The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-04-27 00:00:00

A gpvi i A.VI di P 141: WALKLit 4P41-1„.40 le appointment of Agent for the gate S INKS and INK POWDERS, Ind PHILLIPS, (late Walk -lane, London, begs to manufactured by COOPER Darby, and Terry every descri terms piantities, on the from the Manufactory in London. and Shipping Orders attended to with ercha nts JOSEPH HINDMARSH, (late Foreman to Mr. Storr, Bold-street.) TAILOR and DRAPER, No. 5, Tarlton street, begs most respectfully to announce his return from ,sortMeut of Goods, suitable to the present Season, the whole of which have been selected with the greatest care, from Houses of the first celebrity in the West end. J. H. further beg ledgments to those F with their commain and to assure them and th. shall be wanting on his part to s to return his most grateful acknow mds who have so kindly honoured him since his commencement in business, Public generally that no effort rit a continuance of that support which he has hitherto so liberally received. ALL SAINTS' CHURCH, GROSVENOR-STREET. A SERMON will be preached (D. V.) by the Rev. HUGH STOWELL, M.A., Tins EVENING (Tues day), and a Collection will be made in aid of the Fund for Warming the Church. Divine Service will commence at Seven o'clock. All Saints', 27th April, 1841. LIVERPOOL PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION. ASERMON will be preached (D. V.) f or th e a b ove Association, TO-MORROW (Wednesday) EVEN ING, at CHRIST CHURCH, Hunter-street, by the Rev. HUGH M`NEILE ; after which a COLLECTION will be made in aid of the Funds of the LIVERPOOL PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION. ASTRONG feeling being entertained, that the i n t er e s t s of the Shipowners, Merchants, and Underwriters are not fairly represented or protected by the Committee of the London Registry of British and Foreign Shipping, and that the importance of the vast commerce of this port imperatively demands a LIVERPOOL BOOK of REGISTRY, based on principles of substantial justice and equity, in order to obtain a faithful and continued accurate classification of the Mercantile Marine, Notice is hereby given, that a PUBLIC MEETING will be held in the UNDERWRITERS' COM MITTEE-ROOM, THIS DAY, (Tuesday,) at Two o'Clocic, to consider the best means of effecting so desirable an object. WELLINGTON ROOMS. CONCERT. (Under thi _most dictinguished Patronage.) - - IVII t S h S at E i;er HOIJ E U begs w r a p e ec p tf a u c l e ly a t ( t ) t ithe announce, above Fashionable Rooms, on THURSDAY EVENING, the 29th instant ; on which occasion Mrs. FERDINAND RICHARDSON, the much-admired Harpist, (from the Hanover-square Rooms, London,) will make her first and only appearance in Liverpool. Principal Performers — Miss HAMILTON, I Miss WHITNALL Miss E. HAMILTON, Mr. WALTON, (from Manchester.) FiNDREWS, I Mr. BALL. Mr. E. BROWN. Mr. ELLIOTT (Pianist, from the Royal Academy, London.) CONDUCTOR Mr. G. HOLDEN, (Who will preside at the Piano-forte.) Tickets, 55., to be had of Miss E. HAMILTON, at her Residence, 27, Norton-street, and at the principal Music Shops. Doors to be opened at Seven ; Concert to commence at Eight precisely. GRAND CONCERTS Air ONS. JULIEN, Director of the Concert D'Hiver, Drury-lane, Conductor of the Orchestra at the Casino and Opera Balls, in Paris, has the honour to anounce that he will give SIX CONCERTS at the ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE, on MONDAY next, the 3d May, and the Five successive Nights, when he will be assisted by his unrivalled Band, se lected from the Drury-lane Concerts, and including the fol lowing eminent performers :—HEAR MULLER, first Trum peter in the world ; Mons, Prospere, the celebrated Ophi cleide of France, the first that appeared in England, and obtained such immense success at the Concerts of Drury- HERR FRISCH, first Flute of Strauss' Orchestra, is Musard, Paris, and Grand Theatre, Hamburgh ; DELABARRE, first Oboe, from the Academie Royal, MONS lane Conc MON DUBREUIL, first Alto of the Musard Con certs ; MONS. LAURENT, jun. first Cornet-a-Piston, of her Majesty's Theatre, London ; MoNs. FAIVRE, first Trom bone at the Opera, Paris; SIG. BARTOLINI, first Violin at the Concerts. Jullien, leader at the Opera Ball and Casino, Paganini, Paris. Boxes, 3s. ; Side Boxes, 2s. 6d.; Pit, ls. 6d. ; First Gal y, Is. ; Second, 6d. LIVER THEATRE, CHURCH-STREET. CONTINUED SUCCESS AND ENRAPTURED AUDIENCES. EXTRAORDINARY COMBINATION OF TALENT. THREE PERFORMANCES BY ONE PERSON ! "U R. JACOBS, THE CELEBRATED ROYAL VENTRILO QUIST, MODERN MAGICIAN, AND ENGLISH IMPRO VISATORE (from the Strand Theatre, London), has, during the past week, been delighting and surprising large and highly respectable audiences his numerous feats as a Ma gician, and his powers as a Ventriloquist, have stamped his Entertainment as the first of the day—anything like a de scription of the various amusements introduced would occupy too much space in an advertisement. The stage forms a complete Temple of Necromancy, and the Ventriloquism performed is a laughable divertisement. _ _ Mr. Jacobs imitates the astonishing number of twelve persons with so much resemblance to reality, that many imagine eight or nine persons are engaged in the performance. Mr. J. begs also to state he has engaged for a few nights those gifted and ingenious performers THE VICTORIA HARMONIOUS YOUTHS, Who will introduce a variety of their favourite Airs, Waltzes, &c., which are as amusing as they are astonishing. They are self-taught, nine in number, and must be heard to be appreciated. _ _ _ Boxes, 2s. ; Pit, Is. ; Gallery, 6d , . Doors open at Seve n o'clock, and performance to com mence at Half-past. Half-price to the Boxes at Nine o'clock. ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE Under the distinguished Patronage of THE WORSHIPFUL THE MAYOR, And several Families of Distinction. GENTLEMEN AMATEUR PERFORMANCE, For the BENEFIT of the BLUE COAT HOSPITAL, On FRIDAY EVENING, April 30, 1841, WHEN will be performed Colman's celebrated Co medy of THE POOR GENTLEMAN. Lieutenant Worthington : ... (first time) .... Mr. G. Talbot, (Gentleman Amateur.) Sir Charles Cropland, Warner, Humphrey Dobbins, Far mer Harrowby, Stephen Harrowby, Frederick Bramble, and Valet, by Gentlemen Amateurs. Several Professional Ladies and Gentlemen have kindly promised their services on this charitable occasion, and will sustain the following characters 011apod Sir Robert Bramble Corporal Foss. Emily Worthington Mary Mr. C. F. Marshall. Mr. Gordon. .. Mr. Chamberlain. Mrs. Gordon Mrs. C. F. Marshall. after which, A MUSICAL MELANGE To conclude with Colman's laughable and highly popular Farce, entitled THE REVIEW; Or, THE WAGS OF WINDSOR. Captain Beauguard, Looney Mac Twolter, John Lump, and Dubbs, by Gentlemen Amateurs. Deputy Bull Mr. Gordon. Caleb Quotem Grace Gaylove Mrs. Gordon. Lucy Mrs. C. F. Marshall. The Committee have great pleasure in announcing, that the whole of the arrangements will be under the able direc tion of Mr. C. F. MARSHALL, Stage and Acting Manager. Prices of Admission—Dress Circle, 4s. ; Side Boxes, 3s. ; 2s. ; Gallery, is. Second Price at Nine o'clock—Side 2s. ; Pit, ls. No Half-price to the Dress Circle or Gallery Theßox-office will be opened To -MORROW (Wednesday), and daily from Ten until Four o'clock, where Tickets may be had and Places taken of Mr. JOHN Fonn, Box-book Keeper. Tickets may also be obtained at the Newspaper Offices, Music Shops, and the usual places. MECHANICS' INSTITUTION, MOUNT-STREET. HE Rev. B. T. STANNUS will commence, To-MORROW, T (Wednesday,) at Half-past Seven P.M.. a Course of Four Lectures on ORATORY and ORATORS, with Recitations, to be continued on the succeeding SATURDAY, WEDNES DAY, and SATURDAY. First Lecture, DEMOSTHENES and C. J. FOX. Single Admission to Non-Members, One Shilling. To be followed by a Course of Six Lectures on BRITISH INDIA, by George Thompson, Esq. GYMNASTICS, &c. On SATURDAY, the 17th instant, at Twelve o'Clock, Mr. HUGUENIN formed a Class for GYMNASTICS, open only to Members and Pupils of the Institution. This Class will meet at the same hour every Saturday. Pupils joining this Class will have daily access to Mr. Huguenin's Gymnasium, in Cook-street, during the Vacation of the Institution. Terms, &c. may be learned, on inquiry, from W. B. HODG - Secretary The next Q - uarter of the LOWER SCHOOL, which af fords Instruction in English, Writing, Arithmetic, Mathe matics, Drawing, French, Chemistry, Natural Philosophy, Geography, and History, will begin on MONDAY next, the 3d of May. TERMS i To Sons of Members, 12s. 6d.fper Quarter ; to others, 155., including Books. PREPARATORY DEPARTMENT : :To Sons of Members, 7s. 6d.: to others, 10s. Member's Ticket, One Guinea per Annum ; Lady's Ticket, 10s. 6d. ; Apprentices of Members, ss. ; Apprentices of Non-Members, 10s. 6d. W. B. HODGSON, Secretary impervil Pixib ROUSE OF LORDS.