The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-02-13 00:00:00

Varliamtnt. HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAr. The Lord Chancellor communicated her Majesty's gracious answer to the address of their Lordships on the speech from the Throne. It was in the following words: " I thank you for your loyal and dutiful address ; the first object of my wishes is to promote the welfare of my people, and I rely with confidence on your assurances of support in framing such measures as the interest of the country may require." The answer was entered on the journals of the House. The Earl of ABERDEEN, in answer to some observa tions made by Lord Brougham. said that it was perfectly true that the French Government bad desired such modi fications of the treaty touching the right of search as might make it more palatable to the French people with out impairing its efficacy. The French Minister was as anxious to see an end put to the slave-trade as he (the Earl of Aberdeen) or his noble and Learned friend could be. (Hear.) Lord BROUGHAM wished a noble Duke (Richmond) to postpone for a time his bill regulating horse racing. The Bishop of LoNnoN expressed his opinion that the bill would have the effect of encouraging betting on races. _ _ The Duke of RICHMOND said it would have an entire opposite effect—it would altogether put an end to fraudu lent betting, and greatly reduce betting generally. He bad no objection to postpone the bill for the present. Lord CAMPBELL could scarcely give his support to a bill which made betting recoverable at law. Lord DENMAN moved that the bill be referred to a Committee.—Agreed to. The Duke of RICHMOND subsequently moved the fol lowing as the select committee to consider the laws affect ing gaming, &c., and to report thereon to the House : The Lord Chancellor, the Lord President, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Normandy, the Earl of Cla rendon, Lord Foley, Lord Brougham, Lord Strafford, Lord llonteagle, and Lord Campbell. A conversation took place with respect to the absence of any Government,measure to improve the sanatory con dition of the lower orders, after which their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY. Mr. GLADSTONE moved the appointment of a select committee to consider the standing orders releting to railways, and whether any, and what, change should be wade in these orders ; and likewise to consider whether any, and what, provisions ought to be introduced into such railway bills as should come before the house during the present or future sessions, for the advantage of the public and the improvement of the railway system, and to report their opinions thereon to the house. The right bon. gentleman said he should propose that this commit tee be empowered to inquire into the propriety of modi fying the rule that required a deposit of ten per cent. on the subscribed capital, with the view to assimilate it to that of the Lords, which only required one of five per cent. He also proposed to submit to it the consideration of discouraging competing lines., unless the public advan tage was clearly shown. Likewise the general system of charges, and the neglect of comfort in third-class car riages. The motion was agreed to. Mr. PATTISON having naively asked whether the sugar , duties were to be altered this session, Sir R. PEEL answered, amidst much jocularity, " That is a question which I should have expected would have been asked by the youngest member of this house, for certainly nothing but the circumstance of a member being the youngest among us could justify such a question at this period." Earl JERMYN reported her Majesty's answer to the address of this house, as follows :—" I thank you for this dutiful and loyal address. The declaration that you are anxious to co-operate with me in my earnest desire to promote the welfare of my people is most gratifying to my feelings. It is the unvarying object, and the constant care of my life, to promote the happiness and to merit the confidence of my faithful subjects. " Mr. BLEwirr having inquired if the report that her Majesty was in debt had any foundation, Sir R. PEEL replied : " I am greatly surprised that the honourable member should be so credulous as to believe any such report as this, and I should have thought that any man, who had seen the course which her Majesty has pursued from the commencement of her reign to the present moment, might have been enabled, by referring to that course alone, to give the most positive contradic tion to any rumour of the sort. I can assure the honour able gentleman and this house, that there is not one syl lable of truth in the report, and that her Majesty is not a single shilling in arrear." This assurance from the Premier was received with loud cheers. Mr. GLADSTONE moved the appointment of a select committee on the Merchant Seamen's Fund. Mr. LABOUCHERE regretted that a legislative measure, instead of a select committee, had not been prepared. The motion was agreed to. HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAY. The Duke of RICIIMOND called attention to a circular which had been addressed to the Clerks of the Peace for the various counties of England, the effect of which would be that the property of prisoners convicted would o to the Crown instead of going to repay those who had been instrumental in the prosecutions. The property ought, unquestionably, to go to the benefit of the county rate. lie concluded by moving for the production of a copy of the letter. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said tkere was no objection to the production of the letter, and explained with reference to the course to be adopted in regard to the property of persons charged with offences, or convicted upon such charges, that the magistrates would act according to the best of their discretion. Lord BROUGHAM and Lord CAMPBELL objected to the terms of the letter, as loose and indefinite. After some conversation on the subject of the Chinese treaty, the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-TUESDAY. Sir J. GRAHAM moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the Factory Act. The right hon. baronet said the material alterations which he wished to make were that children between the ages of 8 and 13 should not be em ployed on any occasion more than six hours and a half per day (hear); and that no female, whatever age above 13, should be employed more than 12 hours per day. After a protracted discussion, leave was given to bring in the bill. The select committee on railways was appointed. On the order for going into committee of supply, Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that the people complained of many grievances—monopolies in articles of food, the monopoly of the Bank, of the East India Company, of the Irish Church—heavy taxation—the Irish Arms Act— the frequent refusals of the house to inquire into charges against the government, the judges, and the parties dis persing public meetings—the amount of the standing army and police—and the defective state of the repre sentation. When there were such grievances as these, and when discontent was so widely extended by them, it became necessary to inquire into the composition of the House of Commons before that house proceeded to vote the supplies. Ile now moved a resolution affirming the necessity of an examination into the composition of the house before the house should proceed to vote the sup plies. Mr. WILLIAMS seconded the motion. Sir R. PEEL gave credit to Mr. Crawford for his tem perate mode of stating his views, which, however, he showed to be multifarious and impracticable. lie ex posed the disquisition of Mr. Williams upon the consti tution of parliament, observing that, if every man who was taxed was entitled to vote, so was every woman and every child. He really could not consent to vote that this house should abdicate its functions, because some petitions had been presented in which its composition was impeached. After some observations from Mr. HUME and Colonel SIBTIIORP, the house divided— For Mr. S. Crawford's amendment 22 Against 130-108 Mr.