The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1850-06-11 00:00:00

P ItOTECTION. GRAND' LIVERPOOL e of the m progress o tectionist pr ,sity of re lace at •aday.. The r agricultural and whett rice of the w unequivoc called free-t 1 that many stopper, r. 'W. J ), Jr. Jc C. Nail() 4Ampli stet. ( Mr. W. R. E. 1 end of DEMONSTRATION magnificent deindnstrationS rinciples. and of the growing 11 of legislation which has al- the Royal Amphitheatre, on nded by delegates from all the )cieties throughout the coun- 'ober, the character, or ti .nt, the varied interests cal rank and at he proceedings, the vast :onsideration, or the locality Id, it must be regarded as r the change which has taker ere formerly the advocate The meeting o-iginated i 1, an extensive shipowner of delegates recenth• held a and enthusiastically re oat. The Amphitheatre, ti ad which is estimated to hol .s crammed in every corn , mmeneed, and we wer By unab:e to obtain ad r was taken by the Ea cheering, Among platform we observe, Lord John Manners, M.P. tkenzie, M.P, Q.C.. the Re 'ming, (Chairman of British Industry m: Duncah Gibb, Mr. Sarht Molyneux, fr of Lancasi J. Peers, Mr, A. Render ker, Mr. W. Niam,.Mr. H Mr. A. Norris, Mr. R. iles, Air. T. H. Wall rey), Mr. Robert Knc IL. Sowler Mr eford, Mr ), Mr. Rd Leman (Warvvi Davies (Coleshi , l), M b (Ledburyi, -Mr George 'SteMit, ohu Cross (Hampton), S. ne, Mr. F. W. Tatton, Mr re), Mr. J. Talbot Clifton Si. Quinten urner, N r:Alderman Hodgiini Ir. T. Lit C. Bourne, Mr. E. Jo lain, Mr. J. A. Tobin, V. Fisher, Air. W. IVar ICS, &Ir. Petei•Browne, erchants, traders, and ship. we have not space to intro. c. the Right Hon. the Ea chairman of the meeting loudly welcomed, the larp wing their hats. Silent essing his regret that they !nt, said—lie felt called on lied in symliathy f getter —(loud cheers) t noble-hearted class mechanics, tenant fa ion, an opportunity se of Lords. (Cheers lvice whice upon thy, woutd be To that nth add the expi ational meat to agitate the disc e country to the othE at when he Eaid again , to avail tln is or in private, of t ;cheers)—publicly ;es of the lower c cim the conviction r they were at Ma nany places in rum their eyes to t , in Kent, or i n in the Lotitiai Did they find then E,v,en ia this town, the merchants of s which had taken j] iti3fied th, ploytnent to them that on, the wal nestion. It not a fit and Just It was em with very grew Dn their, tdy to t ing under a sense of un hear),—that they abstained ige, remembering that the , that the eyes of their op- hem for it :y of their totives, to expre I someti I prevented th2m g which the chairman r idst much cheering, to aot recollect any previous led upon to address such a nt, whether he regarded it Feal th and talent of the in- .r; hear importance of the -fear, hear). He aw of those merchant r - - nourably known, in every many tenant-farmers, and class with whom he had lie meant the, tra, sion, n but sl langua requir misfortu of vindicat sentiments Policy, ion of a the tea rish or should a the ruin-oi to meet and luties unless er, Lee r noble chairman and big res (renewed cheers.) He Id be impossible to witness at reflection was painfully 1 whatever. lie was a member of and if it were possible for that class to flou t' the agriculturists, it was likely that he in that prosperity. Hut he held it to be country like this, which had vast engage a lofty character to maintain, could fulfil all classes contrib u t e d their fair proportion !hequer. The landowners of England should id had largely contributed to the payment rdens, lust as welt as thp nf nt position in 'tibial he ;cupying that position he urge of presumption (cries . . I arrived at a period in the 'lay on the great questions lmost a crime (hear, hear) ; I himself of the privilege to well alluded--the privilege Id long might they continue ing his own opinions, and of thousands and of tens ommunity with which, as mr of being specially con ficient experience both in that those from whom he a that question, might be iotic, and as honourable as l to the feeling expressed should not, on that occa- of.tlie c temperate abuse of others, he calm and dispassionate tes of a cause that did not • adorned or unadorned, in iould certainly regret if, in lepart from the moderation Jac! so properly exr hear.) The resolul fitting to theM was as follows :—"That s to the foreigner by . the admission of uler the present miscalled free trade I at a cost ruinous•to the British and hat this undue encouragement of the Lrge masses of our industri sna ng and distress as threitens to lit and undermine the stability of the try." Now he was not there obnoxious Et landowner in this country, for, with ores which he kept for his own amuse- 11 classes intc , and Stockport, or the merchants and mns and cities. And let him also say that s by the payment of indirect taxation also it proportion to the same object. Under it wig thA im . prest of Enelangi -- - for one class could be said it was not j ~as io amaiga one phalanx of mutual support—(hear)-- not prosper on the ruin of another. Now tist that those from whom a large portion of state were raised should be placed in a- LIIC IJIII ltuna unjust competition with foreigners, who paid no portion of those burdens. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) There was a remarkable passage upon that subject in the speech of a once distinguished statesman. That passage was as follows:—"I do not consider, when I look at the burdens on land i n this country, that a fixed duty of Bs. per quarter on corn brought here from Poland and the north of Europe would offer a fair protection to that land. Who pay the highway rates, the church rates, the 'poor rates, and the tithes? I say not altogether, but chiefly, the landed proprietors of this country ; and if there be corn produced in other lands not subject to these burdens, it would clearly not he just to the land of this country to admit that corn on equal terms with our own." Now who did they think was the author of that statement? Why, it was no other than Sir B. Peel (cries of " hear, hear," laughter and hisses). He (Mr. Holme) was there that day for the purpose of entering his pro test against that recent legislation which seemed to he placing this country on an inclined plane, from which her downward course would be inevitable. That legislation had ruined our colonies and brought them to the very i•cre of rebelli:A:. Ns persons felt and knew that better than the p,0;,1e of Liverpool. Our go vernment professed to b e engaged i n an attempt to ex tinguish slavery — a noble and god-like act ; and yet at the same time they admitted into our markets slave-grown sugar, thus undoing with one band what they had been do;ng with the other; while they called that philanthropy, and attwhed to it the sacred name of Christianity, whi c h they by that means strangelydesecrated. Then again, they had retained the tax on timber, while they had swept away those navigation laws on which the maritime glory of England had been founded (cheers). dwitakintbi•MNETm=iit‘ They permitted the untaxed produce of foreign countries to compete with the taxed produce of this 'country, and they.-de risively ;rave to that system the name of free trade (hear, hear.) But to those who objected to that unnatural competition, Mr: Cobden and others had held out threats which most assuredly, in the course of retributive justice, would some day or other, and that not a distant day, recoil on the heads of their authors (hear, hear). He did not undervalue the importance of manu factures. On the contrary, he earnestly wished to see them f prosperous; and he was well aware that any injury done to . . them would vibrate throughout the national frame. But he objected to that system of legislation under which they were cherished at the expense of every other national interest. He found that while . farmers were taxed for the support of toe poor, a contractor might supply a workhouse With corn pur chased on the Continent, and imported into this country free of duty, while the farmers themselves were obliged to pay for that - cOrn (loud cries of " hear, hear"). He believed that such injustice only required to be known to raise the indignation of every Englishman (hear, hear). Then, again, he . und that found Frenchmen and Ger Liverpool and other without the interver ports in ti tion of an present sending their flour to country, and selling it there so that foreigners suc and traders, whilst they )f our national burdens. 'ssfully competed with our mere no way contributed to the paym . . rates to raise, no colonies to maintain, and if othei:niiiions would reciprocate our free-trade policy with us, then he should be a Free trader in the fullest sense of the term (hear, hear). Then, indeed, he believed that the skill and the indomitable industry of England, placed in a state of fair competition, would he victorious over all the world. But it was to the unfairness of the present competition that he y artificial itate, and it was Zany dis- lily fair that we al. gencies inion upon that subject. s belief, " the agriculture tion from considerations iuntry w ion to a John Russell had given ex lord had dwelt on ilturists cf this lmpetition ivith the untaxed d, and the unhappy serfs by 1 of the people, and his they certainly would not had stated that the tter employed ) did nat 3 that noble though he ather trust ar, hear"). injusti hle lord w which be had seen among them sear. bear). It tives only that were o triflinT, -e were not hundreds of he had himself received obtain a country had of tier. the on w not bow they T. We" a eases of r 'medy ? It Jers of parliament, thafthe only apprentif danger till it There r y truth in the statements then. and privation ible for him. f, to shut his eyes'. storm whin it hat they were a them - (load brig that were r workmen. But the fact was, that nttc what Ifering offering to the position it certain m - to cry out bef cheeis). It was said that 41 reduced in every country. them amicably reduced the wag —labour was becoming ar"). It was said by I .urists took too gloon- y the v co!onies bad deli casks. Where Indian it what it les not every day v s But those were esp ly in Brt , or 15 tive clan . to with a resit( would tell them who were it, who were leavin, LIM live better and ge ht into that country at 2d. a pair Is; and had pi list], which t se could