The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-05-18 00:00:00

f • , tl3 47 finperial TTniTiE n^ T,ORDS.- 1,0r.1 11F.t.noric N till Mon , , e ,,, v.elnenee ctr toer fro.it itirli.t),:itirits, of %Veliington, toe I rt!alliti , of the l'o:/r Relief ( • E trl S:r.Amitopg -Presented nvinv AwitiOns aI:I , A the Poor A;nenntient Art, one of them being resisted on account of it re/sularity in the siztiatures.—kijourned. }MUSE Or Co it ‘LONS.—MoNDAv. The Mar q uis of Blitn•lfotd took the oaths and his seat as mem ber for Woodstock; and a petition was, at the same moment; presented against his return. • The Gloucester election committee reported, that Mr. Hope, the sitting member, had been duly elected; and immediately afterwards a new writ was moved for Gloucester, Mr. Hope having accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Ple Norwich electio❑ committee reported, that the Marquis of Dmiro, one of the sitting members, had been duly elected; that the Hon. H. C. Scat tell, the other sitting member, had not been duly elected, but that Mr. Smith ought to have been returned. PUSH TITHES. Lord J. RussELL then moved that the Sneaker do leave the rhatr, in order that the house might go' into committee on the subject of tithes in Ireland. The noble lord spoke at some length with referenceto the promised amendment by Sir T.D. Ackland; and contended that the recent proceedings of the tory party had been adopted with the view of deceiving, ministers, anti inducing t hoot to believe that the three great Irish questions were to be am ic A blv settled, whilst they (the tories) were secretly preparing to-assaif ministers upon those very questions. lie concluded by callin on the house to reject the amendment. Sir Ittouas ACI. A I , ID immediatel - moved, that the approptia lion resolution of 1835 should be re6cinded, which was seconded by Sir 1 , .; unt.EY tmoT. Sir Caississ I.s.tows, who had opposed the passing, of the resolution in 1835, now opposed the motion for rescinding it Mr. COLOCHOON, Col. CONOI.I.Y, Mr. MILNES, Mr. LEFROY, and. Lord S i N LEY, supported by Sir Thos. Aclaud's motion; and r.ST,A!.:EY, Sir NS 7 SOMERVILLE', Mr.FtIZSTEPHEN FRENCH, an d 1. r i Mon PF.TH, opposed it. 14; LurToN then rose, and moved theadjournment of the de tlitWunt.it tu-utorruw (rue'sday,) which was agreed to. . . _ . , .. 'Ors the mo!inn of Lord J. RUSSELL, it was ordered that the church [easel committee consist of twenty-one members :—Lord .I'. litisSeil, Mr. Goultnirn, Mr. Vernon Smith, Mr. Ptisey, Mr. Larnbton, Mr. Granville Vernon, Mr. Pease, Mr. Childers, Mr. G illy Knight, Mr. Hector, Mr.ingham, Mr. Solicitor-General, Lord Eliot, Mr. filines, - WWin. Evans, Mr. Hope Johnstone, Mr. Ward. Mr. Baring k 'Mr. Hawes, Lord Viscount San don, Lord Viscount Eb The other orders of the being disposed of, the house ad journed at half-past twelve. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TuEsDA y, The Lord Chancellor took his seat at five n'clOck. • A great number of petitions on various subjects were pre sented. Lord GLENEI.G brought in a bill to improve the condition of East India labourers in the British colonies.—Read a first time.• The vestries - bill amendment act was read a third time and passel. Several hills on the table were forwarded a stage. The house adjourned at a quarter before six o'clock till Friday. HOUSE OF CONIMONS.—TuEsns Y. The ga:lery was not open till a cod rter after four o'clock, in conoquence of the ballots haviwz 'been fixed for Boirou-le- Woors and Bury. St. Edmunds, but neither were proceeded with. _ Mr. Mtr.Es, the chairman of the Waterford committ.e, re ported that H. W. Barron, Esq., was duly elected, and that neither the petition nor the opposition thereto was frivolous or vexatious. EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY. Mr. ROUND moved the second reading of the eastern counties raii way bill. Captain PECHF.LL, Mr. R. PALMER, and other members, presented petitions against the hili• A desultory discussion ensued, after which Mr. O'CoNNEt.t. moved as an amendment that the bill read a second time that day fortnight. The amendment was agreed to without a division. A great number of petitions, on various subjects, were pre sented. BIRMINGHAM AND BRISTOL RAILWAY. Mr. II iiNDLRY moved the s,scond reading of the Birmingham, Bristol, and Tharnes junction railway bill. Captain Wool) opposed the hilt. lifter a. short explanation from Mr. HANDLF.Y, Captain Woo() withdrew his opposition, and. the bill was read a second time, and ordered to, bet:own:lilted. Toe report on the Loudonderry bridge bill was brought up and agreed to, SAVINGS' BANKS. 11 r. llumKgave notice in:ii;nlr;'i - ii of May he should sub mit a motion lathe house on the subject of savings'. banks. Mr. E- TENN ENT gave notice that on an early day he should call the attention of the house to the necessity of a direct mail con,veyanet: between Dublin and Belfast. Several road hills were read a third time and passed. The notices of motion which stood for this evening Were post pouo until future days. A slictrt discussion ensued as to the new mode of lighting the house. No decision was come to.. A WOUR SF.I) DERATE:-APIROPItT tTION Cf.AUSF. The order of the. day for resuming the adjourned debate upon the Irish tithes bill having been read, - .Mr. LITTON said he woniii, as briefly_ as he could, state the opioiona .which induced. him to vote..agaitist the details and against the principle of the resolutions, irs.l to support the me ... lion of the hou. baronet, the mennte, for North-Devon. It was a great .satisfaction to hins to know that his opinions coincided with those of the great mace of the protestant population of Ire land ; and that there were few oldie mesubers of the established :church in that country whoilid nut perceive -the injury which &bore s ncrglicar - biansulted on a question of this a lciiid, - arlifiliey were all unanimous in opposition .to the measure. There eras - toerefore.no ground far the assertion which was so boldly made ..on-the other side, that the bill was a boon to the clergy. They, on the contrary, considered it a measure striking at tee roots of private property, and tending to the ruin of the church. The noble lord opposite had very truly stated, that this measure should be looked upon with a view to its, effects upon the peace of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) But he thought that the more fair course hir the-noble lord would be, to give the opponents of the -measure, on-his (the opposition) side of the house, the oppor tunity of explaining fully the principles which would induce them to vote for.the motion of the !son, baronet, and against the resolutions. If the discussion were fairly, fully, and plainly taken, the resolutions of 18.35 must be removed from the books,. because they forced on the house in advance the principle of appropriation, which every one sitting upon that side of the house most strenuously opposed. He thought it important that the house, and especially the English members on both sides of the house, should know the exact state in which the property of the church of Ireland was at present placed, what were its gene-, rat receipts, what was the state of the payments of the tithes of that country owing to the working of the various acts of podia nient which had been introduced, that they might appreciate the suggestion that in offering what was called a boon, by the present resolution, anything of service was done to the clergy, or anything effected, save a spoliation of their incomes. By the operation of Lord Stanley's Act, which was passed in 1832, two modes were snggested, by which the payment of tithe was taken from the occupier. (dear, bear, hear.) The first was by the landlords who had- the power to undertake the pay ment of tithes, to enter into a contract which made them liable to the clergyman for the entire tithes of their estates, giving them fur the trouble of collection and the risk of loss, a bonus of 15 per cent. In the province of Ulster six-sevenths at least of the tithes of that province were paid by the undertaking land lords. The clergy in that province had not to encounter the hostility of the tenants, for they were dealing with those who throughout all Ireland were paying the tithes—he meant the landlords. The clergy of Ulster were thus paid five-sixths, or six sevenths, of their income, without the slightest difficulty or loss. They had just as lunch title, as easily enforced, and as successfully acted upon, ;IS any landlord had to his rent. There fore, itS to that course, he would ask what bonus was given to there hy deducting at once an additional 15 per cent., without the slightest necessity for it, or the slightest return being made for it.. They did not come into collision with the occupier; they had a fixed.sertled title—settled by law, for which both remedies atla w and in equity had been gives; them ; and he would venture ,r, say, that.there was no instance in the province of Ulster, in ,„whjehabe landlord had forced the clergy to sue bins at law for ,that which was not tithes, but rent charges ; with respect to the .a her. clauses, tae ether provisions of Lord Stanley's act, in every case of'a tenancy limn year to year, subsequent to August, 1833 iu every case of a !ease made since that period, the landlord was, by that very act, of havitlg his land discharged, charged with the tithe without deduction. Every lease made since 1832, and every existing tenant from year to year, is not liable to the pay ment of tithes, but. the landlord is liable for it. Now, his object was. to show: th at in the southern and western parts or Ireland lso.S-scost disaffected towards the payment of tithes were now wilting to pay them. He won I also say with respect to the occupiers, that the great proportion of them paid their tithes. ':-.:OW he would undertake to say, that when the returns which he should move for were laid upon the table, it would be shown, upon an average, thot the clergy received 50 per cent. of *their tithes without deduction. Was it tiny b,on to take anything from fifty per cent., which was really paid ?. Do they • produce peace, and any absence. of litigation ? Do they produce regularity of collection with respect to this • fifty per cent.? Regularity and punctuality they already had without litigation, and with the assistance of his lay brethren of the protestant faith, who were in fact the real payers of the tithe, the landlord was the real payer of the tithe both in England and in Ireland ; the clergyman was in peaceable re ceipt of 50 per cent. The fifty per cent. paid without the trouble of collection, and without its being the source of- Istiga tiers, was it a boon to give hint at a loss of thirty per cent.? The fifty per cent. was now secured to him—as secure to him as the well-paid rents of any gentleman in the house. It was upon these grounds that he impugned the first resolution—it was an uncalled-for reduction of the incomeof a clergyman, upon which lie depended, and might reduce him to beggary and ruin. So • fir he had endeavoured to - show the house that by this first re solution they were acting most unjustly. it .was very well to talk of taking off fifteen per cent; from the incomes of the clergy, but would by and by reach one hundred per cent., .