The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-08-13 00:00:00

INTELLIOENCI NINA And Admiral Sir \V. Packer poied to set oft Atinger ;es as soon as and expected to reach ;t. Sir Henry's health appeared is trip, and he embarked from 11 his mental and bodily ener ited on finding that Bombay, as it was left A flag on board her acing struck ique ChannCl; and -Captain Grey it for Bombay, that the frigate mined. On her voyage out she en decks, and this, with a leak etermined Captain Grey. not to Parker. The admiral will pro ina from Bombay. We have good Sir H. Pottinger has proceede to mple powers, and that his policy has minute instructions. It is probable :;bina he will demand by an ultimatum ace can be concluded ; and if not im he will direct our combined land and in. We have great confidence in the ling character of Sir Henry Pottinger, and ye that a more fit person could not have out the energetic measures now re he regretted that his precedessor instructions to the adop nating in the clemency )owerful nation, has been unfortunately mperor of China into mere pusillanimity. us forbearance is synonymous with weak- 31ilitary Gazette THE BRAZILS. packet Delight, Lieutenant Lory, arrived at .oni the Brazils, having sailed _ _3th of June, and from Bahia on _.mbuco on - the 7th of July, with a freight £36,000. Our advices from the capital state th of news, both political and mercantile. )wleclgment as a Brazilian Princess of ie daughter of Don Pedro L and his __less, has passed the second reading d no doubt was entertained of its being niti onation of the emperor still remained Exchange was firm at 30t, with is, and stock 741. From the other s since last advices. at du •, LUC for the 18th of July ley to look upv --WEDNESDAY less in the public stocks to-day was not at all of a 3 support their market, while the very unsettled weather contributed to produce a general heavi sols for money closed at and for the account, ; 3 per Cents. Reduced, sn ; 3i per Cents. Re- Nevr 31 per Cents., 981 ; Long Annuities (ex th of January, 1860), 12 13-16 to 15-16; India Bs. premium ; Exchequer Bills, 14s. to 16s. auk Stock 1681 to 1691 ; and India Stock, 247 —qually affected. Spanish Actives 5 per Cents., 29/ to 30 ; dttto 3 per Dutch 2 per Cents., 52; ditto 5 per u, 251 to 26 ; Colombian , 191 to 20 ; nd Belgian, 101 to 102. ery little business was transacted, and inces were much lower. Birmingham p"Anium ; Great Western, 18 to 19 pre ), new, 6 to 7 premium ; South-'Western, 511 to re ' - North Midland, 37 to 35 discount; ditto , 7 discount ; Brighton, 7+ to 7 discount ; and wall, 10 to 9 discount. STATIONS OF THE PREACHERS CONNEXION ESTABLISHED BY THE LATE REV. JOHN POINTED AT THEIR NINETY-EIGHTH Y, A.M BEGUN IN MANCHESTER, JULY THE LIVERPOOL DISTRICT. North (Brunswick Chapel, Src.,) John Davis, Haydon, David Hay; Calverley Riley, Super- outh ( Pitt-street, Sm.) William Vevers, Joseph Joseph Hargreaves. 'elsh (Bean's Gardens, &rc.) Thomas Aubrey, homas Stead, William H. Clarkson ; Isaac Lilly, (English,) John P. Lockwood, John Ward, 2d. , (English,) Thomas Rodham, Joseph Officer. John Hornby, Samuel Lucas, 2d. (Salop,) Adam Fletcher, George Dickinson. ,n, Samuel Wilde, Richard Rymer, James S. ; William Jones, Supernumerary. 's and Prescot, William Elton, James P. Fair- illiarn Constable, Frederick Payne. and Ormskirk, John Hague, William Parkinson. td Charley, William B. Stephenson, Benjamin 4oses Rayner, George Patterson. Thomas Hall, John Dyson. W. VEVERS, Chairman of the District. CHARLES El A YHON, Financial Secretary. N.NCH ESTER AND BOLTON DISTRICT. ?r, (Oldham-street, 8(c.,) Joseph Taylor, In, John. Henley, :Peter Cooper ; Edward Pickavant, Supernumeraries. ster, (Irivell-street, Bcc..) James Methley, in, Henry D. Lowe ; John Taylor, Josiah , ..,upernumeraries ester, (Grosvenor-street,kc.,) JAMES DIXON, 1I? THE CONFERENCE. Peter M`Owan, Ed enjamin B. Waddy, John H. Beech. r, (Bridgewater-street, . &c.,) Henry itichard Brown ; William Shelmerdine, Super- lunchester am, Isaac Woodcock; William 0. Booth, Super ary. Brottcr Woodcock shall change on one Sab i every three weeks with the Preachers of the Fourth :cr Circuit David Evans, 2d, who shall change paths in every three months with the Welsh 1, North, (Tiviot Dale, 4-c.,) William W. Stamp, 3 Westlake. - . - drt; So , ( Hill-gate, 4 , c.,) Amos Learoyd, James Mills, Samuel Allen, James Houghton. 0,/y, Abraham Watmough, John Mann. 9n;under-Lyne, John Raby, Samuel Leigh, George 'dhLs, Roger Moore, Robert Dugdale, Charles Howe. N.B. Brother Dugdale resides at Middleton. elph, (gaddlezrorth,) Thomas Turner; Luke Heywood, Supernumerary. Brother Turner shall change on one Sabbath in every five weeks with the Preachers at Oldham. olton, William Jackson, John Bedford, John G. Avery, Nehemiah Curnock ; James Hyde, Supernumerary. ochdale, Benjamin Pearce, Jarvis Cheesman, Robert M. N.B. Brother 'Willcox resides at Heywood. Thomas Powell, John Griffith ; John Philips, 6upernnn►erary. qry, John Bell, Joseph Heaton, William R. B. Arthy. rackburn, Thomas Armson, William Exley. izelingden, Abel Dernaley, Richard Stepney, William J Leonard Posnett, William J. Shrewsbury. B. Brother Shrewsbury resides at Longholme. James Wilson, William Winterburn ; William M'Kitrick, Supernumerary. r!litheroe, Joseph Jackson, Thomas 0. Keysell. Leigh, Jabez Rought ; Richard Smetham, Supernumerary. Brother Smetham shall change on one Sabbath in every month with the Preachers at Bolton. JAMES DIXON, President, Chairman of the District. EDWARD WALKER, Financial Secretary. THE NORTH WALES DISTRICT. (WELSH PREACHING. Main and Denbigh, William Rowlands, William Powell ; Owen Jones, Supernumerary. Llangollen, John L. Richards, John R. Chambers. Corwen, David Gravel. N. 8.-1. Brother Chambers shall divide his labours be tween the Llangollen and Corwen Circuits. 2. The Superintendents of the two preceding circuits shall.change on two Sundays in every six weeks. Llanierst • David Evans, Ist, John Bartley, Henry Wilcox. N.B.—The Supperintendent resides at Abergelle. Hoigwelt, John Jones, ;Slethuselsh Thomas. Mold, Samuel Davies, William Owen. Llanasa, Rowland Hughes, Benjamin Roberts. Beauniaris, William Battin, Edward Anwyl, Robert Jones, L—Brother Anwyl resides at Almwch on, David Williams, Lewis Jones. Thomas Hughes. he Preachers of the two preceding Circuits shall change quarterly. Evan Hughes, Thomas Morris #4. Richard Bonner. —L Brother Morris shall divide his labours be !en the Dolgelly and Barmouth Circuits. le Superintendents of the two preceding Circuits change nil two Sundays in every six weeks. fyllin, Humphrey Jones, Robert Jones, Ist. Welshpool, Richard Pritchard; David Jones, ir, near .8.