so well ex nd bee how they 1-'re d to dis- the destruction of the West Inc they formerly bad of mal s were formerly shim r). Were t more and who were en. He had 1 in Germany He had him- He wished to ,y, snd that re- took him to the soda] of I der traveller who had all a Aland with him. He said to him, " I hope you have had a sticeessful journey." " Anything but that, sir" (laughter). " Why I thought now that you were under the operation of free trade you would be very prosperous." " Ah, sir, that's the thing that has done the mischief—the farmers and the labourers are the people who deal with the shopkeepers in the country towns. They are so terribly cut up that they are not able to buy, and the shopkeepers are not able to give me any orders" (loud it was evident that the r ns of the home nd all were now beginning to truction of railways had absorbed a great ount of capital, but protection had enabled them to recover Now, the gloom seemed perpetual. The foreigner took only goods he wanted, and no more; he took them, not because he loved England, but because it was convenient to him. He sent to them, on the contrary, everything he sold, so long as hey were fools enough to admit them without duty; but he care all through that the balat;ce of trade should be in his ur (hear, hear), He maintained that it was the duty of the lature, which had inflicted that injury, to give relief. The was burdened with heavy rates, uluch, in consequence of their currency laws, ther were obliged to pay in an enhanced valise, while the produce of the soil had Leen deteriorated 50 per cent. ; and •if the government hail damaged the land of England, they were bound to give some protection for the losses to which they had subjected it. Certain charges were, as was well known, imposed upon the land; and so long as gold was kept at its present price, under the currency law of Sir R. Peel, it was quite evident that the owners of the soil must a much larger amount than they could justly be 1 upon to pay (hear). It was quite useless deceiving them- if they •evenue annually, be p more important than all the others put together. Upon the land was founded the prosperity of all countries, and it would be easier for fire end water to coalesce than to continue the present system without a repeal of Sir R. Peel's bill. I f they attempted it, government would soon come to a dead lock. He feared he was trespassing on their time, but he wished to refer to a letter he had recently received from a very able friend. He stated that "the Free-traders, who were a people wise in their generation, were dexterously endeavouring. to inveigh against ation, as tending to perpetuate high bread. That would be Quite right Monopoly prices, an. sought for one class only and not for all. that if - protection was withdrawn from the land, why should it not be withdrawn from all other interests? Why should not all ar ticles of foreign produce be admitted duty free? Why should they not have tea sugar, wine, spirits, and tobacco at the lowest possible price? Why should they not have cheap clo thing and cheap furniture? And why should not all other articles he left unprotected, and then they would be all in the same boat. lie maintained that the British subject had a fair claim to protection, seeing that he paid highway rates and all taxes and duties for the support of hospitals, churches, schools, and other great institutions of the coun- try, while, in the meantime, the foreigner, who paid none 01 these taxes was permitted to undersell him in his own market. The free-traders did not offer even a show of reciprocity, for they everywhere found the foreigner shutting the door in their fares, drawing about them tightly the mantle of protection," and laughing at them. (Loud cheers.) Such were the sentiments of a very able man; and call it by what name they pleased—call it protection or justice, unless they had an alteration of the import duties, increasing misery must be the inevitable result. Let them go throughout the length and breadth of the country studded with the residences• of the aristocracy, and abounding with benevolent and kindly feeling, and promoting the circulation of wealth—let them go among their 10,000 villages in which the population were en tirely dependent upon agriculture. It was a fact that half their population was dependent on the soil and the productions of the land, which equalled three times the amount of all their manufactures. Let them calmly trace these operations in all their ramifications, and say if they were to reduce that great body to poverty, and say further if that could be, under any circumstances, for the benefit of the rest of the community?' (Loud cheers.) The result of such legislation would only be to reduce the landed proprietors of that country to the condition of the Irish absentees, and tend to the ruin of all dependent upon land. (Cheers.) The resolution referred to the deter mination of that meeting to support the institutions of the throne and the country. He defied contradiction when he said that the ti" --- " had al-- if protection ..friers of the soil always exhibited the most unswerving loyalty, and kept the country safe and unharmed when the torch of revolution was lighted up elsewhere. He maintained that while others were torpid or indifferent, the agriculturists kept the manufacturing districts, in times of peril, when the Materials were ready for an explosion if the torch was once applied, in awe, and saved the monarcy and the constitution from being undermined and overturned. It had been often said that financial difficulties were the precur- sors of revolution, and that in such case commerce took wit.gs to itself and flew away, to settle in other places. It was so in Tyre and in the states of Italy, and was since then tending westward; but the land of England had been always the same, and by a law of Providence it had ever maintained those in abundance who had put their labour to it. (Hear.) He de nied, with indignation, the assertion that those who were fa vourable to the protection of British industry could be charged with disloyalty. The agr i cu lt ur i s t wou ld su pp or t monarc hi ca l institutions, and he loved them so dearly that he would support the monarchy if the crown hung upon a bush. (Hear, hear.) It was, in fact, those who were rooted to the soil to whom they must in a great measure look as thedefenders of the monarchy. (Loud cheers.) It might be presumptuous in him to say what lie was given to understand with regard to the Times news paper, he knew not whether justly or not, that it was under the influence of the moneyocracy o f L on d on. It h a d l ate l y given them plenty of ridicule, but very little argument. He rather wondered at that, seeing that some of the ablest men were connected with it ; but is was perf e ctly a b sur d t o fi n d it v p e ro t o o l f d of the them referring to the ministers gor t g olg o ht Ep o s s om wel a l s prosperity of the country. that ddl i om Rome .ao was • a i s t not t gh as in t a well haveeonilagratisoal when its Emperor was d that the cholera was not in Paris because it was personified at a bat masque. He had much intimacy with that class who earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow, and he found that a deep and silent feeling of distrust was rapidly pervading all classes, and they were beginning to consider that the measures of the go vernment were indeed an experiment (Hear.) To those who had read the admirable essays of Bacon it would be uuneces, ly-taxed ountry had never been esent. Now he (Mr. lin Russell' would st: kliown such THE LI,V.E.R.root„ nary to call to mind the observation that it was not good to try experimeriis.on states unless the•necessity was obviout or the. utility evitfetit. • Letlustice"he .:one,' . Whatever was the cinse quende.'. an individual did wrong. it. would. be nroper and bonmirittile 'to" acknowledge it, find do right; and na tions; lientg ;only air aggregatitin of individuals, let them at once :retrace their steps, and do What was right. (Loud cheers.) Where were they - to stop? They had repealed the navigition'taws; they had ruined the colonies, and had brought the land tif England into competition With the untaxed soils of other colinfrtes, and had brought the labourers into something like.the condition of the serfs of Russia or of Poland. (Great cheering:) Did any man suppose that the principle would stop there.: (Loud cries of "No.") No, other institutions were waiting to be attacked. Lord John Russell had already sounded the.tiumpet, and given notice with reference to the universities. (Loud cries of " Hear.") The next thing they would have would be free trade in education, and it would be thence) a veryeasy transition to the church and its property. (Cheero, and cries of " Hear." It was the precursor. of free trade in 'religion.. also. If the principle was honestly carried out, they would have the same measure applied to another class, and they might depend upon it the time was not distant when, in addition to the universities and the church, they would have a vote submitted to Parliament to carry out the principle 'of free trade with regard to the fundholder. (Tre mendentS'eheering.)