they had handed over the Established Church in. Ireland to a needy Popish agitator ; and by the late Che sham-house conspiracy, Lord John Russell had shown. that he is prepared to make concessions to Messrs. Cob. den and Bright, and to Sir Joshua Walmsley—(loud laughter at the name of Sir Joshua)—whom his lordship. in his heart both deprecates and detests. After comment ing upon the fact that the late administration fell from its own inherent imbecility, and that not a requiem. was chanted, or a tear dropt, when it fell; and upon the con duct of the leader of that ministry in resigning, as " not being strong enough, for the place," and afterwards com bining with others to prevent any government at all being carried on, by which he considered him to have offered a studied insult to his Queen ; he called upon the electors of Liverpool to declare whether they would support the government which the Queen had called to her councils, or lay themselves prostrate at the feet of Lord John Russell. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Would they do so for one of the shabbiest and most dangerous ministers this country had ever seen ?- He had been anticipated in the remarks which he had intended to make upon the questions of Protection and free trade, which he contended had been wrongly named. He demanded justice instead of protec tion. and there ought to be a bargain where there was any trade at all. He was not a country gentleman. He had no broad acres which were being depreciated by the intro duction of foreign corn. He liked a big loaf, and could shout as lustily for it as any Manchester man. He liked to see the working man well fed and well housed, and had acted up to that principle as well as any Manchester man. (Hear, and cheers.) But he was not to be led away by any claptrap inventions, nor to allow others to be led away by seeing a big loaf put upon a pole and carried through Castle-street, with the assertion, " this is the free-trade loaf," and then a bit of hard baked crust on another pole, to be designated, " Protection loaf." To say that the imposition of a small duty would make that difference, was untrue. Ile remembered just forty years ago the same chp-trap being perpetrated with `-` the war loaf" and " the peace loaf," which drew from Mr. Canning the startling and brilliant speech which lie made on that occasion. He set the matter right. The war loaf gave us brilliant victories under the Duke of Wellington in the Peninsula, which terminated with the splendour of the field of Waterloo. (Hear, and cheers.) It gave to Europe thirty-five years of peace, and as much prosperity as France would permit Europe to enjoy. England was not subjected ; and it was because she was not that he was permitted to stand there to address them. (Hear, hear.) He contended that if fiscal remi,_ were demanded, they ought to be carried out, so as to benefit all, and not for the aggrandisement of a few. If foreign corn and cattle were to be imported, then, to let the farmer be able to compete with the foreigner, remove all duties upon cloth and articles of luxury, so that both may have fair play. W' tax the produce of China 200 per cent. ' coun try, whilst the cotton of ks, upon the red into an ex when admitted into i Could th America is ad After a lloline they trust ti t:ongress, coml: d of Brighi, Cobt and (.:Q. Would they like a cabinet council sitting in the -v o ol* Hall in Manchester, with their shuttles and pr o bb' their billy-rollers and acts of parliament, their c ote and distributions of honours, all tied up with has p to red tape—(loud laughter and cheersl—for exp ° r d dia and home consumption, on, the shortest notice saw most reasonable terms ? (Renewed laughter.) 410 what administration would they have ? (A voice! .