-1. Brother Jones shall divide his labours between the Llanfyllin and Llanfair Circuits. The Superintendents of the two preceding Circuits shall chanmon two Sundays in every six weeks. ' 'EDWARD ANWYL, Chairman of the District. JOHN L. ittcuAnns, Financial Secretary. kNCIIESTE STATE OF TRADE —There was some demand foryarn on Tuts- , Russian account ; but the general absence of inquiry other quarters rendered the market exceedingly heavy, e prices of the current numbers were generally about ' , th of a penny lower than on the preceding Tuesday. ifactured goods was quite as limited as ~races. continued to droop. Under these circum ,, it is not surprising that the attention of the spinners manufacturers should be directed to an abridgment of hours of labour. We understand that at Blackburn a eral agreement has been made to work only four days week; and a similar agreement is talked of amongst the liners and manufacturers in the neighbourhood of Ashton tl Stalybridge ; but we believe nothing has vet been decided on respecting it. We are glad to be enabled to state, that further failures of importance have taken place in this wn ;. and the rumours w hi c h have b een preva l en t f or some ays past, of the stoppage of a house of very extensive bu ss at Liverpool, are altogether unfounded. We believe 'lad their origin in a misunderstanding as to providing ,)ayment of bills of exchange to a large amount which st week ; but the mistake was rectified in time, and .e paid in due course. We are informed that a -11 we lately received from a correspondent at effect that the business of Messrs. Stocks Je carried on for the benefit of the rect. The works have been in operation :ptey, but only for the purpose of using up then upon the premises; and when those are le hands will all be discharged,—Guardian. ,E FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, AUGUST 9.-- ,t to-day has shown some improvement upon that el. Indeed we have not had so brisk a demand als since this year came in as there has been to-day, imnufacturers have obtained a little advance in price. wool market there has not been much alteration : the shave asked higher prices, but have tak en t h ose of JCHDA formanu s likely to I DDERSFIELD MARKET , TUESDAY, AUGUST 10 IleLe was not auite so much business done to-day Lust e 43 but still a fair quantity of goods exchanged hands, ;specially in low tweeds and coarse fancy woollens, chiefly tuqixPortatioo. The demand for superfines and light fancy goo was, rather flat. Prices, however, are firm, with a :411444ncy.Rpwavds..In wools there was not much done, the B.4l4l4.4turefs:not feeling• disposed to give the advance de ["PCl44O, Employment is, on the whole, better here than in Inesg 3 inanufacturing districts. Business in the warehouses Is 444 mucli,to complain of, if better prices could be re..lised. Oar military force in Ireland is quietly but hourly in- creasing. Rff, MR, NV:MEM:M e i REASONS POR NOT JOINING THE CO•;•;FERINCE OF MINISTERS OF ALL DENOMINnIONS AGAINSTrHE CORN LAWS. Blenlirim.square, Leeds, August 4, 1811, Sir,—l beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 14th ult., and the address to the ministers of all religious denominations, issued by the committee appointed to conduct the proposed conference on the corn laws at Manchester. As 1 entirely concur in the just and beneficial object which the committee have in view, and yet regard the particular ng by which they hope to promote it as incx te a few of the reasons kind of meet peCient, I beg your permission to which have influenced tne to this decision. In the first place, the topic for discussion is a national question, involving the interests and demanding the attention of all classes of society. Men, therefore, should rn....et to discuss it on the broad foundation of their common citizen ship. No class of professional distinctions should, even in appearance, he admitted in the discussion of what is no class question. If the numbers be limited for convenience sake, they should at least be selected from a wide circle, as intelli gent philanthropy, the only quality required, is not limited to the clerical or any other calling. In the next place, it is a question of political economy — one on which the judgment of the divine, as such, can have in the eyes of thinking men of every party no more gecuine weight than that of the intelligent and educated layman. And if, from the principal form in which the topic comes before us, it appears exclusively a bread question, it is not essen tially more so than any other question which relates to the full and profitable employment of the industry of the country. This industry is the poor man's property and the poor man's bread, and in whatever form you restrict its advantageous exercise (and you must allow there are many ways of doing this), you rob him of his bread, which is his life. We can not, therefore separate the bread question from that entire framework of political economy to which it belongs, and we can imagine crises when an ill-judged monetary system, for instance, may be perceived to be as extensively disastrous, and therefore as starving, as the existing laws on the impor- tation of corn. Again, though the present always has an intenser exist ence to us than the past or the future, every one knows that the bread question is only one battle in the long warfare which for the last 300 years, the increasing knowledge of ow true economical interests has been waging against the short. sighted protective system • and as in the past its victories have been gained, so in the present and in all future case; they may be - gained, without calling in the aid of any church militant, or forming, an exclusive regiment of clergy or mi nisters. Let them g ,as the rest of their countrymen, and enlist, each in his o neighbourhood, and according to his own legitimate oypor ities and powers, in the general army, which is to-•fight t ' battles of their country. Another point that can t fail to strike you in the compo sition of the proposed conference is, that it will add no new element, and therefore give no additional strength, to the present state of parties. Of whom will the conference con sist ? Principally of Dissenting ministers, with a very small sprinkling of the clergy of the establishment. It will then be essentially an offshoot of the middle and commercial classes, just as a meeting of the ministers of the church with a sprinkling of Dissenting ministers would be of the higher and landed classes. It will consist of men who, however conscientious and independent in their own characters, have nevertheless, as a fact, their interests, sympathies, and opi nions, wrapped up with those of that great half of the nation which on such an occasion they may be said to represent. And when the meeting is over the monopolist will say, " I have no more fear to-day than I knew I had yesterday." For these reasons I cannot see how the ministers of reli gion can