—TiinoiIAY. The Earl of CHAT LEvuLE adverted to the debate which took place on the day precbding the recess, respecting the trial for the attempt on the - life of Mr. Biddulph. The noble . .sok kllug mduuy) naa on that occasion given a strong contradiction to the statements made by the noble earl, and aid that if he had made inquiry, he would have found that Ir. Biddulph himself had expressed his satisfaction at the ---- nelled to try the cans, Th _ P nnhln innarnnic jury im also stated that a similar --- cou7seto that 1;;;;:l ' inM m- r7 ar dulph's case had been followed in other cases in the north of Ireland. In consequence of those statements, he (Lord Charleville) had received a letter from Mr. Biddulph, in which he averred that they were by no means correct, for he 4 nact never expressed his satisfaction at the jury impanelled, but, on the contrary, had asserted, as soon as they were em panelled, that they never would agree in their verdict what ever might be the evidence. In addition to this letter from Mr. Biddulph, he had also received a letter from the solici citor in the case of Samuel Gray, and from his statement it appeared that the same course was not pursued in those cases, there having been much more extensive challenges in the case of Gray than in the other. He felt bound to state these facts to their lordships in justice to himself, because the former statement he had made had been so strongly im pugned by the noble marquis. The Marquis of NORMANBY said he did not know that he had any explanation to offer, for he had made no statement of his own. He had at the time, read a statement of facts, and given his authority for them. He was not responsible for any misunderstanding between Mr. Biddulph and the of ficers of the crown. The Earl of WicKLow said he had heard the charge made by his noble friend on a former occasion, and he had also heard the answer of the noble marquis, which he at the time considered as a most triumphant defence for the govern ment. He must now, however, say that after the produc tion of the letters read by his noble friend the answer was anything but satisfactory. An imputation was now fixed upon these officers of the crown from whom the noble mar quis received his information, and he was bound, therefore, to make further inquiries into the matter. The Marquis of WESTMEATH said there was nothing to show that the noble marquis had not been deceived by his own functionaries. This he was bound to inquire into, for if he had been so deceived, it was a serious matter whether the lives of the people should be entrusted to parties capable of such conduct. The Marquis of NORMANBY said he should certainly cause inquiry to he made into the matter, and the subject dropped. Their lordships soon after adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY. Sir R. INGLIS presented 30 petitions, praying for church extension ; and Mr. R. CURRIE presented 14, praying for the abolition of the Ecclesiastical Courts. . Lord MORPETH announced his intention of proposing an alteration in the Registration of Voters (Ireland) Bill, the effect of which would be to augment the qualification of elec tors from £5 to £8 in counties. Mr. O'CONNELL expressed great disapprobation at the proposed change. • Lord J. RUSSELL said he would move that orders of the day should have precedence of notices of motions on Thurs days after the Ist of June. Mr. GROTE moved a series of resolutions in reference to the land fund and finances of New South Wales, and con tended that reparation ought to be made to the colony for the abstractions which had taken place from the emigration fund, and that the mother country ought to defray at least one-half of the expenses of gaols and police. The hon. member's concluding resolution was to the effect, that on Wednesday next the house should resolve itself into a com mittee of the whole house, to consider the proper amount to be allotted annually in support of that charge, and to con sider also the best means to make good to the land and emi gration fund the deduction which had been occasioned by the entire burden of gaols and police having been unduly thrown on the colony since 1835. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that many years back, when the Earl of Ripon was at the head of the colonial department, an intimation was given to the colony that it must be prepared to take upon itself the expense of the convict establishment. More than half, he contended, of the expenses of the colony was still defrayed by this coun try, and under such circumstances he thought it could hardly be said that they had adopted anything like harshness to wards the colony. The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving, as an amendment, the previous question. Mr. C. BULLER thought the expense of gaols and police ought not to be thrown on the colony, now that the supply of convict labour had ceased, in consequence of the abolition of the system of assignment, and at a time too when the supply of free labour was put a stop to by the misapplication of the emigration fund. Lord MAHON supported the motion, being fully of opinion that a strong prima facie case was made out in favour of New South Wales. Lord J. RUSSELL said that complaints similar to the pre sent were constantly made from all our colonies, and were supported very frequently by very strong reasoning ; but he had no hesitation in saying that, of all our colonies, the one which had been subjected to least grievance, the one which had received most favour from, and which had reaped most advantage from the mother country, was New South W ales; and this to such an extent, that other colonies continually complained that an undue proportion of favour wits shown by this country to New South Wales. The colony was in a most prosperous condition, and he did not think it right, under such circumstances, to remove a burden of £50,000 a-year from them, in order to place it upon the already hea vily taxed people of this country. Sir W. MOLESWORTH said, that in the case of an ordinary colony, the expense of gaols and police should be borne by the colony itself; but New South Wales was an exception to the general rule. It was a penal colony, being made the re ceptacle of the worst criminals of this country ; and as most of the crime was perpetrated by persons transported from this country, it was not right to place upon them the whole expense of supporting British convicts. Sir R. PEEL said, that if the colony of New South Wales had a claim of £50,000 a-year on this country, the very last thing to which be would wish to appropriate the re-payment of that sum would be to gaols and police. He would much rather hold out to the colony an inducement to repress crime, and thus render gaols and police comparatively unnecessary. If the expenses of gaols and police had been, as was said, in creased largely by the number of convicts sent thither by this country, even that would form no ground for relieving the colony, if it could be shown, on' the other hand, that its prosperity was largely increased owing to the very circum stances of our having sent them those convicts. If the co lony had derived large advantages from convict labour, it had no right to object to some attendant expenses upon that system which had produced to it such enormous benefits. He was only induced to take part in the debate by the sym pathy he felt for that very oppressed and unfortunate thing, the public treasury. The right hon. baronet expressed his opinion that no reason existed for throwing this burden of 50,000 per annum on the mother country. He thought it unfortunate that the system of assignment should have been abolished at the very time when the funds of the colony were in such a state as to impede the requisite supply of emi grants; but, at the same time, for the interests of the mora lity of the colony, it was absolutely necessary that this sys tem of assignment should be abolished. It was a remarkable sign of the times, that in every cou n t r y i n E urope the ex penditure exceeded the income, and governments should take early steps to put their expenses upon a more stable footing. If not, the results would be alarming, industry would be come paralysed, and the eventual results must be ruinous in the extreme. Mr. WARD contended that the lands which had been sold would never have been purchased had it not been for the im pression that the purchase money would have been laid out in the importation of free labour. Sir R.INGLis said the duties of a nation should be the measure of its expenditure, and if it contracted a liability it should raise the means to meet it. He thought the honour able member for London had made out a moral and an equi table claim upon this country for that which the colony of New South Wales sought to obtain. Sir C. GREY opposed the motion. Mr. HumE could not see any reason whatever why the people of England should be taxed to maintain gaols and police in New South Wales. The colonists admitted convict labour to be beneficial to them, and if so they had a right to support the police to keep those convicts in order, by whose labour they so largely benefited. Mr. GROTE, in reply, said that the convicts conferred a benefit on the colony only by benefiting the masters to whom they were assigned, from which masters the Government should exact the benefit of their labour without flinging the burden on the whole of the inhabitants of New South Wales. The house then divided, and the previous question was carried by a majority of 52 to S. Lord e. FiTinoi moved for a select committee to take into consideration the papers relating to the lonian states, ordered by the house to be printed on the 22d of June, 1840. Mr. HUME seconded the motion Lord J. RUSSELL could not gather from the noble lord's observations any reason to justify the appointment of a com mittee, more particularly when he recollected that the lonian states were not under the direct authority of her Majesty, and such a step as that proposed could not fail to give rise to great jealousy in those states. He had in point of fact re ceived from the Senate of the lonian Islands a strong remon strance when the noble lord last year brought the subject be fore the house. He was sorry his noble friend had thought it necessary again to agitate the question, but as he had done so he (Lord J. Russell) must meet the motion with a direct negative. The motion was also opposed by Sir HENRY HARDINGE and Sir R. INGLIS, both cf whom defended the Lord High Commissioner, Sir Howard Douglas, from the various charges advanced against him respecting his conduct in that character. Mr. HUME said that the lonian Islands had been most cruelly treated under the protectorate of Great Britain, and as grave charges were advanced, which required an answer, be thought the committee ought to be granted. Sir R. PEEL was of opinion that if the House of Commons were to appoint a select committee upon such grounds as were laid for it in the present case, the result would be that they would find it very difficult indeed to find eligible persons to undertake the responsible duties of governors in any of our colonies, and the government would have little else to do than to defend itself, and such governors as might be induced to undertake the office against continual motions, like that before the house. After some observations from Sir C. GREY, COl. RAWDON, and Sir H. VIVIAN, Lord C. FITZROY replied, and on a division the motion for a committee was defeated by a majority of 28 to 10. On the motion of Mr. Fox MAULS, the Factories Bill was read a second time, on the understanding that the debate on the principle should take place o n g oi ng into committee. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS.-FRIDAY D ANSON AND 111'N E I L Lp 55, DALE -STREET. BRITISH AND FOREIGN SPIRITS. WHISKEYS, Old Irish, (as used in Dubli n ) } 16s. and 17 s . p er ga ll on . DITTO, Old Scotch (Islay) 16s. and 17s. , DITTO, very good .. .. .. .. 10s. 6d., 125., and 14s. per gall British GIN, finest qualities 10s. and 12s. per gallon. HOLLANDS, genuine old Schiedam, direct from} 325. per gallon Rotterdam DITTO D , also in Cases of 1 a each, or 2 Gallons IOS. per dozen, Cases and Sot bond, duty paid .. ties included. BRANDY, (finest old pale) 365. per gallon ; Gs. per bottle: DITTO, of fine quality 3os. and 28s. per g a ll on. RUM, very fine old DITTO, (very good) l2s. and 14s. per gallon. A single Pint or Quart of any of the abov e art i cles can be had at the same price as per Gallon. FINE OLD WINES , and 365. per dozen Old Bottled PORTS, of the highest character Fine Ditto Dim), from 345., 305., and 24s the wood, and fit for im- and mediate use.... SHERRIES, old and deli- 485., 425., 365., 305., and 245. cate Wines, pale, brown, per dozen, and 18s., 165., 14s. or gold and 12s. per gallon. BRONTE MADEIRA LISBON, (dry or sweet) 3os. " ; 13s. Od. ~ CAPE MADEIRA J 17s. and 18s. per dozen ; and A single l Bs. and 9s. per gallon. Bottle or Quart of any of the above Wines may be had at the same price as per Dozen or Gallon. _ . The Marquis of NORMANDY postponed the drainage bill until Tuesday next, at the suggestion of the Marquis of Salisbury, with a view to the introduction of clauses extend ing the operation of the bill to Scotland. The noble marquis also postponed the borough improvement bill, at the sugges tion of Lord Lyndhurst, who presented a petition from Bir mingham, praying to be exempted from its operation. In reply to a question from Lord Lyndhurst, it was stated by the Marquis of NORMANDY ' that the gentleman ap pointed as solicitor to the home-office was distinctly informed that it would be impossible for him to hold that office and the office of secretary of bankrupts together. He did, as a matter of convenience, do the duties of both for a short time, with the option of resigni ng w hi c h o f t h em h e might think proper. _ Lord LYNDHURST did not wish to press the matter, but he must say that the two offices in the hands of one person were quite incompatible. . - The Marquis of NORMANDY gave notice that, on Monday next, he would move for leave to bring in a bill to put an end to Sunday trading on canals. The fad of 1 7 AustouTH gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he would present a petition from Falmouth, against the removal of the West India packets from Falmouth to Dtpqmolith. Their lordships then adjourned HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY. The administration of justice No. 1. bill went through a committee. On the clause for the appointment of two new equity judges being proposed, Sir E. SUGDEN contended that one additional judge would be sufficient ; and that, even if two were requisite, it would be highly imprudent, and lead to great confusion and em barrassment, to commence by opening the two courts at once. The right hon. gentleman moved that the blank in Mr, LYNe4 contended ti lkitely indispensable. .L two new )utig:,.o were obso- M. PEMBERTON would not oppose the proposition . made by the Government upon its own responsibility, though be could not approve of the manner in which the bill had been brought before the house. He did not think it fair to the house to bring forward this isolated measure without inform ' 'hem that it was intended to hav e d one w i t h r p sne , t to ••• VV... I lA/ the Privy Council, and other important subjects connected very closely with the bill then under discussion. Mr. C. BULLER looked upon this bill as the beginning of a series of useful legal improvements. The hon. member in stanced several cases of extraordinary grievance arising from the delays in the Court of Chancery, and contended that the expenses attending the appointment of additional judges should not be balanced against such evils as those which fol lowed the delays complained of. Sir E. SUGDEN declined to divide the house, and the blank in the clause was accordingly filled up with the word " two." On the clause being proposed fixing the salaries of the two additional judges at ££5,000 per annum each, Mr. PEMBERTON moved that the salary for each judge should be £6,000, and his amendment was supported by Sir E. Sugden, and opposed by Lord J. Russell. Mr. HUME, in opposing the amendment, asserted that the services of any barrister might be purchased for a £5,000 note. The salary of £5,000 was eventually agreed to without a division. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that instead of clause 56, a clause should be inserted respecting compen sation to officers of the Court of Exchequer, containing the following proviso :—" That no person who was appointed to his office or employment in the Court of Exchequer after the 14th day of March, 1840, shall claim or be entitled to any compensation whatever in consequenee of the said office or employment being abolished or affected by this act." The right hon. gentleman stated that the Hon. Mr. Scarlett had been appointed to the office of master in the Exchequer sub sequent to the introduction of a bill for the abolition of the equity side of the Exchequer on the 14th of March, 1840. That bill was a sufficient notice to him of the intention with respect to the Court of Exchequer, and he had no right, therefore, to expect compensation, although the bill did not pass during that session. The Lord Chief Baron, however, thought the Hon. Mr. Scarlett had a claim to compensation, and as the Treasury entertained a different opinion, it was thought better to refer the matter for the decision of the house. Sir W. FOLLETT contended that the introduction of the bill alluded to would be no notice to the gentleman in ques tion, and that it would be a grievous hardship to give no compensation to a gentleman of above five years' standing in his profession, for taking him from 4n office to fill which he had been compelled to give up that profession. Such a course would be unprecedented and would be also impolitic; for if the house gave compensation upon a narrow principle, the effect would be to raise up difficulties in the way of any future legal reforms in the contemplation of the government. He should move that the date of the 14th March, 1840, be omitted, and that in its room, there should be inserted the words " at the time of the passing of this act." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER " said lie was an advocate for giving liberal compensation in such cases, and would not he a party to deal harshly by any one, but he thought it would be very dangerous policy to lay down the rule that, at whatever time a person might receive an ap pointment, even though knowing that the office was on the eve of being abolished by parliament, he should still, if the bill was not actually passed, be entitled to compensation to the same extent as if he had filled the office for forty or fifty years. Mr. GOULBURN supported the claim to compensation. Sir R. PEEL said that two offices were said to have been purchased after the bill had been introduced last session. Surely those parties must have been considered as having purchased their offices with notice, and if they received com pensation, he was at a loss to nnderstand upon what principle it could be refused to a party who was appointed by the Lord Chief Baron in the legitimate exercise of the patronage of his office. Lord J. RUSSELL instanced a case where his own private secretary was appointed to an office connected with the Board of First Fruits, after the introduction of a bill for the aboli tion of tenths and first fruits. The bill did not pass until the following year; but when it did pass, although compen sation was given to every other officer, the gentleman he had appointed never received one farthing compensation. Mr. PkIMBERTON, in supporting the claim for compensa tion, intimated, that if not given, it would probably endanger the success of the bill in another place. Lord J. RUSSELL said he should be content with the de cision of the house, whatever way it might be, but he could not assent to the doctrine laid down by the hon. and learned gentleman, for to do so would be to transfer to the House of Lords the power of the House of Commons to deal with mo ney questions. It was in effe c t g i v i ng up t h e r i g h t to an opinion of their own, and legislating according to the opinion of the House of Lords. Sir E. SUGDEN said that the House of Lords last year passed this bill, leaving it to the House of Commons to give compensation or not, as it thought proper. Mr. JONES supported the claim to compensation on the ground that the Lord Chief Baron had accepted a smaller salary in consequence of the patronage attached to the office. Mr. C. BULLER thought they ought not to listen to these twopenny-halfpenny considerations when passing a great measure of reform. They ought to act liberally, and more particularly so because Lord Abinger offered no opposition to this bill, which deprived him of so much of the patronage of his office. After some further discussion, Major SCARLETT said, that the Hon. Mr. Scarlett had given up two offices, those of counsel to the Mint and to the Postoffice, in order to accept,the one he now held. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER suggested, that th 4. clause might be so altered as to give to the Treasury a dis cretion to give a limited compensation. If this were agreed to he would not press the clause, in its present shape, to a division. Sir W. FOLLETT said he would not assent to any such proposition. - The committee divided, and Sir W. Follett's amendment was carried by a majority of 73 to 70. Mr. HATTER moved an amendment, giving power to the Treasury to limit the time for which compensation should be given according to circumstances. In the case of the Hon. Mr. Scarlett, he might become a peer of the realm, and as he must in that case have given up the office, he ought not beyond that period to receive an annual compensation. Sir C. GREY suggested that the amendment should be at once direct, and should state that the compensation to Mr. Scarlett should cease on his becoming a peer. Sir W. FOLLETT would object to leaving a discretion to the Treasury, but would not object to the proposition that the annual compensation should cease on Mr. Scarlett's be coming a peer. Mr. - HAYTER withdrew his amendment, on the undertand ing that Sir Charles Grey's amendment should be adopted, and the CHAIRMAN then reported progress. On the motion for going into a commitee of supply, Lord John RUSSELL, in reply to a question from Lord MAHON, stated that he thought the most advisable course to be pursued to carry out the resolution of the house respecting the increase of convicts in the hulks was that of continuing the punishment of transportation to a limited extent, and to build penitentiaries in various parts of the country for the confinement of those who should not be transported. Sir R. PEEL feared, if the noble lord placed his reliance upon either the hulks or penitentiaries as a secondary punish ment, instead of transportation, he would find himself de ceived and disappointed. The minds of the people would revolt against perpetual imprisonment, and if even long periods of imprisonment should occasionally be attended by mental alienation, the noble lord would find it impossible to carry out his system. He hoped the noble lord would not exclude from his consideration the possibility of combining a system of punishment in connection with expatriation. Lord J. RUSSELL said he could not approve of the lengthened imprisonments resorted to in other countries. He thought twenty years much too long for any useful pur pose, but was of opinion that the power of imprisoning might be very usefully extended from three to five years. Mr. WAKLEY hoped the noble lord would not be in fluenced by anything he might hear from America, as to the effect of long imprisonment. He believed that mental alie nation was a constant result, not only in America, but in this country also. Colonel SIBTHORP said it was past twelve o'clock, and he hoped the noble lord would not go on with the committee of supply at.that late hour. If he did, he (Colonel Sibthorp) would be under the necessity of detaining the house for four or five hours upon these papers, which were filled with the most extraordinary jobbing from beginning to end. Lord J. RUSSELL said he did not intend to take any vote on the civil contingencies, but wished to go into the com mittee, to take a vote respecting Exchequer bills. To this the gallant colonel acceded, and the sum of £21,000,000 was voted to pay off outstanding Exchequer bills. The house then resumed, the other orders of the day were disposed of, and the house adjourned. ECCLESIASTICAL AND UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. (From the Oxford Herald.) PROMOTIONS. Rev. John Charles Coleman, M.A. to the P er p e t ua l C uracy of St. James's, near Nottingham ; patron, the Rev. J. B. Stuart, M.A. Rev. Charles Hodge, Curate of St. Saviour's church, East Retford, to be Domestic Chaplain to George Savile Foljambe, Esq. of Osberton Hall, in the room of the Rev. John Clarke, deceased. William Martin, Esq. late Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge, to be Chief Justice of New Zealand. Rev. J. H. Kendall, to the Perpetual Curacy of St. Thomas, Launceston, Cornwall. , Rev. James Hogan, late Curate of Tctburp, Gloucester shire, to the Curacy of Dungannon. Rev. Dr. Fletcher, Curate of Killesky, to the Rectory of Wicklow. Rev. M. Chamley, Rector of Wicklow, to St. Werburgh's, Dublin. Rev. John Waite, M. A. to the Vicarage of Tathwell, Lin colnshire, vacant by the cession of the Rev. John Bow stead ; patron, the Bishop of Lincoln. Rev. Thomas Finch, B.A. to be the Chaplain of the County Gaol of Northumberland. Rev. George Gibbon, B. A. of Catharine Hall, Cambridge, to be Assistant Curate to the Rev. William Holt, Incumbent of Holcombe, Lancashire. COMMODORE NAPIER (From the Leeds Intelligencer.) Commodore Napier, it will be seen, has been feted and feasted at Liverpool, on landing there from the Oriental steamer ; and gratifying personal attentions have also been paid to him at Manchester. He is a hero of the Nelsonian school ; when he sees his enemy, he, to use his own phrase ology, " slaps at him, and John Bull loves him for his straightforward bravery, and is ready to pat him on the back, and to cry, "Go it again. Charley." But though the commodore is a capital hand at either long shot or close quarters, his speeches show that he is not the wisest or the most discreet of men. At Liverpool he seems to have lost sight of one obvious fact—that there were other persons in the British fleet on the coast of Syria and Egypt besides Old Charley. We do not perceive that he once alluded to the commander-in-chief, Sir R. Stopford, except as to the mat ter of refusing to sanction the unauthorised treaty with Me hemet Ali. _ It appears, however, that Commodore Napier and the old pacha are sworn friends. The jack tar looks upon Mehemet Ali as an Eastern miracle of wisdom : the paella, no doubt, knows how to tickle the commodore. It strikes us that im prudent revelations were made at Liverpool. We think the commodore should not have spokenso freely of th at wh i ch he of Engla n d ; he may be tempted to reopen the entire question an d t h us knows only by virtue of his position in the squadron ; espe cially at a moment when difficulties have arisen as t o a f i nal tshetetlfeeneliei feelings of ef the dispute. do eeane Mehemetre are the zay suppose that involve Europe in a war with France. That would be a sorry result of a complimentary dinner in the town of Liverpool. However, it would be unjust, perhaps, to try the commo dore by the standard applied to other persons, and especially to statesmen. With him, that which is uppermost comes out first. His is a splendid instrument ; can find its way through stone walls, and :laughs at ordinary impediments. We thank him for his fighting ; but were he to ask our ad vice as to his after-dinner speeches, we should be inclined to say—still adopting his own mode of expression—` 'Avoid long yarns ; give us as much as you like of your great gun s an d grape shot, but less grape juice and chin music. fi n ,4 o Magailerlo4 itf Mr, .04.4441 H, ;egond Night of Mr, CHARLES KEAW and Mrs. 'WARNER, (late Miss Huddart,) of the Theatres-Royal, Drury-lane and Haymarket, who are engaged at this Theatre, for Ten Nights. The Tragedy Of MACBETH, having been received last night, by a brilliant and crowded audience, with the most :he course of - - week. riIHIS present TUESDAY, April 27, the Entertainments will commence with the INNKEEPER'S BRIDE Rambleton.... Mr. H. Holl: I Varnish. W. H. Bland, Tom .... Mr. Slaiter. I E11en.... Miss E. Honner. After which, the favourite Play of THE STRANGER. The Stranger.. (first lime here).... Mr. Charles Kean. Count Mr. \Vintersen W. H. Bland. _ __ Baron Steinfort.. Mr. Gray. I Solomon : Countess Wintersen Mrs. Baker. Charlotte.... Mrs. Clarke. _ _ Mrs. Haller Mrs. Warner To conclude with the revived Farce of the SLEEPING DRAUGHT. Popolino.. Mr. Baker. 1 Nonna.. Mrs. Clarke. To-MORROW (Wednesday), the Tragedy of HAMLET. Hamlet, Mr. Charles Kean; The Ghost, Mr. Stuart; Po lonius, Mr. Baker; Laertes, Mr. H. Holl ; Ophelia, Mrs. W. H. Bland ; Gertrude, Mrs. W arner .