-BLEwirr i said a few words, disclaiming any dis loyal intention n the question put by him on a former night respecting the civil list. The house then went into committee of supply, and at half-past ten adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-THURSDAY. Lord ASHLEY called the attention of the house to the situation and treatment of the Ameers of Scinde. After citing, as a ground for his own interference, an opinion of Sir H. Pottinger in their favour, he took a short retro spect of their early history, and referred to treaties of amity between them and this country, down to the year 1838. The object of our negotiations had throughout been the navigation of the Indus, which, under certain restric tions, we had thus obtained. No doubt the conduct of the Ameers towards the army of Sir John Keane was a disho nest one ; but at Khelat they had made amends by a t ru l y cordial co-operation. The i ncrease of our difficulti es did not diminish their friendship, even when their hostility might have done much towards crushing us. They had now been charged with treachery ; but he co u ld fi n d no proof of it; though he admitted that they were desirous of getting rid of the English from their country. They had been accused of writing treasonable letters, but they denied the charge, and asked why those letters were not produced to them ? Not merely the forms of law, but the substance of justice, required such production. He complained also of the publication of Sir C. Napier's run ning commentary upon Major Outram's letters. He - urged the improbability that the Ameers should have in tended treachery when they had taken none of the pre cautions which might have been expected to accompany such a design. He desired the house to remember the assistance given by them at the time of the disasters in Cabul. He contrasted the conduct of the present Governor-General towards these Ameers with that of Lord Cornwallis in the treatment of Tippoo's childr en . He enlarged upon the policy of public virtue, exhorted Great Britain to pursue it, and concluded by moving an address to her Majesty, praying that she would take the subject into consideration. Mr. ROEBUCK considered Lord Ashley to have taken a narrow view of a great subject. The real question was, at what time that policy commenced which had made these evil steps inevitable. Until 1834 the proceedings of the British government had been directed to the fair ob ject of enlarging our commerce. Even until 1838 we had kept the tiger's paw within the velvet. Then we tried to establish a commercial agent in Sonde, and, the Ameers naturally dreading us, we had put the screw upon th em , by threatening them with Runjeet Singh. They gave way, and our agent was established at Hy derabad. Upon Lord Auckland he charged the injustice and the want of wisdom which were now developed. The year had hardly ended w h en we entered into the tripartite treaty which provided that Schah Soojah should renounce his claim upon the Punjaub, pay trioute to Runjeet Singh, and forbear from any attempt upon the Amee rs , on con di t i on t h at they should pay him a sum to be settled by the mediation of the English ; he being all that time a mere puppet of the En;li.h, who supplied him with the only means of hos tility which he possessed. And then Lord Auckland had the hardihood to pretend to the Ameers that he would endeavour to prevail on Schah Soojah to accept a rea sonable amount. The means proposed for so prevailing on him, were horse, foot, and artillery, which Colonel Pottinger proposed to have ready, for the sake of the moral effect they would produce. A letter had been written by the Ameers of Hyderabad to the Schah of Persia, which Lord Auckland chose to consider as an offence against the British power; and this was to be made a reason for transferring their dominion to another family of Ameers more friendly to Britain. Mr. Roebuck read a letter from Colonel Pottinger to Lord Auckland, re commending that troops should be stationed in certain parts of Scinde, which measure would establish the su premacy of Britain as effectually as if she possessed the whole country of Scinde. A new treaty was now imposed upon the Ameers ; and the party who first broke it was the British government. The Ameers now tried evasion ; and well they might, when they felt the serpent coiling closer round them, and preparing finally to crush them. After a condemnation of the route chosen through Scinde to Affghanistan, he adverted to the difficulty of the po sition in which Lord Ellenborough found himself on suc ceeding to Lord Auckland amid the unexampled disasters of that time. On learning what the Affghans had done against the British force, the Beloochees of Scinde were inspirited, under the injuries they had sustained, to hope much from the adoption of a similar course. Thus there was now an extensive conspiracy throughout India to break down the power of England ; and Lord Ellen borough had the anxious question to decide, whether, after retreating in Affghanistan, we were also to withdraw from Scinde. The resolution he formed was justifiable, although it was so only by the vast and dangerous ne cessity under which he was placed. Mr. Roebuck likewise vindicated Sir C. Napier against some criticisms which Lord Ashley had made upon his notes on Major Outram's letters; called upon Sir C. Napier's country to give him in generous measure the praise which was due to him under his heavy responsibility ; and read a letter addressed to Major Outram by Sir C. Napier himself, in justification of the course adopted. Mr. Roebuck concluded with three resolutions, which, however, found no seconder. Mr. EMERSON TENNENT considered that the policy of Lord Auckland was completed by the treaty of 1829 ; and that, therefore, Lord Ellenborough's own views, and not Lord Auckland's previous policy, must be deemed to have produced the measures since taken against the Ameers. Mr. E. Tennent went on to take a review of our earlier negotiations with the Ameers, stating against them a strong case of bad faith. He questioned the ge nuineness of the letter purporting to have been written by Sir H. Pottinger, which Lord Ashley had cited as a fa vourable opinion of the Ameers; such an opinion being contrary to all the sentiments of Sir H. Pottineer as ap pearing throughout the papers printed for the house. The treaty of 1839 had been a very beneficial one to the people of Scinde ; the British governor had never infringed it; but it was hardly signed before the Ameers of Hyder abad endeavoured to break it. A charge had been made against Lord Ellenborough that he had involved those Ameers who were innocent in the same ruin with those who were guilty ; but, in fact, all were guilty, though there were shades in their guilt; and this appeared on the evi dence of Major Outrun himself. The instructions of the government had been, that they should be treated with every respect and accommodation consistent with their safe custody, without regard to any strict economy, and it would be found that those instructions had been care fully fulfilled. Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE animadverted with a good deal of pleasantry upon Mr. Roebuck's speech and upon his pro posed resolutions, to which he himself had never, in his five-and-twenty years' experience of parliament, seen anything similar ; and so thought the house, for no one member of it was found to second them. Not a man would back the learned gentleman in the race of glory which he had been so eager to run with Lord Ashley. There was hardly one material fact among all those men tioned by Mr. Roebuck, which he had not much misstated. Sir John Hobhouse went into many particulars, for the purpose of proving this exception to Mr. Roebuck's ac curacy ; and protested, with some indignation, against this attack upon Lord Auckland, a man bearing the highest character, and acquainted with Indian policy—al mos t as well as Mr.l Roebuck himself. He justified the arrange ment under which the Ameers had paid a sum of money to Schah Soojah, and defended the entry into Affghanis- ton. The hon. and learned gentleman had dealt rather roughly with Colonel Pottinger, observing upon the over charged notion which Indian servants entertained of their own importance ; but that was a notion not confined to Indian servants. He had cited as censurable certain re commendations made by Colonel Pottinger to the Go vernor, but he seemed to be unaware that the Governor did not act upon them. Why he had thought it necessary to say so much in defence of Sir C. Napier, was not very intelligible; for not only had Sir C. Napier not been attacked, but bis name would eternally be held, by every lover of his country, in esteem and admiration. It be hoved the house to be circumspect in judging the conduct of distant officers intrusted with great interests, and sometimes holding in suspense the very balance of Eng land's destiny. In general, the less that that house inter fered with the distant Government of India, the better. Certainly he could not vote for the present motion of Lord Ashley, which would be a sort of side-wind censure upon the Governor-General. Commodore NAPIER praised the course taken by his relation in India, and inveighed against the Ameers for their treachery, cruelty, and injustice. He also made a rough attack, amid much laughter, upon the class of po litical agents, whom he thought mischievous enough in peace, and wholly intolerable in war. Sir R. PEEL enforced the recommendation of Sir J. Hobhouse, that the house should give all possible credit to the motives and to the conduct of men administering great public functions in distant quarters of the world. To