be legitimately and advantageously separated, even on so great an emergency as the present, from the common ranks of their countrymen ; nor how the corn law question can be legitimately separated from the other bread questions of political economy. But I am perfectly aware that these are not the real grounds on which good is expected to accrue from the con ference now proposed. A convocation of men so placed and circumstanced as the ministers of religion in this country, for such an object as the circular specifies, must be with the express design of bringing their religious influence and cha racter to bear imon the question. Now, on such a topic this influence is not legitimate. The question at issue is, indeed, a moral, and even in its effects a religious question, but so are all which involve justice and beneficence between man and man. It is also a scientific question, but the science involved in it is not that of theology. I cannot, therefore, see on this ground why a question, moral and religious in such a sense as this is, should be taken as it were apart from the wide, moral, and religious heart of the whole nation, and brought before (what must be confessed, if called after its distinguished characteristic, to be) a theological assembly. Nor have I ever found from observation or from history that divines gained anything in enlightenment, charity, or real religion, by forming themselves even occasionally into a separate chamber for general and national purposes. On the contrary, they appear to me to be as leaven, very bitter when taken in large quantities by themselves, but rendering m ore wholesome the lump of society, when spread, as Pro vidence has placed them, equally over the whole. Though, therefore, the present occasion, if taken by itself, would be one of the noblest and best in which a band of religious teachers ever met to interest themselves, it is right to remember, that the sword thus put into their hands has two edges. They have been called together virtually by the laity this time, but they may call themselves together the next. The laity have chosen the topic for discussion now, but the divines may exercise their own choice in future. They may hereafter meet as now, only to exercise their religious influence; but if 200 or 300 moderate and en lightened men can constitute a conference in 18-11, influ encing men also of similar character, 200 or 300 hot-headed and ignorant men may equally constitute a conference in 1851, influencing men also of similar character, and the firebrands that, while separate, a little local water can ex tinguish, when collected in force and numbers, it will require a very considerable accumulation of the cooler element to put out. I think the opponents of the corn-laws should have paused before they called into existence the first exclu sively clerical convocation (if I mistake not) that ever met in Great Britain to pronounce an opinion on the commercial laws and the economical policy of the country. I fear to enlarge beyond due bounds the limits of this letter, or I should say much on the loss of their proper in fluence which I fear such avocations might occasion to the dissenting ministry—of the injury almost inevitably inflicted on their religious character and temper and their peculiar pursuits—of the excuse given to our enemies to make dissent appear what they have always attempted to make it appear— not what it is, a religious principle, but what it is not—a political one. When I had resolved, on the above considerations, (satis factory at least to my own mind,) not to attend the proposed conference, I had no intention of expressing an opinion hos tile to it ; but I now find it is probable that muLitudes of dissenting ministers think and will act in the same way. It is therefore particularly advisable for them to adopt some method of making their 'views known, lest such an extensive absence from the meeting should be interpreted by the public into an indifference on the part of the men summoned to its object. It is due to those who have invited the conference — it is due to the public whose eyes will now be upon it—it is due to the great question at issue—it is due to our own characters, as friends of the equal rights of men, whether in the exercise of that conscience which God has given them, or those powers of industry and self-support which come from the same bounteous hand, distinctly to aver, that though we do not on other grounds approve, and cannot consistently attend, a meeting of the proposed nature, we are firmly con vinced, as inquiring men, that a more equitable arrangement of the commercial intercourse and laws of this country is absolutely necessary to its continued, or rather to its restored, well-being, and that from our daily walks of life, from our intercourse with the worthy and industrious, but distressed, working men of land, to bear our testimony to the fact that the poor are starving for lack of bread.—l have the honour to remain, sir, your obedien CHARLES WICKSTEED. To George Thompson, Esq., &c. IRISH TRANQUILLITY. -ONE OF LORD NOR MANBY'S APPROVERS. In Tipperary a protege of Lord Normanby has just been figuring as approver. He was some years ago under sentence of transportation, but his lordship, with that liberality which distinguished all his " gaol deliveries," ordered him to be released. The man was as worthy as the other objects of his lordship's patronage, and so well has be requited the obligation, and illustrated the wisdom of the policy which prevailed in Ireland during the golden days when Normanby was Vice, that, had justice its due, he would have been hanged for murder.before now. Rightly, however, to estimate the obligations under which Ireland lies to that much-derided nobleman, it is necessary to know a little of the history of the hero of Tipperary. His name is Lysaght, and he was one of a party concerned in setting fire to the house of a comfortable farmer named Walsh—in fact, it was he who lighted the match, and raised the boy who applied it to the thatch. The persons charged were named Edmund, Pat. Darby, and John Ryan, with one James M`Carthy, and Lord Normanby's friend certainly did his best to convict them. The jury, however, refused to find them guilty on such evidence, and the judge, (Torrens,) who in charging had described Lysaght as "a miscreant let loose upon the world," concurred in the propriety of the verdict, remarking that, had he been one of them, he should have come to the same conclusion. Now for a portrait—not a full-length one, however—of the " miscreant," and, that he may have ample justice, we shall give it from his own hand. At the close of his examination, he was questioned respecting the murder of a man named Noonan. We shall quote here from the report of the Tipperary Constitution : " I knew Brian Noonan who is