The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-03-09 00:00:00

TO THE LIVERPOOL IBeg to.offer wys of HONORAR PENSARY, anti t favour. DIDATE for the Situation NORTH DIS- t vont. Votes in m TO THE GO THE Eli to otter myself as a NORARY SU RG tention Dispe Office of HO 3ted, every at isaries. I am,'La Yours, r JB. HEWITT, Snort. • REPORTER to informs Professional he purposes to suppl 3 the Trials in the Nisi terms peculiarly moderat References permitted to G the Liverpoo MITER and PRINCIPA Idard, respectfull unite RBATIM RE,eORT, lercen of tE Lest re- spectability Letters, - addres , will receive immediate ati THE OLDEST ESTABLISHED PAPER HXNGIN( WAREHOUSE IN LIVERPOOL/ 17, BOLD- 8 TREE 7 THREE DOO WRY DODD, Wido.., 1.1 . 1 kind friends and the Public that inspection her immense STOCK of PAPER HAN Iki to inform ha DO' for the ensuing Season, whic Lnd elegance roduced in Liverpool g of the sort eve Public_ t shes the ds her business, has far surpasses anyt N.B.—M. D. also v her son, HENRY DODD, Who no connection with any other House in STEINKELLER'S PATENT SQUARE AND DIAMOND ZINK SW TO cover 100 square feet of Ro with the above w:" To cover t ith cwt. (lg. lb 1 2: arface With best IA ,0 - 0 Saving in weight, per 100 square feet, by us of Zink SHEATHING ZINK, for SHEET ZINK, for Roofi Press Plates. PLATE ZINK, for E Apparatus, ZINK SASH BARS, fo Fanlights, Garden Frames ZINK NAILS, 'I and Outside Work. ZINK RAIN BELL TUBING, all drawn by Machin PERFORATED ZINK PATER COULDINC Safes, Dairif trainers, fo LAIRD, J Verandah: ;Ps' Use Flats, Paper IPING GUTTERING, xS, LAMP BARS, &c., on, &c. 1, Mooß- DEN FRUIT SHADDOCKS AND T MIDDLEWOOD begs respectfully to recommend the 0 • FRUIT lately arrived, per The Sis' 'T b!v the best that h It is I Invalids it is the ix st equalled. It is held in't and approved of b Is been imported. 3 for Desserts iy% esu! ~erMajes s also A and though ifeyg year sad in :kiiference to "JGrapes; Por- Umads ; Turkey and a ; Black and t amarind J. M. to sell from 10 to s 40s. each ago it was scan every other.—J. M. fruit imported this sea tugal Plums ; Frenc Faro Figs ; Spanis landing, Seville Ora Oranges of t Shaddock Marmalad large Tafilat Dates.—The ext every other choice Fruit, will en Pres( 15 per cent Sbaddocks and Forbi the Kingdom, selected of tl approved of by her Majesty Family Fruit If o. 6, Parker-street, Church-street 'en Fruit -forty RESOLUTIONS adopted at a PUBLIC MEETING of GAS CONSUMERS, held at the AdelphiMotel, on MONDAY EVENING, th Bth instant, Moved by Mr:RADLEY, seconded by Ate JEFFREY, it important tbdt the article of , e a rate 1 That this meetin,, gas should be supplied to the consumers atts as possible, and that the bill now befor- -r duced by the Liverpool Gas Con they seek to obtain additional p watched in its p 1 th , it to be absolutel ompany should xfore the Com- be required mittee of th tpital beyond t stock Al; and, that as to a the original £50,000, raised by authority of shares should be openly submitted to public competiticn advertised in the various Liverpool papers at least fourteen days before such sale. 2. Moved by Mr. FERGUSON, seconded by Mr. FILCHER, That it is the opinion of this Meeting that the Company's operations should be confined to the town of Liverpool, Everton, Kirkdale, West Derby, and Toxteth-p includes the village of Harrington, and that their Capital for extending, their Mains beyond thP* and prejudicial to thsi Gas Consumer,. ark, which sing a t is injuriou i thin the plac above mentioned. • 3. Moved by Mr. PRINGLE, seconded by Mr. HICKEY, That the petition to the House of Commons, now read, be adopted by this meeting, and that it be left at the usual places for signature, and that the same be forwarded to Lord Sandon for presentation ; and that in order to carry the objects of this meeting into effect a committee be formed consisting of the following gentlemen Mr. Hastings, Mr. Geo. Walker. Mr. E. Jones, Mr. Sum ners, Mr. Ferguson. lair. Whitby, Mr. Hickey, Mr. Hut Mr. Wrenn, Mr. Coward, Mr. Geo. Wilson Air , Po Mr. Thos. Reap, Mr. Phillips, Mr. Pringh Jeffrey, Mr. Wild wood, with pow 4. Moved b Mt:. Radley, Mr Ile AL. To to add Tt r. [lope, M ,NER, seconded b That this meeting deems it n effect to its views a deputation should proceed to London and that Mr. Evans, the solicitor, be authorised to attend and employ counsel, and such other means as shall be deemed advisable, in conjunction with the deputation. 5. Moved by Mr. SUMNERS, seconded by Mr. TOWERS, That a subscription I fraying the expens n order to give 3 tered into for the purpose of de which will be incurred in giving effect to the intentions of th Moved by Mr. ATKINS, That the thanks of this for his able conduct in the,chair !Conded by Mr. SUMNERS, sting be given to the Chairman Moved and seconded, That the best thanks of this meeting are due, and are hereby given to Mr. Radley, for the use of the room UNITED STATE S The Westchester from New York arrived here on Sunday bringing papers to the 16th ult., the contents of which ar, important and alarming. The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom bad been re- ferred the Message of the President, transmitting a corr pondence with the Brit sh minister, in relation to the burning of the steam-boat Caroline, and the demand made for the liberation of MI Alexander M`Li 'ported, on the 13th ult., to the House of Reprc sentatives on the s• is which As the report is of a very me had been referred to them nacing and inst lting character, and may probably involve circumstances of the greatest consequenc we give it at length It appears that the steam-boat Caroline w. t. destroyed in the month of December, 1837.—The committee are induced to believe that the facts of the case are as fol lows :—The boat was owned by and in possession of a citizen York. She was cleared from the city of Buffalo, and morning of the 29th of December tort of Buffalo, bound for Schlosser, upon the A the Niagara river, and within the territory of the States. The original intention seemed to be to run the boat seized and 11837, she left t a Buffalo and Schlosser, or perhaps, fromßTaCkWa am to Schlosser, and should it s eem profitable, it was in. tended to run her also to Navy Island, and touch at Grand Island and Tonawanda. Her owner was Mr. Wells, said to , be a respectable citizen of _Buffalo, and it is obvious, his ir tention in putting up the boat was one of speculation an The excit Lt this period, had collected a grea z t many in t hood—some from curiosity —some from idleness Lsual and extr venturous 1. tiered tozeth vy Island was profit entirely frontier irdinary collection of that time on Navy Islanc in the British " territory: The owner of the Caroline took advant stances to_make some money - - as a ferry boat, over to Navy _lsland from testimony regularly no proof except, rnaps, piece belonging to a pa run the boat as a ferry boat from Schlosser, on the America] aide, to Navy island, on the British side. It is believed tha even in war, a neutral power has the right to trade in contra band articles, subject, of course, to seizure and confiscath if taken within the jurisdiction of either of ti parties. What is contraband of war is not Treaty stipulations frequently i dude others recognised in the law of n antendi ome articl Trading in contraband articles is no excuse for invad and soil of a neutral and independent pow private citizens may choose to run t s instance there wt ned in the o ;vithin t nce to nthoritie then, tt s engaged in contraband claimed Co )3( were styled the legitimate officers of speaking, how was a private c and who wrong in these local of citizens of the same province must our citizens refuse tt nave any communication with? B used for one day as a ferry boat ; and she commenced running she was sei wharf in Schlosser, and burned. nated—certainly one, who dead insinuation of the British Minister, the 0,... nally" within the territory of the United States, ma) - retorted, as we can with equal truth say that Navy Islana w as " nominally" within the "territory" of the British Go vernment, for at the period to which we allude the people collected there bad as effectually defied Canada authorities as any portion of our people had dis regar d e d ours. Yet British authority thought proper to pass by N avy I sland, then its " nominally" territory , and, in the plentitude of its p ower, ri tish jurisdiction over Am er i can soil. to cast the aegis of '-ng over 'us that kind guardianship sime to extend tn Several men wer upon the deck. This was truly exten which they had not tl t that t portion of tier. to us full a Ition as from its I( right or law [so to call the Caroline a The British minis ical steamboat." how high in place, car law of nationsdoesnot booters, enemies of the ht describe them as ravaging every loose epithets of any one, no 1 eminent jurists an race with no flag concurrent jurisdic cf view that it and no home. Piracy comes under tn.. tion of all nations. Even in the worst point, ..