the motives of Lord Auckland the fullest credit was due, even from those who might differ from him iii his policy. He feared that when civilization came into con tact with barbarism, it was hardly possible to enforce precisely the same maxims which applied among the states of modern Europe. It was difficult when Russia was intriguing against England in India, to say calmly, I look at my Vattel and my Puffendorf, and I refrain from march ing my troops across a neutral territory. He would deal the same general measure to Lord Auckland as to Lord Ellenborough; but Lord Ellenborough was entitled also to the benefit of the argument derived from the circum stances in which he was placed by preceding acts. When he arrived in India, a material change had already been made in the general constitution of Scinde ; British as cendancy had been established there, and the feudal sys tem of its chiefs abolished. The independence of Scinde was in truth at an end. There had been great reverses in Scinde, which it was important to counteract. Among other states, commanding armies of 30,000 or 40,000 men, Lord Ellenborough perceived a growing disposition to shake off the power of Britain, which the events in Cabul had led the natives to regard with diminished considera tion; nor is it clear that if he had desired to abandon Scinde, the troops could have been safely withdrawn ; nor that their withdrawal would have been followed by the return of the Ameers to the obligations of the treaties. It might be that there was not, as against some of the Ameers, such evidence as would have been deemed suffi cient in an English court of justice ; but it was impracti cable to deal with India upon the rules of British evidence. If you established the principle that an Ameer shall not be responsible for the treachery of a minister of his, of whose tendency to bad faith he has had full notice, you might bid farewell to your Indian empire. Of Sir Chas. Napier's high merits he would attempt to speak on Mon day next; and he would bear testimony meanwhile to the personal valour, the military skill, and the civil sagacity of that distinguished man. To Lord Ashley's motion the government could not consent. He trusted the house would not take the responsibility of advising what mea sures should be taken at the distance of 5,000 miles. If this motion were adopted, every one of these Ameers would be set at liberty, to revisit Scinde, to resume his revenues, and to enter into intrigues of all kinds. How to deal with them was a difficult question, and one which had been anxiously considered - and with that considera tion he would advise that the Louse should not interfere. But he would assure them that it was the wish of the go vernment to avoid all needless personal restraint, and to treat the Ameers with the utmost consideration and com fort. At present a sum of about 124,000 per annum was allotted to their maintenance; and if this were found in sufficient, no narrow economy would be allowed to stand in the way of any further reasonable indulgence to which they might have been accustomed. Lord JOHN RUSSELL agreed that it would be difficult to affirm this motion. He could not undertake the re sponsibility of giving a vote which might involve conse quences so dangerous to the peace of Scinde. Still the suddenness of these Indian events, and the height from which the Ameers had fallen, entitled them to every pos sible indulgence. As to the policy of Lord Ellenborough, the paper had been too recently printed to have given him the opportunity of forming a mature opinion • and on this head, therefore, he desired to reserve himself. His con, fidence in Lord Ellenborough had certainly been some what shaken by that nobleman's own changes of opinion on the subject of the territorial limits of India. Two things, however, he would say—that Sir C. Napier could not have acted otherwise than he did ; and that he must question the opinions thrown out by Sir R. Peel on the subject of the law of nations. He could understand an extreme case, which might justify such a course as Lord Ellenborough had taken with respect to Scinde; but he could not accede to the notion of invading a country for the sake either of improving its government, or of advanc ing the march of civilization. Sir R. PEEL explained his meaning to be simply that there wer e I n di an cases in which the European rules of international law would not apply. That could have been the only ground of Lord Auckland's measures. Lord ASHLEY replied, and the house divided, — Against his motion .............. 202 For it . ..... • • 68 Majority against it ...... 131 Mr. DIVETT then moved an address to the crown to dismiss F. B. Bonham, Esq., from his office of storekeeper of the Ordnance. He represented Mr. Bonham to be connected with the elections of the conservative party, and to be the confidential friend of the prime minister. Gen tlemen coming from th e coun t ry to l oo k for candidates were introduced to Mr. Bonham; candidates seeking the means of contest looked to him as the golden image. There was no confide n ti a l serv i ce or m i ss i on i n which be was not employed. H e h a d b een concerne d in settling the election for Bridport, and had been particularly active at the late London election. So had the Attorney- General, who had told h m it was not decent to put this notice on tt,e order-list. Divett and Sir Gregory Lew in had paired for the London election. Sir Gregory told him that Mr. Bonham had approved the pair ; but arterwards wrote him a note, stating that Mr. Bonham bad informed him that after the most careful search, Mr. Divett's name could not be found on the register, and Sir Gregory must therefore come up and vote, and let Mr. Divett know. Upon this Mr. Divett proposed that both should be released from the pair, and that both should vote. I'hey did so; Mr. Divett's name being, in fact, on the register. Mr. Divett went on to complain that, not withstanding all this, which he thought imputed to him a fraudulent intention, he had not received from Mr. Bon ham any note or explanation. No member was found to second the motion. Sir R. PEEL, in moving the adjournment of the house, took the opportunity of saying he was proud to call Mr. Bonham his friend ; and a gentleman of higher integrity did not exist. Mr. Divett had not professed to be actu ated by public principle, but by displeasure ,at Mr. Bon ham's not having written him a note of explanation. Mr. Bonham had imputed no fraud to the hon. member. Sir R. Peel then read a letter from Mr. Russell Ellice; the chairman of Mr. Baring's committee, to Mr. Bonham, apologizing for the mistake, which rested with the com mittee ; and another from Mr. Bonham to Sir Gregory, expressing his own regret. This was the case upon which Mr. Divett had thought it consistent with his duty to place. without the least notice to Mr. Bonham, or expla nation of the circumstances, a notice on the book, which must have led to a general impression that Mr. Bonham had been guilty of some discreditable act. But as Mr. Divett had found no seconder, Mr. Bonham was now amply revenged. The house then adjourned. FOREIGN (5- COLONIAL INTELLIGENCE. INDIA AND CHINA. By the Indian mail of the Ist of January we have re ceived letters and papers to that date from Bombay. British India is tranouil, and likely to continue so for its disaffected have discovered that their turbulence would turn to no use, and that ultimately they would have to endure the evils which they wish to inflict on others. The great clamour against Lord Ellenborough had subsided, and his Lordship, the nature of whose measures was be coming clear to the very commonest understanding, was growing popular. With the army he is still a special fa vourite. The news from the kingdom of the Sikhs represents that country as far from being tranquillized. It appears that Golab Singh, the elder brother of Dhyan Singh, old Runjeet's favourite minister, who was assassinated in Sep tember last, had come from his mountain fastnesses to Lahore, under pretence of supporting his nephew Heera Singh, who now governs there, under the name of the young Sovereign Dhuleep, and that his arrival had not produced the expected results. The young minister is described as giving large sums of money to the common soldiers, in order to retain them in some order, while his uncles are busy in plundering the treasures of the Sikh government, and carrying away the jewels and articles of value to the mountains. An attempt was made by his own maternal uncle to carry away the young Rajah and place him under the protection of the British, but it was not successful. Care is taken by the present chiefs to occupy the fords across the rivers, so that even the refugees are detained. The state of the country is described as bor dering upon anarchy. Many of the petty chiefs are anx • ions to proclaim their independence, and are ready for an