dead, and I knew how he came by his death. " The Court—Did you murder him " Witness—No. " Witness—l was at the murder, — it wasn't I that murdered him. " His Lordship—l say you are his murderer, for you w•er concerned in it. How many more murders were you in? " I don't say that I murdered any one else. " Mr. Hatchell objected to his stating anything about this murder, as it had no reference to any of the prisoners. `• Cross-examined by Mr. Hatchell—l was convicted for posting a threatening notice and firing shots, and sentenced to be transported, but 1 was pardoned by the government; I had a brother called the Caravat,' and I don't know where he is. " The Judge—And the reward you gave the government for pardoning you was to murder a man. To Mr. Hatchell—l knocked Noonan down with the butt-end of a blunderbuss, and helped to carry him into the heath to hide him. I was present when Leonard, the smith, was murdered, but I didn't strike him myself. I was in the party that shot Mat Hayes when they attacked his house. I was looking at the party murdering Denis Mahony. (Sensation.) I remember Michael Griffin, Lord Stradbroke's herd, who was murdered, but I defy any one to say I was at his murder; I didn't hear my brother `the Caravat ' was suspected of this murder; I was with my uncle running away with a young woman, and he was transported for it ; my brother committed a rape, and another of my brothers held the woman while he assaulted her. (Sensation.) " His Lordship.—Did you ever commit a robbery of cattle? —(great sensation)—bu " Witness.—No. " Mr. Hatchell.—Oh, that is too light an offence my lord, altogether beneath him ; we have several classes of bolder offences, such as house-burning, murders, abduction, rape, and a long list of others, too tedious to go through. (Sen sation.) To Mr. Hatchell.—When we set fire to the house, we didn't mind how many persons were burnt in it. (Great sensation.) " Mr. Hatchell.—l 'll not disgust the public with any fur ther recital of his villainy. " Mr. Rolleston was about to cross-examine him on the part of another prisoner, when his lordship said, disgustingly, ` Oh, let the wretch go.' He was then sent off the table." Has not Lord Normanby reason to be proud of him ? When he wants a character for his commutations, what has he to do but send for his friend Lysaght ? Lysaght is entitled to some acknowlegment, and is there no appointment in his household with which he can reward him ? Ireland will be nothing the poorer for the loss of both the master and the plan. Duzi..—On Thursday morning a hostile meeting took Pace on Wormwood Scrnbbs, between Henry Launcelot, Be!q., Bake r - s t reet, P ortman-square, an d C apta i n A nt h ony ngrave. Stamford -street, Lambeth. The hostile parties fired without e i ther shot taking effect. The seconds inter fered, but without success. They fired a second time, when Captain B. received his antagonist's ball in the fleshy pert of the right thigh ? and fell to the ground. In ten minutes the ball was extracted, and Captain B. was conveyed home, previously to v?hicli th e two combatants shook hands. The cause of the meeting did not transpire. KA.b.,l LORI) ritANCY;, 4Gra4ToN AND Tim LAI t:EIRE YEOMANRY. We have hitherto abstained from alluding to tip reportt, vhich have been in circulation, to the effect that Lord Francis !]gerton was about raising an additional corps of yeomanry ; riving good reason for believinz they were very incorrect. A'hat the real facts are his lordship has stated in the follow ng letter addressed to the editor of the Standard : Worsley, Manchester, August 6, 1811. Sir,—From a paragraph in your paper of yesterday, I infer hat remarks have lately appeared, in other publications of Atensive circulation, on my recent acceptance of a corn nission in the Lancashire Yeomanry, which attach a most endue importance and a most erroneous construction to that proceeding. lam reluctant to trouble your readers or your self on such a subject ; but, as the absurdity of the conclu sions on which you have commented is partly attributable to a misconception of the facts, you will, I am confident, not object to apply a further corrective in the following state ment. . Some months ago, Colonel Ilraddyl, the late commandant of the Duke of Lancaster's yeomanry, announced his inten tion to retire. The officers of the corps did me the honour of desiring that I should succeed to the vacancy ; and, with my consent, the appointment was effected in the usual course, by the recommendation of the lord lieutenant to her majesty. My eldest son at the same time also received a commission in thF corps. When the latter appointment was made known in this neighbourhood, some forty or fifty of my neighbours and tenants, unsolicited on my part, expressed to me a desire to form themselves into a troop, in the hope that my son might ob tain the command of it. The present establishment of the corps, consisting ofthree troops,being smallin comparison with the force in other districts, I should have had little scruple in recommending this proposal to the consideration of her majesty's government; but, believing that the estimates for this branch of the public service had been made up for the year, I was unwilling to trouble the Home Office with an ap plication which could have no immediate result. I have, therefore, in fact, neither raised a troop of yeomanry, nor taken any positive step towards the raising one. It would appear that these ordinary and most unimportant occurrences have been magnified into a measure for the special protection of my own property, or even some more objectionable pur pose. Whether they can reasonably bear such a construction the public may judge. I do not trouble you with any observations in defence of the yeomanry force, or my connection with it, as I do not gather from your observations, that the mere fact of my joining it is objected to. If it were so, I should be inclined to leave our defence to the many Whig gentlemen who, much, in my opinion, to their own credit and the public advantage, and, I am confident, under no absurd or selfish apprehension of danger to their own property„bear commissions in the yeomanry, and take an active interest in its efficiency.