- can he considered, those connected with the stear roline were but aiders and abettors of others eng' bellion ; and the committee are totally at a loss to what authority rebellion is recognised as piracy. founding of term s is resting the case upon epithets, instead of sound law or facts. But even supposing it to be a "Inra ticsl boat," as the minister asserts it to be ; yet the moment ch con- Britain of her burnt 1: ~~ OL' Si 1 fll utiggrost ;htfully invade i soil of Gre-at veered by British.law. Suppose one of the Thames and inated French ;hman rx, and 3 a country than invasion of s nation that s ms were a of even pir Its of If it can lie done with Lt finalls of things at Schlosser, and the conduct of those who had Toul of the Caroline, had first been made to the proper critics of New York, or of the United States, then there rst of respect for our sove- relgnty and independents, and a disposition to treat us as an equal. But in this case, as if to treat our authorities with pt. there vc Lion math It was hoped tha preliminary der. was peril, i or representa- ted by a party in a sudden heat and excitement, upon their own responsi bility. But the British Minister now avows that " the act 'was the public act of persons obeying the constituted autho rities of her Majesty's service, obeying the orders of their superior authoritie44' If this had been the first and only point of collision with Great Britain it might ttdt have excited interest, but there is an assumption !in most of our intercourse with that great ower revolting to the pride and spirit of independence in a free people. If it be her desire to preserve peace, her true policy would be to do justice, and show that courtesy to equals which she has always demanded from others. The committee do not desire to press views on this part of the subject, particularly as a demand has been made by our go vernment upon the government of Great Britain for explana tion as t the outrage committed, the answer to which it is hoped will prove satisfactory. As to the other points presented in the demand made b the British Minister for the " liberation" of Alexande ivl`Leed, the committee believe the facts of the case to be, that the steamboat was seized and burnt as stated before, and that a citizen or citizens of , New York were murdered in the affray. And there were reasons to induce a belief that M`Leod was pqrticeps criminis. He was at first arrested, and upon various testimony being taken, was then discharged. He was afterwards arrested a second time. Upon the evidence then presented, he was imprisoned to await his trial. Theit was no invasian of British territory to seize or take him. But upon his being voluntarily within our territory, he was arrested as any citizen of the similar offence, might have I went for peace anil . dignit Great Britairt, 7 or be ted States, charged with a ~ • We know of no law of of a - state, because he is a subject of ause he committed the crime at the in- stigation or under the authority of B a provincial officers; much less do we know of any law that would justify the President to deliver him up without trial, at the demand and upon the assertion as to facts, of any agent of the British If we had been at open war with Great Britain, and M`Lead had committed the offences charged, then he might have fallen under the rules and regulations of war, and had been treated as a prisoner of the United States government, and would have been subject to the laws of nations in war. But as the alleged criminill'acts, in which INl`Leod is charged to implicated, were committed in profound peace, it is a far as he may be concerned, solely against the and dignity" of the state of New York, and her cri- urinal jur ton is c an outlaw—a pirate, in the legal accepta under the law of nations, the United St If the crime Lion of the term, then rtes courts and tribu- arelv a nst the 1 nil coming exclusively . tribunes of New /oil December, 1840 , says—" It is quite notorious that Mr. M'Leod was no t on e of the party engaged in the destruction of the steam-boat Caroline; and that the pretended charge upon which he has been imprisoned rests only upon the perjured testimony of certain Canadians, outlaws and their abettors," &c. This may, perchance, all be sa--but it would be asking a great deal to require an American court to yield jurisdiction and surrender up a prisoner charged with offences against the law, upon the mere ipse dixit of any man, no matter how high in authority. Whether INl`Leod be guilty or not guilty, is the doint upon which an American jury alone have a right to decide. Jurisdiction in state of tribunals over criminal cases, and trial by the jury of the venue, are essential points in American jurisprudence. And it is a total misapprehen ch I sion as to the nature of our system to suppose that there is one, or thwart ti existed, and wer - . 3 arrest the verdict of th Aber. If such a powe tuallv overthrow i, it would and upon a vital point, the separate sovereignty and inde pendence of these states. • The federal executive might be clothed with power to de- liver up fugitives from justice for offences committed against a foreign state, but eve❑ then it might not be obligatory to do so, unless-it were made matter of treaty speculation. This duty and right in an executive has generally been considered as dormant, until made binding by treaty arrangement. But when.the matter is reversed, and demand is made, not of fu-' linst a foreign power, but with offences against tic peace and dignity of one of our own states, then it is that I demand becomes preposterous in the extreme. The f that the offences were committed under the sanction of pro vincial authorities does not alter the case, unless we were in a state of war. In such cases as the present, the power to deliver up could not be conferred upon the federal executive by:treaty stipulation. • Over all cases except those defined in the constitution, and those coming clearly under the law of nations, the states have exclusive jurisdiction, and the trial and punishment of offences against them,. are incident to their separate sovereignty. It is not pretended in this case that there is any tteatv stipulation under which the demand is made ; and the federal exefmtive, under our system, has no power but what is conferred by the constitution, or by the special law of conzress. In the former it is declared that the executive power is vested in a President of the United States," and the power is then to be pointed out and defined ;pecial laws passed from time to time, imposing such dix- xpedient by ming- Uangerous he executive to ex- ercise any power over a subject-matter not conferred by treaty or by law ; and to exercise in any case in conflict with state jurisdiction, would be worse than dangerous ; it would be usurpation But tour committee forbear to press these points further at present, and they would not have said as much on such clear questions of international law, but that in this case, the demand for liberation has been made by the accredited - agent of a great power, and under circumstances of peculiar aggra vation and excitement. "'We hare other points of difference with Great Britain, which add interest to every question that arises between us at present. Neither our Northeastern or Northwestern Boundaries are yet settled with her, and the subject is not entirely free from difficulty. She has recently seized our vessels and exercised a power involving the right of search, under the pretext of suppressing the foreign slave trade, which, if persevered in, will sweep our commerce from the coast of Africa, and which is incompatible with our rights as a maritime power. She has recently, in her intercourse with us, refused indemnity and denied our rights to property, on a subject matter vital to near one half the States of this Con federacy, and which, considering her military position at Bermuda and her growing power in-the West Indies, is of the last importance to our national independence. " All these subjects make every question between us, at this particulqr juncture, of the deepest interest. " Besides this, we are both permanently destined to have, perhaps, the most extensive commerce of modern nations. Our flags float, side by side, over every sea, and bay, and inlet of the known globe. She moves steadily upon her objects with an ambition that knows no bounds. AO, wherever she has had a conflict of interest, she has rarelWelded to any power. "At this moment, she presents to the civilized world the spectacle of the greatest military and commercial power in combination, ever known. " From her vast possessions in every quarter of the globe, nd her peculiar commercial system, she has been made the " Her internal resources, skill, labour, and machinery, with her capital, are beyond calculation. Her natural posi tion, being about midway the coast of Europe, gives her great control over the outlets and currents of commerce. Her military occupation pibraltar, Malta, the lonian Islands, and recently St. Jean d'Acre, give her 'ascendancy on the Mediterranean and the Levant, while St. Helena and the Cape of Good Hope give her possession over the currents of trade along those extensive coasts. Then Bom bay, Calcutta, and her immense possessions in the East In dies, together with her recent movements in the China seas and islands, enable her to extend her power over those