- Could the institutions of England remain unscathed wherithe demon of discord was once let loose and swept over the castles of the nobility and the mansions of toe cotton 'lord's.? (Great cheering.) He used not remind the meeting that, when the factory operatives mere oppressed, they did not appeal for protection to Mr. Bright or Mr. Cobden, but they placed, their case in the hands of Lord John Manners. (Tremendous applause.) He trusted that noble lord would consider it a sacred trust to do them the justice they sought at his hands. (Rene - wed cheering.) They asked for a revision of the iMportiluties, because it was impossible that the native industry of that country could prosper if they laid upon it a crushing - load. He had lately had some conversation with an intelligent French Man, who told him that he had lived to wit ness three revolutions, and had seen sixty men in one day carried to the guillotine under the name of liberty, and he stated his opinion that if England went on burdened with that load of debt, and with her colonies to maintain, her only choice would be oetween protection and revolution. (Great cheering:) 'He maintained that free trade was utterly incom patible With the free institutions of the country, and even Na polon in the bitterneSs of his heart, when his armies were de feated:was compelled to aeknowledge that England would never be ruined but by her own parliament. • It was their duty to do all in their power to stop the present government in its downward course. (Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he wishedlo ask the meeting what was their duty under the pre sent eirennistan^es? It was to amend the representation of the empire; (Loud cheers.) They must send to parliament ' men ; of 'English hearts, and possessing English feelings. (Great applause.) They must attempt to amend the repre sentation of Liverpool. (Vehement and continued applause.) They had been a divided party, and as such they had been de feated; but they must be so no longer. (Hear.) Divided, they must be defeated ; combined, they inust and would be victorious: (Enthusiastic cheering.) For Sir Thomas Birch and Mr. Cardwell lie had the highest respect : they were gen tlemen whose morals were unblemished, and of much amiabi lity in private life. But they wanted something more; and when Mr. Cardwell told them that he would not msde the catspaw of those who wished to go back to protection, they would take that opportunity to proclaim, on the wings of the press, that the electors of Liverpool would take especial care that he should not make a catspaw of them. (Loud laughter. and cheering.) They must not send to parliament men who would be ready to legislate upon the most transient theories, but men whO would be ready to back their tried friends Lord Stanley (cheers), Mr. Newdegate (cheers), and others— men :with English sentiments, glowing in English hearts, who would perpetuate the glorious institutions of the country, and enable them'to diffuse the blessings of civilisation to all mankind.— Mr. Holme concluded, amidst hearty cheers, by moving the first resolution. labour of foreign countries." He said that be had not expected to have been there; but he felt that the West Indies had a peculiar claim of their own, and he believed that it was, by . . this nation Pledged itself when Wav , ry was abolished in the colonies, and as contrary to the very principles which ought to form the foundation of a system of free trade, namely, equality . . of position and circumstances. (Loud cheers.) In looking over the debate of Friday, it appeared to him that the great object of ministers was to set up the standard of wrong as opposed to the standard of right. On that occasion Sir Edwd. Buxton brought forward a motion declaring that it was unjust and impolitic to submit the -free-grown produce of the West Indies to unrestricted competition with the produce of slave countries. That he (Mr. Shand) called raising the standard of liberty. But what did her Majesty's ministers and the majo rity who voted with them do? They voted in the negative, and so set up the standard of slavery. (Much cheering.) - Did they call that free trade? If that were free trade, then Eng- conclusion to which he came was, that they would not allow— and he gladly coincided in the disallowance—that they would not allow slaves to be worked in the British West Indies, and that they would not even allow the colonists to make engagements with the labourers for certain periods of time, lest it should bear the semblance of slavery ; yet, at the same time, they would take upon equal terms the produce of Cuba and Brazil, allowing those countries to carry on the stave trade so long as their vessels were lucky enough to escape our cruisers; and not only that, but to keep in slavery all the men who had been imported for a long series of years, and who were as legally entitled to their freedom in those countries, ac cording to treaties, as were the people of England themselves. (Hear, bear.) He bad it upon the authority of a commissioner in the port of Cuba, Mr. Turnbull, that every African intro duced into Cuba or Porto Rico since the year 1807, or into Brazil since 1826, was at this moment legally entitled to his freedom. Yet it was from these countries we were now taking produce upon equal terms with the produceof our own colonies. (Hear, hear.) Did they call that free trade? Because if they Mr. ROBERT WOODWARD, in seconding the resolution, said,—My Noble Lord, Gentlemen of the landed interest, and Fellow Townsmen,—We greet you with a hearty welcome, and we bid you God speed. The committee for conducting the affairs of this great meeting have done me the honour to re quest that I would second the first resolution ; I must trespass upon your indulgence for a few moments while I endeavour, however imperfectly, to lay before you some of the facts that have fallen tinder my observation in reference to the all important subject which we are now met to discuss, and more particularly that portion of it which relates to the importation of foreign corn. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, it will probably be in the recolection of most of you that, in the course of the discussions which preceded the passing of the corn-law repeal bill in 1846, it was broadly asserted by the advocates of that measure that 50s. to 555. for the quarter of wheat might rea sonably be calculated upon by the British grower, and that, if from abundant harvests at home, the price should perchance All to 455. the quarter, then might the English farmer console himself in the reflection that importations from abroad would thenceforward cease, and that he (the British farmer) might certainly content himself in the reflection that be would have a monopoly of the home market. (Hear, hear.) It is true, gentlemen, there were to be found, even in the year 1846, a few indivi " gard to theit'consistency—he thought nothiiv , could be more gross than the inconsistency of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when pleading for the admission of the slave-grown produce of Carolina, because England had admitted the slave-grown pro duce of the Brazils. Why, there was no parallel whatever be tween the two cases—and the distinction was so obvious that he was astonished the right hon. gentleman should have at tempted to urge such an argument. When that country had deprived the colonies of slave labour, and when it was urged that the whole of the slave-grown produce of the United States was admitted into England, was that argument listened to — was it tolerated ? They bad heard that very building re-echo with denunciations of slavery. They had heard the hon. gen tleman, the member for the Tower Hamlets, Mr. Gm•ge Thompson, pouring forth his indignation against the whole system. The thunders of the anti-slavery party had been frequently heard, and they could tolerate nothing like an excuse for the existence of slavery in the West Indies. But as they went on, they found another minister, the Secretary of the Board of Control,.Mr. Wilson, who told them that the agricul turists cried out before they were ruined, and when they were now really ruined that they did not know their own circum stances—(a laugh)—and he proved, in a most incontrovertile manner by figures, that not only were they not ruined at all, but actually rather rising in the scale. (Hear, hear.) But he would now give them from a publication that had recently come out, by the talented son of that nobleman whom they had chosen for their leader, his statement of the condition of the West Indian colonies. He would touch upon it as briefly as possible, and lie would not read to them any figures. The honourable gentleman stated that lie had visited the islands of Jamaica, Trinidad, the colony of Guiana, and several other places; and although he was not unprepared to find them la bouring. under great distress, he found that distress had been very much underrated, and, in fact, the ruin of these colonies was now almost complete. He gave extracts from the speeches of. the governors of these and other colonies, all affording evi dence to the same effect. (Hear.) Such was the present pros perity of the West Trigies, and the very: same principle would its, not only in the ranks of the agi'iculturists, but le mercantile class, who took exception to the opinions of the advocates e of unrestricted importation, and who ve n t ure d to predict that; should the price fall to 40s; or under, tie market would not even then prove to the British growers to Le their own. Gentlemen, you all know what reception the warnings I have described met with, both in and out of parliament. Noble lords and honourable gentlemen, in their advocacy of their favourite bill, could hardly find terms sufficiently vitu perative of the men who gave vent to such extravagant preg nostications as to hint at the possibility of the price of wheat falling to 40s. or under. But, gentlemen, what are the facts which three short years have disclosed on this disputed point of importation? Why, that in the year 1847 alone, when our rulers thought it right to give us for the first time the full be nefit of free trade, we had a free importation of 5,250,000 oi ters of foreign wheat and wheat flour, besides 7,ooo,oooquarte..s of other kinds of grain. (Hear, hear.) Be it remembere I, too, that this was a year when France was our competitor in foreign markets, and when one would have imagined that little preparation could nave been made on the part of corn-ee porting countries to supply the sudden wants of two such na tions as England and France. Gentlemen, I find no faultwith the government of that day for the extent of the importations of 1847, though I think, by their acts, we paid much too dearly for those importations. Our rulers had, however, to grapple with the fearful deficiency of food in Ireland, arising from tie failure of the potato crop. What are we to think, however, of the importations of the year 1E49, and which I may describe as the first year of the baneful act of 1846, having come into full-and shall I say permanent ?