„e, Earl of Derby's," and cheers.) Then, if that be tir2 il 7o, they must return to parliament a member of the l i bel tration of Earl Derby (cries of " We will V') ;, nn h eblis must unite with him a Liverpool merchant of 04 toll racter and commanding talent, who had sh e° , 11 tha t that day that he w a s we ll wor thy of becore o g Ott representative. (Loud cheers.) After tbl he had doubted the sincerity of Mr. Cardwel l ° h iaii,,a navigation laws, and had put some questions to 4,50 writing upon that subject, and received for ans wer, w or I as he could recollect the words, " I will not vo te o din' repeal of the navigation laws, but only for such a °, l , too cation of them as the circumstances may require,of ‘ 3 lr, pressions of astonishment,) he was ready to s a y t h tha t Cardwell, that there was no Jesuitry in MaYa° e , fle sker, could equal his double dealing. (Cheers.) Th e rtting' s tating n commented most effectively upon the democratic lee p ale of the Manchester school of politicians, an d . e r - colt alliance with Popery formed by th e Whig Rawly% 9 " dates, concluding a most a bl e s p eec h by sew n — resolution moved by Mr. Bramley-Moore. i c artia j The resolution was put b 1 th e c h a i r man, ea ° unanimously, amidst enthusiastic cheering. loti °l/ ' Mr. FRANCIS SHAND rose to move the next rese br ig and was loudly cheered. He said that he wished ta tic el, before them a fact connected with that p r eviouslY, o li f idi of Spanish vessels getting here £4 per ten, whilst slit/1.1 veesels could not get £1; and that the meeta l aj via 4 r learn from a paper which he held in his ba n 11 0 , America had done under similar circumstaheenn'rtoP, found their produce was subject in Cuba and 'efejtilJ to similar duties ; and therefore immediately P t a n 'spol ll4l ,,, imposing the same differential duties upon t he g batl ship on the o:her side of the Atlantic. That WeL d ijig t called fair trade reciprocity. (Ap p l ause .) He s ' .. go further into these sabjects ; but rejoicing Ilthel that under such a government as that of Lord De r ,„ d oer d i , would find the Protest a nt i ns tit u ti ons o f the co t lol 'ol . ,,a' more firmly stayed than at a n y f ormer p eriod, e fief" thlf ie move that a committee be fo rme d t o carr y out of the meetin g . Th e n ames were so num erous ''"" would be read by the secretary, Mr. Buckmea te n r ,i Tv`Tr. CHRISTOPHER BURR - 2EL seconded them "' fi re psr, said that he had attended this meeting, and was Pettr'' to vote for the present candidates, from higher >n 1"; than those of any commercial' policy. He was i n",a' eta " ever;-like Mr. Adam Hodgson, a Free Trader 1 % 3 1(1,1 victibn. Ho was satisfied that ultimately it, lad r i g reversed, although lie thought that, if free trade been" granted, difficulty and danger would have a 'j i sta' . the institutions of the country.. He believed tbeor people at large were only feeling its advantage9.otlot they had' not yet got over the transition state; ',sea, when wagea were reduced, and the agriculturist IA expend his capital in living, they would feel 4 1200,1 : nature. After urging the electors- to abstain e" struggle from the use of party colours, and from neat tending to demoralisation, he concluded by secollw motion. Mr. BUCIZMASTER then read over the nam es !!! I nteil I will tion be ef found' d eo: e m e i r t tee,le advertisingving eaebloevnetelss.o u . nre_s oi, ..e0 The resolution was put, and carried - unanitno . Mr. WM. CROWE, of Bold-street, an Irishreatil ps2; presented him elf from one of the side hoxea , ' 1 13 ,51, ceeded to deliver, with the consent of the 018 11 10 d very appropriate remarks, tracing the evils v i ' ith ig 0 : 6 befallen Ireland chiefly to the operation of bid' Free-trade measures. Hi s s p eec h, however, wdra i e I regret we cannot give at any l eng th, wa s fi l latoeP e . n I b chairman