—l re main, sir, your very obedient servant, F. EGERTON. Manche MARYLEBONE JOINT STOCK BANK The proprietors of this bank held a meeting on Wednes day, the proceedings of which have been the topic of general conversation and astonishment in the city. The meeting was held for the purpose of dissolving the bank and of course declaring the insolvency. The liabilities were stated : Due to the Westminster Bank £25,000 To other creditors 5,000 Total The assets in hand and available are £30,000 11,000 £19,000 To be made good Towards the liquidation of which balance there were assets not exactly so tangible in the shape of pay ments or instalments on shares Doubtful debts including that of the managing di rector £16,000 The story of the rise and fall of this bank lies within a brief compass of words, and would seem to be a sort of one-act winding-up farce to the grander first five-act tragedy pieces of the Joint Stock drama, as performed on the Norwich and Manchester boards with thundering effect. The Maryle lebone concern boasts some five or six years of a green old age, and started into existence with something like a million of capital—on the prospectus. But from the pro spectus the mighty capital travelled no farther, as Mr. Hannay, the managing director, found, to his dismay, as he dolefully told the tale, for, when specially retained and brought express from Scotland " to work a capital of £300,000," he was saluted, on arrival, with a beggarly ac count of a till with only £6OOO of capital stock deposited. To work, however, the company went, with so much the more vigour, because of the money vacuum. They appear to have discounted to the right and the left with persevering prodigality, and the most impartial ignorance or accommoda tion of all comers and customers, for, since the period of his connection with the bank, Mr. Hannay told the meeting that " no fewer than three of the directors had become insolvent, and no fewer than ninety of the customers." Mr. Hannay himself confessed to having overdrawn his own account by about £16,000, for which he had deposited security to the amount of £2OOO only, and that in the shape of bank scrip, which was unsaleable and valueless then, and must now be worse than nil. It is fair to add that he proposes a second mortgage, by way of additional cover on estates in Scot land valued at £55,000, but ridden over by a first mortgage of £ll,OOO, which, it may be feared, would leave but a sorry remanet for clearing off his debt to the company. It would be a waste of time to dwell further upon such a joint stock banking burlesque as exhibited by such exposures and such a balance sheet of brazen bankruptcy. The meeting was adjourned to the beginning of September, after the ap pointment of a committee to investigate accounts for further report, and further adjournment too before a liquidation may be looked for. It is stated of this joint-stock banking abor tion that from first to last it was only able to carry on the discount of even bills Of paltry amounts without re-discount ing them immediately afterwards at whatever rates. Thus whilst discounting at five per cent. for customers at the bank, it was often paying five, six, and seven per cent. to bill-brokers and money-lenders for the re-discount of the same paper for the next day's service over the counter. And yet this same banking company declared a dividend, as if out of profits, in the month of January last only, at the rate of four per cent. per annum. However the Marylebone bank does not stand alone, if report speaks truth, in the small matter of original capital; for a joint-stock affair elsewhere is said to have manfully started with a capital of £l,OOO only. £17,000 EXPLOSION IN A COAL PIT, NEAR SUNDER LAND, AND MELANCHOLY LOSS OF LIFE. (From the Sunderland Herald.) On Thursday night, news was brought to Sunderland by the last train on the Durham and Sunderland Railway, that a dreadful explosion, attended with a fearful loss of life, had taken place that evening, at Thornley Colliery, the property of Sir William Chaytor, Bart., and partners, which is situate about two miles from Haswell. The accident happened at a quarter past four yesterday (Thursday) afternoon. At this time there were about forty individuals engaged in the pit, and twenty-four in that depart ment of it in which the accident occurred, which is on the north-west side, and a seam called the " Harvey" seam, the lowest of the three seams of the colliery, and 165 fathoms from the surface. No previous warning was given of the ex plosion ; but in a moment nine unfortunate individuals lost their lives, some of them perishing from the explosion itself, and others from the effects of the after-damp. Immediately on its being ascertained that the explosion had taken place, Mr. Heckels, the resident viewer, Mr. Came, Mr. Hedley, the under viewer, and the overman of that locality, went down iato the pit. On reaching the bottom of the shaft, and having ascertained from Maudlin, an overman, who was in jured, that the explosion had taken place in the north-west district, they proceeded in that direction ; Mr. Heckels de spatching competent men into the various districts of the pit to ascertain if the ventilation of the different localities was proceeding in its proper course. They returned, stating that the pit was in a satisfactory state ; and they then assisted the party, whose names we have stated, in taking the men out of the pit to "the bank," as it is technically called. All the bodies were taken out of the pit within an hour of the ex plosion being communicated to Mr. Heckels, the resident viewer. With one exception, the persons killed are boys, the oldest being about sixteen or seventeen years of age. The exception is Thomas Haswell, a hewer, who was a married man ; but whether he has left a family or not, we were unable to learn. He was a cripple, having had both his legs broken about a year ago at the same colliery, by the falling of some stones above the coal-seam at which he was working. No damage was done to the pit, with the exception of some wood stoppings or partitions being knocked out. The falling of these prevented the proper ventilation ; and they were immediately replaced, and the ventilation, which was neces sar y to the removal of the bodies, again restored. About six o'clock, Mr. Seymour, viewer, of Wingate Grange, arrived at the colliery, accompanied by his brother. He proceeded, with Mr. Heckels and the overman, into the pit ; and, having ascertained the exact spot where the acci dent happened, they went into a scrotinous examination into its cause. They found that a trap-door, wl-lich had been placed under the charge of Robert Gardner, one of the boys killed by the accident, had been for some reason which can not be explained, or from negligence, left open. The open ing of this door had caused an accumulation of gas ; and it was their opinion that the explosion had taken place either from a lighted candle on his arriving at the door, or on the door being shut the foul air had been driven down a passage, and ignited at the candle of some other individual working in the pit. We understand that this is, at present, their im pression of the origin of the misfortune. Early on the fol lowing morning, Mr. Seymour and Mr. Heckles again went into the pit, and found it in a satisfactory state. The result of their examination was such as to leave no doubt in their minds as to the originating cause of the accident. On Saturday forenoon an inquest was held at the Thornley Colliery Inn, before Mr. Maynard and a respectable jury. After several witnesses had been examined, the jury returned the following verdict :—" That Peter Gradon, and eight others, on the sth of August, were accidentally killed by an explosion of inflammable gas in the Harvey Seim of Thorn ley Colliery ; but how, or by whut mottos, suc.l, .340.)