-operation, (Cries of "No, .no.") Upon reference to the published returns, gentlemen, I find that we imported of wheat and flour alone in the past year, 4,900,000 quarters, in addition to 1,000,000 quarte rs pre viously laid up in bond, and awaiting liberation on the Ist of 'February, when the duty of ls. per quarter became the law of the land ; and besides such enormous quantities of wheat and wheat flour, we imported of all other kinds of grain 6,500,0^0 quarters. Is it then to be wondered at, gentlemen, that with such prodigious foreign supplies the price o f wheat, in the year succeeding one of the most unproductive harvests known to Great Britain and Ireland in the present century (I mean the harvest of 1848), should have been forced down to a ruinous point to the British grower; for, notwithstanding the deficiency in our crop, I find that the gazetted average priceof wheat for the fifty-two weeks, comprising the year 1849, was only 445. 2d. per quarter, the first of those weeks showing a return of 455. 100., and the last 398. 4d. per quarter. Now, gentlemen, one would have thought that, with such figUres staring us in the face, an important check would have been put on importation ; but has this really been so?-on the contrary, notwithstanding the average price of the first eighteen wee k s of the present year has proved to be 388. 7d. per quarter only; and in one of those weeks was so low as 365. Ild. per quarter, we find supplies still flowing in from almost every port in Europe, and low as is the price they bid fair to amount to upwards of 3,000,000 quarters whei t, and probably considerably more before the end of the year, though the United States of Ame rica are reported to have nothing more to spare on this side of harvest Ural*, hear, hear). Gentlemen, it is pretended by the advocates of free trade, and by their hireling scribes, that the cost of transportation of grain from foreign countries to this country is of itself a sufficient protection to the British grower; but how stand the facts? Why, rea lly, th a t b y rea son of the extreme lowness of freights and insurance during the whole of the past and present year, we can bring wheat and flour from the near French ports, from Belgium, Holland, Hanover, Bremen, and Hamburg, at quite as little expense of transit as we can from the great corn exporting counties of England-viz., Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex (hear). By your permission my lord, I will state to the meet ing what the rates of freight on wheat were, as paid by myself, from various ports, in the years 1848, 1849, and 1850; and upon reference to he account for 1848, I find the following, viz,-from Hamburg, I cargo, in winter, 3s. 10d. per quarter; all the other cargoes, 35., 2s. 9d., 2s. 6d. From Bremen, 35., 3s. 3d. and 2s. 6d. per qr. From Holland, 2s. 2d., Is.. 10d., and Is. Bd. per qr. From Belgium, 3s. 6d., Is. Ild., Is. 10d„ and Is. per qr. In 1849, we paid from Hamburg and Bremen 3s. per qr. ; from Holland, Is. 6d. to 25. per qr. ; from Bel gium, 2s. 6d., Is. 10(1 , Is. 9d., and Is. 6d. per qr., and in one instance Is. 3d. per qr. We had two cargoes of beans front Alexandria, Egypt, a distance of nearly 4,600 miles, one at 3s. 3d., the other at 2s. 9d. per qr.; and as if, concurrently with the reduction in the value of corn, the expense of its transmission was also reduced, the solution of which I will leave to my friends who are shipowners, we find the rates of freight if possible still lower now than in the last year; for we are receiving wheat from the lower Baltic potts at 3., 2s. 9d., 2s. 70., ard2s. 6d. per qr.; from Hamburg and Bremen, at 2s. and is. 6d. per qr. ' • from Holland ls. 9d. to Is. 6d. per quarter; and in one instance, from Belgium, by a crack vessel of 300 tons at ls. per quarter (hear, hear). It is to little purpose, therefore, my lord, that our opponents tell us and tell the country at large that because they see the prices in other countries quoted nearly as high as our own prices, that there fore importations will necessarily . cease. [A gentleman in the pit asked whether the wheat was imported chiefly in English or foreign bOttorns? Mr. 'WOODWARD-Both: but the majority were foreign. Whilst on this part of the subject, I may state that at the present moment I have twelve cargoes of wheat upon the passage, and twelve or fifteen more to ship, but out of the twelve cargoes upon the passage eight are in foreign bottoms, and four only in English.] (Hear, hear.) I trust I have made it apparent to your lordship, and to this meeting, that, by reason of the cheap transit, I, as a merchant, can afford to buy foreign corn at very many of the ports of Europe at as high a price as I could give to our own growers of the eastern coun ties of England. The seeming anomaly, , therefore, of the near approximation of the continental prices to the British prices is easily reconcileable, and it is quite compatible with the nature of things that considerable importations of corn should go on concurrently with the smallest possible margin in prices. He, therefore, is, in my opinion, a bold man who shall presume to fix the limit of price at which the importation of corn shall stop. (Hear, hear.) My lora, I am prepared to hear it stated by the free-trade party that the point of greatest depression in our corn markets has been passed; and for a short time at least I am disposed to agree in this opinion -for, indepen dently of the fact that most of our smaller growers, some being half ruined, and many of them wholly ruined, have been un able to withhold their supplies from market, a few of our free trade capitalists are so very desirous to assist the upward movement in the value of wheat that they are investing consi derable sums of money in that article, in the hope of proving the correctness of their theory, and I verily believe would almost as soon part with their right bands as be doomed to witness, thus early, the utter failure of all their confident pre dictions. It will be vain, however, to look for any permanent improvement while this visionary, this insane, policy of free importation is persisted in. Cheapness, gentlemen, after if 1, is only a relative term, and the poor man may take it for granted that the large loaf at 10d., admitted ditty free from foreign countries, will, in the eud, prove much dearer to him than the same sized loaf at ls., the produce of his own country ; for I need not point out to the buyer of bread that, could he procure the said loaf for 5d., it would not in th e l eas t d egree avail him if he had not sd. to pay for it. Gentlemen, jolly sailors, and honest operatives, there are friends now present at this great meeting from various agricultural districts who will tell you that the wages of farm labour, consequent upon the low price of corn, in at least fifteen out of the fifty-two coun ties of England and Wales, are only 7s. per week ; and I will leave you to guess how, after house rent and firing be paid, an able-bodied man, with a wife and probably four or five children, can subsist upon such a pittance. No wonder, gentlemen, that we hear of distress in the small towns dependent upon agriculture. But in this our town of Liverpool, the second inlet of the kingdom for all kinds of foreign produce, and the outlet of so large a portion of our manufactures, we surely had a right to expect a dif ferent state of things as the result of free trade, if. indeed, free trade be that desirable policy which its advoentes would fain represent it to be. We look, however, fee its fruit s , and where do we find them? The wages 01 labour in this town have, it is true, been nominally kept up; but let me ask Is the labourer more than half employed? I will take it upon nil self to say, and I will appeal to any respectable retail shopkeeper as to the correctness of my assertion, that during no two con secutive years of the present century have the lower classes in this our town been shorter of the necessaries and comforts of life than in the past two years. (Hear, hear.) I appeal in an especial mannertotheflour-dealers and the licensed victuallers or publicans for the truth of this assertion. Gentlemen, free trade, as you well know, was foisted upon an unwilling and doubting community by seven years of enormous lying on the not ilieories, and he ryas qiiite sure they would all admit that one fact was worth a thousand figures. If such was the system of free trade that was being applied to the industry of Great Bri• lain, he left them to judge what the result would be when that legislative interference' had been exercised upon them for fifteen years. as it had been upon the West India colonies. (Hear, hear.) Nov, he had no doubt that both shipowners and land owners who considered the question would be disposed to look with horror at the idea Of touching the national credit; but when their legislative acts had touched upwards of one hundred millions of property that was just as securely held, he might be disposed to wonder how the question of the sponge being applied to the funds could be considered such a horrible thing. (Hear, bear.) The speaker concluded by submitting the reso lution. The Rev. Dr. APNEILE came forward to second the resolu tion, and was received with loud, protracted, and enthusiastic cheering. He said—My lord, on a great practical question, Bich as that which now agitates this country, and which, if I mistake not, will continue to agitate it more and more, it is unreasonable to expeCt from its advocates on either side an entire unanimity on the grounds on which they render their support, or on the extent to which they are prepared to carry out their principles. To demand unanimity as a condition would be to render any large and extensive co-operation abso lutely impracticable. (Hear, hear.) It is enough that there shall be a general agreement on the main points, and no essential or substantial disagreement on any point. (Hear, hear.) I trouble your lordship with these observations, be cause it is quite possible that among the promoters of the present movement there may be designs, plans, and motives with which I am ignorant, and with which if I was acquainted I have no wish to be ideittifled. This is possible. It is enough for me that I look upon the general object as good, useful, urgent—that the part of it most interesting to my mind is be nevolent and Christian—(hear)—and that my motives for taking an active part in my proper place, and according to my ability, are such as recommend it to my own heart. I desire further to Premise that I think those persons judge erroneously who keep aloof from such a movement as this at this time, on the ground that some of the active promoters of it are gentle. men with whom they cannot personally co-operate--nay, even gentlemen who may have