vast regions that have slumbered for ages in solitary and enervated magnificence. She possesses Falkland Island but to control the commerce that passes around Cape Horn, while Trinidad gives her all she desires in the Caribbean sea. Halifax at one point, and Bermuda at another, stand out in great force over our own coast, from one extremity to the other. " Her positions all over the world are, at this moment, in a military point of view, equal to a million - of men under arms. Her continual conflicts in the mighty regions of. the east only enable her officers to become skilful and to improve in the art of war, while her great armies and extensive fleets lraw their QtypOrt from the immense countries seized and can Overlook t r has recently brought us so near together that, in the event of any future conflict,. war, with its effects, will be precipitated upon u s w ith muc h more rapidity than ormerly. " Avriceand ambition are the ruling passions of modern times, and it is in vain to shut our eyes to the state of things around us. .It remains to be seen what effect steam-power is to have upon changing and modifying the whole art of defence and war. It may be a great engine for again levelling mankind, and reducing every thing to contest of mere phy sical force. In that event it might be difficult to conjecture what system of national defence will stand the test of time and experience. " We have a deep stake in peace, and fondly hope the re pose of the world will not be distu r b e d. We have certainly not the least desire for any rupture. Firmness, and a wise preparation, will long preserve us from such a catastrophe. But while no temptation should ever prompt us to do injus tice, on the one band, so no consideration, on the other hand, should ever induce us to submit to permanent wrong. from any power on earth, no matter what the consequences may be. •: Your committee would conclude by expressing a firm belief, that all our points of difficulty may be honourably and amicably adjusted, and that harmony may long be preserved by both governments pursuing a liberal and generous policy, congenial to the interests and feelings of both people, and compatible with the spirit and genius of an enlightened age." We can only find room for the following commercial ex- NEW YORE, FEB. 14.—Cotton is dull sale at Saturday's rates ; we have not heard of any sales worth reporting. Mo derate sales of Genesee Flour were made at 4 dols. 75 cents to 5 dols., and of choice brands, in small quantities, at 5 dols. 12 cts. to 5 dols. 25 cts., and 5 dols. 50 c t i . per b arre l ; Georgetown and Howard-street 5 dols. ; Rye Flour 3 dols. 23 cts. to 3 dols. 37-.1 cts. ; Corn Meal 2 Bois. 75 cts. to 2 dols. cts. Nothing was done in Wheat or Barl e y. C orn is held at 49 cts. to 50 cts. Oats remain inactive at 30 cts. to 39 cts. per busliel. 200 tierces rough Flaxseed were sold at 10 dols. ct., and a small quantity of clean at 11 dols. Cloverseed sells in small parcels, at 8 dols._to 8 dols. Holders of Ashes are firm ,... at 6 dols. for both descriptions 5 dots. 874 : cts. is offered for Pears and refused. There was a positive sale of a large quantity of dry go o d s, to-day, by auction, testing the market rather more thoroughly than b e f ore. Seasonable goods brought just a b out the cost and cha rges of importation : but unseasonable goods, such as Mouseli n d e L ains, of which there were a great quantity, so ld at two-thirds of last Fall's prices, say 124 to 25 cts. for goods which, last Fall, brought 18 to 33 cts. MUSICAL MADNESS. —A roan was arrested the other day in the church of Saint Sulplicc, in Paris, who pretended that he was a pipe of the or gan b lown out by wind. He ear iiestly requpsted that he naight be restored to his place, or the music would be stopped. Under the Manage►nent of L, LIVERPOOI Jr. CLARICE, Sole Lessee Second week of Mr. ELTON. Second week. of Mr. G. VANDENHOFF; and last week of Mr. J. S. BALLS. PHIS present TUESDAY, March 9, 1841, will he per formed the Tragedy of Virginiu. IRGINIUS Nfr. Elton Mr. H. Holl, Mr. Bake Regan Dentatt. H. Bland ORS 0 )IDATE Should "I JAMES C splenda The prir 2 and coast, was me ad exclusive Mr. Gray Mrs. W Servia Miss Cleaver To conclude with the Come* of tl. HONEY MOW/ Duke Aranza, Mr. G. VandenhofOrßolando, Mr. J. S Balls ; Count Montalban, Mr. W. H. Bland ; Jacques, Mr Raker! Juliann_ Mr, W i-f . lin ; Zamora, Mrs. Baker.' Prices of Admission :—Boxes, 4s. ; Upper Boxes, 3s. 6d.; Pit, 2s. 6d. ; Gallery, Is. Doors to be opened at Half-past, Six, and the Performance to commence at Seven. The Box-office will be--opened daily, when Places in the Boxes may be taken of Mr. MINSTER, from Ten until Three. A limited number of Season Tickets to be disposed of.— Application to be made at the Box-office. On WEDNESDAY Evening, Shakspeare's Tragedy of KING JOHN. King John, Mr. Elton ; Faulconbridge, Mr. G. Vandeuhoff; Hubert, Mr. Stuart; Prince Arthur, Miss Chaplin ; Lady ConstaiAe, Miss Cleaver ; Blanche, Mrs. W. H. Bland. After which, the Farce of TURNING THE TABLES. Jeremiah Bumps, Mr. J. S. Balls ; Jack Humphreys, Mr. Baker; Patty Larkins, Mrs.. Clarke. To , conclude with the Farce of the' WEATIIERCOCK. Tris tram Fickle, Mr. J. S. Balls; Variella, Mrs. Barton. The Tragedy of * JULIUS CIESAR having been received on Monday evening With the most rapturous applause, will be repeated on Thursday next, with the following cast of the principal characters :—Btutus, Mr. Elton ; Mark Antony, Mr. G. Vandenhoff; Cassius, Mr. Stuart. To conclude with the new Farce of the DANCING BARBER. Nar cissus Fitzfrizzle, Mr. J. S. Balls. On FRIDAY, Shakspeare's Tragedy of - KING LEAR. After which, for the first time, a new Comic Drama, called the CROWN PRINCE. To conclude with the new Farce, never acted here, of the RAILROAD STATION, being for the BENEFIT of Mr. J. S. BALLS, and the last night bat one of his engagement: On SATURDAY—A favourite Tragedy, and other enter tainments. THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL VER. J. S. BALLS respectfully announces his BENEFIT .I.ti and Last Appearance will take place on PrttriAY next, the 12th instant, whehmill be presented ShakspeOe's Play of KING LEAR Thus powerfully cz Lear .. Kent.. ... Mr. B i t Edmund, l on this occasion , f Mr. Vandenhoff Oswald, } 1 Mr. .S. Balls. Cordelia Mrs. W. H. Bland. Ur. Stuart .Miss Cleaver. I Gonerii Mrs. paker After which, a New Drama, called THE CROWN PRINCB ; OR, THE BUCKLE OF BRILLIANTS. Frederick Stoike, afterwards a Watchman and Prince Albert Mr. J. S. Balls. To conclude with THE RAILROAD STATION. The Public is respectfully. informed, this Train will start exactly at Half-past Ten. Jack Robins.. Mr. Balls. Mr. S. Jones.. Mr. Baker. 'rickets to be had of Mr.:BALLs, 63, Renshaw-street. TO CORRESPONDENTS We cannot inform " a true conservative," why the columns of the Standard only are open for the purpose of refuting the sophisms of Sir Joshua Walmsley. Our conservative contem porarie know the best The communication from our Dublin correspondent arrived too late, as the pressure of our local reports had anticipated our space. Our friends would oblige us by addressing all letters connected with the STANDARD to the firm at the office. riot a copy of the STANDARD of the 19th lilt., and have therefore forwarded the publication of this day to Wickham. We ha An Englishman" shall appear on Friday. Fairplay" gives the lie direct to the title he assumes, by the unfair insinuation conveyed in his letter. His igno rance is the only excuse we can assign for his impudence. It was impossible on Friday to give insertion to the report of the case to which he alludes, though it will be found in our columns to-day. In our notice of the Theatre-Royal, in our last, some unac countable mistakes occurred. For " Bassanio's losses" read " Antonio:43 losses" ; for " Mr. Holl's Gratiano" read " Mr. Holl' Bassanio"; and for " Mr. Gray's i Bassanio" read 'Tlt% Gray's Antonio." ebt Mapco! atAanbarb. TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 9, 1841 Our town-councillors, in their excursive liberality, have lately added the Jews to the number of those out casts from our creed and constitution, on whom they are desirous of bestowing privilege and honour. It is not that the Jews have themselves been very solicitous of such advancement; they have been apparently ra ther indifferent on the subject. It is not that their dis qualifications have been discovered to work any injury to them or to the, state ; no, nothing of this sort, has led our councillors to make a display of their " zeal without,lcnowledge" in behalf of their suffering bre thren the Jews. Itnis a mere overflowing of that milk of human kindness which runs in such agenial cur rent through their veins, and comes forward uncalled for and unrequired. They have agreed to petition par liament in favpur of a bill for the admission of Jews to municipal honours—upon the dictate of that prin ciple of Liberalism which is at present unfortunately dominant in thet. Council, and from no other cause that we can immediately discover. Their worships, per haps, had some idle time upon their hands, and thought they might as well employ it in "sporting an opinion" upon