insurrection, which is likely to happen as soon as the ac tual minister and his friends have collected all the money necessary to gratify their rapacity. The Affghan government is as feeble as ever in the hands of Dost Mahomed, and intrigues are afloat of vari ous kinds. In the midst of these intrigues Dost Maho med appears to be unable to make the contemplated attack on Peshawur, although it is no longer defended by the European generals of the Lion of Lahore. All the French officers have left the service of the Sikhs, so that it is highly probable the boasted prowess of those troops will soon become little more than the courage of rabble, if ever Akhbar Khan, who is governing Jellalabad with the greatest cruelty, should dare to attack the Sikh provinces to the west of the Indus. It is doubted by the Affghans themselves whether Dost Mahomed, or his notorious son, will make any attempt on Peshawur, as much from their dread of the British influence as from their own ability to govern the tribes.in the neighbourhood of Cabul. In the meantime, the arrangements .of Lord Ellen borough for the subjugation of the state of Gwalior have been highly successful. The Governor-General left Cal cutta on the 25th of November, and, travelling in a car riage of the palanquin kind, which was propelled, and not, as usual in India, borne by men, arrived at Allahabad on the 3d of December, where a short halt was made. He reached Cawnpore on the 7th, and, proceeding direct to Agra, arrived in that city on the 11th. Instead of pro ceeding to the palace prepared for his reception, his Lordship remained in his tent. The Army of Exercise was ready near Agra, under the orders of the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough. The first brigade, led by General Valiant, was ordered to move towards Dhoolpoor, half way to Gwalior ; it marched on the 12th, and the rest of the army moved in the same direction on the following days. The Commander-in- Chief and the Governor-General set out on the 16th. The intelligence reached Gwalior, and produced alarm, and a council was held on the 15th, at which the principal officers and generals attended, and debated in the presence of the Bahee, or " young Queen," who asked if there were any of them disposed to resist the British ? None seeming inclined, a determination was adopted to sur render the cause of all the disorder--the minister named the Khasgeewalla. This was effected, and the Khasgeewalla was surrendered, and taken prisonei to Agra, when he was lodged in the fort on the 20th. The young Rajah, who was chosen to be heir to the last Sovereign by the Bahee, took refuge in the camp of the Governor-General, who is now completely master of the whole kingdom, for it has fallen to the Hon. Company as the lords paramount; and without this child chosen to represent the former dynasty, but of which none of the blood flowed in his veins, it was by every ancient right their property, as well as by the actual one of conquest. It is hoped by many of the most enlight ened men in India that his Lordship will now adopt the plan of removing from the wretched peasantry the horri ble yoke under which they have long groaned—of an un bridled, licentious, ferocious soldiery, who have now proved their want of courage, as they have often exhibited their want of mercy to the poor tillers of the soil while under their control. As the intentions of the Governor-General are un known, in consequence of keeping his own secrets, it is not certain whether he will declare the country to be altogether a British province, and appoint collectors and other officers to administer it, or whether he will content himself in taking a portion of it to defray the expenses of the armament, and leave the remainder to the tender care of the " brutal Government of the young Rajah's adhe rents." Every one acquainted with the state of India knows, notwithstanding the grievances of which the natives complain under the systematic rule of the Hon. Company, that those Indians who are not subject to that rule look upon it as Elysium in comparison to the yoke of a native Rajah's oppression. The arrangements of the Gwalior districts may require time, for the purpose of establishing order and regularity where disorder and confusion formerly prevailed; the great difficulty will be to disband the rabble soldiery, now amounting to 300,000, who may become robbers and plun derers. A strong army to counteract such mischief will be necessary for some time, until an effective force is raised in the country. The success of Lord Ellenborough at Gwalior will, it is expected, lead him soon to settle the intricate question of the Punjaub. Whether the care shown by the present Chiefs of Lahore to prevent any immediate outbreak may continue to have the effect for many months longer, was considered doubtful. It is said that it is by money alone that Ileera Singh has kept the Sikh soldiers quiet. It cannot be supposed that his funds for that purpose will last long, and therefore another revolution is anticipated there. The sickness in Scinde continued to be the source of much comment to the opponents of the policy of Lord h E i l m le s n e b if or i o n u d g iv it id ; u t a h l e l y y, se a e s med to attribute if hewasthegratnhed causesic esknofs it.to A great number of medical officers had been despatched thither from Bombay. The government appeared resolved on retaining the country, which is now tranquil; and it was said that several regiments from the Madras Presi dency would be sent there in order to assist the Bombay troops, who were rather exhausted from several cam paigns. Sir Charles Napier and General Simpson enjoyed good health, and were active in their arrangements for keeping the country quiet. At Sukkur there had been much sickness, but it ap peared to be diminishing. The hint had been thrown out of the utility of having moveable barracks, with iron roofs, and wooden compartments, which would afford facilities for changing the localities—a great advantage in India, where the earth once saturated with animal mat ter, and moistened either by the rain, or, what is worse, by the sea water, always produces the most fatal effects. It is, therefore, hoped that the hon. Company will take into consideration the great advantages of having such edifices prepared of iron in England, and of tealt or other hard wood in India. A great number of invalids had come frosu Scinde to Bombay, where every care was taken of them. THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD, CHINA. The intelligence from China comes down to the Ist of December, on which day her Majesty's steamer Spiteful started for Bombay, where she arrived on the 25th of that month. Little had occurred worthy of notice subse quent to the fires which consumed the factories on the 25th of October, by which the Danish, Spanish, and a part of the French factories were destroyed. The British Consulate was also consumed. The markets at Canton had become rather more favourable. A proclamation had been issued by the Imperial Commissioner declaring that the warehouses belonging to the new merchants (outside men) are to stand on an equal footing with the old (Irlong) merchants, and th a t h ence f or th th er e shall be no differ ence between the two warehouses. The supplementary treaty, of w hi c h a copy h a d b een sen t to Pekin, was for warded also t o B om b ay, an d was to com e by the mail to England. The British Consuls had arrived at Amoy and Shanghae, where trade was dull, as the arrangements were not then compl e t e d . T he Chinese aut h or iti es a t Ningpo declined granting permission for the importation of goods there until the Consul had arrived and the duties were settled. They are said to have been alarmed by an impe rial chop, which they had received from Pekin, ordering that no business should be carried on unless the Consul was there. At Chusan the British system of governing without squeezi ng th e i nhabitants had conciliated their attachment, and they appeared to regret the approaching departure of the B r iti s h troops. Some Amer i cans, as it courting a cause of quarrel with the Chinese, had yen tin eel upon excursions into the interior : the practice had pro.ii:red from the British Plenipotentiary a declaration to the Chinese Commissioner that he shoUld by no meat's ciuntenance such proceed:n TS, end that orders should be given t'm the Coirsulsrm All such foreigners arrested and sent to Hong Kong. The death of Major Eldred Pottiager, which occurred at Hung Kong, was greatly de plored. Colonel Knowles, of the Artillery, and assistant surgeons Graham and Dill, have also fallen victims to the prevalent malady. Rumour spoke of some differences between Sir H. Pottinger and the British Admiral and General. The Plenipotentiary is said to be anxiong to return to Europe. The Admiral was about to sail for Calcutta. The American frigate and minister had gone to