treated them in an unhandsome man ner, either in word or deed. My lord, I hold that patriotism to be,weak and sickly which is at the mercy of personal pique. I know that there are many impracticable men who are also strong . partizans. But, at the same time, I am not pre pared to allow, any one of them to fancy himself of so m u ch importance as to have the slightest weight, pro or con, in in fluencing my conduct. And further, as a minister of the Gospel, and a clergyman of the Church of England, I hold myself openly, unequivocally, and nithout any mistake, to be in my own proper place, convinced as I am that the general object we have in view is inseparable from the best interests of my fellow-creatures, all the world over, because it is insepa rable from the true, high, permanent position, and pre-emi nence 'of England and Englishmen, to whom, and to whom alone upon earth, the world must look for the propagation of Christianity—of:sound saving Protestant Christianity (great cheering) —to whom, and to whom alone upon earth, the world must look for such measures of national and interna tional amelioration as•must strike the rivet from every mana cle that galls a human arm, and under every circumstance, temporally and spiritually, proclaim liberty to the captive (great cheering, and a voice from the crowd, "Go ahead") Go ahead! Have patience (great applause). The advice I received from a kind friend just now, is very different from that I received in the streets a few days ago from a kind and well-meaning, but, I believe, mistaken friend. He said, Have nothing to do with that meeting (oh, and laughter). The West Indies and the Protectionists do not care a farthing about slavery, and only put it forward as a bait to catch your advocacy; and, -moreover, they. mould not help you in defence of Protestantism, and why, then, should you help them in de fence of protection ?" • _ _ _ Mr. PAUL FOSKETT, who was on the platform, started up an, exclaimed—" We will !" and the whole meeting instantly rose and cheered most vigorously, shouting " We will—we will !" Rev Da. M‘NEILE—I will take you at your word. This is a great day for England. My answer was to that friend, first, that if they or any of them forgot the discharge of their duty, is that any reason why I should forget the discharge of mine? (Hear, hear.) If they forget what is due to the religion of England, and take part with its enemies abroad or its false friends at home, is that any reason why I should forget what is due to .:he industry of England, and take pact with her enemies or ker false friends? (Great applause.) No, my lord ; and I said moreover, and I felt that Christianity, as I read it, aims at the temporal as well as the eternal interests of man kind, and it rejoices me to be the advocate, not only of the re ligion, but of the industry of the country. (Cheers.) And then as to the second point. If they do not care about slavery, I do. I have, and always had, a . great horror of that system since I was capable of forming an opinion or of entertaining f, , elings on the subject. I never loved my country more than when, at an aggregate expense of .t 1C0,000,000 she proclaimed her hatred of slavery. (Hear, hear.) It was my pride, as a lad, to hear Mr. Wilberforce and Zechariah Macaulay, and my first attempt to address a public meeting was under the presi dency of a man dear to England and to liberty when the anti slavery movement agitated England—l mean James Cropper. 1 now might proceed to the special topic pointed out in the re solution, but I desire to utter my convictions on the general subject briefly. (Hear, hear.) On the general subject, I think that the partial free-trade policy of the present and the late go vernment is injurious to the whole community—not to the agriculturists only, but to the manufacturers eventually, and to every description of operative and artisan. (Hear, hear.) My conviction is, that in this fallen world of ours the high, true, and glorious theory of full, unrestricted, impar tial, universal free trade cannot be carried out (hear, hear), and that for one nation to attempt it, surrounded by other nations which will not, is a piece of Utopian Don Quixotism not calcu lated to entice others into the path of imitation, but calCulated to recoil upon the r ,antic hero with ludicrous contempt, if not with presti ating'rnin. (Great cheering.) But the utmost that can he ohit,ine'd in our fallen world by practical wisdom is an npurakimation to what is best in theory.i and I think that approximation demmds, in the relative condition of Eng. land and the world, what is commonly called .protection to British industry, moderate in discriminationamount, for approximation is the oltiect, carefully adjusted, with a wise discrimination to the vitreous branches of the seljeFt, and then persevered in, that there may be confidence, and in order that the expensive ope rations and extensive enterprise . which require y ears f or their fair working may not be cut !inortby rash legislati ve experi ments. (Great cheers) I think,, if we had only theo r y to consult, and no ingenuity of fritud.to defend ourselves against, that then, seeing the various causes which produce changes in the amount of supply, the best mode to obt a i n a fa i r and f i xed price would be a.,8 11(111 V.= scale of duty. (H ear, hear.) But then we have this ingenuity of. fraud, to deal with, and there, part of its advocates, aided by the treachery of those whom we believed to be our friends. (Loud_ cheers.) Let it be our bu siness now to oppose truth to falsehood, facts to fallacies. It is never too late in this world to correct that which is done amiss, or to retrace a false step. A nobleman of the highest honour. of the most commanding talents and undeviating rectitude, who long ago foresaw the evils that would flow from this modern legislation, and protested against the error of it, has promised us 'As hearty co-operation in our endeavours to restore to native industry and capital that protection which is the birthright of both, and for parting with which we have be come the laughing-stock of Europe and the tool of our trans atlantic neighbours. (Great cheering.) Rally round the dis tinguished nobleman, then, and let each individual here pre sent, be he peer, be lie country gentleman, be he agriculturist, merchant, shipowner, tradesman, mariner, or artisan—join, heart and hand, in a determination to force. by all constitu tional means in his power, a reversal of that policy which we all so much deplore, arid which we believe to be *subversive to the best interests of our common country. (Lord and long continued cheering.) [At the conclusion of Mr. Woodward's address, a somewhat amusing and exciting scene occurred. The speaker 'held in his hand some M.S. to wliich lie had re ferred; and almost before the last words were out of , his mouth, a simultaneous rush was made upon the platform, from the reporters' table, by t,ro of the representatives of the press .who v , ere eager to, secure the document, which they seized hold of, and one of them would, .no doubt, have carried it off . in triumph, had it not been for the chairnian and gentlemen in the vicinity, who interfered, and the disappointed stenographers returned to their seats, unsatisfied.] The resolution was then submitted and agreed to.- • _ Mr. FRANCIS SIIAND, West Indian merchant of Liverpool, rose to move the second resolution as follows :—" That the dire results of the new commercial policy have been already exempli fied in the British colonies, whose planters and merchants have been ruined by the competition of the cheap labour of slave holding and slave-trading countries, and thlt similar results must permanently ensue to British shipowners, agriculturists, manufacturers, and tradesmen, if the legislature persist in that unnatural pol'cy which compels our people, burdened with a national debt, and the necessities of a high civilization, to com pete in their home market with the protected capital and cheap universal consent, admitted that they did not come within the category of the miscalled system of free trade ; but it appeared by the proceedings of the House of Commons, only two or three nights ago, that her Majesty's Government would not allow any great interest—no matter what its circumstances—to escape that Procrustean bed on which they intended to impale all interests alike—to cut them short, if too long—and to elongate them. if too short. (Loud cheers.) Lest it might hereafter be said that the West India interest had consented to the vote of the house on the occasion to which he referred, he himself did now protest in behalf of the WeSt Indies against the application of such a system to them. He Protested against it as contrary to justice—as opposed to that good faith to which cellor of the Exchequer forovred in the same track. Now, it strikes me that if this argument is good for anything, it is good for more than its ad tes intel slave.grown sugar is so small that, in fact, it gives no encou ragement to the slave-trade, then I ask by what infinitesimal amount can it affect the price to the home consumer? If it be so trifling as not to affect the price to the home consumer, then it may be given up without inconvenience (loud cheers.) If, on the contrary, it is so great that it affects the price.to the home consumer, then it must by so much encourage the slave trade, and ought to be given up (cheers.) There seems to have been a palpable contradiction. on the part of. the speakers which they did not attempt to reconcile. I shall tell you the contradiction, and who were the speakers • for in England nothing is now concealed. " Sir John Pakington was pre- parea to maintain mat tne consumption of foreign slave sugar was increasing, while that of free-labour sugar was falling off—that the course of legisTation since 1846 had tended to encourage the slave trade, anti that they had depreciated the property of their colonists white they had raised that of the foreigner." " Lord Palmerston said that his hon. friend al luded to the proportions of free-grown as compared with slave-grown sugar, the consumption of free-grown was increas ing, and that of slave-grown produce was decreasing. I must leave Sir John Pakington and Air. Wilson to reconcile these differences, non nostrum tantos componere Wes." Whichever way they may settle it, still I.hope they