the disabilities of the Jews. Wednesday was a sporting day : Aintree steeple-chase was a-foot; and our civic dignitaries, rather than be idle, just mounted their Pegasus, and did a few five-bar gates and tum bles in honour of the Hebrews, and for 'the amuse ment of their fellow- citizens. As to the Liberal interest, we calculate that it would derive but small accession of strength in the borough from the representation of wards being thrown open to Jews. We doubt if a Hebrew would get returned for one of then], if the opportunity were afforded. It is not natural to suppose that the burgesses would desire to be represented by Jews; and from what we know of the Hebrew character, it is most unlikely that any Jew would waste his monish in trying to get repre sented by weight of purse against the natural inclina tion of the electors. \As to the Evans' and their bro ther " sportsmen" of the Council, we can easily sup pose that to them it would be all one whether their companions in solemn assembly met were Jews, Turks, Infidels, or Heretics ; any thing for them but the strait-lacing of principle; hut it is impossible to con ceive that, in point of fact, they could calculate on be ing able to add to their small majority, every year growing smaller and " beautifully less," or to prevent the diminution of their approaching minority, by ob taining admissibility Yor Jews. No; the vote of last Wednesday was a mere gratuitous display of Liberalism for the honour and glory of the thing—a pure mani festation of the doctrine without the slightest regard to any practical result, immediate or remote. To the Jews themselves, As a people, we owe nothing but benevolence; and we reckon that there is not a Christian burgess in our borough but would gladly dis- charge that duty in a suitable manner.. But we do not owe to the Jews, nor to the Liberals, ror to any other kindred or people r gentle or simple, that we should un christianise our state for them. We owe them no such obligation; but we oi,veit, on the contrary, to ourselves, to them, and to the whole world, that we should retain and preserve our Christian institutions and national Christianity unimpaired. That is our first duty. When propositions such as we have now in view are submitted to our consideration, it is fair to ask-have we got tired of our political institutions, and do we intend to surrender them to be made havoc of by men who, in calling themselves Liberals, do, in fact, declare that they have no fixed principles whatever ? If not, then let us take our stand on the ancient ways, and not only resist those attempts by which our constitution must be overturned, but well mark out those who make them. It is irrational and absurd to suppose that it can continue long, if we fill the citadel with enemies Allow all places of honour, trust, and power to be filled by Jews, Papists, Dissenters, Infi dels, and Liberals; and though the walls may remain fix a little while—though the work of demolition may be deferred for a moment—yet what can the end be but destruction ? Enemies will not preserve that which they hate, and when they find themselves in the pleni tude of power, assuWly their cry will be, " rase it, rase it, even to the fotiiidation." If Liberals e sire to destroy that form of govern-, ment and constitution under which our country has become the glory of the earth, let them do so; but let it be our business to resist their designs and disap- point their malice. It . is a sacred duty incumbent upon us, to transmit to our children, and to our children's children, that constitution which we have received as a previous inheritance from our fa- , thers ; and, for this end, it is indispensably necessary that we should place its known and trusty friends in all places of power and dignity, and keep enemies out of them. This is what common sense suggests, and it Is a suggestion which we ought to obey in preference Ind nonsense that Liberals can A Liberal would put the management of our schools, into the hands of Jews or Papists; for what cares he in what religion the children of our people are brought up : all religions are alike to him. But the Conserva tive, not having his religion to seek, cannot afford to be quite so undistinguishing. He has found a creed in the Church of his Fathers; and has taken it as the chart to steer his earthly voyage by; and it must he, as it ought to be, an object with 'him, second only in importance to that which _concerns his own individual safety, to preserve for others, as well as himself, an, in stitution to which •he owes so great a blessing. As part and parcel then of this necessary system of de fence, we ought not to permit men who deny the Sa viour to be our rulers and legislators. It would be a voluntary self-debasement—a gratuitous humiliation — disgraceful to us alike as men and as Christians. We Should thereby dishonour our•profession, and be unjust not only to ourselves, but to those very persons whom we would seem to honour by such means ; for it is wrong, decidedly wrong, to place men in a situation where they must necessarily be .in a state of conflict between their secret feelings and their public pledges. This is, indeed, Liberal practice; but, we trust, will never be Conservative., It is impossible that any right-minded Englishman could have read the speeches inserted in our last paper, relative to the church in North Wales, without feeling that a destructiiv A blow has been aimed thereat by cer tain measures, either inchoate or intended. This is a matter in which the people of Wales are not the only parties concerned. It is the duty of every conservative Englishman to make the call his own ; for it is part and parcel of that system of aggression by which it is sought to undermine the Church of England, and a Christian estAblishment.everywhere. The wrongs of which Wales has to complain are— first, a reduction, in the number of her bishops; and secondly, the tranlter of part of her ecclesiastical reve nues from her own poorly-endowed church and coun try, to England—one of these measures being already decreed by act of parliament, and the other being at present in progress of arrangement. Of both it can truly be affirmed, that they are .‘.‘ heavy blows and great discnuragements" to the people of Wales; and it is only a matter of astonishment how such monstrous injustice as thiy are calculatbd to effzet could have been thought of. The church in Wales is episcopal, as in England ; and yet, as if episcopacy were an injury rather than a benefit, it is•propased to merge :the sees of Bangor and St. Asaph into one, in imitation of the lopping and pruning system so ruinously practised in Ireland to gratify the papists of that country. Now the church loving people in Wales, and the friends of the Church of England in general, are at a loss to perceive how this cutting down of the establishment evinces friend ship to it, and earnestly solicit that the sacrificial knife may be arrested. This is what they ask, and surely their request is neither immoderate nor extraordinary. That, on the contrary, it is in every way reasonable, abundant proofs have been given. The population of the country has increased, and the pastoral super intendence of the church, therefore, needs increase rather than diminution along with it. " Look at the importance of North Wales," said the Rev. Robert Davies, at the meeting alluded to, " look at the posi tion of the dioceses of Bangor and St. Asaph ; look at the mountainous nature of the country, and the difficulty of ac cess from one place to another, and then say whether North Wales did not present a - strong case for an increase rather than a diminution in the number of bishops. Besides the clergy would be placed generally at a greater distance from their diocesan, and thus the intended union would obstruct that pastoral _intercourse which ought always to subsist be tween a bishop• and his clergy." But it is unnecessary to go into details. Every one can conceive them. It is not those to whom the pri vation is threatened who are called upon to plead in such a case, but those who seek to inflict it upon them. We do not want to know that taking away overseers from the flock-O r an INJURY ; that we take to be a prima facie case of the injurious kind without proof; but we might be curious to know what could be said. on the other side—how giving to a large district of country one spiritual superintendent instead of two, should be an ftvantage to it ? But this is no time for amusing oneselt with paradoxical trifling;, and, for our .6. • part, we desire no essays of the kind to feed us with empty speculation. The short of the matter is, that a most iniquitous attack has been made upon the church, and, therefore, on the people of North Wales, and that no time should he lost in hastening to avert the threa tened mischief. However, if there are any who desire more detailed information on the point, w e re f er t h em to the speechN reported in our last number, where they will find it abundantly, satisfactorily, and ably afforded. - But the proposed, and already enacted union of the dioceses, is only a part of the insufferable aggression made, or intended to be made, on our fellow-subjects and brother churchmen in North Wales. 