—Af ter which, the Farce of the HAPPIEST DAY OF MY LIFE. Mr. Gillman, Mr. Baker; Sophia, Miss E. Honner ; Mrs. Dud ley, Mrs. Clarke. EXHIBITION FROM THE ANTIPODES THE MODEL OF HOBART TOWN, AND A PICTURESQUE PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE ENVIRONS, NOW OPEN IN THE UNION GALLERY ROOM, SLATER-STREET, BOLD-STREET Also, a SPLENDID REVOLVING PANORAMA OF SYDNEY, The Capital of New South Wales. ADMISSION, I S. — CHILDREN,HALF-PRICE. , - Open from 10 A.M. to 10 P.M. ' Brilliantly illuminated with Gas every Evening. J. JEATOR, Manager. ENE. 91.thapoot g.,)tanbarb. TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 27, 1841 The nomination of the candidates for Nottingham took place yesterday, and Mr. Walter, the Conservative candidate, we are happy to say, bids fair to win. The polling comes on this day. The return will be very matarially affected by the conduct of that body of the electors who belong to the extreme Radical or Chartist section. They have shown no favour to Mr. Larpent, the ministerial can didate, from the first, and we confidently expect that they will not support him when their dispositions are brought to the proof at the hustings. On the other hand they have given every encouragement, and, many of them, positive promises and pledges to the Conser vative candidate, which, if they will only have the truthfulness and honesty to make good, this day, his return is nearly certain. A question of much interest has arisen out of this combination for a common object, of parties so oppo site in principle as Conservatives and Chartists. It is unquestionably fair to say, that if the Chartist be true to his own principles, he can have but little love for the Conservative who is equally sincere in the same re spect on his part ; but we can conceive a Chartist with perfect honesty—should he find it hopeless to effect the return of a candidate exactly to his mind—using his privilege to prevent the return of one whom he entirely dislikes ; and, when forced to choose between a Conservative and a Whig, withholding his vote from the latter and giving it with right good will to the former. Now this is just what has occurred at Nottingham. The Radicals dislike the Whig-ministerial candidate— neither is the Conservative;'Mr. Walter, just the man whom they would select if they were perfectly free to choose; but they think a Conservative is better than a Whig under any circumstances, and they naturally prefer one in whom they find at least one important point of agreement with themselves, to an individual in whom they find none. . Mr. Walter has distinguished himself by a vigorous and persevering opposition to the tyrahny of the new poor law; and in this respect he brought with him a recommendation to men who have no interest in sup-. porting the Somerset-house commission, and who are not placed in so elevated a position in the world as to be indifferent to the condition of those whom the pro visions of the system aggrieve. In their strong and just indignation against this oppressive law, the Not tinghard Chartists have been willing to forget any ob jection they might have to Mr. Walter as a Conserva tive, and to the great annoyance of the rninisterialist Whigs, he has been, all through his canvass, a decided favourite with them. Now, with respect to this "meeting of the waters," or coincidence of extremes, we are not surprised that it should have called forth a vast deal of smart dia tribe and elaborate irony from the Whig side. It has ever been the, privilege of losers to vent their spleen ; but, we confess, we can neither understand nor sym pathise with complaint and dejection when we hear their wailings in a Conservative quarter. That Conservatism, which carries itself so superci liously as to contemplate the unbought support of the people as degrading, and despises victory itself if at tained by their gratuitous suffrages, is too lofty for our comprehension. Yet something of this sort we find in the columns of a metropolitan contemporary, which has long been, it is true, a polished mirror of exquisit ism, and organ, as well as glass, of the fashionable world. "If the Conservative party, says this double patented, kid-glove, and opera-hat gentleman, "is ne ver to become paramount in this country till it allies itself with the snob, we hope the day of its ascendancy will never come." The unbought support given by the Radicals of Nottingham to Mr. Walter is, then, in the eyes of this superlatively aristocratic journal, an alliance of the Conservative party with the mob ; and so ut terly does he abominate all mobs, and mob-alli ances, that he would sooner the Conservative party should sink to the bottomless pit than endure their contamination for a moment. He unfolds his senti ments on this head—in condescension to our dulness — a little more widely. "We have no wish," he says, " for what has been called a Conservative democracy. We believe the project to be nonsensical, and its reali sation impossible. We think we are not presumptuous in saying this ; for, unless we greatly err, the opinion we have expressed is that of every sound and rational man who is true to Conservative principles." He makes a few further remarks, but they are such as to convince us of his entire ignorance of the thing which he condemns. He inveighs against a Conservative de mocracy as a " nonsensical project" ; but it is quite evident that he mistakes the meaning of the phrase. He speaks of his concern for the happiness of the poor—laments that they have not been sufficiently at tended to by either Whig or Tory—(as if the support of a " Conservative democracy" had anything to do with his charitable feelings)—and then returns to a re iteration of his peculiarly aristocratic and anti-mob prepossessions —declaring, as his final opinion, that "he does not believe the mass of the people can ad vantageously govern themselves." We are forced, by the spirit of the entire article, to conclude that, in the opinion of the writer, any go vernment not absolutely despotic is a " nonsensical project," and that the realisation of a cheerful submis sion by the people to the laws of a free constitution is an " impossibility" ! How this journalist has lived so long in England without perceiving that this " nonsen sical project" has actually been brought to bear, and that he is surrounded by that very realised impossibility which he here affects to laugh at, we do not know. All we say is, that when England has no CONSERVATIVE DENIOCRACY to rely upon, her liberties, and her con stitution, and all her greatness will be in extreme peril. We believe that the great bulk of her population is Conservative, and, th ere f ore , using the word demo cracy simply in contradisti nc tion to aristocracy, we say that a " Conser va ti ve d emocrac y" does exist in the country. The project so much ridiculed by our con temporary is just simply to augment the body, to swell their numbers, and in every way to increase their strength ; and this is nonsensical --impossible ! It is curious to observe that these exceedingly nonsensical airs and graces and absurdities of this great organ of aristocracy were provoked by an article in the Times, in which, amongst other good passages, there is the fol lowing, which strikes our humble judgment as being peculiarly admirable : " The moment a Conservative party in Parliament, whether consisting of the present or any other, shall heartily and sin cerely throw itself upon the people, making the faith and the spirit of Christianity its rule, that instant the swarm of unclean things which now professes to call itself a govern ment vanishes away, like bats and birds of night before the rising sun." WI we tni►t46l#4 it tliOULdlt, Ala firmly bolio to tefith sentitneuta so just and FiQ every way worthy of r. 44 tigtt servative journal should he dissented from by another professing similar principles, does, we own, surprise us. But as we have in the church high end low par ties—(a fact which Dr. Hook tells us there is no use in disguising)—Why should we not also have high and low parties in Conservative politics ? Small differ ences, we trust, will not prevent us acting together either as churchmen or Conservatives, and we may, therefore, with the' more safety, indulge in our "family quarrels" ; not that we should seek or desire them, but that we would have every man pursue steadily, but in a mild snd tolerant spirit, that line of policy which conscience and conviction lead him to adopt. Ministers have been seeking a " long day" with their Irish Registration Bill, and they have had it. But the longest day will come to an end; we must all die," as Mr. Justice Shallow says—" death is certain" —and, let men daily and shuffle as they will, they must at last shuffle off the mortal coil not only of the mini sterial state, but of life itself. Last night the battle was to be again resumed in the House of Commons; but there will be no broken heads nor deadly wounds; no, the whole affair is a mere sham. The " paltries" have already backed out of their £5 rating, and they will back and back to any line of recession, if they are only permitted to retain their salaried berths. There is a general complaint of the Conservative party in the House that they do not act with sufficient vigour, and that in point of principle, they are greatly behind the views and expectations of the people; and there is only too much ground for this sentiment. For our part, we quite concur in it, but despair of seeing any material improvement in the present Parliament. It is by the " Conservative Democracy" it must be effected, and the hustings is their only time and place for bringing it about. They must look out for better men to represent them at the next general election. This is what we want, and what, please God, we shall have in due time. As to the Ministerial manoeuvre with the Irish,Re gistration Bill, it is only one more example added to the thousands which have gone before of the mean and contemptible artifices to which they resort. All through, their only object has been to throw obstacles in the way of Lord Stanley's bill. The £5 rating was introduced for this purpose, and now the hastening addition of £3 is laid on with no other intention. However, whether the new qualification be £8 or £5, the Conservatives have but one course to pursue, and reject the clause. O'Connell affects to be quite angry with his Ministerial slaves for purposing this change, but his hypocrisy on the occasion is not well acted. How often has the worthy told us that any and every sacrifice must he made to " keep out the Tories" — and if their scheme be continued with that view,— and to prevent a shameful defeat of his creatures, — what possible reason can he have for being dissatisfied? No; there will be no quarrel between them on this score, depend