(haar, hear;) and that merely for the sake of satisfying a cer tain party, and if the clergy refused they would then be called a grasping and grinding set, who preferred money to the safety of the realm. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) With respect to •the incomes of the successors of the present clergy, he begged the attention of the house while he stated his total dissent from the version of the noble lord who closed the debate last night open the effect of these resolutions. Notwithstanding the 2,toyernment. had avoided any very distinct enunciation of an in tention to appropriate to secular purposes any income of the present clergy, he must be allowed to say that he would demon strate that with respect to their successors, those resolutions, if passed, lound ahe house and the country to appropriate for every year four-fifths of ttie income of the church. (Hear, hear.) The .house would please to observe that, by the second of these resolutions, so touch of the rent charge as was now paid in lieu of tithes should be purchaseahle by the government, at sixteen years' purchase, at the rate of seventy per cent. The clergy were no longer to receive tidies, or the existing rent . c!harge ; but, instead of eitLer, ' they - were to receive an an_ nu: v from the consnliduted fund, which, he .contended, would not, accoirfine to those resolutions, produce more than 31- per cent. (H - ear. bear;) The noble lore}. opposite (Lord John Russell) cried " !low:, hear," hut he (Mr. Litton) would assert l ik*Averitlic . f6:ro inc u ioe of the clergy was considered, the P !''cr - ' ritie irii - rrr'L. , ' , l . - cl;ri.!)s , of the rent-charge would he to viiliikW_V ii iirt , ,,1. , .:(i , 4,-,4-,.!,i:i. cont.. but to 56 oer cent. (Hear, \ a l l. he ar.r. : l• fi: , ~,s , , „ . le to say the sixteen 'tears' les relYa4: - ‘ 4 , , , , i -v , . ,, • -- • - _ that , • • teats' A ~,,.., . ,,yt,, 1, in,,,t,d, 1,,,t in the funds but in v . , , , ,„ , „,,-,-:,,,..,_ ?, tMe . Russell.—" No. •no, not - in land.") "'"!' ri„IP.PeSe ir• were in late!, which would give the fjl'e"''r I" l 'al'llitY '(' ,. f.'zr fixed iticerne in many parts of Ireland, the purcLuse-hioney of land Would net yield more than 31 per cent., and in those places where land was cheapest land was worth frotn thirty to thirty-three years' purchase, and in some instances he knew it to b e woith forty years' purchase. All the difference, therefore, wo u ld go into the pockets of the state for secular purposes, such as county charges, Ste. It was for this reason that the learned member for Dublin was principally pleased with the resolutions. Why did not the government dissi pate the doubt which now enveloped the question, by leaving the discussion on these resolutions open to fair and free debate? What right had the government to chain hon. members to the principle of appropriation, established in the resolution of 1835? Every hon. member was entitled to come free and unshackled to the consideration of the subject, without being tied down to the principle of appropriation, to which so large a portion of the house strenuously objected. He should be wrong in entering at large into the question of whether there would or would not be a surplus. It was perfectly welt known that there was a large body in this house, as well as of those attached to the church of England out of doors, that would never yield to the question of appropriation. It was perfectly well known that the tithe ques tion could not he settlett'while they huug upon it the resolutions of 18'15 as a necessary ingredient. He therefore arraigned them as the patties who were seeking to prevent this question from being settled—who themselves preserved in. the country the apple of discord, by reason of refusing to withdraw the resolu tions which kept up the discord. (Hear.) Let them introduce any resolution or bill, which should coin:fain the assertion of such principles as they though fit. Let them be discussed then—but let them nut be said, as free agents, to enter into the discussion of any bill whilst they were clogged with these objectionable resolutions. Mr. LASCELLES followed, on the same side. Mr. Redington delivered a wild and unmeaning. harrangue, in favour of the appropriation clause, or rather of voluntary principle. Mr. Townley expressed his determination to sup p ort government. Mr. Young spoke in favour of Sir Thomas Acland's motion. Mr. lieuett renewed his oath of allegiance to the whirs—but but protessed himself unable to understand Lord John Russell's resolutions. Lord SaNnoN did not rise for the purpose, in any degree of impugning the motives of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, and he fully and entirely believed that the opinion at which he had arrived was as honest and as conscientious as it was possible for any man to exercise. He rose for the purpose of vindicating himself and his hou. friend, the member for North Devon, who sat beside him, from the charge of bringing for ward this motion merely. as a trial of party strength, involving no practical consequences. If he really felt that the resolution which it was now sought to rescind was as obsolete and effete as the hon.' gentleman opposite considered it, or as effete as the act of Richard IL., which was quoted by another bun. gentle man last night, he should certainly never have thought ht to interpose an obstacle to the noble ioid's resolutions the motion of his hon. friend, " But,". continued time noble lord, " this question obsolete ! obsolete! why, the resolutions are only three years old altogether. ( Loud cheers.) These were the constant boast of the gentlemen who brought them forward, and this is the first rear in which the principle which they embody is not avowed. At is said that the proceeding did not take ,lace in . the same parliament; the objection is purely technical—Ccheers) —the party which brought forward the appropriation clause is the same, and there is the same ministry, and the motion to re scind it is opposed by gentienteit who have re-asserted their abomination almost of the Church of Ireland as an institution. (Cheers from time opposition.) It is surprising, then, that we should view with jealousy the continuance of these resolutions on the journals? Obsolete, sir! Idle! Why, we find the hon. gentleman opposite looking into the resolutions now proposed by the noble lord, and exerting all the energies-of his practised mind in trying to ascertain, if he could, whether the principle of appropriation was involved in them or not; and are we to be taunted—are the clergy of Ireland to be aspersed, because they thought that they saw the principle of appropriation contained in them ? (Hear.) I believe that that principle is not here in sub stance, but in shadow. What, I ask, was the object with which the sixth of these resolutions was preserved? I believe it was to delude the people of Ireland,. and to enable their friends and leaders to tell them that the principle of appropriation was still preserved, although it was not distinctly marked out in the government measure. What other object can you point out in your sixth resolution ? It says, " That it is the opinion of this committee, that the rent-charges for ecclesiastical tithe should be appropriated by law to certain local charges now defrayei out of the consolidated fund and to education, the surplus to firm part of the consolidated fund." I see by this resolution that you have still a lingering desire to per suade the people of Ireland that there wits be a surplus, and that it shall be devoted to other than ecclesiastical purposes. [low else is it that you came to talk of a surplus, and of local charges, unless you wish to make it appear that like the prin ciple of appropriation is retained, though the substance is gone, and it is' toonii, after a curious examination, not to be in ex istence! (Continued cheering.) The hon. gentleman. who entered upon that examination asserts the principle of appro "priation to be obsolete. but I suspect that there are many mem bers on his side of the house who would not find it quite conve nient to avow to their constituents in Ireland that the pY:iiciple of appropriation is out of date. We are met by the taunt that this motion is idly , and that, as the hou. gentleman said, we are raising cock robin for the purpose of killing him again. (a laugh.) But, sir, it is no light or trifling matter to shake a great part of the property of Ireland toils foundations. (Cheers.) It is no light matter for the ministers of the crown to have en gaged the House of Commons to assert that the surplus of the property of the church should he devoted to objects not con nected wit h. ecclesiastical institutions, and that no settlement of the tithe question can..be considered final or satisfactory which does not embody that principle. It is no light matter for mi nisters to have told an excited population this; and in my opinion the only way .of restoring