'There is an " appropriation clause" yet in reserve which is still more monstrous, because it is an act of absolute rob bery—which our Welsh friends, however, with a deli cacy and forbearance unsuited to these days, are in dulgent enough to call by the softer name of " ab- straction." A quantum sujicit of income, or what the ecclesiasti cal commissioners may deem such, being allotted to the new bishop—the solitary successor to the two sees of Bangor and St. Asaph—the surplus is to be seized as legitimate spoil, and carried off to poor, needy, indi gent, helpless Manchester, there to support a new Eng lish bishopric, with that title ! Is not this abominable? We know of no reason why it should be even thought of, except that Wales has been too patient under simi lar wrongs heretofore, and has already contributed largely from her poor resources to English institutions. " England," said the Rev. David James, in his truly elo quent and impressive speech, " threw nothing into the prin cipality, but the ptincipality was made to throw her reve- flues into England. Had not that poor unproductive pro vince appealed year after year against the abstraction of her revenues, to support institution s in England ? Jesus' Col lege, Oxford, the ,Dean and Chapter of Winchester, St. John's Hospital, Chester, the Grocers' Company, London, and Lichfield Cathedral, all in England, had each a part of the revenues of Wales, yet England must have more to sup port a bishop in Manchester, of all places in the world — whose great merchants —nay, any two of them, conjointly, could purchase the whole principality !" But Manchester will surely refuse to partake of the plunder. Of all places, Manchester should be fore most to protest against the meditated spoliation, for the very reason that it is pretended to have been planned for her benefit. The church in Wales is already poor enough, and instead of having any thing to spare, has really much need of additional funds for her own exigencies. We could quote many statements of fact in illustration of this position, but shall content ourselves for the pre sent with one from the speech of the reverend gentle man last named. It is as follows : " The Bishopric of St. Asaph contained about 21 livings, each under £lOO. a - year—that is, ranging from £49. up to £lOO. The Bishopric of Bangor contained 30 livings, each under the value of LIQO. a-year—that is, ranging from £5O. to £99. The Bishopriiof St. David's contained 165 livings, each under £lOO. a-ye ; and, although the diocese con tained about 408 or 410 livings, returned to the ecclesiastical commissioners, the average income of the whole of them, rich and poor, was only £l4B. a year. There was only one living in the diocese of St. David's, out of the 410, that was worth above £9OO a-year ; there was not one between £5OO. and £600.; there were just ten above £4OO. whilst all the rest came under £3OO. a-year, and, as he had said before about 165, ranging from £49. to £99. a-year. In travelling from St. David's to 'thy diocese of Llandaff, there were 64 benefices not amounting. to £lOO. a-year each; and.that the average of all the livi ngs put toge ther, rich and poor, would give to each minister only about £lBO. a-year. Now this was a state of things which ought to call forth the sympathy of Englishmen, and make them willing to leave to the poor Principality its own revenues to support its own ministers." But North Wales must have her two bishops, and more if needs be. L et h er on ly .6 agitate, agitat e ," and she will have them. What ! shall immense reve nues be taken from the crown and diverted to the sup port of Popery in C ana d a —( t h e fraternity of St. Sul pice to-wit)—and s h a ll not W a l es be permitted to re tain her own rightful possessions for the support of her own Protestant Christian church ? Will Englishmen look tamely on, and see this wrong done by a Popish.: radical administration ? Wales cries to them to " come over and help her," and will they unfeelingly and heartlessly shut their ears to her supplication ? We will not believe it. Let the inhabitants of the princi pality not despair, and only ‘i agitat vigour, and the work will be done. We shall conclude with one more extract from the admirable and convincing speech of Mr. James, be cause it is one which we think calculated to interest all good men still more in the cause. It is as follows : with sufficient " He was bound to confess, and it was with pain that he did so, that the state of the church in the principality was deplorable— , such as was calculated to call forth the sympathy and the commiseration of every true patriot, and of every one wjio felt interested in the success of true religion in any part of the world. We had seen the churches deserted ; we had seen the people leave the church in disgust, and turn away dissatisfied with the state of things which it presented, be cause the church had not been worked as a system for their benefit, in the way she should have been made to work, and in the way he trusted she would be made to work by and by. The time was corning, therefore, when every one must put his shoulder to the wheel, in order, if possible, to drive for ward this great machinery into a proper position, that it might work its way to the hearts and affections of the people, and that there might be but one voice, one sentiment, and one declaration of attachment and love to it, proceeding from rich and poor, frcpt learned and unlearned, throughout the land." That monstrous job, the transfer of the estates be longing to the crown at Montreal to the Popish frater nity of St. Sulpice, was ably exposed by the Bishop of Exeter on Thursday evening, on which occasion it was gratifying to perceive that he was fully and cordially supported by his Grace the Duke of Wellington. 'His Grace declared that it was " a palpable attack upon the principle o 1 the reformation ;" indeed he said it was the " first"'of the kind, but as there might be a difference of opinion on that point, we just quote the substance of his remark. An attack, however, the affair decidedly is, and a most gross and insufferable ,one, on the Protestantism of our nation and colonies. The property in questim belonged to the fraternity of St. Sulpice at Peiris at the period of the British con-. quest of Canada; hut then, by right of conquest, de volved to the crowzi. It is now immensely valuable, embracing much of the town and suburbs of Montreal. A conveyance of the property was made by the Pari sian fraternity to the Canadian brotherhood of the same name ; but the conquest of Canada by this coun try bad previously put an extinguisher on their rights, so that this conveyance, though a gOod Jesuitical trick, was a piece of mere humbug. Yet the matter has un accountably lain over, and now the cunning Jesuits not only seek to profit by the lathes of the crown—(in the teeth of that maxim of our common law which says that nullum tempus occurrit regi)--but really, in this gullible era of Protestantism, seem to have a good prospect of succeeding in their attempt. The St. Sul pice fraternity of Canada have now actually obtained an - ordinance from the governor and special council of Canada, surrendering this property to them, and giving them a charter of incorporation in order to enable them to hold it in perpetuity ! Well may his Grace the Duke of Wellington call this " a palpable attack on the principle of the reformation ;" for it is both an es tablishment and endowment of Popery in one of the most important of our colonies. The monstrous deed is, however, not yet perfected; the sanction of the drown has not yet been given to the ordinance of Lord Sydenham and the special council, and if due weight be given to the address to her Majesty which will he moved in the Lords on Friday, praying her Majesty to withhold her sanction from this ordinance, it never will be. But we confess we are in great doubt upon the . subject, having no confidence whatever in the anti- Popery disposition of her Majesty's present advisers. It is argued by a London journal that the Americans do not secretly foment a quarrel with us for the pur pose of getting rid of their state engagements by hos tilities, because a treaty exists by which it is agreed " that neither debts clue from individuals, nor shares in the public funds, nor in the public or private banks, should be destroyed or impaired on account of national differences." But we do not think this reason suffi cient to stultify the hypothesis altogether. It supposes the Americans to have the fear of treaties before their eyes, and a proper reverence and respect for them in their consciences ; and that is giving them credit for more than at present we think they are fairly entitled to. Where is their respect for international law in the seizure and detention of Mr. M‘Leod; or where their respect for law of any sort in the proceeding that fol lowed his admission to bail,° the cannon practice at his cell door, and all those brutal mob outrages that en- The last of these actings, it is true, was the work of the Mere rabble, (democracy exhibited in pu ris naturalibus,) but the former has been sanctioned and