upon it. It is an old remark, but a true one, that habit is a second nature. How certain usages of society have commenced or grown up, it is not always in our power exactly to trace, nor is it of much consequence to do so, if the question merely be, whether the habit or usage be a rational or irrational, a good or a bad one. An appeal was made last week to public sympathy in behalf of a numerous class of persons who fill a re sponsible, useful, and respectable place in society; and it might have been observed, from the tenour of the several excellent addresses delivered on the subject at the meeting convened for its consideration, that the grievance complained of, and its redress, constitute to gether a topic essentially connected with the great power and universal domination of habit. It cannot be denied that incessant occupation, in one unvarying routine, of from twelve to sixteen hours every day in the week, and on some days and in some instances even more, is excessive and injurious. This is a proposition that cannot be disputed, and the reality of its evils is, it appears, keenly felt by those whose lot it is to endure it. The object proposed is to alter this state of things—and the only subject of our present inquiry is, whether there be any, or what, objection to the change. It may, perhaps, be said that shopkeepers' assistants are under no bond of slavery to their masters—may leave their service when they please—and therefore have the remedy of their grievances in their own hands. But this is theoretical or speculative truth only ; prac tically the proposition is false. Those who have been brought up to a particular avocation cannot so easily abandon it, and, generally speaking, such a change as that alluded to is to them an impossibility. They are wedded to their calling, most commonly, for better for worse—and'there is no friendly court to grant them a divorce, except upon terms that would be extremely disadvantageous. Besides, even if they could obtain it, a mere change of persons would not alter or improve the system. If the fifteen thousand, who now constitute the shop keepers' assistants of Liverpool, were to give up their several engagements, as many others would be found to come in their room—and thus the evil, which has a s ort of corporate existence, would continue unmitigated and untouched. Thus it appears that the shopkeepers' assistants cannot by any means redress their own griev ance, and are wholly unblameable in calling public at tention to the subject, and endeavouring to enlist pub lic sympathy in their behalf. But we can suppose other objections. It might he asked, how our shop hours of business come to be considered a grievance now, more than at any former period ? Formerly there were no complaints—why should there be any now ? This is a natural and plausible objection—but one, we think, not very difficult to answer. In the first place, we are not quite sure that in former times the attend ance required was so long or so laborious as it is now. There was neither the competition, nor the brilliant gas-light, in the olden time, to induce those protracted hours of service that now prevail. But however this may be, there is a sufficiently solid and sure answer to this objection in the fact that, tempora mutantur, the " times are changed," and we along with them. It is not only possible, but certain, that what is scarcely felt as a trouble in one age, may become a serious annoy ance, or intolerable burthen, in another. The wives of our farmers, and even of our gentry of a former day, thought it a light task, or even an agreeable duty, to occupy themselves in the most menial offices, and their young ladies aspired to no higher accomplishments than making preserves and working samplars. The march of machinery has raised man above the neces sity of a thousand degrading labours, far more suitable to beasts of burthen or inanimate matter—which were once submitted to without repining. And why? Be cause then he knew no better. But when such changes have passed over the surface of society, it is not sur prising that a class of men entitled to consideration by their education, manners, and pOsition in society, as well as numbers, should seek to emancipate them selves from an incessancy and perpetuity of drudgery, such as in any age would be regarded as severe, but in the present must be felt as peculiarly grievous. In order that the persons engaged in the avocation in question should even retain their place in society, or preserve at least their own proper self-esteem, it is ab solutely necessary that they should obtain some relaxa tion of their hours of labour. The man who does not move with the period he belongs to, necessarily falls behind it, and feels himself degraded. We live in an age which is at once intellectual, reflecting, and reli gious ; and if this be the case, under how great disad vantages, in every point of view, is that individual lo wered, whose time is so occupied as that of the shop keeper's assistant ? But the hardship was so well des cribed by the gentlemen who spoke at the meeting of Thursday, that it requires no re-statement from us. The Rev. Mr. M‘Neile and the other gentlemen who have so laudably given the weight and power of their advocacy to this righteous cause, have done it ample justice, and have not, we think, in the least exceeded the letter of their warrant. The only topic that re mains to be noticed, is the actual and practical intro duction of the desired reform. Is there any thing, it may be asked, to prevent the owners of shops from limiting their hours of business, and closing their doors after ten or twelve hours de voted to commercial transactions ? We know of no thing but that force of habit which we began by ad verting to, and that deference which men in business naturally feel towards the public, and are anxious to 1)47 0: Agppoi convoionf, tlf tilt4v part, thna foe aariaWaratialw that mug; violet very seriously, and it is only just that the masters should be in some measure satisfied that, in abridging their hours of business, they will be instituting a regu lation likely to meet with general concurrence and ap probation. One mode of giving them an assurance to this effect, is in pUrchasers making it a rule to transact their business early in the day, and avoiding altogether resorting to any shop after seven in the evening. Here we have the tyranny of custom to contend against; but reason, justice, and benevolence are on our side, and we doubt not, with a short vigorous exertion, and a little perseverance, would prove an overmatch for its despotic rule. The masters are well disposed towards the desired reform—indeed, are more anxious to con cede than to withhold it—and it now rests with the community at large to say whether it shall, or shall not, be carried into effect. A contemporary asserts that nothing short of an act of parliament will suffice for this purpose, and proposes that the Town Council shall have a power to fix the hours of business for each period of the year ; but for our part, we have an in superable dislike to this sort of interference when it can possibly be avoided, and place so much reliance on the power of opinion, when rightly exercised, as to think that it might effect at least this simple object without the aid of Lords and Commons. We beg to direct the attention of our readers to the letter of John Gladstone, Esq., which will be found subjoined. Mr. Gladstone has undertaken the elucidation of one important point connected with the repeal of our protecting duties on corn, and if the free-trade gentry be accessible to reason, we should hope that his able and convincing letter would make a deep impression upon them. He demonstrates with the utmost perspicuity, and from the most solid data, that a repeal of the duties would be much more likely, after a short time, to enhance the price of bread beyond what it now is, than to lower it; and, therefore, if there were nothing worse to be apprehended, that the change so vehemently, but irrationally sought for, would be utterly worthless for its proposed object. We thank Mr. G. for his excellent letter, and beg to ex press as our humble opinion that gentlemen of his in formation and talent could not employ their time bet ter than by occasionally contributing in such a way to the stock of public intelligence and right reasoning on this important subject. We may remark, that, thought Mr. Gladstone uphOlds by such irrefragable arguments the principle of the present corn laws, he has advocated with much judgment and skill a reduc tion or modification of the duty. We shall hereafter notice more at length the reasoning of Mr. Gladstone, and in the meantime bespeak the serious consideration of the public thereto. THE CORN LAWS TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING POST Carlton Gardens, April 20. Sir,—lt is with much satisfaction I have read your able, judicious, and unremitting defence of our corn laws, in oppo sition to those who are influenced and induced to call out for their repeal by paid hirelings, who have been spread over the country, by a mistaken zeal, to promote factious and tumul tuous proceedings—advancing unfounded statements at the hazard of the public peace. It will be my object in this letter to prove to those who are so anxious to supply us with bread from corn of foreign growth that, were it otherwise desirable, it cannot be ob tained, because we have not money in sufficient quantity to pay fOr it; and therefore that, were the attempt to be made, the result would be most disastrous to all, but particularly to the working classes, whose interests they profess to advocate. The object of our corn-laws is to protect and encourage home growth as the most secure and certain source for the regular supply of bread to the