..i0n was caused, the jurors cannot say." In the evening the bodies of the whole of the sufferers were interred together in the churchyard of the adjoining quiet little village of Kelloe. A WHIG-RADICAL DICTIONARY Agitation.—The whig's resource when his crimes are about to bring him to the gallows. Ballot.—A plan for enabling cowards, liars, and tricksters to vote freely, which in America has often produced many more votes thari there are men. Cheap Bread.—The manufacturers' trap for reducing the wages of the poor. Distress.—The fruit of ten years of reform government. Economy. — Joseph Hume's rusty gun, which kills cock sparrows, but never shoots lions and tigers. Free Trade.—Smuggling ; or the last scheme for keeping in office. Gallows.—The place to which the modern whigs entice their poor friends, and then leave them. Hustings.—A stage on which certain actors, called refor mers, amuse and mislead the people. Irish Patriot.—A man who encourages his followers to blow out people's brains, and then tells them to be quiet and obey the laws. Kick.—The whig method of rewarding the people after they have used them to get into office. Liberal.—A man who robs others, but gives away nothing if he can help it. Magistrates (of Lord John Russell.)—Candidates for Botany Bay. Example : John Frost, of Newport. Negro Stave.—An old friend of the whigs, now discarded, because he no longer suits their purpose. Opposition.—The future place of the remains of the whigs, but too good for their deserts. Partli.—The curse of this country, the mainstay of the Whigs, and the scorn of good men. Quack. —A radical doctor, who destroys the English con stitution, under pretence of reforming it. Radical M.P.—The rotton offerto cram leg of a 'time whig. • Sugar.—What the whi g s am the people with, Traitor.—Alman who is hanged by the whigs in Canada, after having dosed them with vinegar for some years. b ut who gets pac and pay from them in Ireland. Union. —Formerly concord, but now a whig-radical prison, with water-gruel diet. own Voter.—A man whom the whig uses as a stepping -stone to office, only to trample upon him and make him dirty, formerly considered respectable, but now bankrupt APer gamester ,sl and to use Lord Melbourne's words, " bereft of reason. a Wg ; Yoke.—The thing to which the radical M • P.' s are now putting their necks, to draw the whig coach out of the mi re , but all in vain. Zig Zag.—The path of modern whigs and reformers; the reverse of straight. ZOOLOOICAL CIATIDgNS THIS DAC(FriJay,) the 13th inatimt, at4d will ha re. pented ever;' AloNoAv and FrupAy, weather permitting, THE STORMING OF ST. JEAN D ' AQRF%, NIIIIANGED Bi oANSoN, showing the Posi(ion of Ships of War, andArroup of War Steamers ; linishin.2: with the TERRIFIC EXPLOSION OF 'LHt MAGAZINE, AND /. GRAND ALLEGORICAL TAXLEAU OF VICTORY AN E.xcELLENT BRASS BAND EvErtv DAY. FIRING TO COMMENCE AT NINE O'CLOCK ADMITTANCE , ONE SHILLING. ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS. FHE Subscribers to this Establishment, and the Public, are most respectfully informed, that the Proprietor intends giving a GRAND FASHIONABLE GALA 'of unequalled magnificence, on MoNDAY next, the 16th instant. The talented Pyrotechnist who had the honour of eliciting such general approbation on the last occasion, will exhibit an entire'Novel Display of FIREWORKS, introducing his Changeable Splendid C01.01;11E0/ FIRE, unequalled in Europe. The Garden will surpass all possible description in BriM any, and the whole of the ILLUMINATION will be under the superintendence of the celebrated Pyro technist, and many Thousand extra Lights will be introduced on this occasion. The Proprietor begs to state, that nothing shall be wanting on his part, to render this the most attractive Gala of the Season, he has engaged the services of an eminent Professor, who will, during the Evening, exhibit the DISSOLVING IhISCENASCOPE, or DIORAMA of SHADOWS, dis playing beautiful and correct delineations of remarkable and picturesque scenery, Illuminated by the KONEOPHASTIC LIonT. The first Exhibition will take place at Four o'clock pre- The STORMING of St. JEAN D'ACRE, BY DANSON, with every possible effect, introducing, on the terrific spring ing of the mine, a beautiful Shower of CoLoußmo FIRES. The Band on this occasion will be greatly augmented, and perform some of their Choice pieces. Adettance, 25.; Children, ls. Firing to commence at half-past Eight o'clock. THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL. Under the Management of Mr. CLARKE, Sole Lessee THE PERFORMANCES DURING THE SUMMER SEASON WILL COMMENCE AT HALF-PAST SEVEN.-DOORS TO DE OPENED AT SEVEN. Madame VESTRIS' BENEFIT, on which occasion Miss ELLEN TREE will perform, positively for THIS NIGHT only. UNPRECEDENTED COMBINATION" OF ATTRAC TION OF THE FIRST-RATE DRAXIATIC TA LENT OF THE METROPOLITAN THEATRES. The Last Nights of MADAME VESTRIS, Miss ELLEN TREE, Mr. CHARLES MATHEWS, Mr. WILLIAM FARREN, Mr. HARLEY, and Mr. F. MATTHEWS, of the Theatre-Royal, Covent-garden, THIS present FRIDAY, August 13, the entertainments will commence with, for the last time, the new Drama. called BROTHER BEN. Benjamin Bowles Mr. Charles Mathews. Commodore Cutlass .. Mr. F. Matthews. Mr. Snuffieton Mr. Harley, As performed by them it the Theatre-royal, Covent-garden. After which, the Comedy of the RIVALS. Sir Anthony Absolute Mr. William Farren. Bob Acres Mr. Harley. Lydia Julia Faulkland .. Mr. Stuart I Captain Absolute .. Mr. H. Holl. Sir Lucius.O'Trigger Mrs. Malaprop Madame Simon, In consequence of the illness of Mrs. Clarke. Lucy Mrs. Barton. In the course of the Evening, Mr. HARLEY will sing the Comic Song of THE PICTURE OF A PLAYHOUSE. Mr. FARREN will Sing, in Character, the Song of THE FINE OLD ENGLISH GENTLEMAN. To conclude with the popular Musical Drama, in two Acts, called ONE HOUR. Mr. Charles Swiftly.. Mr. Charles Mathews, In which he will sing a Neapolitan Song in character, and dance, with Miss C. Webster, the Tarantella. Julia. In which character she will sing " Love is the Theme," and, in the costume.of a Neapolitan, the Song of " In the Mountains of Smiling Sorento." The Public is respectfully informed that the celebrated Dancer, Mademoiselle CERITO, of her Majesty's Theatre, London, is engaged for Four Nights, and will make her first appearance here on MONDAY next. August 16th, in seve ral of her most popular Dances, in