adopted by the state. We can very well believe that the great body of the people disapprove of thes insulting and most disgusting doings, and cc a war with England with a proper feeling of aversion but can they eontroul the turbulent, and direct th government ? We fear not templat Some of the American papers continue to discuss the question whether a war with England wolli(1 not be rather useful to them ; and there are points of view in which it would seem to promise them some acivantage. A common danger would serve to bind their loosely jointed states a little more closely together, and enable the executive to exert a little, more effective authority over their Lynching mobs, which at present seem to have got the administration of affairs entirely into their own hands--to say nothing of those numerous engage ments which, if not cancelled by a war, would certainly be placed in a state of remote settlement. In these respects, and others that might be mentioned, a war might be allowed to bring certain advantages to the republicans, and we know of no reply that would be likely to have any effect on those who so reason, but such a demonstration from the adversary as might re mind them that the game is one at which " two can play." We in England are assuredly not addicted to quarrelling, and have a very deep and abiding convic tion of the horrors of war. We would, in truth, en dure a great deal to avoid so great a calamity. But, on the other hand, it does not comport with the na tional character to submit tamely to wanton and un just aggression. If the Americans continue to force on this calamitous business, England will be unani mous in taking .up a proper position to repel infringe. In such a case there would be no party distinctions among us. All such differences will be forgotten in a cause so sacred as the vindication of our common country. Atie should feel that the war ments on her right was purely defensive on our part, and we should unanimous The news brought by the Westchester, Captain Fer ris, certainly does not tend to disperse the cloud whicl: hangs over this grave matter. The offensive report agreed to by. the committee-in Congress raises a suspi cion in our mind that the M`Leod and boundary ques tions are, in fact, only used as pretexts for the display of a hostile spirit already in existence, and that then is a secret wish in certain quarters to pick a quarre; with us. We trust such parties, however, may be disappointed At the meeting held yesterday on the subject of the import duties, the several resolutions were unanimously ngreed to. It is quite right that such questions should be treated in such a way, and gratifying to perceive. such a mode of procedure, as in this instance, realised. To be sure an attempt was made by a journeyman tailor named Duffle to introduce the subject of the corn laws. He was replied to by Mr. Rosson •in a rather jesuitical style, but with more candour by Mr. Rath bone. He was, however, kept, or rather cowed, down by the influence of these " reformers ;" nevertheless, as Mr. Moore observed, the compact under which many were induced to sign the requisition was practi cally broken. We are happy to be enabled to state that the family of the Rev. Mr. Webster, whose lives were lately placed in con siderable danger through the effects of arsenic, are now quite recovered. Nothing has yet transpired to fix suspicion on any party as connected with this mysterious affair.— Wor ceder Journal. DREADFUL ACCIDENT AT ST. BRIDE'S CHURCH, LON DON.—A MAN BT.TRIED ALIVE!—On Thursday afternoon, about half-past t o o'clock, the following dreadful and fatal accident occurred at St. Bride's Church, Fleet-street, to a young man, 22 years of age, named Henry Thompson, who was employed as assistant to Cox, the grave-digger of St. Bride's. It appears that the unfortunate young man was engaged in digging a very deep grave in the chu,-,llyard, and had reached the depth of 17 feet, when suddenly the sides and a whole tier of coffins (the ground being very crowded), gave way, burying the unfortunate man. An vlarm being given, every assistance was immediately rendered, and a num ber of men and policemen began to dig, but, notwithstanding .every exertion, from the soft nature of the soil, which con tinually felt in, and the number of coffins to be removed, it was nine o'clue\c before the body was extricated ; life was, of -course, extinct., The unfortunate deceased was unmarried, was the sole support of an aged mother, and born. a very re spectable character.—Morning Ilerald. A GLANCE AT THE POLITICS OF THE WEEK (FROM OUR LONDON 'CORRESPONDENT.) During the present week the " shabby administration" has been practising assiduously the " art of sinking" ; and has succeeded in finding a " lower deep" of infamy than the lowest which it has hitherto occupied. To be ankle-deep in mire is sufficient for the'ambition of most lovers of unclean ness ; but the government of Lord Melbourne is not con tented with less than a total submersion. To rake in the gutter for stray morsels of culinary garbage, is an .amtise ment proper to a certain domestic and unclean animal ; but the Popish-radical brood of Downing-street must lie down and luxuriate in the " verdant mud," until, coated with its streaming impurities from the proboscis to the tail, they present objects offensive alike to the,eye, the touch, and the smell of all who lose to breathe the fresh air of heaven. A magnificent majority of - FrvE VOTES crowned the ardu ous labours of the ministerial whipper-in, after four nights' debate upon Lord Morpeth's " obstruction bill." To secure this mighty five, threats of dissolution, cajolery, promises of patronage and honours, were liberally showered down upon the ministerial benches ;' and, even when secured, it was only a colourable majority after alt. It was only a postponement of a certain conclusion—defeat, shameful, utter, and irreme diable. The bill was allowed, it is true, to progress to a second reading ; but ditLtinctly upon the understanding, ex pressed by at least a dozen of its pro-tempore supporters, that the qualification clause—the lowering of the franchise, which is in fact its principle—might be altered in committee : and the sanction of the house to the whole bill, as presented by ministers, is therefore plainly in abeyance until such an alteration can be made; and the retention of office in the meantime, by ministers, a direct and palpable usurpation, perpetrated in defiance of the known opinions of parliament as to the measure upon the passing of which they have risked the fate of the government. Well, indeed, might the tongue of the bantam minister — Lord John Russell—falter, and his cheeks assume all imagi nable colours, as they did, whilst on Monday night he mo destly proposed to the House of Commons, to defer the com mittee on the bill until—after Easter ! " I know, gentle inen," was the spirit of his abject and contemptible appeal, " I know that this house will never sanction, in its present shape, so unheard of a violation of the faith of parliament as this bill constitutes.' But look at our position. If you ex punge, or interfere with, the £5 rating clause, you bring down upon our L9jAerable heads the indignation of the mem ber for all Ireland, and the lash of his tail; if you touch that clause, you crush t!e rising hopes of the revolutionary fac tion in Great Britain, whose representatives we have thus bought to our aid. Denude us of these two sources of strength, and what are we in this house? A ' miserable mi nority,' powerless and characterless ! Allow us, therefore, to throw you a sop to stay your stomachs until after Easter. We will give you cartloads of blue books to read—oceans of evidence and information prepared by the industry of- our poor-law commissioners ; but do—do let us have the forty two days between this and the 23rd of April to provide for our Irish allies, and the endless variety of cousins, second cousins, brothers and wives' brothers, who claim kin to men in office,—in order that, when we go hence, it may not be . said of us that we were a thcughtless race and of ungrateful blood!" Such, in effect, was the language of this small morsel of humanity ; and I need scarcely say that in London—and, I doubt not, in the country as well—it has excited amongst all classes only one feeling, that of utter and uncontrollable disgust. No sense of mere shame, it is evident—no motives such as those which induce to the actions of honourable men —will drive away the brood of carrion birds who have fas tened their talons in'the vitals of the country. No pressure, except one from without, or from behind, will drive Lord Melbourne and his crew of incapables from the sets of go vernment; and it may become a question for consideration, some of these days, whether it may not be necessary for the conservative party to resort, as the last alternative, to mea sures of obstruction, similar to those by which Lord Stan ley's bill was attacked in the past, and as it no doubt will be attacked in the present, session. The debate on Tuesday night, on the motion of the mem ber for Kilmarnock, and especially the lucid statements brought before the house by the honourable mover