the value of the property placed in such imminent hazard, is by having these appropria tion resolutions rescinded and disavowed." (Heat, and loud cheers.) The noble lord proceeded to observe, that those who represented the church were now called upon to make a great sacrifice, to make a trial of the state as a paymaster, and to sever their interests from the land with which the clergy had hitherto been connected. They were also called upon to enter into a proposition for extending municipal corporations to Ire land, which many conceived would seriously endanger the in terests of the Irish church, and ought they not to see that the church was placed in a position of safety, and secured front fur ther assaults? As a means of giving security to the church es . tablisimment of Ireland, it was their (the oppositien's) desire to erase from the statute- hook that 14.1 my ika grime/nen on toe other side, as fettering future legislation, anti- interposinr, insuperable onStactes to the final settlement of this question. (Hear, hear.) Did they not now feel the force of that practical inconvenience; which was at the present moment,Mne of its worst visible consequences—that not only in argument, but in tact, the most serious obstacles int . - Tiede(' the definitive arrangement of this great question ? It had not been his (L or d S an d on ' s) i ntent i on to enter i nto t hi s ques t tion at large; but he had been stimulated by the remarks of his hon. friend who last addressed'the house into an effort tore . establish himself, and those with whom he acted, in - this matter, in the good opinion of the•house; and to prove not only that this was not a mere party question, but that the resolution which it was their object to induce the house to rescind was neither an idle nor an obsolete resolution ; that it wag nut at this moment without its practical e ff ect; and that, if they abstained from reacindins., , it, it it - as in vain for them to expect that security for the Irish church establishment without which it was impossible for them to proceed to the consideration of introducing any change into the system of municipal government in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Entertaining these views, he had no difficulty in supporting the motion of his hon. friend. Mr. Waal) rehearsed those principles in regard to church property, which have long been associated with his name. He declared that church property possessed none of the attributes of property —that the Roman Catholic ought to be the established religion of Ireland; and, (borrowing the phrase from Mr. Car- Ivies History 011ie French Revolution) he styled the established church of Ireland "a political lie." Lord TEIGNMOUTH grappled with Mr. Ward's statements; and showed, that viewed even on temporal grounds, the esta blished church of Ireland had been a blessing to that country. Mr. BRI.I.EW followed Lord Teignmouth in a speech, to which the house, (valuing it at its real worth) paid not the slightest'at tention. Mr. Snit w, after entering into an investigation of the princi ples of the Irish tithe-composition scheme, called the attention of the house to the extraordinary position of the Queen's govern ment, in regard to the established church of Ireland. That church had been designated by the Irish Secretary, "a badge of conquest - over the Irish people!" Now, Mr. Shaw begged to ask, whe!her, in that functionary, such language was not highly unbecoming ? Mr. O'Corearera., in the usual strain. - The able summary in the Timer says of the speech of this learned gentleman, " We had the misgovernment of seven centuries: the Scotch, on the mountain side, compelling,, with their broad swords, the esta blishment of the-religion of the majority; the Irish corporation hill; and the general topics of justice to Ireland. The Mer chants' Hall had convinced him that so far as professions of re form went, whigs and tittles were both acting the same part, nnl it. Rhould not he forgotten that some of the tories who were then sitting opposite hint had been at least in profession whigs. ( Ministerial cheers The difference between the two parties was, that the tories professed reform to a certain point. Up to that point the whigs wen prepared to grant reform, but the to ries were not. (Oh, oh.) The question to be decided that night was, "shall Ite!and be governed by a faction for Its own interests and against the•interests of its people?" (Derision hum the Opposition benches.) "I thank you," said Mr. O'Connell, "for that shriek ; (the sAme noise from the same quarter continued) —manya shout et insolent domination—(continued uproar) deepicable and - contemptible as it is,—(uproar continued) have I heard against my country. (Uproar continued, during which Mr. O'Connell, with uplifted fist and great violence of manner, uttered several sentences which were inaudible in the gallery.) The SPEAKER was at last obliged to interfere and call the house to order. continued.—Let them shout. It is a sense less yell. (Confusion worse confounded.) It is the spirit ot the party that has placed you there. (Uproat.) Ireland will hear your shrieks. (Continued uproar.) Yes; 'you may want us again. (Roars of laughter.) What would Waterloo have been if we had not been there? (Ministerial cheers, and opposition laughter.) I ask not that question for Your renowned com mander•in-chief, who is himself an Irishman, but for the hardy soldiery of Ireland who fought the battle for him. ("Question." and laughter from the opposition.) I say again, that is the question. (Hear.) The question is, shall the people of Ireland be amalgamated with the people of England ?' Refuse to receive us into that amalgamation, and abide the consequences. (Criss of "hear, hear," from the opposition benches.) Sneer at me as you like—(laughter from the same quart e r)—but reco ll e ct that I speak the voice of millions— ( tetiewe d laughter)—who will hear again nf the base insult offered to me this even ing. ( Loud cheers from the itesh members, accompanied by tin observation from Mr. Grattan, which was not neard the gallery, but which created a titter from the opposition.) Why should not the son of Grattan say—( hear the 'cheers and lam /liter drowned the remainder of the sentence.) -The English people, too, are auditors of your taunt. You tell us yon can 'command a majority. I say to von, in reply, carry your bribery a little farther, and yen will really have a majority. (Question, question.) More extensive bribery than you practised at the last election never yet e as practised in this world, and the high est amongst you shrink from its investigation. (Loud cri e s of "Question.") Ho the hon. gentlemen opposite wish to know what the question is? It is how shall Ireland be governed, for it is impossible to think that such a paltry motion as that which the honobrable member thr Devon proposed and the hon. mem ber fur Warwickshire seconded is the rear question. That, I admit, is nominally the qnestion. Is it so really? The resolu tion }on want .to rescind is this, and recollect that it is not only the people of England and Ireland, but the people of the whole civilized would that are attending to the question which, you have this 'e vetting, raised. From the camp of Don Carlos to the throne of Nicholas, the whole world is listening to your debates and will overwhelm You with contempt when . they hear the mi g hty reasons which are urged to prevent you from consolidalieg two great nations intn one, and from .forming them into one united empire. As to the good intentions ot Sir T. Adam, he totally denied them. At all events, there was a proverb alluding to a very hot place; said to he payed with geed intentions. Sir E. Wilmot's em it s, pleased hint no bettei. " Heaven preserve us," piously ejaculated the learned member, "from these Eng lish baronets!" The property of flue church, added he, was given originally for masses ,and other 'ore which you call supe,r siitious. The doctrine yen thought hod, but the mercy good. Your protestant gentry have great compassion for West Indian slaves—none for their Irish countrymen. I wish they were ne nrues, then they would have au advocate. To rescind the ap- r':~C-o~dle'rrh: ~~r,:~•6~~_:: ~~* :caarra THE LI \TARP( propriation clause would be All it to them. • You off'r them a capitulation; but • you prescrthe it as a conditmoif that they shall walk under a yoke —a con:lition which is not to oe accepted. or endured. In the course of his speech the learned member more than once repeated that the question to he settled was how Ireland should he governed. To us it appeared that the ques tiou was not how she should be governed, but whether she was not to he exempted from the irksome restraint of being goverued at all." Sir R. PEEL desired no ampler justification than the speech of Mr. O'Connell. If to rescind these resolutions explicitly be an earnest of severity towards Ireland, what must be interred front the tacit abandonment of them, as proposed by ministers !