which she will be assisted by Monsieur GUERRA, Ballet Master and principal Dancer of her Majesty's Theatre, and Miss O'BRYAN, one of the principal Dancers of the same Theatre, who are expressly engaged for this occasion. Mademoiselle CERITO'S other nights of performance will be TUESDAY, August 17th, WEDNESDAY, August 18th, and, last night, THURSDAY, August 19th. The Box-office for Mademoiselie CERITO'S Nights will be OperkTo-morrow, Saturday, August 14th, and continue open daily front Ten until Four. ITALIAN OPERAS, for FOUR NIGHTS, for which the following eminent Performers are engaged :—Madame GRISI, Signor LABLACHE, Signora ERNESTA GRISI, Signor MARIO, and Signor F. LABLACHE. Corno Pri mo, Signor PUZZI. Conductor, the celebrated Pianist, M. BENEDICT. The first Performance will take place on PRIDAY.next, August 20, when will be presented Bellini's celebrated Opera of LA SONNAMBULA, the principal characters by Madame Grisi, Signora Ernesta Grisi, Signor Mario, (the first appearance of this celebrated Artiste in Liverpool), and Signor F. Lablactic. The second representation will take place on TUESDAY, August 24, when will be performed the popular Opera of I PURITANI. In which Signor Lablache will appear in his celebrated character of Giorgio. The other principal characters by Madame Grisi, Signora Ernesta Grisi, Signor Mario, and Signor F. Lablache. The two other Nights of the Italian Operas will be THURS DAY, August 26th, and FRIDAY, August 27th. In consequence of the great expense attending the engage ment of the Performers who will appear in the Italian Operas, the prices of admission will be the same as on a similar occasion last season. Lower Boxes, 6s ; Upper Boxes, 4s; Pit, 3s; Gallery, ls. 6d. The Box-office for these Nights will be open on THURS DAY, August 19th, and continue open daily from Ten until Four o'clock. TO' CORRESPONDENTS. The article commencing with a quotation from " The Mid summer Night's Dream " has been received, but we can - not give the writer any hopes for its insertion. With all respect to a talented correspondent, whose commu nication we received on Tuesday, we cannot entertain his proposal. We have again read the letter of "A Sunday-school teacher," and strongly approve of his advice to protestants to take care of the parliamentary and municipal register, but as the importance of the subject will not be overlooked, either by those whose special duty it is, or by ourselves, we for bear inserting his comtnuication. EN' tibrrpoot at tani3arb. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 13, 1841 If some two hundred clergymen of the Established Church were to meet in Liverpool for the sole purpose of considering the probable effect of- Lord John Rus sell's proposed tariff of sugar or timber duties, and to remonstrate against it, we should immediately have a most terrific uproar from the Liberals against so un becoming an instance of clerical meddling. The church would be assailed as a mere carnal weapon in the hands of politicians —an engine only of state craft ; and the clergy would have every opprobious epithet cast upon their devoted heads as the too-ready tools of a system which used religion but as a cloak for secular intrigue. Your Liberal is so particularly anxious that the ministers of the church should up hold the dignity of their sacred profession, that, out of pure regard and love, no doubt, he feels hurt and grieved to see them exercise any of the ordinary duties of citizens. He rails unceasingly at the constitutional presence of Bishops in the House of Lords; he can barely tolerate clergymen in the enjoyment of the pri vilege of the elective franchise ; but as to their pre suming to advise their congregations on political sub jects, or to use their influence in behalf of particular candidates, or to their being, in short, politicians in any sense of the word, he cannot away with anything so contaminating to that heavenly-mindedness which lie would have residing in perpetUal serenity and purity in the pastors of the national church. It is remark able, however, that he does not consider such sublime abstractedness to be at all necessary for the clergy of his own party, for priests of the Church of Rome, or reverend gentlemen of the conventicle. Your Liberal is a capital finger -post ;he points the way, but he fol lows it not. You are to do as I sag," saith he ; not as I do." The Romanist priests, who in Ireland encourage every excess in political matters, are excused on the ground of the severe provocation they receive in not having their church, which is that of the majority, es tablished by law ; and the gentlemen of the conventicle in this country are benignly overlooked, probably on the ground that they are so few in comparison with the ministers of the church, and that they are yet sufferers for conscience-sake in the matter of church-rates. However this be, the practice of Liberals fully confirms the old rule, that one man may steal a sheep while another may not look over the hedge. Two hundred and eighty ministers of dissent are to meet next week in Manchester for the sole and only purpose of endeavouring to give the Liberals a lift on the subject of free trade in corn; and not one discou raging word will your Liberal utter towards this inter ference of holy men set apart altogether for religious purposes—with a matter so thoroughly non-religious (if anything can be said to be so) and "political. It would seem that these ghostly men are not of the same opinion with the censors of our church clergy on the subject of clerical disfranchisement, and maintain with St. Paul, that, though preachers of the word, they have yet rights as citizens, from the exercise of which they ftf6 tiOt t 6 116 dobarrod by tho puny barking nt any iii entientg , Doubtless this must bo the ease; for these gentlemen, though not in the true line of apostolical succession, do maintain that they are successors of the apostles de facto, and claim for themselves the title of Reverend as genuine pastors and overseers of the flock of Christ. But, as we have said, they will not be re- quired to excuse themselves for their approaching po litical overture by the laymen of their own party; and, for our part, we want no apology of them. We insist upon a certain degree of liberty for the clergy of the church, and we will not attack the principle when we see it acted upon, even in the extreme, by Dissenting Teachers. The more important point to which we • would desire to direct attention is the natural, political tendency of Dissent, and the vital importance of the Church as the grand instrument of Conservatism. The moment a man separates from the Church he casts from him the strongest ligament by which a British subject can be bound to the constitution of his country. He can no longer desire to maintain a church from which