himself, have made an impression upon the public mind (with respect to the abuses of the national bounty which exist in the Col lege of Maynooth, if not also to the policy of the grant itself,) which will now, I am convinced, be difficult to gloss over by the same " ad captandum" arguments with which the sub ject.has been hitherto met. It is true—and it is to be re gretted—that' the countenance afforded to the hon. member by the leaders of the conservative party in the house was but scanty ; yet it must be borne in mind that the opposition offered to it was equally feeble. Most gladly would govern ment and " the tail" have got rid of the proposed bill alto gether—had they dared to make the attempt; but it is a gratifying fact, tvkich I would impress upon your notice, that not only were ;they afraid to attempt a direct opposition, but that, had they done so, they would have been signally defeated. The speech of Lord Morpeth, in reply to Mr. Colquhoun, was perhaps one of the molt extraordinary pieces of iratoerti 7 , ,nence ever uttered within the walls of the House of Com mons, and may fairly be said to constitute another ministe rial step in the downward march to infamy. Amidst a hete rogeneous mass of prate about " exploded doctrines," " un just charges," " illiberality," and other fluent nothings, his lordship announced to the house, as a discovery of his own, that " so long as the doctrines taught at Maynooth were those entertained and authorised by the Roman Catholic church, parliament had no right to interfere." Yet not five minutes before asserting this proposition, he had ridiculed the notion that the " exploded doctrines " in question, as to divided allegiance, &c., were entertained by the Roman Ca tholics of this country or of Ireland ; and had pointed to the bands of Mr. O'Connell, uplifted in pious horror during the address of the hon. member for Kilmarnock, as evidence of their being discountenanced. On his lordship's own sheav ing, then, here is a case for inquiry at least—a case which, I imagine, it will not be easy to get rid of. Tie doctrines taught at Maynooth are not those which are professed to be entertained by the Roman Catholic church of the present day; and parliament may, therefore, justly and properly in stitute an inquiry upon the subject. I will not trust myself to do more than allude to the com parison, very gratuitously introduced into his lordship's speech, between the chastity of the women of Ireland and that of our own countrywomen—to the disparagement of the latter. The people of England have not forgotten the odious calumny which was on a former occasion attempted to be fastened upon the character of the matrons and daughters of their land, by the foul tongue of a foul traitor: and the re petition of a similar slander from the lips of a cabinet mi nister, affords a striking proof of the degrading state of slavery in which the present government is held by that same traitor, who thus compels his abject tools to adopt his very obscenities ! His lordship, however, may safely be left to receive his reward from the hands of the wives and maidens of the West Riding, on the next occasion of his presenting his graceful person to their notice ; when, unless the York shire character has deteriorated of late years, he is not un likely to be greeted with a shower of rotten eggs, if nothing more fitted for the purpose is within reach. The ministerial patronage of Popery is not, it appears, confined to the mother country, but is also rife in our colo nies. On Thursday evening a petition was presented to the House of Lords by the Bishop of Exeter, from a number of the inhabitants of Upper and Lower Canada, praying their lordships to withhold their assent from an ordinance in coun cil procured by the personal interference and 'exertions of her Majesty's present Governor-General in Canada, for the in corporation and endowment of a monastic institution, under the title of the " Seminary of St. Sulplice"—in direct vio lation of the act of union of last session, and of the great principles of the Reformation. I need scarcely direct your attention to the able and luminous speech of the right rev. prelate, by whom the prayer of the petition was supported, and the nefarious project which it denounced, laid bare and exposed to the observation of the country. It cannot, how ever, be other than highly gratifying to every lover of our Protestant constitution, to notice as the foremost to raise his voice upon thi§,question, the Duke of Wellington. " The first circumstance," observed his grace, " which attracted my attention on presenting this ordinance, was the striking violation which it contained of the act of last year, and of the established constitution of our country. This is, I believe, the first direct breach which will have been effected in the principles of the Reformation ; and your lordships and the country owe a debt of deep gratitude to the rev. prelate for bringing the subject under your notice." There are few in deed who will not echo this sentiment of the noble duke, and who will not rejoice to see him occupying once more his posi tion in the van of the established Protestant constitution of the realm. Upon the whole the proceedings of the week have been of a damaging character to the hopes and projects of the Romish faction. The attention of the legislature, and, I may add, of the influential portion of the press, is becoming daily more attracted to the workings of this subtle enemy of the liberties of mankind; and it is not difficult to foresee the approach of a period when a'pseudo liberalism will no longer be able to mask its designs from the full view of the people of Great Britain " What is to be the issue of the present ruffianly temper of the people of the United States toward England ?"—Aye, what indeed !—is the question which is occupying the atten tion of all classes of the British people, and which yo u w ill perceive has been met in a noble spirit by the Conservative party in the House of Commons, during the debate upon the army estimates. A judicial murder, or failing this, a more summary revenge from the bands of an infuriated and lawless mob, there is little reason to doubt has been already, or will be, committed upon the person of a British subject ; and the result—the admitted result—must be a declaration of war by this country against the government of the United States. Upon a thread depends the issue ; and who, I ask, can fore see its terrible conclusion? Yet with such a state of things staring us in the face, we are blessed (!) with a government which, for the sake of the hollow support which it receives from this revolutionary faction —the sympathisers—of the House of Commons and the country, proposes to reduce in stead of augmenting the number, and increasing the efficiency of our military establishments ! But such a policy is not to be wondered at when we remember that the party of which , that government is composed, is the Game which gloated over the disasters of their country at the commencement of the revolutionary wars—which on every occasion endeavoured to throw impediments in the way of those, by whom the energies of the country were directed to the defence of its institutions ; and whose CHIEF even dared to insult the principle of mo narchy and of human nature itself, by presenting himself within the walls of the House of Commons, clad in gala attire, on the day immortalised in the history of national crime, as that'on which the monarch of France—the unfor tunate Louis the 16th—was guillotined amidst the demoniac shouts of the blood-stained mob of Paris ! That a govern ment composed of such a faction, allied with Popery, infi delity, and treason, should designedly and deliberately weaken the arm of England, at the moment when she is menaced with hostilities, is, I repeat, little to be wondered at; but whenever and wherever the first blow may be struck, there is still spirit and loyalty, and the love of fatherland, sufficient in the bosom of the great mass of the people to hurl indignantly from their usurped seats those mercenary ministers who would betray Till ATIONA L INTERESTS, AND ENDANGER TUE NATIONAL SAFETY, to secure for themselves the approbation of a mob, and a few weeks or months additional place and payl • London, Saturday evening. TO THE CONSTITUENCIES OF PROTESTANT ENGLAND.-LETTER I. Infandum, Regina, Jubes renovare doierem."