- If the appropriation of church property to secular purposes be necessary to any final arrangement whatever, how could Mr. O'Connell sanction an arrangement not involving it? Or (lid Mr. O'Connell consider it involved in these resolutions? Was the house, on this, point, to credit him or the ministers? Ihe learned member in his pleading for peace never forgot to talk of the Scotch way of working out a religious establishment with the broadsword. Oh ! but no such extremity was proposed for Irelaind, because the Irish cathodes repudiated the notion of touching the property. And yet, since these resolutions were published, the learned member had addressed the Irish recom mending that catholic pi les! s he endowed with the Protestant's glebe—not with the tithe; tithe might he a precarious provi sion, but laud was a stable one. Sir Robert then reviewed the history of the appropriation resolutions. On coining into office at the end of 18.34, he had taken up the tithe bill of his prede cessors. Lie bad been encountered by these resolutions, and had warned his opponents that their triumph would be short; that is, as to the principle affirmed, not as to the tenure of office—for it was very possible to hold office with little triumph. ( his just apothegm was received with great applause.) On these reso lutions he had quitted the government in 1835. In the saute year, on the - bill of these ministeis, Lord Stanley had proposed a separation of the tithe enactments from. the appropriation clauses, and the answer of the chancellor of the exchequer then was, that it would have been better candidly to propose the re scinding of the resolutions- 7 4he very course now pursued. In 1836 another tithe bill. passed the riouse of Com Mons, and was sent back front the lords amended, by the omission of the appro priation clauses; but ministers refused to consider the amend ments at all with that omission. To omit the clauses, they ar gued, would' be to recant the principle. As to -1837, ministers now said that the declarations of the conservatives in that year had deceived them. Ile denied it in terms as peremptory as would consist with courtesy and' parliamentary usage. When Lord John intimated that ministers,would not be restrained by false pride from doing; what they thought best, be (Sir Robert) had said, that he would not taunt them for having turned him out upon this . peint if they would consent to abandon a clause weich caused so much of bitterness in Ireland; the more, be cause it was neither executed nor repealed. He must say now, as he always had said, that he would not consent,to a settlement on the basis of appropriation ; and he had never led ministers to think otherwise. In this very session. when Lord John inquired what course would be taken by the conservatives on the Irish • corporation bill, he (Sir Robert) hail again referred to the ap propriation resolutions, and had declared he was willing to settle the other Irish questions, but must insist un security for the church. Ile had heard with deep regret the bitter tone of Lord John, especially the sneer at the cler.„gy'. After all their sutrering,i , and privations, it was too much for a minister to say, tnat because the sum which they expressed their readinesS to forego for the peace of Ireland was only 15 per cent instead of 30, therefore 15 per cent was the precise and outside value,which. they- put upou their country's peace. It wont(' have beets difficult, no doubt, fur ministers to agree to a solemn vote of - abrogation, which must materially lower thew; but they might at least hare said they would practically abandon the appropriation, and (10 their best to make the settlement final. Very opposite to this had been the tone of Lord John Russell's speech and the forum of the resolu tions indeed, even after the speech, the house hail been left as completely in the dark as ever. It was not till the close of . Monday evening that the house could collect whether appro. priation were included in them or not. Was it not fit that when this principle had been used as an instrument for heaving a government from its base, the house should at least understand whether this principle was now intended to be applied. A letter had been pubtished by Mr. O'Connell, intimating, that the arrangement now proposed involved the principle of appro priation, but that this arrangement was not likely to be a final one. After protesting against - the purchase of a short respite for the church by the sacrifice of £50,000 or £60,000 of her re venue, which would only let in a principle for absorbing in like manner ail the rest of her income, Sir R. Peel observed, that the church now rests upon firm grounds—on the act of Union, which was au express guarantee to her, and the catholic relief bill, which was "au implied one. On these grounds he would de fend her. Ile was willing to grant funds fur the education of the catholics, but not at the exclusive expense of the protestant church. They would desert their duty of protestant legislators, as legislators, whatever their religious creed might be, if they consented to adopt any principle by which the protestant esta blishment in Ireland would be weakened, whether by immedi ate, aggregate. or any other means which would ultimately lead the way to its inevitable destruction. He, therefore, cordially supported the proposition of his hon. friend, (Sir 'l'. Acland,) and continued his adherence to that principle, to the mainten ance of which he had sacrificed the possession of otfice and to which he again said, he adhered with equal fidelity. (I'he hon. baronet sat down amidst loud cheering.) Mr. Rica denied that the resolutions in 1835 had been got up to turn out Sir Robert Peel. But he would not rescind them, because that would involve the degradation of ministers, and would be in opposition to his own opinions. In an angry strain he charged the conservatives with having lost their tempers, and deprived him of the hope, which he hail entertained some little time before, of bringing the tithe question to an amicable termi nation; but, in his opinion, they had shown themselves only conservatives of riot, confusion, and disorder. This figure of speech, which would probably be called Hibernian if he had not hiinself invented the happier terni—,West British, was received by the conservatives with good humour, which fully acquitted them' of the right hon. gentleman's charges of virulence and asperity. - Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the house divid ed, when the numbers aepeared— . For the original motion Fur the amendment 298 —I9 The house, having l resolved into committee, pose tour tne cnatrinau torir stpulA tusk leave to sit again on Monday next. This motion being carried, the house resumed, and adjourned at half-past one o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY. The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock. Mr. R. STEUA RT moved that the house at its risingdo adjourn until Friday..—,Agreed to. A number of petitions on various subjects were presented. The Middleiex County Courts. Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. The Dean Forest Roads Bill was read a third time, and passed. Mr. C. W. WYNN gave notice that on the 31st of May he should move an Address to the Queen, praying that her Ma jesty would be pleased to give some ecclesiastical preferment to three late chaplains of the House of Commons. Mr. HAWES gave notice. that on bringing up the report on the Benefices Pluralities Bill, he should move a clause to abo lish all pluralities under any circumstances. ( Hear.) Mr. P. THONIPSON expressed a wish that the hon. member for Dudley would withdraw the British Manufacturers Bill, and he would pledge himself to bring its a hilt on the same subject, or introduce clauses into some other measure, which would obtain the object the hon. member had in view. Mr. HAWES was understood to assent to this arrangement, and withdrew the bill. In answer to a question by an Hon. Member, Lord J. RUSSELL said, the commissioners sent out to Malta had finished their inquiry, and he believed they were now on their way home. The horse went into committee, pro forma, on the Glass Duties Bill The bill was then ordered to be printed. SMALL DEBTS ( SCOTLAND) BILL. On the order of the day being read for going into committee on the Small Debts (Scotland) Bill. 11r. WALLACE said he should be ashamed of himself if he did not oppose the bill at every stage. He moved, as an amendment, that the bill be committed on that day six months. A discussion ensued, in which Sir W. RAE and the Lotto ADVOCATE took part, after which Mr. WALLACE withdrew the amendment;and the house went into committee on the bill. The first clause was agreed tn. The second clause was uuder discussion when we left the house. UNIVERSITY AND CLERICAL INTELLIGENCE. CAMBRIDGE, May 12. On Friday, the 11th inst., Edmund Lloyd Birkett obtained the 11lickleborrow scholarship in cnemistry in Grenville and Uains College, in this University. It. H. Smith, Esq., 8.A., of Caius College, in this University, has lately been elected to the mastership of the Grammar Schoo l of Andover; The Rev. James Saunders, of Si:lney Sussex College, and the Rev. John Lodge, of Magdalene College, in this University, have been appointed Woonwardian inspectors for the )ear ensuing. PREFERMENTS, &C. The Rev. Paul Ashmore, 8.C.1;., of Christ College Cam bridge, to the living of Porthkerry, Glamorgaushire, ou the presentation of the sons of the late Sir Samuel Romilly. The Rev. Armine El arring, M.A., to the perpetual curacy of Ashmanhaugh, Norfolk, on the nomination of Sir Jacob Henry Preston, Bart. The Rev. Mr. Hughes, to the vic 'rage of Llanhister, Rad norshire, vacant by the death of the Rev. David Lloyd. Patron, the Bishop of St. David's. The Venerable Archdeacon Musgrave, D.D., has appointed the ire'v. Edward ltatusden, M.A., lately incumbent minister of St. James's, Lower Darwen, to St. JOhn's Church.in Brad shaw, near Halifax. The Rev. Edward Salkeld, A.M., minister of Trinity Church Carlisle, to the vicarage of Aspatria, vacant by the death of the Rev. Edward Thompson. The Rev. Charles Hawkins, 8.C.L., canon residentiary of York Cathedral, to the vicarage of Stillingileet, Yorkshire. Patrons, the dean and chapter of York. • The Rev. James Coiquhoun Campbell, 8.A., assistant curate of Coyehurch, to the curacy of Michaels:ton-le-Pit, near Cardiff, vacant by the removal of the Rev. Hely H. Rickards, to the imore has been ple ase d t o nom i nate cuyrahcev LordVN o ß m i l s td p , , E sse x . i(e the Rev. Thomas Carson, LL.D., to the living of Cavan. The Rev. William Pollock, M.A., of Newry, has accepted the curacy of St. Thomas's, Stockport, void by the resignation of the Rev Thomas Peters. OBITUA RY At his residence. Hereford, in the 78th year of his age, the Rev. John Clutton, D.D., canon residentiary of Hereford Cathedral, rector of Kinuersley, and vicar of Lugwardine, in that county. Atter a few days' :Illness, in his 58th year, the Rev. George Berry Godbold, rector of Greathatn, near Petersfield, Hants. Soddenly, the Rev. William Hardwicke, tector of Outwell, Cambridgeshire. At his residence, Eaton Bishop, Herefordshire, the Rev. Henry Stonehouse Vigor, rector of that parish, a gentleman highly respected by all who knew him. The Rev. Robert Walker Bamford, 8.D., vicar of Bishopton, and minoreanon of the Cathedral of Durham, aged 42. The Rev. W. Poole, vicar of Moulton', - near-Northampton. The Rev. Thomas Cornthwaite, vicar of Crick, Derbyshire. At his house, in great Dean's-yard, Westminister, the Rev. George Preston, M.A., of Trinity College, Cambridge, in the 63d year of his age. FATAL Accr-PENT ON THE lIIVEE.