China from Bombay and Colombo, at butte of which places be had been fked. The inhabitants of Calcutta and Madras are struggling hard to secure to themselves the large steamers ; hut their voyage would pay the Oriental and Peninsular Company far better if the., took the mails from Bombay to Suez, and had branch boats from Bombay to Ceylon, Madras, and Calcutta, and even Sincapore. REVOLUTION IN SPAIN. By extraordinary express from Paris, accounts have been received from Madrid, which state that a revolt had broken out at Alicante, on the 28th January, of the most for midable nature. The Provincial Regiment of Valencia, stationed in the town, joined in the insurrection, which was directed against the government. The cry of the in surgents was " Lon live the constitutional Queen, down with the Ministers. ' The military commander and poli tical chief were surprised and arrested by the Custom-house Carabiniers. The Council of Ministers at Madrid, on receiving this news, immediately gave orders for the arrest of the leaders of the Progressista party, and, among others, of Cortina, Lopes, Madoz, Garnica, Ors, and Benedicto. Cortina was arrested. Lopes and Ors could not be found. The others have been taken. It was said that Generals Serrando and Concha had also been put under arrest. The pretext for the arrest is, that the whole Progessista party have entered into a vast conspiracy, of which the breaking out at Alicante is the first symptom. The Gazette is full of the most severe decrees directed against the Alicante insurgents. The provinces of Ali cante, Murcia, and Castellon de la Plana. are placed under martial law. A large body of troops, under Brigadier Cordova, have bcen directed to leave Madrid for the dis turbed districts. It was reported that Carthagena had joined in the revolt. The National Guards are to be sup pressed, and the liberty of the press abolished. Dr. Kalley was liberated from prison in IVladeira, on New Year's Day, in consequence of the remonstrances made by our government. MADAME C ATALINI.—This celebrated singer has ad dressed a long letter to Dr. Heller, the journalist, of Leipsic, complaining bitterly of the cruelty of the German press, in so repeatedly putting her to death. " What," says she, " have I done to the German press, that they have now for the fourth time killed me ? Though at the age of sixty-four, I still retain good health, and litre in quiet retirement, in the remembrance of former days." OLDENBURG, Jan. 27.—A most afflicting loss has un expectedly fallen on the Grand Ducal family and the country. This afternoon, at four o'clock, the Grand Duchess expired after a short but severe illness, in con sequence of her accouchement. Her Royal Highness was a daughter of the late King of Sweden, Gustavus IV. She was born June 22, 1807 ; and married the Grand Duke of Oldenburg, May 5, 1831. VIENNA, Jan. 25.—The Imperial Family was yesterday visited by a severe affliction, by the sudden and unex pected decease of her Imperial Highness the Archduchess Maria Carolina Augusta, eldest daughter of their Imperial Highnesses the Archduke and Viceroy Rainer and the Archduchess Elizabeth. Her Imperial Highness was born on the 6th February, 1821, and was consequently 23 years of age. This bereavement is the more melancholy, as the Archduchess was to have been married, in March next, to the Prince of Savoy Carignan. PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS.—WARSAW, Jan. 22. An imperial ukase has been received in Lithuania direct ing the authorities of towns and other localities inhabited by Jews to transport those unhappy persons, amounting to 36,000 families, to a distance of 12 leagues from their several actual places of residence. This cruel ukase was further to receive its execution before the 18th instant; so that at a moderate estimate, 150,000 persons of both sexes, and of all ages and conditions, are at this moment, in the midst of all the rigours of a Lithuanian winter, expelled their houses, and forced to seek a resting-place in strange countries, and not merely among strangers, but among people predisposed to view them as outcasts and objects for extortion, persecution, and violence. COLONEL STODDART AND CAPTAIN CONOLLY.—The following news of the Bokhara captives is given by the Malta papers :—" Trebizonde, Dec. 13.—0 n the 11th some passengers from Bokhara report that Colonel Stoddart is alive, that he is a general of artillery in the service of the Emir of Bokhara, and th..t he was compelled to embrace Islamish, under the name of Abdul Semmel Khan, given him by the Emir, with whom the colonel is a great favourite. As to Captain Conolly, the information is less positive ; the same passengers having only said to have seen, in company of Colonel Stoddart, a young man of a rather short stature and a wide beard, who attended the colonel as secretary: The statements given by these passengers as to the stature and description of these two persons perfectly correspond with those of Col. Stoddart and Captain Conolly, as given by the Rev. Mr. Wolff." Another letter of the 24th ult. says " that the statement of the former passengers was fully confirmed by others who arrived from Bokhara some days after." Mr. Wolff had reached Erzeroum, on foot, from Trebizond, a dis tance of 150 miles. WRECK OF AN AMERICAN STA AM-110A T.-The latest arrival from America brings intelligence of the diastrous wreck of the steam-boat Shepherdess, from Cincinnati to Philadelphia, just above the mouth of the Cahokia Creek, about three miles above Philadelphia, on the fourteenth January, ab , ut eleven o'clock at night. The vessel struck a snag or rock, and in a very few minutes the water rosy to the lower deck, where most of the passengers in that p r t a b s s s n a g n e d r s the in t l h a e d eesn tootlem gentlemen's c g a e b n i n e r a h l a l d y part of the boat were a s l ee p. At th e momen t o f t h e col t.' mostision to t their ir t h b e e nndressed for the night. The scene may, therefore, be better imagined than described. The water rushed in with tremendous rapidity, and in a very short time was up to the floor of the upper cabin. A portion of those on deck were saved by getting into the yawl, which was cut loose and rowed to shore with a broom. The water rose so ra pidly that it soon became necessary for all to seek safety upon the hurricane deck. Much difficulty was experienced in doing so, for the bow was sunk so deep that the only access was by the stern. After the boat struck the snag, it drifted down the stream, and a few hundred yards below struck another snag, which was far out of water. This threw the boat nearly on her beam's end, on the larboard side. Drifting from the snag, she again lurched to the starboard, and at each lurch several persons were washed off. Some of them reached the shore, but many were drowned. A short distance below, just above the first shot tower, the hull struck a bluff bank, which again ca reened her nearly on her beam's end. Here the hull and cabin parted. The hull sunk and lodged on a bar above Carondelet, and the cabin floated down to the point of the bar below that place, where it lodged and remains. It is estimated that from ninety to a hundred of the passengers were drowned. The night was extremely cold and frosty. I R E 14 A IV D. THE STATE TRIALS. At the opening of the court on Monday, Mr. O'Connell (who appeared without his wig and gown which he had worn every day since the trial commenced) proceeded to address the jury. lie commenced by saying, that he did not stand as his own client, but that his clients were the Irish people, whose rights he stood forward to protect. He was not going to deny or palliate anything he had done, but the substance of all he had said he was there to vindi cate. When the political order of things was restored every where, Ireland alone was left without its full day of retribution. The jury differed from him (Mr. O'Connell) in religious belief, and that difference was, perhaps, aggravated by the fact. that he, a Catholic, had done most to pull down Protestant ascendancy. The prosecution was the strangest one that had ever been entered upon : the jury had not one or ten facts to try, but they bad to wade through the history of nine months, and the evidence of the acts as laid before them was raked up from newspapers ; and it was a monstrous thing to term that a conspiracy which everybody knew of. and three fifths of the people were engaged in. There was not suf ficient evidence to support an action for the recovery of £lO. No conspiracy was proved ; and the Attorney-Ge neral had made a long speech, but he had at the close merely told the jury to go back to the beginning and find out the conspiracy for themselves, The hon. traverser then related two or three anecdotes, which he conceived to be in point, as showing that because the Attorney- General had taken so long a time in stating the case, there was