explaining that M r . M ac k enz ie wear to leave town by an eveni ng t ra i n f o r Lolle°". ‘ 0 speaker was followed by If fr ts lo ge bi Mr. ROBERT RANKIN, who in p r esenting h is d f f tI A received with three hearty che er s. H e sa id itwan,„ Or move a vote of thanks to their exc e llent chair°27,:ottalr doing so he would t a ke th e o pp or t un ity' 0' cit i 3O, letter which he had that morning received fr°, ° ,,,atlivo man of the Church of Scotland re s p ec ting that' of or Mr. Mackenzie. The letter sp o k e i n high ter ra pal , ,,,o gentleman. The writer knew him to be an el ne fleoa / ilip right, and talented man. All hi s (th e writer s) o4 d d had hitherto been Whiggish, but he now a n ... v° .of, r ia safety of the Chu r ch d e p en d e d upon t he suce` — o por Derby's administ ra ti on . M r . R an ki n that' M" eulogistic terms of Mr. Turner. Awl, Mr. ROBERT WOODW ARD sec o n d e d the 1: 0 - 1 was carried unanimously and enthusiastically . The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks, 0.% Oil 10 his great gratification at the magnificent meett,tlitlff that day witnessed, and concluded by Wing „ectt e ,,l o ! the memorable words of Nelson, " England ell' F iftelk man to do his duty." Three heers were the° pigmy the Queen, three for Lord Derby, three fora idif:oolVir three groans for the Pope, th ree groan s for C roof Al man ;.and the meeting, whi c h was one of fb,F d 0 0, 10 .01 linential and unanimous of th e ma ny Belo & 110 11 g have attended in that b u ildi ng , conc luded shoe/. idf Xorclock. big • After partaking of a sli g ht ref r eshment ei', o or . with some of his friends, Mr. Mackenzie re 761010 ► London by the express train at a quarter to 5 ° MEETINGS OF THE RADICAL 3# ROMANIST ELECTORS. THURSDAY. tOjii Ib was announced on Wednesday aftern o 9...,olf- - , Thomas Bernard Birch had declined to offer l' l ;gt h er o as & candidate for the representation of the bar"W a ill that, at a preliminary meeting of the leaders of P o io4l l and Tree-trade party, it had been resolved to 0 , ° , 41 1(1' his- place Mr. Joseph Christopher Ewan. s","0, Olt selection meet with the approbation of the e1ec2 0 .0, 0 In order to ascertain the feelings of the c lew, / r" subject, a meeting was held on ThursdaLP o'clock at noon, at the Royal Hotel, Dale -5 `50 0.4 0 b, )/ The chair was occupied by William Rat",. 0 11 . 1 0 6001 A letter having been read from Sir T. Bie,c;bn'n stated that he adhered to the determian,""i o rove",,,te j , from the representation, which he lied A t grounds in a great degree of a private nature , ro t? thanks to Sir T. Birch, and an expression of reg loss of his services, was carried by acclainatiV;ss Holt then moved that Mr. Joseph C. Evart Its brfj , with , Mr. Cardwell a t th e ensu i ng e l e ction• bo via,, o 4r tion- was seconded by Mr. J. R. Jeffery, an" OP' J j supported by several other gentlemen, w 55 IS adopted. i f , 0 / or g Mr. R. Shell, amo ng oth ers , pledged bit el t he part of the Roman C a th o li c b o dy, to giv e dates-all the support in his power. u ld be b O l S i It was then resolved th a t a m eeting s" bow the Amphitheatre, o n S a t ur d a y, t o present dates to the electors t elt, f , / SATURDAY. f kto p hi On Saturday, at noon, a l arge mee ting ? the es and Free-traders of Li verpoo l was held in . ,40 11 ;0 ;4 0 1 theatre, to receive an explanation of their liberal candidates, Mr. Cardwell and Mr. J. L e • rererie their entrance, the gentle men i n Question ooliotli:A, with cheers ; those f r o m th e Roman Cstbdolt dpd were especially boisterous, from their rega r l , 0 0 1 d stitation of Mr. Ewart for Sir Thomas fir e " je,ro ll sion wrung by them from the Whig party. . he 01'00 It , Mr. G. H. LAWRENCE was called to tgo f ssr'' amongst the gentlemen present were 1V. ; .,° r.o l, °_,, l4s° VlP A. H. Wylie, James Aikin, J. Rosson, u,: ; „ 'WSW Sheil, T. Corbally, J. A. Picton, John 7• ,10), Halliday, E. Evans, Fannin, W. H. Nv B riiirioP A 'o , Pashley, Q.C.. R. V. Yates, T. Anson, Bolton, T. Booth, J. Crossley, T. Rigge , ,A, * ( lol4o ll ,o o W. Rathbone, D. Neilson, Rayner! 