may not think it be neath them to attend to what those gentlemen with ready hands (pointing to the reporters) are about to send forth to the world. For my part I maintain that in no case and on no ac count, by no duty, and under no circumstances, should the produce of slave labour be .admitted into England. (Loud cheers.) But the second argument advanced in the course of the debate was, that free labour is cheaper than slave labour. They say that we all along as abolitionists in the time of sla very maintained that such was the case, and that it is very in- he contrary It was our language when we spoke of colonial slavery, not when we spoke of the slave trade; and it is our language still (cheers) when we speak of slavery where the owners of the slaves could import no more young men, and where they must take care of the infant and the old man, the workman and the disabled, the one in embryo as well as the one in the field. In such a case Flave labour is dear : in such a case—and that was the case of our colonists—free labour was cheaper. But that is not time case when the planter is able to import young men; because then he is not obliged to include the cost of slave breeding and of slave care. But compare that with the slave labour stimulated by the maddening and gambling compulsion of slave labour in manhood and slave neglect in old age. Therefore there is no inconsistency between the language used by the abolitionists then, and the language they now use in reference to the slave trade. (Hear, bear.) The third argu ment in this debate is rather a curious one. The lion. mem ber for Westbury has the credit of it, and it is derived from refined sugar imported into other countries, warehoused there, and sent to this country under existing treaties as a manufac tured article. He tells us that, under the present law, you cannot tell the origin of such sugar—whether it has been made in Cuba or Jamaica. Then, again, since 1846 the navigation laws had been repealed—(hear),—and that altered the com plexion of the whole subject. They might have a certificate of origin before they admitted the sugar; but if cargoes of sugar were taken to Antwerp or Rotterdam, there warehoused; and then brought to this country, how could they rely on such a certificate of origin of sugar once lauded in these ports. We vernment to give us protection against slave-labour sugar, and the answer is, we cannot have it, bec ause th e y cannot tell which is which when it comes. (Hear.). But how did this happen? Because -we repealed the navigation laws. (Hear, hear.) What is it but to add wrong upon wrong, and plead one wrong as a reason for another wrong, ana plead all as wrong as possible. Nothing but an entire setting right would undo this mischief. (Hear, I'.ear.) Do not be uneasy. The advocates of free-trade.sua‘av abz<a“tet..- they have talked as if it -vecta•irlipOSSible to go back to p;otec tion. Will you bear to.be so talked to? (Cries of " " and great cheering.). What ac'; of parliament is it impossible to repeal?—(a Voice in the crowd, "the repeal of the union;" this sally was followed by loud laughter and cheering.) Some body has said there, with the ut ort good humour, "The repeal of the union." You will bear with me while I say Ai few words to you in answer to that. If the union depended on an act of parliament only it would have been repealed long since. But it does not depend on an act of parliament. It has been strongly cemented by tens, and hundreds, and thousands of happy hearts and hands interlacing and intertwining. (Great and long-continued cheering.) Now, my lord, the moral—if I I should venture to call it so—the moral of the argument I sho - jld deduce from this debate is, you have done so wrong that you must continue to do wrong. The moral of my argu ment is, you have done wrong, acknowledge it, and do right. (Tremendous cheering.) There was yet one other argument derived from the debate which was put forward by Mr. Hutt. I mention his name in a most unparliamentary manner, as I do not know the place he represents. (A Voice—Gateshead.) He talked of what he called geographical philanthropy. He said—" We had philanthropists who were for maintaining a squadron, which , stimulated the slave trade by the spirit of gambling it induced—(hear, hear) ;—who were content to have large commercial transactions with the southern states of America, but • who expressed great indignation at our inter course with other slaveholding states. This kind of geogra phical humanity was difficult to understand. (Hear, hear.) It would not do to draw fine distinctions between sugar and tobacco and cotton ' • we must not have two standards of right and wrong—(hear, hear),—or indulge a favourite sin. (Hear, hear.) It was not proposed that we should set about excluding all the produc!ions of slave labour, yet if it was wrong to deal in them, the principle applied to all—to the copper of Cuba, the gold of Brazil, and to the rest." I do not know what effect the argument produced upon the intelligent auditory to whom it was addressed; but I candidly acknowledge that, if intelligence is the characteristic of those who were impressed with this appeal, I can lay no claim to this sort of intelligence. (Hear.) As I have already said, all that sensible men caiieffect in this fallen world is but an, approxjmation to what is best in theory ? Undoubtedly it would be best if we could exclude at once all kinds of produce of slavery from every part of the world. But if we have so neg'ected our own colonies, where we might grow an abundance of cotton, as to leave ourselves dependent upon slave-grown cotton—and if we Lave restricted the growth of tobacco, which our own farmers might grow, and leave our selves dependent on America—is that any reason why we should not only do that but another evil in addition. (Hear.) Sup pose our present necessities justified the introduction of some articles of slave produce, is not that a reason to attempt to reduce the number of these articles, and get to higher ground? (Hear.) In morals we cannot attain to perfection ; but are we on that account to throw off all restraint, and not endeavour to be as good as we can ? The argument of the hon. gentleman goes to the extent that having strayed from the right path, we may as well go as fp - it of y l3- - e ..oe way as we please. (Hear, hear.) I am quite aware that this sort of apposition in style cannot tell upon parliament ; but it tells upon the people who are busy all day, and who have no time to consider these things deeply, and who want plain arguments that will reach their under standing. (Hear, hear.) Having grappled briefly, and I hope fairly with some of these arguments, I have a right now to ask, turning to the general question and the movement which is going on—l have a right to ask where are our anti-slavery friends? • (Loud cries of , " hear, hear.") Where •are those world-respected philanthropists of the Society of Friends? (Great applause.) Where are those writers of circulars and of tracts which came out by thousands, bearing in their frontis piece a kneeling negro, with outstretched and chained hands, saying, "Am I not a man and a brother ?" (Vehement applause.) Where are the thousands who listened and re sponded to such phrases as these, " Remember them that are iu bonds as,bound.with . there be in.our minds any recognition of the high authority of- the volume in which that passage be found; if in our hearts any disposition, even the least, to yiele obedience to the high behests of heaven, then do all worldly considerations sink into insignificance before this sublime and comprehensive principle of human conduct. Am Ito remember them that are in bonds as bound with them?' Then am Ito remember the slave, as though the same fetters that bind his limbs came across the Atlantic and bound mine also; then am 1 to remember the slave, as though the same hot iron that impresses upon his body the brand of servitude im pressed upon mine own also the brand of infamy and degrada tion; then am Ito remember the slave, as though the same whip that lacerates his body scourged mine also ; then am I to remember the slave, as though my children were torn from me by the same ruthless hand, and as though my wife were flogged and fettered by the same iron-hearted master. If there be a meanin g in words, and obligation to reli g i on, th en d oes this passage bind us to conduct such as I have described. Never then should an adherent to a system of love like this be satisfied while there is in the world one hapless wretch who drags the chain of hopeiess servitude, and who, with all the high capabilities of a rational and immortal being, is sunken and degraded, brutalised and unmanned, beneath the band of know s n oe inactive themact! them.v e herßeut now?t as (aHtmhe they ought to h gu e og a ihn r t . g ) t too N bs V ae r sa e ol is t theirga although avarice, oppression, or vice." Will the voices and the argu ments which roused England from one end to the other be zeal s ie i a le s a a s n l d l do c r a e ci l o k a t it would be easy to say, many things which would cause you to feel, personally, unkindness towards them for it. I hope yet to see them moving to the same termination, although not sailing under the same colours. An anti-slavery meeting they would attend, but to a protectionist meeting they demur, as being something too profane. (A laugh.) Yes, you may laugh, but I have that to enco un t er . 1 can stan d w i t h t h em and with you, and I think the Church of England should stand with both, and I think it a great mistake that the ministers of England should not sympathise with the movements 'of the mass of the people. (Cheers.) I should desire that they should in their own way, at their own time, and under their own banners, come forward, and if they accept of assistance from me they are welcome to it, and we all shall go on arriving at the same great Purpose we all have in view—namely, the putting the modern Whigs in their proper places (applause), I say modern Whigs, because the real old-fashioned 1688-Whig would now be a Conservative—would now be a Protectionist, and ten to one he would be a bigot (hear and. a laugh). But where is the proper place for the modern Whig? The. house, except upon some great and. urgent, and temporary necessity, or emergency. I can imagine an emergency when opposition side of the it would be a piece of practical wisdom to put them on the other side (a laugh)—when the tendency of some revolutionary movement is to undermine the British constitution (bear). But there ia.a party whose loyalty is not to be tested by the side of the house they sit on, and who are equally loyal on eitber, side (cheers). There is another party whose loyalty is secure. by giving them office ; but it should not last too long (cheers). We have things s be test right?