really no charge against the traversers. The trial was a ministerial one, to see whether the present ministry were to retain office, or whether we were to have the whigs again promising much and doing nothing. (Laughter.) They could not believe that he, who was to receive that awful judgment which could not now be much lon g er p os t pone d, pniroatcyta.keTfhreom v erdict him e i ghtim consciouspri - s c o m n ad hi e m n , te b r u i t nt i o t a co c u o l n d s innocence he possessed. If the Attorney-General's doc trine of conspiracy were tight, the slave-trade would never have been abolished, and Wilberforce and Clarkson were as much conspirators as he (Mr. O'Connell). The hon. gent. then referred to what be termed the " machi nery' of the evidence, dividing it into two classes—mclasses—mon stermeetings and newspape r p u bli ca tions. The meet ings were legal : no disturbance took place at them—no life was lost there—and there was no evidence brought forward to show that they led to intimidation. They were peaceable by design, and were discontinued the moment a proclamation was issued discountenancing them. He left the meetings to the jury, as men that must answer for their verdict before their maker. As to the newspa pers he had nothing to do with them—there was no proof of any connection between him and the newspapers; and he had frequently disavowed at the association that any newspaper was the organ of their body. They had circu lated newspapers, but the evidence on that point merely went to show that those who subscribed a certain sum allocated a part of that money to the choice of a news paper, and there was no proof at all that even these re ports in the papers had led to any breach of the peace. The hon. gentleman then went on at great length to show that his whole life went to disprove that he could he guilty of such conduct as was attempted to be brought to his charge. He then read a number of extracts to show as he conceived how much Ireland prospered under her own independent Parliament, arid brought forward an immense number of figures and a!tsertions to make it appear that his country suffered severely from the Parliament sitting in England, and concluded as follows :—I leave the case with you—l utterly deny that I have said or done any thing to warrant the imputation that I am a con spirator. I reject the accusation with contempt. I acted in open day, in the presence of the government, of the magistrates, and I said nothing that I would not expose to the universal world. I have struggled for the restoration of the parliament of my native country. Some have succeeded in the attempt—others have failed. If I succeed or if I fail, it is a glorious struggle to make —the first land upon the eatth possess that bounty and benefit— what God and nature intended it should possess —(partial applause.) The Chief Justice.—Are you going into evidence Mr. Moore ?_ Mr. Moore.—We intend so, my lord ; but at this late hour there might be a difficulty in getting the witnesses into court in its present crowded state. The Chief Justice.—l do not wish to put you to any inconvenience. Mr. Moore.—Then, my lord, I think that as the case has closed so far as the speeches are concerned, that we might abridge the evidence much by a conference before any of the witnesses are produced. The Chief Justice.—Then we will be ready to hear them to-morrow morning. The Court was accordingly adjourned until to-morrow morning at ten o'clock. Mr. O'Connell was loudly cheered while passing through the hall, and in the vicinity of the Courts, upon his way home. The traversers brought their defence to a conclusion on Tuesday by the examination of a few unimportant wit nesses. Mr. F. W. Conway deposed to the facts and speeches of a repeal meeting held in the Royal Exchange in 1810, at which Mr. O'Connell took a part. Mr. Jas. Perry was produced to prove the system and rules of ar bitration adopted by the Society of Friends ; and Mr. W. Cosgrave was examined relative to those of the Ouzel Galley Society. Mr. Vernon, of the Stamp-office, was called on to produce and read extracts from the late Morning Register and the Freeman's Journal; and se veral other documents connected with the Repeal Asso ciation, and the several monster meetings, were, pat...in evidence, and read by the officer of the court;. after which Mr. William Morgan deposed to some partiettlas of the Tullamoore meeting. The Solicitor-General commence& his reply on Wed.. modes: . Ile °Wetted that the eigat gentlemen who bad pidreenslthemillid introduced matter not only different. fatet 4 theattsistertt'; but in one respect they marvellously taaaafted the alma:nee of the least reference to the merits of the case. They had aot,in fact, introduced one ob servation upon the real Merits of the question, but had carefully evaded touching upon the question which the jury had been sworn to investigate,—namely, the exist ence or non-existence of the conspiracy with which they bad been charged. He denied the charge that government had seduced the people into crime, contending that every warning ha I been held out, and that the prosecution which had been ultimately resolved upon was one which they had every reason to expect, and could not have been brought forward with effect earlier than it was. They had been told, usque ad 'Wino'', that this was an attack on the legal and constitutional rights of the people, —an attempt to put down free discussion. It was his thorough belief a'nd conviction that a verdict which could have the effect bf stopping the proceedings to which those unfortunate People had become victims, would be the most favourable result which could happen for them. It would not abridge their rights, but lead to their amelioration in every respect But it was then said the crown were prosecuting for the purpose of putting an end to free discussion. Now, his reply to that was—they were not prosecuting any person for holding any particular political or religious opinions; he avowed at once that every one of the traversers had the fullest right to express, in a constitutional and legal manner, his opinions upon any public subject whatever— nay, more to use his best exertions, if he thought right, to propagate them, and to have them entertained as far as possible, by all persons in the community, and to use all legitimate and proper means to accomplish them ; but he denied the right of any person to attempt to bring about that object by means which were charged in the indict ment. Their verdict in this case could not interfere with the liberty of the press, or the exercise of any constitu tional right; nor were they prosecuting here for any pub lic breach of the peace, though they might have supposed so, from a great deal of the remarks made upon evidence on the traverser's side. No ; their charge was this, — that Mr. O'Connell, Dr. Gray, Mr. Duffy, Mr. Barrett, and the other traversers, had entered into an illegal con federacy, for the purpose of effecting changes in the con stitution of this country by other than constitutional means. The learned gentleman then went on to lay down the distinction between the legal and the popular defini tion of the word conspiracy, and contended that it was abundantly proved that the traversers concurred in a common unlawful design, in an attempt to procure, by means of intimidation, the repeal of the act of union, which, according to the law of this country, could not be legally repealed, except by an act of parliament, the re sult of the free will of the legislature. After adverting to the charges in the indictment respecting the army, and the creation of hatred and animosity amongst the queen's subjects, he said the multitudinous assemblages were gathered together for the purpose of intimidation, in or der to erort from the government what could only be done by a free and uncontrolled act of the legislature it self. He said the exhibition of physical force, not the use of it. They would see the peculiar nature of the case, and so far as the evidence went as to the peaceable conduct pursued at the meetings, it was a proof of the combina tion, for it was only by peaceable and tranquil means that the combination and conspiracy could be successful. It was indispensable to the success of the scheme, and it was ridiculous to say it was not. It was contended that the, meetings were peaceable, and that no breach of the peace, or tendency to such, had taken place; but that fact was the greatest proof that could be adduced of the conspiracy, for it was agreed between them that there should be none. From the entire nature of the case the jury would see that the traversers sought to bring about by illegal means what in itself was legal ; and one of the means resorted to was physical force and intimidation. There were two branches in the case, but it was not necessary to prove both, as he had given evidence on both points, and affecting