—The captain and helms man of the Britannia -have been committed to take their trial for manslaughter. IlonsES —A considerable number of very valuable horses and brood mares have recently :been shipped at Iluil for Si. Peters burg. The Russian goveinment take vast pains toimprot c the breed of horses, whilst our government, by selling off the royal stud, and similar measures, do all in their power to discourage such attempts. 01, STANDARD. (IfIF.I.AND). TURSDAY, MAY 15. Order for Committee read; Motion m vie, and proposed, "That Speaker.dti now leave the chair :" Resolutions 61 the Bouse, of 7th April, 1835, read, as fol low : " Resolved, That any surplus revenue of the present Church Establishment in Ireland, not required for the spiritual cure of its members, be applied to the moral and religions educa tion of all classes of the people, without distinction of reli gious persuasion, providing for the resumption of such sur plus, or of any part ol*: as may be required by an increase in the number of the members of the Established Church." " Resolved, That it is the opinion of this House, that no mea sure upon the subject of Tithes in Ireland can lead to a satis factory and final adjustment, which does not embody the principle contained in the foregoing Resolution." Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word " That" to to the end of the Question, in order to add the words, " the said Resolutions he rescinded," instead thereof : —(Sir Thomas Acland:) —Question put. " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question :"—The House divided: Ayes 317, Noes 298. AYES. Abercromby, G Ferguson, Sir R Phillips, Sir It Acheson, Lord • Ferguson Sir It A Phillips, M Adam, Admiral Ferguson It Phillips, G It Aglionby, 1.1 A Ferguson, K C Phillpots, J Aglionby, Major Finch F Pinney W Ainsworth, P Fitzgibbon Col Ponsonby, C F A Alston, It Fitzroy, Lord C Ponsonby, Hon J Andover, Lord Fleetwood P H Potter, J Anson, Hon Col Fort, J Power, J Anson, Sir G French, F Power, J Archbold, R Fenton, J Price, Sir R AttwOod, 1' Gillon, W D Protheroe, B Bainbridge, E T Gordon, It - Pryme, G Baines, B .Goring, II D Pryse, P Ball, N Grattan J Pusey, P , Bannerman, A Grattan, 11 Ramsbottom, J Barnard, E. J Greentvay, C Redington, 'l' N Barron, H ,W Grey, Sir C B . Rice, B It Barry, G S Grey, Sir G • Rice, Right Hon T S Beamish, F. B Grosvenor, Lord R Rich, H Bellew, K M Grote, G Rippon, C Benett J Guest, J J Roche, E B Bentinck, Lord W Hall, B ' Roche, W Berkeley, Hon EI Halliburton, Ld D G Rolfe, Sir R. M Berkeley, Hon G Handley, ll Rumbold, C E Berkeley. Hon C Harland, W C Rundle, J Bernal, R C Harvey, D W Russell, Lord J Bewes, 'l' Hastie, A Russell, Lord Blackett, C . ' Hawes; B Russell, Lord C Blake, M .1 Hawkins, J H Salway, Col Blake, W J Hayter, W G Sanford, E A Blewitt„ft J Heathente, .7 • Scholefield, .f Blunt, Sir U Hector, C J Scrope, G P Bodkin, .1 J Heneage, B Seale Col Bowes, .1 Herrin, Sir It Seymour, It Brabazon, Lord Hill, Lord A M Sharpe, Gen Brabazou, Sir W Hindley,C . • Sheil, It L Bridgeman, H Hobhouse, Sir J , Shelburne, Earl Briscoe, J I Hobhouse, 1' ' Sianey, It A Brocklehurst, J Hodges, T L Smith, .f A Brodie, W B Hollond R Smith, B Brotherton, .1 Horsman. B • Smith. Hon R Browne, R D Hoskins, K Smith, It V Bryan, G Howard, F • Somers, J P Butler, E Howard, P II Somerville, Sir W M Bulwer, E L Howard, It • Speirs, A Busfield, W Howard. Lord Vis Spencer, Hon F -Butler, Hon Col Hume, J Standish, C .... , , Byng G Humphrey, .1 Stanley, M Byir., Rt Hon G S Hurst, R 1-1 Stanley, W 0 Callaghan, D Hutt, W Stanstield, \V R Campbell, Sir J Hutton, R Staunton, Sir G Campbell, W F James, W Stewart, James Carnac, Sir J Jet:mon, C . Stuart, Lord J Cave, It 0 Jervis, J Stuart, V Cavendish, Hon C Jervis, S Strangways, G Cavendish, Hon G Johnson, Gen Strickland, Sir G Caylev, E S Labouchere, H Struts, E Lambton, H Langdale, C Style, Sir C Chapman, Sir M Lefevre, C S Talbot, C R Chester, H Lemon Sir C Talbot, J Chetwyntl, Major Leveson Lord Talfourd, Serjeant Chichester J P Lister, B C Tancred, ti NV Childers, J \V Loch, J Thomson, C P Clay, \V Lushington, Dr Thornely, 'I Clayton. Sir NV Lushington C Townley, 11 G Clements, Lord Lynch, AII Troubridge, E Clive, E B Macleod, R Turner B Cndrington,Admiral Macnamara, Major Turner \V Collier, J M‘Tatru'art ,s, Verney, Sir H Collins, W Maher, J Vigors, N A , Colquhoun, Sir J Marshall, W Villiers, C P Craig, W G Marshall, H Vivian, Major C Crawford, \V Martin, J Vivian, J H Crompton, S Manle, Hon F Vivian, Sir It Cuirie, R. Maule, W H Wakley T Curry W Melgund, Lord Walker, C A Chalmers, P Mildmav, P Walker, It Dalmeny, Lord Milton, Lord Wallace, It Dashwood, GEI Moreton, Him A Warburton, II Davies, Col Morpeth, Lotd Ward, El G Denison, W. J Morris, D Wernyss, J E Dennistoun, J Murray, Hon J Westenra, H R D'Eyncourt, C Muskett, G A Westenra, Hon J Divett, E , Nagle, Sir It White, A Duckworth S O'Brien, C White, L Duff, J O'Brien, W S White. S Duke, Sir J O'Callaghan. C Wilbraham, G Duncan, Lord O'Connell, D Wilde, Serjeant Dunconibe, 'l' O'Connell, J Wilkins, W Dundas, CNV D O'Connell, M J Williams, W Dundas, Capt D O'Connell, M Williams, W'A Dundas, F O'Connell, M Wilshere, NV Dondas, HonJ O'Ferrall, H ISI Winnington, T Dundas, on I.' . Winnington, H Easthrip 1 Paget, Lord A Wood, C Ebriti;.7.ll , Lord Paget, F Wood, Sir M • Edwards. J Palmer, C F Wood, G NV Ellice; apt A:r FAIRW,':i^ in" Wirili r e';'S T erTeltrat Ellice, Rt Hon E Parnell, Sir II Wrightson, \V Erie, W Parrott, J Wyse, T Etwall, 11 Pattison, J Yates, J A Evans, De Lacy Pease, J - Evans, G , Pechell, Capt TELLERS. Evans, NV Pendarves, E W Stanley, E G Fazakerley, J N Steuart, It NOES. Acland, Sir T D Farrand, R. Maxwell, II Acland, 'F9 Fector, J NI Meynell, Capt A'Court, Capt Feilden, W Miles, NV Adare, Lord Fellowes, E Miles, P W S Alford, Lord Filmer, Sir E Miller, W H Alsager, Capt Fitzroy, Hon II Milues, It M Arbuthnott, Hn Fleming, J Monypenny, 'l' Archdall, M Foley, B T Mordaunt, Sir J. Ashley, Lord Follett, Sir Vir Morgan, C M It Ashley. Hon H Forester, Hon G Neeld, Joseph Attwood, NV Fox, G L Neeld, John At twond. INI Freshlield, J W Nicholl, J Bagge, W Gaskell, J M Norreys, Lord Bag,ot, Elon W Gibson, T Northlann, Ld Bailey, J - Gladstone, W E O'Neill, Hou J B Bailey, J jun Glynue, Sir Slt Ossulston, Lord Baillie, Cul ' Goddard, A Owen, Sir J Baker,.E Godson, It Parke, C W Baring, Hon F Gordon. Capt Pakington, J S Baring, Hn NV H Gore, 0J It Palmer, it Barneoy, J Gore, 0 W Palmer, G Barrington, Lord . Goulburn, El Parker, M Bateson, Sir it Graham, Sir J Parker. It T Bell, M Granby, Marquis Pinker, TA NV Bentinck, Lord Grant, Hon Col Patten, J W Bethel', R. Greene , T Peel, Sir R. Blackburne, I Grimsrlitch, T Peel, J Blackstone, Mr Grimston, Lord Pemberton, T Blair, I Grimston, E II Perceval, Col Blakeinore, R Hale, It B Perceval, C J Blandford, Marq lialford, H Pigot, R Blennerhassett Harcourt, C G Planta, Rt Hn J Arthur Harcourt, G S Polhill, F Boldero, H G Hardinge, Sir H Pullen, Sir JNV Bolling, NV Hawkes, P Pollock, Sit F Bradshaw, J Hayes, Sir B Powell, Col Bramston, T W Heathcote, Sir NV Powerscourt Broadley, H Henniker, Lord Lord Broadwood, H Hepburn, Sir T B Praed, NV M Brownrigg, S Herbert, Hon S Price, It Bruce, Lti E Herries, J C Pringle, A Bruges, W• 11 L Hill, Sir It Rae, Sir \V Buller, Sir J Y Haborough, E Reid, Sir J It Burdett, Sir F Ilinde, J 11 Itidiards, It Burr, II Hodgson, F Rickford, W Burrell, Sir C Hodgson, E Rollestou, L Burroughes, H Ho'gg,.J W Rose, Sir G Calcratt, Jll Homes, Hon W Round, C G Canning, Sir S Holmes, .W Round, J Cant elupe, Lord Hope, G W Hushbrooke, R Cartwright, NV Hotham, Loid Rushout, G . Castlereagh, Lord Houldsworth, T St. Paul, H Chandos, Marquis lioustouu, G Sanderson, It Chapman, A Howard, Hon W Sandun, Lord Chisholm, A W Hughe., W B Scarlett, Ha J Y Chute, W L W Hurt, F Shaw, F Clerk, Sir G Ingestre, Lord Sheppard, 'l' Clive, Lord Vis Ingham, It Shirley, E J Clive, Hon. It H Inglis, Sir R H Sibthorp, Col Codring,ton, C w Irton, S Sinclair, Sir G Cole, Hon A EI Irving, J Smith, A Cole, Lord Vis Jackson, Serj Smyth, Sir G H Colquhoun, J C James, Sir NV C Somerset, Lord ,Compten, H C Jeokins It Spry, Sir S 'l' Connolly, E Jermyn, Earl Stanley, E Conte, Sir C 1-1 Johnstone, H Stanley, Lord ' Copeland, Ald Jones, J Stewart, John Corry lion II Jones, T Stuart; H Courtenay, P Kelly, F Stormont, Lord Cress.v ell, C Kemble, H Sturt, H G Crewe, Sir G Kerrison, Sir E Sugden, SireE Cripps, J Ker, D Teignmouth Dalrymple, Sir A Kirk, P Lord Darner, Hon D Knatchbull, RtTennent, J E Derby, G Hon Sir E Thomas, Col H Darlington; Lord Knight, LI G Thompson , Ald Davenport, J Knightley, Sir C Thornhill,G De Horse;', 11 Lascelles, NV S Trench, Sir F S Dick, Q , Law, Hon C E Trevor. Hon G D'lsraeli, B Lefroy, Rt Hon T Vere, Sir C B Dottin, Alt Liddel, Hn H T Venter, Coli c . ~.. Douglas, Sir C Lincoln, Earl Vernon , , fl' 4' • '., Douro, Marq of Litton, B Villi ~•:•,• . '.0 1 •• Dowdeswell, W Lockhart, A M Vivian,'.lE; Duffield, T Lowther, Col Waddingt-01, 11. Dugdale, w S Lowther, Lord , .s . --, Wall, C B Dunbar, G Lowther, i H Walsh, Sir Duncombe, w Lucas, E ' Welby, G E Duncombe, A Lygon, Hon Gen Whitmore, 'l' C East, J B . Mackenzie, 'l' Wilbraham. B Eastnor, Lord Mackenzie, W F Williams, R Eaton, R. J Maclean, D Williams ' T P Egerton; NV 'l' Mahon, Vis Wilmot, SirJ E Egerton, Sir P Maidstone, Vis Wodehouse, E Egerton, Lord ' Manners, Lord Wood, Cul '1 Eliot, Lord Marsland, 'l' Wood, 'l' Ellis, John Marton, G Wyndham, W Estcourt, 'l' Master, TNV C WVIIII, G W Estcourt, T Mathew, G B Wynn, Sir W NV LFaruhatn, E B Mauusell, T P Yorke, Hon E T Young, J Young, Sir \V TELLERS. Fremantle, sir T. Baring, H B IThe followine members voted