- (kind (givenhe criesa ,othfheea, them n ) 10 z f na T ior h There e trial—have s w r b eas 4t o t n nexie i l n ty ;li st t o h oo in c.ii universal spout from e11,is:!: .- ... -, , fO.rel it Stems best, upon the whole, that there should be a mo- ME Meeting of " turn them out," with red in P a Illt" e derate filed duty. (Hear, hear.) England deserves this among one short extract here from a speech .delive :n accor! of the nations. (Loud cheers.) , Why ? Because England does not long since, and the sentiment is entirely_!_ t o bjet c ,A not repudiate her liabilities. England gets up no revolutions with all •I desire to express to vou on th X.. ,- ',‘:: inter 51 ::, Wi ll IRO in order to begin a fresh account; but England acknowledges slavery and the slave trade to -day. Yore hear). ~,,clie the full amount of her debt, a n d tad s herself and taxes herself ' in it when I tell you who the speaker is (hear , z ,._,. fice fl , ' t o to pay the interest of that debt. (Cheers.) But I must con- " But there are other motives which may, mun ye ho ve ot fess that my sympathies are most thoroughly enlisted in in coming to a decisirm upon this questic nb r .... 01 1 , e inn Of this cause by a branch of it which some gentlemen both blessed with great mercies,during the past) ea dispens"""so, in and out of parliament, have endeavoured altogether to than once had to thank Almighty God for the . t andoreettlei separate from the question of protection, and I think un- those mercies. I own, sir, it, appears to me.t n ; tile be g Successfully. My sympathies are enlisted for the African to say that the trade in man shall be u nlirniteu: ears, bas,,„, negro, torn from his home, his friends, and his family, enduring traffic againgt which'England, for nearly fifty tesmen, fino_rs, the nameless horrors of that middle passage, landed among working, with the efforts of her greatest sta be a llowy, e r strangers in a strange land, and worked and f - A and housed, hands or , her best and bravest sailors, is now "' ba ll poio n The and housed and fed and worked, like a farm horse so long as go - free and uncontrolled, I believe that we.,,. e t hat in. to he is able to work, and then cast away as lumber to die unpi- Dave a right to- expect these mercies. I belks . 3 0,0 1 the -,. h great Clieerintd.oBlo7eti tied, and leave room for another of his race to live the same high, the Christian, and moral character of stretl , miserable life, and die the same hopeless death. (Hear.) I be found the main source and secret of heryour Fief ;.Sims.or think the commercial policy of our country at this time tends think that if this night you were to direct ! . o encourage that infamous traffic. I think the determination ter to go with his dastardly message to France _„risitt .„, e Fr ...,1 . _ _ _ .to buy everything, sugar included, in the cheapest market, 'this holy work of we are u "n - rs'e ' l9' 3 ' ol must operate as such a premium in the slave trade as to render take a lead in the championship against the files treaties with African chiefs as kings ludicrously absurd, and of slavery —we can no longer venture to expect,tf u 'd clleJ' a pe the utmost vigilance of protecting squadrons painfully ineffec which, of God's providence, we enjoys agPe thus' tive. (Cheers.), I •am aware that this is denied. What is 0 si sic omnia ! 0 that lie ever there that is not denied? (Cheers.) I have read a report of a would not wish to interfere with his g ° Rose- tv debate in the House of Commons on last Friday, and I observe words are the wOrds._ of Lord Joh!! ~....words great efforts made to separate the matter of their commercial words; glorious words (great cheerinfAs bey tariff horn the Matter of slavery. You will perceive running coming a Christian orator (cheers) --,r r ," . through all these speeches an earnest anxiety to make English. a British statesman I (tremendous cheerP, these t'oe men believe there is no necessary connection between their lord, if England would act in true accordance wit present policy and the continuance of slavery. (Hear.) This of the noble lord—if she would rise to the em oo , is a most natural anxiety. bpennse if it newa faith. lai,t ,A.;„ ;,, harapif. she ""Id_S:. , .... „„,„ v ", Vel ifUSC II lC is mice iairly lam nerore Crisis in whin sae now anus nersen, the British mind that the present tariff directly and in deed men feel both at home and abroad that there,4„; e .. rell' .. ; encourages _the slave trade, I believe that tariff would be these words, and that they are not to be met bY_L" as nre, altered. (Great cheering.) I discover in the speeches four tenance of a squadron, however useful in its 24 1 : on ly leading arguments against our position. One is derived from coast of Africa, but that they are to be met l lV.,. tu ally in ho the large amount alleged to be . produced 'now of free-labour which the slave-trade can he interfered with toS sugar; and we find it stated - that it is - very large and increasing land—by refusing to take . the produce of that i as compared with the amount produced by slave labour, which markets (loud cheers.) This is what you s io f , our snipi o . • is alleged to be small and diminishing The hon. member for should require, moreover, the reinstatement 0 ), oink whpn I t 11 do , a'. . . %, im.• - e , - e , - ---- --- m-•••—• ..... 1 ... .... proper place in the world cheers). ..., find ~,a t ill .., - said—" It was impossible to approach this question exclu- moment upon the history of our ( co sively as a West Indian question. They could not leave out of what England owes, and must owe, to her nanvi}a",rine, I ' t er d el their consideration all the sunr-grcwing countries in the ' navy owes, and must owe to the commercial __ grea 4it irl East. There was the, island oeMauritius, which grew 60,000 that I can scarcely imagine a more derogatory or VAit, tons of sugar per annum. The East Indies exported ° 7s,Coo tons varture from the high and honourable tone of _i_, , r e l. ing i; . m country—whe.. a p onfe . per annum; and those possessions were becoming gradually men, a greater approximation to the low and lta' dereliction °f i t 2 ' a i l l sugar-growing countries. It was impossible to blot out of driver ; I can scarcely imagine a greater IWO' , t'liilsti their recollection all these circumstances connected with our principle of patriots and of the prestige of cot lv lo rk empire in the East, where free labour alone was producing cosmopolitan affectation which repudiates Patrrl, 31} t sugar which was brought into competition with the produce or prefers a cheap ship to a British ship (loud ch er b T, wboiil o pei the West Indies." The hon. member referred to a variety of the work should be done, and if it is to be done , is i to lte' st iell figures, which he is more conversant. ith than I am, and into to be done? (Cheers.) Done; you agree that it . w e P o rt 4 which I shall not follow him; to make good his position " that (Cries of" We do," and loud cheering.) the competition the West. Indies .had, to dread was not with, you; that - although as long ao as the time of Mr% oee,ll o slave-grown, but with free-grown sugar, alare.grown, being were called a most thinkingpeople, vertheless ii .a(111,.0 ne ,Well, leicobt,e „,,,, tor you to agree, and ii iieeielY to agree, on the present, as to what your duty is, and yet to a110,r,0,) 101, to pass without attempting to discharge it (hear, t` lo o . 1 ,111 0 in the habit preaching, and I like practical seri!, 00 1 „ li hear.) Now you have been warned that this rilT ar ni9 famines would warn we have had them. If done. If anything can warn people, we have haki e nces i ;, • the pesti,.. res re pt warn us we have had them. If the barbarities en d . ' if 1 1 poor African race would warn us we have had the.m.initlliste mortality amongst that race could warn us, we bay us we ,it. coin motions in the kingdoms of Europe could vo n i n Ole o d had them. We have been warned again and agn . il i sca rain: e cr ing, patient providence of God, and if we will tai , ‘ „f pre!, 1 01 , retrace our steps, our country is still within reached, tion. But warnings slighted, warnings negle c ,` eir evt':lb e mitted, and duty not performed—these are the „,i ~41 - • at- ts ol ,- grown I served ruin. " They have been from the beginnul; seai ..o the end. (The rev. n•entleman here resumed " o isir enthusiastic cheering.) 6 not to be e D t ' et Mr. Royds (High-sheriff).—These words are , ve 0 0 ken. and I call upon you, in God's name, to gl mne cheer was given right heartily, and folloc e d d for o te leill clapping of hands and waving of hats, which Taste ;; Young, than h b a l s e nu CpsnoAormr (said a A it N dh e t t h h e e n no i bn resolution, t e ro e c a lu r icfidar.mtoGoertoel regetebuie,ftrlierfei and consistent advocate of the industry of t he not exist ;re' , g", sta ouNo, on coming to the front of the iv DeiL i'ed with vociferous and continued cheeri n, n 'oseio l o ,entleman said—Were it my object in presenting: "otiv you on this occasion to establish for myself a lel a iolhio o lublie speaker, or any other description of r e P ep , tb, 9 e t t ltO t ; deed might I lament, my lord and gentleln „ t o ocr -ho to,hers2 called on to follow the 'rev !email W calca.' o 7 . and who has addressed you in terms so(t 91ooa every sympathy and every feeling of adinica ui ' l y My task is, however, a very humble one, and ds thia' e of t o that of contributing the mite which my Merl , ids tio be in my power to contribute towards the s ided. re r o j question which we are now called upon t° „ c oon be defl e h st throw some light in particular on the reso° l . oo to 0 ; tP 6 I Though I know it will be a difficult task for 3,,,,c11,,Lit, from the lofty tone of feeling which such a °, l , i s co for, for j , which this delighted audience s just listened i t ' te nno t o,tlT o e - to produce still I have to invoke your patient riorpt short perad, whilst I endeavour to address ro,r, sssa / x 4 O l ticular subject which we are called on to cons'uT to W jeic e rev, gentleman that in all those lofty'aspirati c m r has led our minds, I at least most cordially cone t e l gr et ; / pef e s from them with emotion somewhat akin Wfollob!'"'s,betiel He would not waste time or argument in -- t urOist t he traders through all the obliquities which ran, ta te o ie to o t step of their progress, but he would proceed to 5 , 1) co;! e fe t o o (the protectionists) did not believe, in order '_•„/ be fe et point of what they did believe. First, they did l' h ", to buy in the cheapest market and to sell in,b,eert',to s y the great end and aim of human exertion. .'