1.- t i.,_;ilel i ee R. E. Harvey, J. R. Jeffery, J. Finch , s e s., o C., jun., Langton, Alderman Nicol, A. Loc ° '„e La" W. Rathbone, G. Holt, Bromilow, T. Ill'u n 'S.P cto nihough, C. Rawdo n , J. H o l mes (ex-o„Vit o rtlpi lle J. Smith, Dr. M ac i n t vre , R. H. H o pe. ii,„'„,ol l, Cafferata, T. B. B arc l ay , M'C ur ti n , D. .""130. d itive J. H. Smith, C. Willmer, T. Wilson, s ,4 ;'„ce ; . d co The CHAIRMAN expressed the diau e- do t t folr i f , felt in taking upon himself the oner°,l c ,i° itrio ; devolved upon him, and solicited 0 , thltif i Z of which he stood much in need, ir ° l - 111 P 50c,Vi stance that he was that day surrounu,, e ; - 14:70170 P d . tlemen with whom he had not been 1 301 1;, - t —gentlemen from whom, on many • tOr or it, d o still differed ; but he begged honestlf e 9. conviction that he was making no u; c epl, o o 4 l ,o l l' that he was making no sacrifice, e ', frif o l sacrificing the good opinion of o) ,°,, J poli ii iip'Por,,, whom he had hitherto been engage° roreitil l ito He was, however, sacrificing no principles bot 101 1 ., nions which he had formerly entertaineli'd t o t 40 1P'ele; taming the same views as when he foll:°` ve tttl e " d 9 I sion which led that great and lamenteu.oll'ibe, 0 1 , ti l o u n sk o i f s s his o to fr i t e h n e d hustings, n a d n o d n. whe niT el l el t i _ o t r b i: foo oll commercial policy which these men ll' 00 t, o ffir, toy' which had since been more fully carried not t tl ie n t l ol gered by the accession of the Earl a P, e ' o t P(' that nobleman frankly stated that he did ) 0 0 00 ( bpt the food of the people, he (Mr. Lawren c t i . to ;0 0 ° been found in that chair. After allto irl ;rois s 'the r , ff e d made by the agricultural interests for I t bst e s thens imposed upon them, he contende stiociiepatAi, eats had unfair burthens to bear, and in a%. IO :01' bate and legacy duties, and the incom e t d be v 0 00 the difficulty with which shipowners ha t oo aslef o n of late, owing partly he believed to alte!lin 01 to 0 09 gation laws, but owing also to comPet iti° v ltfi . 0 , I VO ( selves, and the large wag es which theicertl be fi tly Liverpool. One thing was, hovvev er 'ot j, these classes might suffer, our polic ch Y bre,o cbe so long as it is g ivi ng p ros perity', e w ': I",'' 1 5 , freights for the m asses o f the Re° l l,4 resumed his seat amidst cheers, nil" — A vli fr of dissatisfaction. cei cv sci °l6,lo Mr. CARDWELL then rose and Ives r e , t for , 0 9. 1 :10' 1 0 01 mingled with hisses, which contintid, it " io c l o , l o o l When silence had been restored, lie,l a not ~,( 11 00e 4 c co.,,h‘ that he saw before him men who pig"' ',15 1/ ? ; all his principles, but he truste whilst he gavooo,oolo would give him a fair hearing " ( cltee to c!'„0: 0 0' of his conduct as their representative. e 'd e d 00 t 'aPioo hissing.) The hon. gentleman We e pt ° o o9' t u&on fo t o l d ie o r f e t m he ark pe o o f p L ic o_rd br D ed rby s t h l o la u t . id i l e i b e s e o e f . ? o ; l od oo r taxation tca roduced whilst other foreig n n e e r ce v, ss .c a i r e y tended that they were the real Cr r ja ere_ o rt o industry who made the foreigner pay;, the el•p11,000iiie; laii r g th_c iyut:o g g e le j o eso p ir,g, When they began this cou:so, in 16 1 ; 0,0 00 A manufactures were less than Xso , ti i ; oarlY re oe pe r 0 11. 1 , Ist closed they had sent abroau_t. inc, or eDkev, ) Who paid for 60 per CT 5 ,lll O ` ut abroad It cocrii",s $1,06 pics.• - ,, Wit d fau lt ' ' ~..1. of te.,