with ministers in support of the very some resolution AGAINST which they voted on the 7th ut April, 183a:— Beuett, J Ferizu,on, Sir It Fly el wood, P }l Lemon, Sir G Martin, J Pusey, P Stewart, J THE PEEL BA NQuET. On Saturday a snmptimus and complimentary entertainment was given in Mei chant Tailors'•hall to Str Robert Peel, Bart., by 313 Conservative members of the House of Commons, as a mark of their admiration and respect for his personal cha racter and undeviating confidence in his talents, sagacity, and prudence, as the great political leader ofthe party. The beauti ful hall was tastefully decorated for the occasion, banners, with various emblematic devices, being suspended from the roof. The magnificent anti costly service of plate, candelabra, and other ornamental paraphernalia belonging to the ancient and wealthy company of Merchant Tailors were displayed on the tables. The galleries at each end were tilled with ladies in beautiful dresses, among whom were Lady and Miss Peel, the Dowager Duchess of Richmond, the Countess of Harrowby, the Duchess of Beaufort, Lady Jersey, Lady Catherine Jermyn, Lady F. Egerton, Lady Wilton, Lady G. Somerset, Lady Graham, &c. The Marquis of Chandos officiated as chairman, supported on the right by Sir R. Peel, Lord F. Egerton. Mr. Goulburu, Mr. Alliston, (Master of the Merchant Tailors' Company,) Mr. C. Wynn, Sir Edward Sugden. Sir Henry Elardincie, Lord Lowther, Hon. Henry Corry, Mr. G. Knight, Sir R. Inglis, Sir R. Planta, Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Lascelles : and on the left by Lord Stanley, Lord Castlereagh, Sir James Graham, Sir George Rose, Mr. Berries, Sir Edward linaten bull, Lord Granville Somerset, Sir S. Canning, Mr. Shaw, Mr. Lefroy, &c. The health of the Queen, and the other customary loyal and patriotic toasts having been given and drunk with appropriate honour. The CHAIRMAN then gave "The health of the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel, and may he long enjoy life and happiness and rule over this country as a minister." (The toast was drunk with nine distinct add most hearty rounds of cheers, the ladies in the galleries joining in the compliment by waving their handkerchiefs.) Sir lionaar PEEL rose, and was greeted with renewed and prolonged cheers—when they had subsided he spoke to the fol lowing effect :—Lord Chaudos, and gentlemen, I am deeply grateful for the motives which have influenced you in paying me this mark of respect, unparalelled in the political annals of this country—(cheers)—and for the corresponding feeling with which you, gentlemen. have just received the proposition of my noble friend. Gentlemen, 1 wish 1 had any command of lan guage, at least of appropriate and befitting language, to convey to you the sensations which, as you must perceive, almost over power beers)—but I. feel that it is infinitely better to ap:. peal to your feelings for an estimate anti vindication of mine-- to the consciousness of each of you that, were you played in my present situation, you would rather remain perfectly silent titan try to express your gratitude by the trite and exhausted forms of complimentary acknowledgment. iChee-..5.) Gentlemen, you have conferred upon me the highest reward that can be conferred upon a public man, who does aspire to distinction, but to that distinction, and that alone, which is founded upon the esteem and confidence of intelligent and enlightened men— (cheers)—who is ambitious of power, but of that power only which, having its roots in much esteem and confidence, adds life and vigour to the authority derived from office, and does not wither and decay when official authority is extinct. (Cheers.). Gentlemen, you have also proved to me and others that there are other bonds of connexion—other sympathies which unite us besides a cold concurrence in political sentiments. You have proved to those who are treading the rugged and laborious path which leads to political eminence, that they may on their way be cheered by the cordial voice of friendship, and the cheering • tones of personal attactonent and esteem. (Cheers.) By this feeling, gentlemen, you have done much more than even the honour it confers upon me; you have given a public demon stration that the great object to which, for some years past, my exertions have been mainly directed, is completely accomplished. My object for some years past, which I have most earnestly laboured to accomplish, has been to lay the foundation of a great party, (cheers), which, existing in the House of Commons, and deriving its strength from the popular will, should diminish the risk, and deaden the shock of a collision between the two de liberative branches of the legislature—which should enable us to check the too importunate eagerness of well-intending men, for hasty and precipitate changes in the constitution and laws of the country, and by which we should be enabled to say, with a voice of authority, to the restless spirit of revolutionary change, " Here are thy hounds, and here shall thy vibrations cease." Gentlemen, I was deeply impressed with a conviction of the necessity of forming such a party front the period when a great change was made its the representative system of the country ; and l ant confident that those who were the most convinced of the abstract merits of that change, who saw its absolute neces sity in the progess of events, and the change of public opinion, would now admit (because I heard them admit it at the time) that although a necessary, still it was a fearful experiment— that there was a danger that the great shock given to prescrip tive authority might lead to too hasty prescriptive and irrational future changes—that those who were strongest in good intentions might, in their too sanguine hopes of reaching a species of per fection which could not be teetainable—that there was a risk that those who had become possessed of a new power might think it useless if pettnitted to remain quiescent, and if not' brought into constant and daily exercise. Gentlemen, that con viction led me to the conclusion that it was necessary, by prudence, by patience, by assuming a new position, by the re jection of the old tactics of party suited to other times, and adapted to other circumstances—that it was desirable at that time to form a party whose bond of connexion should be the maintenance of that particular measure of reform, but a deter mination to resist further constitutional changes—(cheers) — changes having a tendency to disturb the balance of a mixed government. There were at that time in operation other causes which powerfully and mainly influenced the changes of opinion which so rapidly took place with respect to the necessity of re form. There had lately been exhibited to the empire those events which in France, in three short days, had trampled to the dust air ancient dynasty, and had shot physical power triumphant over constituted authority, but ffrthose who had resorted to a system of violation of all law and order. Gentlemeu, 1 did not disguise to myself the difficulties attending the forma tion of such a party. Our own party had been reduced by the reform act to little more than one hundred tnethbers—at least, I believe that is the session, which followed the passing of the reform bill, not more than 100 voted with me on any great oc casion, but I did not despair. (Cheers.), Gentlemen, how could I dispair—(o.ers) - -‘ctor. 4 --, was ..oricert and• man—flour! cheers)—the Duke of Wellington, whose name does not shed a lustre merely upon a party, or upon the country which be has defended, but sheds a lustre upon the age in which he lives? (Loud cheers.) Acting in intimate union with that man, who has exhibited through his life a conjunction of qualities, tare in their separate excellence, but which are wonderful in their combination—that man who is not without ambition, but is without the ills that attend who would highly hut fifthly asoire—who has shown at dif ferent periods of his life, both in military and civil affairs, a combination of 'the utmost fortitude and valour, with the greatest circumspection and prudence—acting in concert with such a man I could not despair. Gentlemen, I need not speak of the military career of the Duke of Wellington, but I may remind you that it was be who itt civil life stood forward to assume, on his own undivided responsibility, the who l le func tions of government for the purpose of exhibiting an instance of self-denial without a precedent, and who has at other times, when a sense of public duty impelled him, had the real courage to assume and maintain a defensive attitude, and if I may so say, to retire within those moral lines which are forfeited by circumspection and prudence.' Aided by his authority and his approbation, I looked forward ultimately to the formation of such a party as now exists. I did believe that the good sense of the country would at length place confidence in a party which did not protest hostility to improvement, but which manifested a determination to abide by the leading principles of the British constitution. Gentlemen, allow me to say that 1 dirt look with confidence to the ultimate formation of that happy union which now exists between us and the men to whom we were formerly opposed. I looked forward to it with confidence, because relied upon their adherence to the principles which they pro fessed—because I heard them say, and 1 believed them, that they desired that reform should be according to the acknow ledged principles of the constitution—because I heard them declare that they would not assent to it if they believed it in compatible with the maintenance of the prerogatives of the crown and the privileges of the other house of parliament. 