„ s t tOst",tic ° ol did not believe it was right to set man aga l u i f fore n ifierot class against class—nation against nation — a s „d 1 1 s 1) ,S tlie petition was the mode in which the harmony' a " Ti le ' •to Die the human race was to be achieved. (Cheers.) s ecal e ft: l . e rt believe that to destroy the home market Was t loid 1) / industry of this country the most extensive oi itte„"oo means for its development. (Cheers.) They „ r 0 0 ,pict!', 1 that to destroy our colonies, and to endann e str: n siivot reduce our maritime power, and that maritloo, disi s e it de which it depended, was the means of increasill e independence of which we are justly proud. iti' d ers l/ ?! to indulge in personal vituperatio n , b u t he f°o ,1 1e f 0 oeW • to avoid a reference to some o f th e grea t politic s had come forward to prove that they possesse e seq A wisdom, and that the Protectionists were u t . l ",ctrod°,'oo",l, _ ar,asaac.t., cliKl trot bcl Cobden was the pattern of eloquence, althoug h 0 0 1 —(laughter)—or that John Bright was the pair' / list " / Q o ` tt 10 1? though clothed in drab—(increased laughter) /i cy Peel (hisses) was the model of political consiq a t r o 1 I deV e integrity. (Cheers.) They did not believe t fe e l ° ot De, d Russell—rashly brave as he was—was the Pe r •d pOs r i r el tical wisdom and prudence. (Cheers.) The ) e a °ea loft that implicit confidence was to- be placed 11 V hs rds od i o v trade returns, prepared by Mr. George it r i ,.F.,ter s de4o however ably they might be "cooked." (Lain' n/ et ed n od , Nor did they believe that fairness of argoln e ue eSP e .. / aiOldes; tion of statistical returns was at all times to . r d i'e't to p Mr. James Wilson, although he was member g i l ie ' f d /0 01 v ve r a il the a s "broo:de editor of the Economist. (Great applause. ) r w ila ;00' for a moment with the last honourable Mel ti „ l f. e 'tha,,, L t j i ' an instance which would be sufficient to P r ..",:a f ficlo he might be as a man he was one of the 111 °' f tes ° f der era that ever existed. (Cheers.) In a number 0, do which was a journal in high repute by trade, the subject of the present resolution yaw 0;10110 consideration, and Mr. Wilson, in referring to 54 1 9 too l Mauritius, said that for three years pre, l lely,4 00 0 0 0 4 , when slave labour was done away with —u s w as ,1 and 1846—the average production of auga r a is 4" the statv, annually; but in the three succeeding year s glBtv4e9u, by rt av ir era v g v e ti ‘ s v u a u s n u o lts le a ss s than 50,000 0 . C u O u t o 9: o " 0 , 1 s , o 00 ` ; ~3 1 ,; ( 0 dit s s it3 lJ ' It 4r. follow him through his figures :-18 ' 44, 51..', en 1846, 49,100 ; 1847, 64,100 ; 1848. 59,1 00 ; g t. io°,l subsequently pointed out that the figures' w hit ow' totWlson, were fallacious ; and then the waY (16 4 74 mislead the public mind was to be seen.,. e A ct ° °, o o among his three years that which followed taAvantag,,onvo6 placed it on his list in order to prove the,a;l„ prorin avers' u o r ter.,f,` trade. He took the year 1847, and thus raised the Mauritius to 64,100 tons. (Hear.) The aetZ t io tnpe 1846, bnt could not be known to the Ma N g , , , s ,gre'ct t ipeetio° months afterwards and the sugar of 1847 was- „ e tc, ir act,and a a u g d re t a )y t t d h e u a s l tohfriutwsihnigppitedhaacnkteucuedtehnetyteoait;:iniptio.4 co was removed, it made it appear that the Con rotes pr otet; e do:! eit s creasing under free trade bend that und er ough t le d t e e, only remarked upon it in order to show who /s ant ) t be , serve a party object; and Mr. Wilson had no. las t 0 1 e re.; ruin +ha - -- :A: ri o O P .111 0 Ar zzuc Lim assertion, ann use it on rriti.3 - of Commons. Unfortu na t e ly, too, there He ,;et the moment to demonstrate its fallaciousnerect ot address himself more immediately to the n sli t f i l e res?, a% 0., tion. hear.) The first - position drao , „; ( 1. 1 0 10, that to which attention had been ,so strongy d e velTi x ell i i i iii the results of the new commercial policy A tion I ,lct o British colonies. Such a fatal exemli.. ca „ o t too t tlie. o l o i, bited, that they would do wiselfor a while „-nd free' to the cogent reasons already produced , Sed the 4 04 0 9( 0 1 which had been so plainly stated, as regar . so ce ,e , the score of humanity, it would be seen Olt . To o, r ior;;eo , the slave-grown sugar was admitted. to i Lr. l ' sug arlocf , e , ierte: flies,crrc ecoo Thennul ocen colonies ir r httee y oosea n: treachery, ropcymt:arpatnieso-t corn -laws, n i t , i thv o osa n :di w : lebl i eec t h eosnua t 7 nt h ci e anel u f lie r : e don e : - :et would app o o saf o pis u r: a . , ti syzoe - tr,,r,, , srbtotti iii , ,,, . eit c.e i ,:i, ijii!. re;:re . Young) would show that, whatever might be s 3 2 ; " t h ecli l reel°;,t ict t t rieh i he corn-'aws, had been adverted t",l o (ld ri ai fo:iit subject,ener a b l l u y t . to his conduct on ih' kU‘ ar trade. In 1815' :- 9 ,, c old (3 01 e ,P a o that, after the sacrifices made for slavery, th e ,/, 5 00, O. 0 4 of the g for benefits by excluding from the markets a1..-pee!,,evo„l, dace of foreign slavery. It was true that ogledt. all Ll; t he ' o f pass the law, but he voted for it, and sunP, 'As t ,i a tiltlie against Sir E. Buxton's motion on the subjefea• dept is ,clt policy of the measure, that was evident in t,i e inte r/ ta Vi West India property, and the sacrifice a t L no w oo ,. t dt short testimonies in support of the fact. A leiT i jeti it ;e0 into his hand,,dated St. Kitt's, May 12, froln i r o o, .i i l e a t ip; been sold for .e 850; in Demerara seven suP bd i t yoc a te,toit, that an estate in that island, worth, some tinreestate,oopevict; sold at a great sacrifice, as there was no pess , one esv; .00 1 0 . with slave-grown sugar without protection; ford 01 be °ill was formerly valued at £40,000, only sol t !... n e,.iliet or instances of a similar kind might be rneno.._, o sc , h e .ia il, he 'A co g u oo ld d n d o e t a r l e h f a ra d in beferonnisaaq:-.l..O r 'Vni:i!)s:,-tj not dwell further on tbe question of color_ e no_.„, o i? , of . next point was that of agricultural pr0te..1.1.,..'7'01,,50;01,2‘0! scarcely attempt to prove that which was—ciii*oPttte W i t ' ll i °° r and, no doubt, to many others, that evea,.., ent ope . ,ner.) r et i '_ any means,. the home grower successfully 1.,' liad dope, ' a Plii: c' '' '' foreign agriculturist, would prove, as it 0 „, e t a . . h ei . ..o perative ; that all the advice given them t e t :'; a ny . o h ` e in;re, Ment of their condition by high farming, would°s 00 1) t bet e ert, trivances whia ingenuicould suggest, ~.,,tie,,,d c1..,e, ing good money after bad unless, at the st l ,: da , (1.,0,"01e', - 0 1 1, protected against competition with forei gn: Li e x ist o,:i s t ~ l , `e c l!`:, It was said that agricultural distress (114 di no t e .cif e i on stated, and it was argued by some tbat.ito.a...nd k ne , 4l i a" . , thought4easioo;io l e 4l but when he saw that magnificent h o memeetit.i.s ?O' l , ot e 'fo t , and pursuits, to come on that intercstias : 7' p rose,o ; a wl l i i n o c iv ol l i a v r e g n e i e a n portion o e f x t p h e e n m se h , had eleft their ..., na sioa_. l tli , ,,,etT that they were suffering _.• under that oly,„ thos, e he . „, , which they had repeatedly representederatinneoitoila tli, but unhappily without effect. (bor i g t b a n tba t l i i ts' cli e o e Was there ever a greater inconsistency• and l laughter.) the aP 0 0 1,'0 by the tree traders, who, after advocatin,_....intioilioa t 4 or . , prices, console the agriculturists with were to be realised by the masses of the E05„,,,,,.,,,:aicy rise; have reached the lowest point , bins ai% ~ , vg, rently unthinkingly, he said, of t i i iiwir so 0 4 falling, but still more bappY w'l t oese f" e or s oo e r h t a e s r t . ) h e : a f Inp Happy, : r iih e caaeppnpptyiliyyp e s op a pr i i d i ee , ela L t i ii i d i c irpttioriii s:l:ll;,iirne,:.C;etireil:: (Laughter and cheers.) How was it th.a d. 1 1 Tris e r eiert frighted at the Frankinstein they had Pe iostebey wil tbe fo o ell ie r that prices have gone lower, but licT ar e late Mr. Huskiason, a man who, tto Theytell send e oyrnouttoh yourey must market.rise, b eTcahuast V e t 71 on etili ' t i e P e d: Y d t ro o .ii, ll o t c c oeti o v ii i ai l i c e gious fallacy. Those who propound such hig her that if prices rise the foreigner will ba, , f le tter, " 0 0 6 „peat ket to come to. The speaker then Ma?: ba d the a ot o l, : 0 0 the people of Liverpool, of which the); ° o f FAL & WO, o 'o able proof by selecting him a Iner abe n Mr. i'l of ii l lid letter, which was written in 1814, w hen orb w oe sat'ecee,o, member for Chichester, referred ta the Corn .. 0;d iee, the subsequent changes which it o' 7 prOte cti°oUn er °f at for the protection of the agriculturi. n t i f es o l , ce ll a T . O of the writer'i argument was, tba. at _.,d tlie,,, i y.o l . , i el _., rally, the protection of the farmer beln;dd 0 t ; r ers i , to o l a r;tef tion of the people. lie (Mr. Yould in attoftbe.c ° 0 0,-0'; tentiun to the question as it ctconsiderateoat e l vol o etr e , 1 0 important branch for their ,if the re te ega er e .e in India had been adverted to, u mere* policy, it was with regar . f u l e " punkt' ' in sno' reference.to that branch of trad. g ce rtain stion of disregard of tight and correct prainnelletreirefkott rijesicile,PitOrl‘ tile, West Indies. At the stibrr. ..... If had i Jam -_____........., :t a i, :4 ' tott on " for, 114 , 1 We re I;.?l,,trit';e: " R4l4eu ~ Ce e fe " ' S ' e f :e rth' k e rh ter e ` e l 4 the fl 41 t ) t , Ai oepi r e s 4, ViVelpe t i, n ‘c k4 Yeh t e e COh,.'