the traversers. It was plain and manifest that if one point was proved, he would say, under the direction of the court, that would con sider the conspiracy entire. The jury might be less sat isfied with one point than they were with another, but yet the indictment contained counts applicable to each branch of the case. After commenting at length on the doctrine of conspiracy, the learned gentleman said the traversers might have spared themselves an in finity of trouble with respect to Mr. O'Connell's ad monitions for the preservation of peace and order ; for it was the purpose and object of the meetings, and not the demeanour of those who attended them, that left them open to prosecution. He admitted that each of a series of meetings might, per se, be legal ; but be pro nounced the repeal meetings unlawful, because it appeared that they were held for the unlawful purpose of exhibiting to the aegislature and people of England a demonstration of the physical force of the country, which it was expected would frighten and intimidate them into the concession of the measure which they (the repealers) desired to obt ain. He proceeded at great length to defend the course adopted by the government with respect to the prosecution ? and to defend the crown officers, with respect to the striking of the jury. He was willing to admit that Mr. O'Con nell had always entertained the opinions he expressed in 1810 and 1800; but Mr. O'Connell and the other traver sers were now prosecuted for endeavouring to carry out those principles in 1843, by unlawful means. The crown was not called upon to prove the place, day, and hour, where and when the traversers concocted the conspiracy ; all they had to prove (and this they had proved) was, that there was a community of purpose between those several traversers, each of them acting in his several department in the prosecution of the common object, and • that could not take place unless a common object existed. The learned gentleman having commented at great length on the speeches of the various counsel on . Op other sid e , proceeded to explain the counts of the.indictment over again, showing how the evidence applied to each, and which of the traversers were affected by it. He read many of the newspaper articles and reports again ; and having intimated, at four o'clock, that he was not yet nearly finished with that part of his case, the court ad journed to Thursday. On Thursday the court sat at the usual hour, and the traversers and jurors having answered to their names, the Solicitor-General resumed. In the course of his address he read a number of passages, chiefly from the speeches of Mr. O'Connell at the various repeal demonstrations, with a view to show that the object of the traversers was, by collecting large assemblages of people, to produce an im pression in England that such was the state of discipline and organisation among the masses, that it would not be safe to refuse the granting of the repeal of the union. The learned gentleman continued to address the jury up to five o'clock, at which hour the court rose, the address not being concluded. On Friday the Solicitor-General continued his reply. He referred to the speeches at M ullaghmast, and took the occasion of vindicating (which he did very successfully) the character of Mr. Bond Hughes and Mr. Ross from the epithets which had been cast upon them, as if they were government spies and informers. He then went on to notice the intended meeting at Clontarf , a nd the im portant and treasonable preparations for it, and concluded his masterly and lawyerlike address by arguing that the object of the traversers was nothing else but to accomplish the repeal of the union by illegal means. Their common object was to bring the government into contempt—to neutralise the army—to disparage the administration of justice—to create and dissension amongst the people, and to excite discontent and disaffection amongst them ; and all this was done for the purpose of attaining the common object or end, namely—the repeal of the le gislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, and for the attainment of which each and every one of the tra versers at the bar had openly avowed himself to be en gaged. The learned counsel concluded his reply a few minutes before one, having occupied in its delivery the two previous days as well. The Chief Justice then com menced his charge to the jury.. His Lordship i recapitu lated the various counts in th e indictment, that n the view which he was about to take of the law of conspiracy, the court was unanimous, and in that view they coincided with the counsel for the crown. The jury should be satisfied that there was a concert between the traversers, for the purpose either of doing an illegal act, or else of accomplishing a legal design by illegal means. A conspiracy might exist without any treachery or secrecy, which had been insinu ated by Mr. Shell, Mr. Fitzgibbon, and Mr., O'Connell himself, to be necessary to constitute that crime. They m i g ht accompany it, but were not necessary ingredients . in it. The court had looked into the numerous cases cited by the traversers counsel, and, in their lordship's opi nion, there was not one of them which supported the view for which they were brought forward—that, in order to substantiate a charge of conspiracy, either treachery or secrecy was necesary. Iu support of the opinion of the court, his lordship referred to v?,rions decisions of Lord Lenman and other judges. Ills lordship then laid down Feb. 13, 1811. several rul”s for the guidance of the jury, and said the very fact of the meeting to concoct the conspiracy was not necessary ; if the jury were satisfied that there wag an illegal concert between the traversers, the acts were the acts of all. What was the law, the violation of w hicls they were called upon to bring into judgment against the traversers—the law as it existed—the law as it had existed for the last forty-three years—the law as her graciortS Majesty had, by her coronation oath, bound and sword to maintain? He would read for them the coronation oath —or, at least, the commencement of it—as given itr Judge Blackstone's Commentaries, 244 :—" The arch bishop or bishop shall say, Will you solemnly promise and swear to govern the people of this kingdom of Eng-, land, and the dominions thereto belonging, according to, the statutes in ph rliament agreed on, and the laws and customs of the same? The King or Queen shall say, solemnly promise to do so." What, with regard to that country and the connexion with Great Britain. were the statutes which her Majesty was sworn by her coronation oath to abide by, administer, and preserve? They bad heard a monstrous deal of assertions; they had heard monstrous deal of declamation ; they had heard a nion• strous deal of complaints of grievances ; they had beard a great deal of what the law ought to be; they had heard' the jury called upon to decide whether such a law on_ght . to continue, as if th e y h a d th e power to a l ter it. Tit! law of this realm, as it stands by the act of union until it was repealed, w- the -nly law" t.120' tht ld Akr Mt° their consi. law which I to preserve of that la% depart from own in Irela, people, and this eneutrY, His loeiip . . this - 3 said that the idea of" string that the Queen- o f- gedgett . might be treateriant dealt with as a Queen of a seperallik''' kingdom,.was absurd and- was seditious. Until the la* was altered b./the proper authorities--which be did nol say bO, it might—but while the law remained as it that adage, and as it bad been during the year /10113, and the preceding years that had intervened since tbeenact merit of the act of usion—tbere was one Sovereign...NC the kingdom who was incapable, by himself or hendr, dr: treating with any class of his or her subjects, except the' legislature..with regard to new constitutions or new laws, with respect to any part of the united kingdom ; *nate. (the Chief Justice) said moreover, that whoever of the Queen's subjects would take upon himself to inculcate or to proclaim amongst the subjects of this part of the united kingdom that he or anybody else abstractedly from the legislature a power, either separately or by himself, or jointly with other inhabitants of the same part of the united kingdom—that he or they, independently of the legislature, had the power of treating with the Queen for an abrogation of the existing law, or to put in its place a new law such as was suggested—was or were guilty of an offence—that was, guilty of the crime of sedition ; and if her Majesty was pleased to condescend to treat or nego tiate with any person or persons separate from her parlia ment, for any of the purposes he had named, she had not the power to do so without violating her coronation oath. The Chief Justice then read several of the clauses in the act of union, and a long charge of Mr. Justice Bayley on meetings for