1 looked to it with confidence, because I heard them declare that, in their opinion, reform would add new stability to the settled institutions of the country in church and state. I did think, without personal acquaintance with their views, that the union which must he formed would not be the result of conferences— not the offspring of negotiations—(cheers and laughter)—but a union about which nothing would ever be (as nothing has to this hour ever been) said, but which should originally be brought about by the force of circumstances and by a sense of common danger, and which, having been formed, would after wards be cemented by mutual co-operation and reciprocal con fidence and assent. And here, gentlemen, was the difficulty that 1 saw, the man who was then chief pride, and ornament, and mainstay of that party, which he has since vacated - experto eredite quantus In clypeum assurgat, quo turbine t o r quea t h a stam. - . •._ --(Cheers.) I knew the sacrifices that man would be called upon to make. I was the man who could say how painful it was to separate from all party associationg. I could tell what a sacrifice it was to forego all party connections, from an over powering sense of public duty. I knew that all our hopes are not bounded by the prospects of official life, but 1 knew how painful it was to observe the averted eye, or experience the alienated regard of personal friends, whom .we sincerely loved. I knew that that sacrifice they would be called upon to make, without the prospect of the generous return which I myself bad experienced; but I had that confidence in their acuteness which assured melhat it would enable them to discriminate between the path which leads to improvement, and that which conducts to revolution ; and 1 had that confidence •in their integrity and moral courage that convinced me that when the de termination was once made, office, friendship, party. con nection—all would be sacrificed rather than they would lend their aid to any attempt to undermine the protestant establish ment of thin country, or disturb our mixed government and limited monarchy. 'Gentlemen, as I said' before, without con ference, without any other negotiation than that which led to the rejection of office, when they removed from office, that union has been formed, and I think I may say that the anticipations which I had formed—the hopes which I had entertained—that, being once formed, it would gain strength from reciprocal es teem and confidence, are fully justified by the result. Thus, gentlemen, has this party been brought into existence, and you have this day given this evidence of its strength. It has been submitted twice to the test of public opinion —twice has a disso lution taken place under circumstances calculated to determine whether that party has or has not the public confidence. One dissolution took place when it was in power, and the other when it was in power, and the other when power was in the hands of its opponents. On the first dissolution, which took place when I was at the head of the governmental Ole country, the conger , vative members were suddenly swollen front about 150 to more than double the number. I believe we divided on the nomination of the speaker 306 members, but it was said, "You owe your success to the possession of power—wait till another dissolution takes place—till your opponents are exercising the functions of government, which you were discharging when parliament was ass em bl e d in ISA and be prepared for a reduction of Your num bers more rapid still than this increase." Gentlemen, to that second test we have been subjected. The dissolution took place in the course of last year was attended by every circumstance calculated to be favourable to .our opponents. There was the accession of a youthful and beloved Queen. There was one uni versal feeling of a personal loyalty and attachment to the Sove reign ascending the throne with everything calculated to pre,. possess in her favour. There was a lavish use of her Majesty's name for the purpose of iinfiuencing elections—(louil cheers;) there was a happy coincidence of fortunate events for the govern ment; we had , public. despatches, approving of the conduct of public officeis, printed and circulated on the eve of a general election—(cheers and laughter ; ) there was no fastidious deli cacy in the choice of candidates —(laughter)—for the hustings at Westminster exhibited the spectacle of a secretary of state voting in favour of one who had defended insurrection in Canada, and espoused the cause of the Canadians in their revolt. And yet, notwithstanding 411 these favourable circum stances—notwithstanding the accession of her Majesty—not withstanding, the unsparing use of her name—notwithstanding the abserce of all squeamishness—still the result exhibited our nenthers unbroken, and as we voted in 1835 to the number of :30G, haying all the adyaetagesof a dissilution (IgTing the tenure of government. I thjek the names attached to the In vitatiou of this evening, the names of 313 members of the House of Coin mens, will sho a that, notwithstanding the adverse predictiwis A y 18,, 1`..3 to he cinitriry, the public confidence has not permitted our tilimhers to no oroken, nut w tile-wilding the dissolution. (Hear.) Gentlemen, Inv noble friend has truly stated that in the whole course of my inibtrc life no event has Cueen so gratifying and so satisfactory to toe as the meeting of this day ; but there are connected with it some feelings 01 a more serious and anxiou s t character, which chasten antcsubdue the disposition to tr ium p h and congratulation. Gentlemen, 1. do not disguise from myself_ the power which I possess in consequence of your esteem confidence; and when I see that number around me—when I. recollect that their sentiments are shared by all the great in terests of the country—by the clergy, by the magistrates, the yeomanry, the gentry of the country, and by a great proportion also of the trading community of the country—it would be im possible to disguise from ourselves the influence which we pos sess in the national councils; and amongst the feelings winch , as I said before, restrain and subdue those which vanity or per sonal congratulation ' would inspire, is one of anxiety, as I do possess your confidence, I may exercise the power which it con fers in such a manner, as shall contribute to the permanent in terests-of the country, and that by no act or advice of mine may your interests and co n duct be compromised. (Gheers,) The possession of strength, the demonstration of power, naturally brings with it some slight inconvenience. There is an impa tience in some quarters, seeing the strength we possess, that it should be called into inure frequent action. It is said , an d suit justly,—for allow me to observe, gentlemen, that, if I have anY well-grounded title to your confidence, it is because I have al ways ventured explicitly to state my opinion, and to give Yc ur the best advice of which lam capable, although it may t no _ al- . ways he precisely in accordance with the prevailing opinion I but I have boldly taken that course, confident that you tvonT place the proper construction upon my motives ;—it is said, wit pet feet truth, that the oppn4ition is at present conducted 111 1 °.° different principles from those upon which opposition would b e conducted to us if we were in power. (Cheers and laughte9 Nothing can he more perfectly true; but we must bear . m e t mind that the practical course which an opposition must ta k e must partly depend upon the principles of that opposition. Our friends, who are more impatient,_ mustiyecollect this circum stance, and must recollect that we are 'the same conservati ve opposition which formerly constituted and supported a con servative government. We adopt the principles whin formerly prevailed in administration. We not only adopt the principles of government, but we perform many o f the . functions of government; and it must be borne in mind that we cannot, in conformity with our own principles, take that line o f action which would be adopted by an opposition acting upot! precisely opposite principles. An opposition which professo; to think the ancient institutions of the country a grievance, an the whole order of English society a mass of abuse, would hay'' a double ground of resistance to the government ; first, persona' dissatisfaction with the course pursued by that governmen t and also no indisposition to inflame popular discontent agains t , the institutions of the country. But we must bear in m ina that our duty—the duty prescribed by our principles—ie maintenance of the ancient institutions of the country. 1 ;"„ have no desire to exalt the House of Commons above ihejn" prerogative of the crown. We have no desire to undermine the privileges of the House of Lords. On the contrary, it ' 9 our duty to maintain those institutions. That instrument of en opposition which seeks to reduce and curtail the establish' ments of the country is denied to us. We wish to r e the naval and military estabtishmepts of the country mal e ' tained in proper vigour and strength. It is denied to us inflame popular discontent against existing institutions —t° assist in any attack upon the House of Lords, or to lend an_ arts to shake time throne. Therefore those who are impat ient _ at our apparent indifference and passiveness must recollec t that _ the principles of an opposition do impose some restraint up‘r, the course which it must pursue. I have said, gentlemen, it" ',infect truth, that we discharge some of the functions ofgovert: ment. I prove that the principles and the position of t,°; present government are imperfect. We have all the prin ci p le s which are generally said to belong to government. bay ,„- heard it laid down, a few months since, as a princip le uP°7 which government might be conducted that there shou ld be i! constant concession to popular demands. This is an exce llent s principle for an opposition, but a very dangerous and hazartl°':' to _. one for a government. It was quite possible for Mr. Fox _ opposition, when speaking of Ireland, to say " I woul d ther !,l fore concede; and if I found I haul not conceded enough I w° b " concede more. I know no way of governing mankind but ys;l_ conciliation, and, according to the forcible way which t he Iri sh have of expressing their feelings, I know no way of gove rn ing a people but by letting them have their own waYL e . (Hear and a laugh.) The leader of the government in t House of Commons said he adopted the principle of Mr. F