people, and in seasons of scarcity to provide for foreign suppiy, in preference to placing us in a state of continuous dependence on the pro duce of foieign countries. Let us, then, consider the basis on which each of these propositions are founded, with the immediate results of the first, and the probable consequences of the last. The object and principle of the first is to make each branch of society contribute to the snpport of the others : thus, the corn grower pays for and consumes the goods of the manufac turer, who, in return, is supplied with bread by the grower but, if the means of either are withheld, the interchange necessarily terminates. Certain and extensive demand sti mulates production, and ensures supply sufficient for the de mand. The artificial state of this country, loaded with an unexam pled debt, and requiring an immense revenue to meet its expenditure, requires that every practicable means should be made use of to keep down the value of money, in order to maintain an extensive circulation, and, thereby, higher prices for productive labour ; whilst this principle, apply ing to all classes, is not injurious to any : if the country is to prosper it must be adhered to whilst our debt remains unpaid Let us, then, consider what consequences might be ex pected to follow were we to be placed in a state of depend- ence on other countries for our supply of bread, or even only a given but cqnstant portion of that supply. It is urge d b y those who advocate such a system that the supply would be abundant and consequently cheap ; that payment would be taken for it in our manufactures and other goods, the vents for which would thus be extended and their prosperity promoted. Let us, then, consider what the facts are under which these doctrines are put forth, for we are not without recent experience to guide us in arriving at our conclusions. The consumption of the country is estimated and admitted to ex ceed 50 millions of quarters of all kinds of grain, which in good seasons is fully supplied of home growth. When fai lure has taken place the deficiency has been met with foreign, as for example in the years 1837, 1838, and 1839, years in which the weather was adverse, both here and abroad (which is almost uniformly. the case). In these three years our foreign supply did not, I believe, exceed 20 millions of quar ters, not much exceeding one-third part of our annual growth, and falling much short of the actual deficiency, as proved by the high prices that were maintained ; but the circumstance attendant on high prices, economy in con sumption, made good what was wanting. These supplies were drawn from Germany, Russia, Prussia, and the other corn-producing countries that lie on the borders of the Baltic Sea. I ask, did they take payment in our ma nufactures ? Or, on the contrary, is it not well known that they did not io so, and that they have been engaged for years past in originating and adopting measures for the exclusion of our manufactures and .the promotion of their own, which they have felt was every day becoining more pressingly ne cessary for the employment of their increasing population, the result of a long continuance of peace and a want of colo nial vents to take off a part of their surpluses, such as we fortunately possess ; though, at the same time, we seem to speak and act ak if ours was the only country where excess of population or want of employment was to be found ? Since then, this great supply of foreign corn was not paid for with our manufactures or other goods, I inquire how it was done? The answer must be obvious to all—with our gold and silver, without which we might have starved whilst dependent on foreign supply. The consequence was that the coffers of the Bank were drained almost to the lowest point, and the metallic circulation of the country much narrowed. Our exchanges with the Continent were turned against us, and the balances of our trade with those countries that had no corn to sell became insufficient to supply our wants. Had, then, another year of scarcity followed, our remaining gold must have gone in the same channel, since hunger will not only part with the last guinea, but, it is said, even break through stone walls. But God, in the kindness of his pro vidence, was pleased to send us a favourable season in 1840, followed by a productive harvest, and thus the course and consequences of this great evil were averted. With this striking example and its results before us—with such experience, bought at so high a price—let us now con skier what we may expect were the country from choice to be placed in a state of dependence on foreign supply ; for it is to such a state of things that I am desirous to draw your attention and that of your readers. We have found that it is only with the precious metals any considerable quantity of foreign corn can be purchased; that our supply of these metals is unavoidably of a limited ex tent ; that the countries having 'a surplus of corn to sell will not exchange it with us for our goods (I do not include the United States in their number, because of late years they have also required supplies of foreign corn for their own consumption, and, even if they had such to spare, they would be unable to pay for it in cash, as the large supplies of cotton that we annually receive from them alone require the cost of all our exports to pay for them, nor is it long since a defi ciency of funds to do so was supplied to make it good by an export from hence.) South America, Asia, and the south of Europe, where our goods are exported, have no corn to give us in return, but pay us for them in other productions. Let us, then, suppose ourselves placed in this so-much desired state of dependence on these corn-producing coun tries for our future supply of bread, I ask how it is to be paid for when our gold and silver are exhausted, which we must see would soon be the case? Let those who can solve this problem. If means are not to be found in such a state, what, then, would become of our multitudes of ma nufacturers and- artisans? With home pi oduction dis couraged, limited, if not put down, by this temporary foreign supply, it could no longer be depended on as here tofore, whilst, exposed to this risk of competition, which, from the position of our home-growers, they could not, while it lasted, maintain. Their consumption of goods, too, would be lost to the manufacturer, and, with such adverse and conflicting results, might not the public revenue be ex pected to suffer and alarm to rise ? Who then would be sari t~ lien tro flooi Olie3 46 it is my object to show that the interests of the corn grower and his landlord, with those of the working classes of all descriptions, are not conflicting or opposed to each other, as has been supposed and represented, but that they are one and the same ; that the one cannot be depressed or injured without the other being also a sufferer; and that, whilst the existing system of corn-laws is calculated to benefit and pro- tect both, to encourage a trade in foreign corn, in preference to protecting our own growth, would in its results be alike injurious to all You will now judge how far I have made out ground to support the opinions with which I commenced this letter. Be that as it may, I consider the subject to be of such vital importance that I shall not withhold my humble name from you or the public as its author, being, sir, Your constant reader, JOHN GLADSTONE A very seasonable highly-important memorial from the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, on the alteration of the Sugar Duties, will be found elsewhere. Too much attention cannot he devoted to this subject at the present period, and we are glad to see this so ciety for ()nee advocating the rights of their country men, as well as the great principle of justice and benevolence. But why are the Committee so ready to assert that by the proposed measure " Cuba and Brazil will undoubtedly he benefited," whilst, say they, " the British Colonies may probably be injured." We should be more likely to give credence to their sense of the solemn responsibilities under which they wrote if there had not been such a manifest alteration in the tone of the latter claUse of the sentence. At the same time, the document is a valuable one, and will be read with interest. Whilst we are writing, there has been placed in our hands a paper headed " Fourteen Reasons why Brazil Produce should be at once admitted into this country for consumption on more reasonable terms," but we cannot notice one of them at present—we have touched upon the subject very recently, and shall do so again in a few days LOCAL NEWS, CONFIRMATION.—The Lord Bishop of the Diocese will hold a confirmation at Liverpool on the first day of June next. Miss HAMILTON'S CONCERT.—This accomplished singer has announced her concert to take place on Thursday next. A very delightful evening's entertainment may be anticipated. We understand that the rooms will be fashionably and bril liantly attended. CASUALTY IN TILE RIVER.—On Thursday a young accidentally walked over the Victoria Pier into the river. fishing-boat pushed off to her assistance, and she was taken out of the water, after having been immersed ten minutes. She is doing well. woman A SIR CHARLES NAPlER.—During Commodore Napier's stay in Liverpool, he took the opportunity of paying a visit to the extensive yard of Mr. Laird at North Birkenhead. He inspected a new iron steamer, intended for the West Indies, and expressed great admiration of the model of the Nemesis war steamer which was shown him, and which, it will be re membered, did so much execution during the recent contest in China. Sir Charles Napier is a great advocate for iron boats. Lord Morpeth's registration bill would go into committee last night, and it is generally anticipated that ministers will have to make further alterations of an unpalatable character to their Irish supporters. If the main object—the postpone ment of Lord Stanley's bill—can be accomplished, that will be accomplished; and there is too much reason to suppose that in that they will eventually succeed. REV. FREDERICK PARRY.