the suppression of alleged grievances. A man, continued the Chief Justice, had a right to commu nicate his sentiments on the subject of this grievance not merely to friends but to strangers; and he could make these complaints as often as he thought fit, and might get, by peaceable means, as many allies as he could procure, but he should ever take care not to infringe upon the . rights and privileges of others ; and he was the more bound to be careful of the effect of what he did, if the as semblies which he attended were conjugated and assem bled in such masses and multitudes as to excite terror and alarm through and amongst the neighbouring people, or amongst those who were bound to preserve and watch over the frame and constitution of the country—if he acts to, it does not follow that the laws will not be infringed, and that the meeting will be legal. The learned judge, at five o'clock, adjourned the court. Before proceeding with his charge to the jury on Satur day, the Chief Justice. in reference to some remarks which had fallen from him on the preceding day, explained . that he had not intended to reflect personally upcn Mr. Fitzgibbon, whose public and private character he greatly esteemed. Having made this explanation he directed the attention of the jury to the organization of the repeal as sociation, and to the large funds which they had drawn from all parts of the country and from America. By this kind of organization, and the funds thus placed at its disposal, that body, he contended, had been endeavouring to carry the repeal, and not by the legal means of ad , dresses to the Queen or to Parliament. He next directed attention to the " plan for the renewed action of the Irish Parliament," by which it was declared that " the Irish people recognize her Majesty Queen of Ireland." Such a position he showed to be clearly illegal, her Majesty by the act of union, ceasing to be Queen of Ireland, and becoming Queen of a united kingdom, from which station she could not be removed without the consent of the le gislature of the united kingdom. The whole of the pro posals in this plan being based upon such an understand ing of her Majesty's powers, were therefore illegal, and were couched, besides, in the language of demand rather than of entreaty. He proceeded to review the proceed.' ings of the monster meetings, and selected a number of ) the seditious speeches made at those meetings by Mr. Barrett, Mr. O'Connell and others, referring plainly to force as the ultimate weapon to be appealed to for the car , b ry y in m g r o . f o re ,C pe o ll tiell li to e m e n r o . t n ed ea i u n mo p n a t rt t i t c h u a la t . t T h e h e a l b lu ro s t r er ..) 11, of Helen O'Moo re wou ld b e near'bft contended was not a fair mode of bringing the weight of publi: opinion to bear upon a great political question, but was calculated directly to "excite hatred and discontele amongst her Majesty's subjects, particularly the Ingu people against the English." The Chief Justice went on to comment upon various inflammatory speeches made St Tara and elsewhere, in which the English government" from the time of Cromwell to the present time were ac cased of various butcheries, !(such as that of 300 women" at Wexford,) and in which it was also declared that Wel lington and Peel were about to indulge in similar acts- The effect of such speeches, he contended, were to exeate overawingthe po pl e t o o t. the the assumption government. Chief' Justice attitude con cluded f rt h w as se n h t i s tn speech, jury. a t Thel half-pastates latest l neee o'clock ding s t h e w i i rt s found in our fifth page. Orders have been issued from the office of the Corn.- mender of the Forces for the establishment of a militart station at Tyrrell's pass, the force to consist of forty men. This is the first time since the rebellion of '9B that a sol dier has been quartered in this retired and peaceful vil lage. An outrage of a wanton and most aggravated nature was committed on Tuesday night last, on the property of Doc tor Pierce, situate about four miles from the town of Tullamore: in King's County : a very fine and thriving plantation of larch of ten or twelve years' growth was completely broken down and utterly destroyed, not one tree out of upwards of a thousand being left standing. DISINTERESTED PATRIOTISM.--" Men of Ireland," says the Nation of Saturday—" Men of Ireland, Your food is scanty, your clothin ,, rags, your lodgings the w et floor, your labour heavy. and your reward death. Hard it is, no doubt, to expect much from you. But still, most of you can pay into the treasury of your country some thing. Stint your meagre food, your diluted drink, your your fitness f or a hi g h er dest i ny. " Such is the pathetic torn covering, that you may give ea r n es t t o th e wor ld o f people; such the urgent call of the patriotic editor for funds to sustain the righteous cause in which he and hit literary confreres are engaged. REPEAL AS SOCIATION.—On the rising of the Court on Monday, Mr. O'Connell forthwith adjourned to the Corn-Exchange, where the Repeal Association was sit ting in full conclave—Lord French in the Chair. The only business of any importance transacted was the ap pointment (on the motion of Mr. W. S. O'Brien) of "3 committee to watch ov er th e procee di ngs of Parliament. " Mr. O'Connell, who had recently entered the room, then read his usual homily of peace, order and tranquility-- expressed an opinion that, as soon as the Anti-Corn talc League produces ano th er revolution in England, there,„; will be some chance of the question of Repeal being en tertained by the Imperial Parliament, and announced the.i rent for the week to be £5O 108 4d.—and so ended the" proceedings of the day. ATTEMPT TO ASSASSIN ATE.—A correspondent of the • Dublin Evening Mail, writing from Strokestown, in the county of Roscommon, under date of Feb. 3, communi cates the following :—" It is my painful duty to comma' nicate to you the particulars of an outrage whichoY, afternoon of yesterday, and wh ich, place within a mile of this town, about I am sorry t o sa y ' about 3 o'clock ' m proves the dreadful state of organization an d com b inat i on that now has extended itself to thi s county, and has been brought about by the agitators o f t hi s afflicted county. Mr. John Balfe, of Lisadum, was returning from his farm of Canonclogher (at the hoar mentioned) yesterdat , accompanied, on his outside jaunting car. by the bailipr servant, and herd ; he was met by four ruffians, w" ordered his servant to stop, which h e did . O ne of [hen s asked—" Is this B a lf e ?" and upon Mr. Balfe replying it was, the fellow said, ' You are tyrannizing over your tenants,' and at the same time fired a pistol-shot, which took no effect ; and the second of the fellows fired a gun; shot, the contents of which killed his horse. Mr. Bahk ran away, and the fellows delibe ra t e l y walked off, amongst set of Mr. B a lf e ' s tenants 30 or 40 of whom were within a few ya r d s o f him, and witnessed the entire trang: action without rendering the slightest assistance to the' landlord. A meeting of magistrates took place in the court-house here this day, to investigate the matter. Thf above facts were elicited from several witnesses, but, as $ matter of course, not the slightest information that wile likely to lead to detection was obtained. G u AFFAlR.iAullthe neighbourhood transpiredN somewhat Wakefield,rom a a n romantic a d ti o r ago. It appears that about eleven years since a highly respectable lady and gentleman, whose names we do no t think it right to mention were married in the neighbour' —A hood of Halifax. In a few hours after the union, for sonie cause or other which did not transpire, a separation be ; tween the p ar ti es was e ff ecte d b y the lady ' s friends ; she shortly afterwards removed to a secluded spot near Wakefield, where she has been living ever since havill% heard nothing of her husband until last week, when th e gentleman appeared to claim his bride. It a pp ear s tha t the gentleman, who had been living in Wales had bee° endeavouring for a considerable length of time to find 0 1 lady, but with , :ut success, those of her friends who knew her " whereabouts" having their own reasons for not en" lightening him on that point. The lady we are told 09° net less pleased than surprised ; and as soon as her 31. ; ri..ngements were made she took her d e p ar t ure w ith he husband for Lis residence in Wales. led, was the only law that they could take into ideration in dealing with this cap.. It woe the Queen, by her coronation oath, had wo --- e ; and it was idle to say that, iu, • . 1 ,w, the Queen, if she tl!ouclikmow, !di m that law altogsther r eWent of !land, oVitsrusitssolibe, atineEtt with the; sekitiltratilSiiiieiisid-a now constitution for, try. is:ANeekt±siolisioa alt 'ihe act Of union. yip rest4seventlot - thatetseserof this - sift and ;