ox, and of course nothing could equal the satisfaction that created or the compliments that were paid to so wise and libere .l a minister for having formed so perfect a canon of govern Me % The people of Lower Canada thought they would applY tu same principle—it was fairly put to the test, and then it w as found that there must be some other mode of governing a p eop le than by letting them have their own way. (Laughter.) It was found that that was a dangerous principle for a government, however convenient for an irresponsible opposition, to s ugges t to a great empire that, when enough had not been conc edenr there tnust be more; and it became necessary to convince th e people of Canada that, however enlightened and philosophica l the maxim might be in itself, vet, in its application to Canadian affairs, it was necessary to mike the first exception from it that had yet been called for. So much for the principle ; and now want to convince you we have been exercising some of the prac tical functionsof a government so far as legislation is concerned. I will take three great . questions as a specimen, without refer ring to innumerable divisions, in which, were it not for the a id, of the conservatives, the government would have had to lament the smallness of their minority. I will take three questions - '' one connected with our religious establishments, another con nected with a great branch of our domestic industry . and intef .. nal commerce, and the third with the foundation of civil gove_rn . ment and the maintenance of the constitution of our r e p resen t tative tative system. The first question ; to which I refer m erel y a pion for relies ing the bishops mo went, which took pace in 1837, and was called, think, I hat specimen, is the motion for excluding th e bisho p s fr o m pa nt; but th e a) , motion was manfully resisted by the governme nt; e 92 and the noes 197 , of in favour of excluding the bishop s wer , of their legislat ive e uties. which number the adherents of the governmen t mustered 50, • and the conservatives 1 47 . T hat is the first proof I give that fluence Ashen I say that we do exer cise g I some of the important functions or a government. The seco nd am not overratin our in question involves the repeal of the corn laws. On that occasion the ayes were 95, and the noes, 303 ; but 236 of those 300 were conservatives, without whom the government would have been left in a minority of 21. The last question to which 1 shall re fer took place in the present session. I mean the vote by Now, don't let it be said that I am overrating the importance of. this question. It was declared by a minister of the crown in the House of Commons, to be not only important in itself, but also as it it involved mighty changes in the representative coo' stitution of the country. It was said by him, and said truly, th at objectionalaiv l a s w as re sisted to tt e ,h s e3 i sitisiead.l74 itself it must lead to extending the suffrage, shortening the duration of parliaments, and a complete revolution in the constitutio n. a mw n ee d rree p lty. r i :t ro c at t h i c teh e em tm a, f ,ht si v ot o in f a i e n : g 9 . B t be at it was interwoven with other important consequences. Vie r° erva tives, and 61 only d - • compose of those who acknowledge the nister as their 'leader, und support him. 'Where would thL" question have been if we had abandoned our duty and left ta chonflict to be decided by the strength of the oovernment, or t ha eir opponents? (cheers.) On other occasions, also, we ha l d to iuterfete, to express our opinionsin disapprobation ° the policy or the government. It has been our duty to ba ° ,,g over them the rod of censuse, and that rod has onlv'been P,l"'" i ; vented from falling by nominal majorities. When my 00 " . friend proposed a vote of censure—for so it was considered bY the government—vvith respect to the expences of tbe mission grp Canada, two votes only rescued them from that censure. G el ?: tlemen, it is absolutely necessary that we should continu e ' ; 6 my noble friend has said, united heart and hand, because 5 : what has taken place since the question of the ballot. Thf i l; vernment, with the aid of those whom it professed to conc. - fo f ground,ghut.tobnesc a nor use. in opposition to the ballot, consisted of 61, and vet so gra t !,'„"a were they for the a ss i s t ance we ren d ere d t h em, an d so u'," o - ° 0 . did they feel int eres t e d, 1 presume, i n i ts cont i nuan ce, tha t the first occasion which o ccur re d o f ma ki ng an a ppoiutnaen l ti t , a high and confidential office connected with the governtne°o.: there was sele c t e d f or it no t an op p onent o f t h e b a ll o t, but a tleman who advocated it. I will ask our friends, who are t o "',. patient for what they c onsider more d ec i s i ve ac ti o n, to rat e " ber the steps by which our power was gained. Let then! member that it was by moderation and an adherence to priuciP.:, This, gentlemen, 1 would advise, if I may venture to offer advice, that now and on every occasi o n y o u - e nf o rce the Pr i „ n „ c . . pies whi c h y ou pro f ess; th a t on every occas i on, b e the C° ",,Is quences what they mummy, you resist those acts of the goverer - a - . which you believe to be injurious, and amid no contention et 1 ) , or ties to hesit a t e i n en f orc i ng th e p r i nc i p l es o f t h e con stitution , 1 0 ,. the purpose of averting any change of the principles of tib e l vernment, and in no instance to evade, in the slightest new -e co any one of the principles which are essential to the maintenan of the i n t erests o f c h urc h- an d state. B ut I hope we shall never be betray e d , f or th e sa k e g f any temporary a d van tage, int ° lso union with t h ose f rom who se p r i nc i p l es we di sse nt. a Somm e" hope that we shall never adopt the advice which 1 have times received from ardent friends and professed admire rs t a ° abandon our duty in parliament, an d f or t h e purpos e of crest' dg. embarrassment to the govern men t, t o l eave it t o fi g ht the alone. My object is, that by steadily attending to our dutY',l, censuring the government ou all oc c as i ons when they deser v- l e , enforcing our principles by aidi ng them to carry those ine sures which we think right, even though by so doing Yre, rn i a a g o be rescuing the govern men t, we may establish new el,", on the approbation o f th e country. I own I have fel t some occasions, when we mi g ht have relied upon a majoritYd favour of those prin c iple s w hi c h the government profess e oes .. share in common with us, yet I have found that when a thin involved the existence of the government, the Pr'""; t l, f-, were forgotten, and the only c • h 133°— e cons ideration was, canno t be fectually the gove r nment mihr b A It°Calans.- bail satisfactory to he told—" You deserv e be' rather tha;;, inflict it upon you, we will vote in our fa s v u o r u e ; to rescue Yr,' Gentlemen, there was an observati y on made more than 8 " U iy .. ." Bred years ago by Mr. Addison, who lamented the violent pa heats and resentments which appeared obstruct t h e perfe lP .,, tu, „ dots. ante of publi • cduty, and suggested that it was a bounties. ad. to co • minim all neutral Men in defence of the common gm ° ,'cli.. He thought it possible to forum some sort of covenant to "'"',,t to moderate m • en might where, and by which, rising OA ) " „; ight considerations, and only seeking for the public good, theY.7 3tr o• . be bound. He found great difficulty in framing such for 11 o de. meat, but at length he hit upon a form of covenant for m ode" Ad rate men. I will read the fotm of association which lg r ' by dison proposed, and which he expected to be subscribe d o ur moderate men, but which, I believe would find but little fa art in these days. It was to this effect:—" We, whose na ves 00_ hereunto subscribed, do sol emn ly d ec lare that we d° ~,,t gm: scientiouslv believe that two an d two make four, an d l'iTpre shall adjudge any man to be an enem y who advance s fai n at tends to the coutrary. We aro likewise ready to main i o all any hazard, against all me.u, that six is less t - ban sev e n t on times and places. We do fluidly declare our firm deterottu al/ it ou to call black black, and white white, and that we Oa' ' o f the occasions, oppose such persona as shall, On any day utmost year, hold black to be white, or white black, to th iv e ir. • Ads period of our lives," (Cheers and laughter.) If 'f or ° f dison were now alive he would perceive that this, s . . a t he associatiou was nat much appreciated by the friend f governme4s; but if he had drawn it in - a different.aleu'r t he he had said, " We will, on all occasions, on every d ! the go year, vote black to be white, or white black, whene ve '_ e , than vernment is implicated," that would insure more signatur __,.ke I tw° ' 4 " . the declaration which he proposed, that two , be con four, and that on every day of the year , black shal l be en, sitter...A black, and white white. (Laughter.)l Geu s t oc ial am ammuscioas that - 1 have interrupted-much of you r let u y u se e' joyment, and in drawing my o b serva tions to a close, a new press an anxious hope that this meeting may suPP. f this bond of . conuection to this party; that the recollection rda.:on; .on e " day may long animate us in active and united CO e d v ice I believe the motto under.which we are assembled, the u Of this ancient comp any , i s, " C oncor dia p a rece res , e tl by Those words are t a k en f rom t h e dying ex h o rtation trdtire' is of our"'urtha and his son, viThen he exerted them to o r tarn concord and uni o n as th e ma i n instrument a nd 11- success—`• Concottlia parvo res crescent," added to "' us said, " Discordid maxima d'l I t • " G entienlen 't ' e I'l I a ..1131 10 . W e - ' a% 11 profit by the maxim involved in the first part. , sr oa trorn concord, good understanding, arid union increased ,d mi „ 3 ot, beginnings to strength and influence now almost Ptthe °ddress' The soleinn warning, involved in the latter part Of, hest . soce estl to remember that the utmost prosperity and the lot,