—This gentleman has resigned the pastoal care of St: Paul's Church, Chester, having been appointed to one of the new churches in this town. The rev. gentleman has laboured in his late sphere for upwards of ten years with the greatest assiduity and faithfulness, and has endeared himself not only to his own congregation, but to every individual in Chester. He preached his farewell ser mon on Sunday evening last to a crowded auditory, which appeared deeply sensible of the loss they were about to sus tain. A handsome subscription is on foot amongst the mem bers of his late church to present him with some token of re gard prior to his removal to Liverpool; and we congratulate the inhabitants of this town, that, in addition to the already noble phalanx, we are about to have another clergyman of the church in every way worthy of our intelligent community. A BRACE OP VETERANS. — Amongst the company present at the dinner given to Commodore Napier, on Monday, was Captain grown, R.N., of Bootle, who has for many years been resident in this neighbourhood, and is, we believe, one of the oldest officers in the service. He is now, we under stand, in his 80th year. Captain Brown served in Egypt nearly fifty years ago. At the dinner he shook hands with Commodore Napier, observing to him, at the time, that he thought his doing so a compliment to both parties, adding, " 1 have now shaken hands with Lord Nelson, Sir Sydney Smith, and yourself, and I consider you the three greatest naval heroes that ever existed." Commodore Napier seemed highly gratified by the compliment paid to him by a veteran nearly thirty years hls senior. THE STEAM-BOAT CIRCULAR.—A very useful publica tion has within the last few months made its appearance, bearing the above title. The 'object of it is to give every month the departures of all the steam-packets leaving' this port. In hotels, taverns, and indeed all places of public re sort, this " circular" ought to be taken, as it will prove of great utility to travellers. It is a neat sheet, and is tar more handy than the unsightly placards, issued from the several companies. In this circular the departures to all patts may be learned. We recommend it earnestly to notice. INHUMAN TREATMENT OF A SAILOR.—A few brief par ticulars appeared in our last publication of :several instances of cruelty inflicted upon a young sailor in Bonny river, by Captain Brinsley, of the brig Satisfaction. On Friday, the hearing of the case was renewed, when Dr. Formby and Dr. Baird were in attendance. The former stated that the de ceased had died from dropsical effusion ; but, whether this had been brought on by the climate, or the severe discipline the deceased had received, it was impossible to say : he was inclined to think it was the effect of the climate, for, had it been from the treatment he had received, in his opinion, death would have been more speedy. Dr. Baird also attri buted the cause of death to dropsical effusion, brought on through fever, caused by the warmness of the climate. Both professional gentlemen explained their reasons fortheopinions they bad expressed. Mr. Rushton said the captain must be acquitted. He had a very strong opinion on the case, and, notwithstanding he could not resist the medical testimony, he thought the boy had been treated with wanton cruelty and extreme barbarity. DETERMINED SUICIDE.—On Thursday morning last, as two Title boys named Sparkes and Mealor, were in search of their donkeys on Wallasey Sand Hills, they were horror struck at discovering the body of a man with his throat cut in a most dreadful manner. They immediately gave the alarm, and several persons were soon at the spot, and the body of the unfortunate. man was conveyed to the White Horse public-house. It was soon recognised as the body of John Medcalf, who had been in the service of Mr. Garratt, of the Victoria Hotel, New Brighton. He had been missing two days ; and not the slightest cause, except that arising from intoxication, can be assigned for his committing the rash act. It being generally rumoured, on the finding of the body, that Medcalf had been murdered, Mr. Palmer, special' high constable, of Wirral, went off from Birkenhead with all speed, and on arriving at the spot and examining the body, he was speedily convinced that Medcalf hail been his own destroyer, for, on searching the body, in the deceased's breast-pocket he found a razor in a case, and another with which he had committed the deed, covered with blood, was lying under his head on the sand. Two cypriaus were pui forward at the police-court, on Friday, on a charge of having pi c k e d th e poc k et o f a fashion able young gentleman, in a public-house, in Cases-street, the evening previous. It appeared that the complainant was accosted by the damsels in the street, and that he gallantly ushered them into the aforesaid house, and gave them some thing to drink. One of them contrived to take from his waistcoat pocket a £lO, and also a £5 Bank of En g l an d immediately after together with three sove r eigns. Almost after both the fair ones decamped. The complainant then missed his treasure, gave chase, and overtook them, when he seized them, one by each hand, brought them back, and assured them that their booty consisted of papers of no value to them, but of paramount value to him, and offered them a sovereign if they returned them. The bargain was instantly struck, and the money returned. M r. Rushton said the complainant w'as liable to be indict e d, f or compro mising the felony, his duty being to give the parties into custody at once to a police-officer, and have them sent to bridewell. As it was they should be discharged. GROSS IMPOSITION UPON EMIGRANTS.-00 Saturday morning, at the Police-court, Richard Woofenden and Isaac Hincliffe appeared before Mr. Rushton to prefer a complaint against James Beckett, clerk to J. and W. Robinson, passan ger-brokers, for having defrauded them of XI 10s. each. Mr. Davenport appeared in behalf of the complainants. Mr. Woofenden stated, that he and his friend were natives of Hudderfield, and arrived in Liverpool that morning from Manchester, with the intention of embarking i n th e P atr i c k Henry for New York. Immediately upon leaving the station, at Lime-street, they were accosted by a "messenger," who asked them if they were going by the Patrick Henry for New York. He replied, they were. The " messenger," when they arrived at the docks, pointed out a vessel, which he said was the Patrick H enry, and requested them to accompany him to the ,office to get booked. They did so. The book keeper (who was pointed out to be Beckett) asked if they were for New York, and stated that there was room for three in the Patrick Henry, which would sail the following morn ing. £9 was paid down for the passage, and the agreement was, as the complainants' luggage had not yet arrived, if it should not come, they should have a passage by the Birming ham, which was to sail on the 28th, and that £1 each should be returned, the difference between the two fares. The clerk made out a ticket, which complainants did not exa m i ne t i ll . after le av i ng t h e o ffi ce. U pon rea di ng they found, that neither the Patrick Henry nor the Birmingham were men tioned. They returned to the office, and told the cle r k th ere was a mistake. For so me time he " shuffled about, saying he had not time to speak to them at length, how ever, h e at tended to them, when they told him their passage was to b e by the Patrick Henry. He replied, Nothing of the sort ; the agreement was, if they did not go by t h at vessel, they were to go on the 28th." they demanded back their money. The ticket made out by the clerk was read. It s t a t e d t h at t h e that and was endorsed.' passagesifth‘ev their e luggage tobe by d t i 1 4 i e n Si ot l v a a r n r l y s e .l . in the complainantslt were to go by the Princess Victoria. The statements of the complainants were confirmed by a witness who was pre sent in the office. Mr. Rushton : "It is a clear case of obtaining money under false pretences. The f rau d b eg i ns at the Railway station,, and finishes at M essrs. J . and W. Ro binson's office. The nine pounds, with two pounds paid for provisions, werereturned sen . expressing a hop e th at the magistrate would by order o f M r. R ushton, Mr. Becket, the case . one of f rau d . Mr. Rushton : " I will the affair is settl e d w h at I consider it. " The e l ) not you consider ewhen money having . been duly paid, Mr. Rushton said, " Now, listen. This fraud begins at the Railway station, on the part of these stamping fellows ; and, mind 'you, (addressing the 'messenger') if I find y ou engaged in making these false representations, and fraud ensues in consequence, I will make an example of you. And you, sir, (addressing Bee kett,) it is not because you are in an office, and charter ships that you should make fal se representat i ons. If ever you are brought here again, I will send you both before a jury of your country. I would do so now if it were not detaining these men, perhaps to i nconven i ence, to await your trial : indeed, I don't know whether to do so now or not. If it should occur again, there is no sacrifice I will not make to bring you to justice. I will detain the witnesses, and their, expensesshall be p a id, i n order to bring you to punishment. " The parties charged were about to make a statement in ex planation, when Mr. Rushton, with indignation, ordered them to quit the court.