—Vtan FELLOW-PROTESTANTS, For a period of nearly twelve years we have been contented to stand by, calm and tacit spectators of the progressive en croachments which a hostile principle, unchained by the fatal credulity of the legislature, has been directing against the constitution and the Protestantism of the empire. Clinging to the faith which, in the fearful crisis of 1829, we were will ing to repose in the integrity of the British parliament—re lying upon the unsullied honour of that great statesman, who then emphatically assured us that, if the measure of eman, cipation should be attended with results dangerous to the established religion of the empire, ne " would be the fore most to come down to parliament and propose, a measure '—we have passively and patiently watched the rising of the waters of Popery throughout the land, sap ping at first, by their insidious action, the foundations of our holy church—;weakening her bulwarks and polluting her altar-stones—until at length the " surging flood " threatens to break down its feeble banks, to sweep away in its resist less course the landmarks of soeiety, and to engulf alike the religion, the property, and the liberties of the British people. For twelve years, I repeat, we have passively contemplated the growth of this giant power; and if the time has now for its. repeal,". come when the same unresisting course is no longer open to us if the crisis has arrived when forbearance becomes cow ardice—nay, guilt ; when the Protestants of England are compelled, in defence of their own liberties—in vindication of the church and the faith of their fathers—to " set their against the legions of Antichrist, to take up ion, and to thunder In battle in array the weapons of constitutional agi the ears of the adyancing enemy their stern resolve, " Thus far shalt thou go, ahkl no further :" who can deny their right to turn round to thelegislature, and to point as their justifi cation—when seeking a return to the " ancient ways" of the constitution by a reversal of the fatal concession of 1829—t0 the violation, by Popery, of every pledge upon the faith of which that measure was conceded? Who can deny their right to advance to the THRONE ITSELF, and, laying before the footstool of the Sovereign the iniquitous bill of Lord Morpeth, to exclaim, in vindication of the course of agita tion which must inevitably be the result of its passing into a law—which may Heaven avert !—" JVe sought not this agi tation ; our hands have not lighted this flame ; ' Infandum; Regina, Jubes renovare dolorem' " ? No man, assuredly, will be bold enough to deny the perfect right of the. Protestants of this great empire to call upon parliament to reconsider any measure, the working of which is found to be dangerous to the constitution. No man will be hardy enough to deny their right to insist upon the com plete fulfilment of each and every of the conditions upon which such measure was conceded, or to demand the aboli tion of the measure as the alternative of their non-fulfilment. It is notoriously the fact that the Roman Catholic Relief Bill of 1829 was hedged round with conditions, to be ob served on the part of the Roman catholic priesthood and laity, of which hitherto not one solitary condition has been adhered to, in spirit or in semblance. The titular designa tions of the Roman catholic hierarchy were to be laid aside. Has 'that been done, I ask ? No I On the contrary, those very, designations have been paraded in petitions addressed to the legislature and to the throne itself. The rights and the integrity of the " Established Church of Great Britain and Ireland" wore to be respected and held inviolate. Has this condition, secured by the exaction of a solemn oath, been adhered to ? No ! That oath has been trampled upon like chaff. The emissaries of popery in Parliament have treated the condition and the oath alike with derision. The Rornislk priesthood have laughed them to scorn. The rights and property of the church have been the objects of fierce assault, frbm popish mobs, lei' on by priestly agitators, gut of doors ; and from popish members, encouraged —to their shame and infamy be it recorded !—by professing Protestants within the walls of the British legislature. Ten bishoprics have been abolished in Ireland, and the incomes belonging to them alienated. One-fourth of the tithes of the Irish church has been swept away ; and we have been insultingly told in the House of Commons during the past week, and the threat was cheered by Protestant as well as by popish members, that the people of Ireland—that people who in 1829 sued to us with " bated breath and cap in hand" for the simple boon of.emancipation—would insist upon despoiling her of the remaining three-fourths—" would never be con tented whilst any part of the imposition lasted !" Not one of the securities then adopted by the legislature in 1829, to ward off from the national establishment the danger which was justly apprehended from the admission of Romish councils into the legislature, have bee-i found effectual ; and yet by the measure which has just now, under the fostering care of her Maje Sty's government, received the sanction of a majority of the House of Commons, it is proposed to remove the last barrier which the bill of 1829 erected against the in roads of popery ; and to swamp the Protestant constituencies of Great Brilain, by admitting to the exercise of the fran chise the entire body of the democracy of popish Ireland. It is notorious— ay it is admitted—that the disfranchisement of the -10 s. freeholders in that country, was regarded by the supporters of the constitution as an indispensible accompa niment to the concession of the emancipation bill. Without that disfranchisement it is well known that his late Majesty George the Fourth would never have been prevailed upon to give his assent to the measure. Without such a security against the dictation of the priesthood in Ireland, it is well known that the House of Lords would never have been won to pass the bill. And yet now, when all other securities have been swept aside as useless—when all pledges, and even oaths have been broken like rotten threads—when the howl of the Itornish wolf is at our doors, and his blood-stained foot has even troubled the waters from which the youth of Pro testant England derive the sustenance of life—when the cowled form of popery stalks insultingly through the land, and the mass-house and the nunnery rear their stately towers, mocking as they overshadow the moss-grown walls of the village church and the green graves of our fathers — we are called upon to yield up the last hope of Protestantism, which is built upon the fidelity of the respectable yeomanry and the gentry of Ireland—and to place our religion, our property, and our liberties in the hands of the fierce and law. less instruments of a tyrant priesthood—the spawn of May nooth—the children of the mother of abominations ! The constituencies which will be created by the bill of of Lord Morpeth are not, it is true, the identical constituen cies which were destroyed by the bill of 1829. The restora tion, openly, of the 40s. freeholders of Ireland would have been a step too bold—too glaringly dishonest—for even a Whig ministry to adopt. But in spirit—in effect—the sub stitution of a £5 rating, as the qualification, for the present £lO franchise, is equivalent to the restoration of the free holders of 1829. The constituency which will spring up un der such a franchise—a constituency controlled by an over riding power in the person of the landlords, or by the still more stringent tyranny exercised by their priesthood—is pre cisely that which it was sought by the bill of 1829 to replace by an independent and respectable yeomanry ; and in reality, therefore, the Present bill contains an open and a direct abandonment of the whole spirit of the emancipation bill, and a glaring violation of the faith due from the British le gislature to the Protestants of the empire. By the passing of this measure the last legislative restraint of Popery will be removed ; and by the same event, then, ought Protestantism to be enabled to stand up erect and unshackled before par liament and before the country, and demand that measure of protection which the sovereign and the members of the legislature have sworn to render to her! By the passing of this bill Popery will have attained the full measure of her ' demands in 1829, freed from the conditions upon which alone theXtvere granted; and Protestantism will, at the same time, have no more faith to observe towards the legislature in respect to that compact; but is free as the winds to adopt those measures which are the best calculated to replace her in that strong position from which she was driven in 1829. The conclusion, then, for which I would at present prepare the minds of the Protestants of Great Britain, is plainly and simply this :—A struggle will in all probability have to be decided by the constituencies, in which the question will be primarily the passing or the rejection of this bill. Prima rily, I repeat : such will be the object to be struggled for ; but in reality the question at issue will be this :—" Are the Protestants of England content to submit the pure faith, and the sacred institutions of their fathers, to be trampled under the feet of rampant Popery ; or will they take their stand now, and stand fast upon the rock of the constitution—abid ing by the principles established at the reformation—seeking no compromise, and permitting no compromise, but con tending for the truth, and for the whole truth ?" This, I repeat, will be the real matter at issue. By the agitation of Lord Morpeth's bill the whole question of Ro man C a th o li c emancipation must inevitably be re-opened. We shall be called upon to decide —not whether the parti cular step in tha onward march of Popery shall be submitted sto—but whether Popery herself shall be driven back to her tarting place. We shall be called upon to consider whether,