he has entirely detached himself personally. He adopts sonic new religion, or some new form of religion, and his new adoption necessarily becomeg the most influential principle within him. He falls into the train of Church-hating; he desires to see the Church separated from the State; and as politics, like misfortune, are sure to make strange bedfellows, he associates himself with whatever party he conceives most likely to aid him in effecting this object, however dissimilar their more immediate or secret views may be. Liberalism in any form is a fibre of the system; and from No State Church to No Protected Home grown Corn, the Dissenter inevitably embraces the whole of it. Hence the identification of the conven ticlers with the Russell budget. Little or no connec- tion have they with the aristocracy, or gentry, or farm ers ; their strength lies in the oppidan population and among the operative classes. They easily ally them selVes with the Anti-Corn-Law League ; there was little difficulty, we dare say, in arranging matters be tween them ; and this results in the projected aggre gation of the two hundred and eighty next week. Whether the preachers will throw any new light on the Corn Question or not we cannot pretend positively to say ; but certainly we do not expect it. After the Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel's miserable failure as a writer on political economy, we can hardly expect any thing very brilliant from the non-conformist divines, it being something rather out of their line of business. But it is not on the argument, but the excitement o f the occasion—the " demonstration"—on which they rely. If the argument bear but the proportion to these more important points, of only one grain of wheat to a bushel of chaff, it will be an abundance for their purpose. They assemble as the mouthpieces of con gregations—as representatives of dissenting interests — and as such, and as men practised at turning periods and familiar with the use of exciting language, they impart to their convention whatever importance may be supposed to attach to it. To show the sort of spirit in which these pious men meet, we take the following from the reply of the Rev. J. Leifchild, D.D., to the invitation to attend : " Blessed be God !" he says, " the incubus is about to be shaken off; and I am glad we have enlisted the cause of hu manity, which ought never to be separated from that of reli, pion, into the means of excitement. May Manchester, which has the glory of originating this movement, be honoured by such a concentration of wisely-directed energies in the ensu ing month, as shall diffuse through all our ranks a spirit be fore which the twin monsters of monopoly and priesteraft shall quail and fall prostrate." Another writes as follows The subject of the corn laws frequently conies under con sideration of myself and congregation. Thai, a liberal, is opposed to any change, but shuns the subject when the ques tion is mooted. Another professes to be in favour of repeal, but he astonished me when in conversation with a pro-torn law man ; he had voted for an anti-corn-law candidate last week, and expressed regret that he did not know that that formed a past of his political creed before he had gone to the poll. A third I 'have reasoned with over and over again; but his apparent conviction to-day seems to be quite forgot ten by to-morrow ! We have, belonging to the church and c ongregation, - six farmers besides the five proprietors, and only one, I believe, is favourable to a change in the corn laws. I have publicly condemned them on many occasions, but, I fear, to We purpose" (I I) The Brighton Gagßite, speaking of this meeting, re minds its readers that jP the matter of the extreme cruelty exhibited by the introauction of children of tender years into the factories, and woilcing them for more weary hours than youthful human nuture can support, the friends of the destitute children in 4, , Ain looked for and claimed effectual support from the dis, senting ministers of Lancashire. " Such, too," it adds, " was the case with the liberals' and ' dissenters' of Brighton. At the period when they de claimed so loudly against the. monstrosities and iniquities of West Indian slavery, we asked them, through the coltunns of this journal as well as in personal interviews, why they be stowed no-portion of their overflowing sympathy upon the c rualty treated children in the English factories. Their re ply uniformly . was, Let us attend to one thing at a time : when slavery is Abolished in the West Indies, then we shall be ready to take nil the cause of the factory children.' We all know the result, Their object was attained in the West Indies ; and from that hour to .the present not one step have they moved, not one word have they uttered, in behalf of the factory child. No ; they left it to the 44;,kssibted benevolence of a tory nobleman (the excellent Lord AsKey) to demand that relief ; for not a single petition, not a single ipecting, nay, not even a single word did the ' liberals' and of Brighton contribute to aid the praiseworthy exertions of his lordship. Out (we say again), out upon such base and hollow-hearted hypocrisy , These are certainly no testimonials in favour of the ghostly confreres, or recommendation to that hospita lity so earnestly solicited for them during the approach ing conference ; but with every drawback we cannot esteem the assembly so very lightly as do some of our contemporaries.. We see in it the natural progress and working of Dissent; awl we are made sensible of its extreme danger to the State 1q such proceedings. "'The following," says the corresponaem o a London paper, "is a list of a few of the sects who endeav,ogr every Sabbath to instil theirpentiments into the minds of the Manchester operatives, and, as the conference is open to all, a pretty political religious hash it is sup posed will be dished up on the 17th :—Unitarians, Socialists, Roman Catholics, Jumpers, Baptists, Mo ravians, &reamers, Independents, Ranters, Brother tonists, Johannahs, kiadsbyites, Mormonites, (or Lat ter-day Saints), Swedenborgians, Mawlers, Bawlers, and street preachers of every denomination." " Se veral Whig clergymen," he adds, " of the Church of England, and some few Wesleyans and Primitive thodists, have signified their intention to attend the conference." Such is the broad way of Dissent. Now toleration is one thing, but neglecting the population— leaving them open to the assaults of such instructors— omitting to afford them the benefit of the National Church—is another; and we do say that the Conser vative statesman who does not see the urgent neces sity, and vital importance of Church extension, with reference merely to political consequences, must be blind indeed. A London contemporary, of the highest circulation and acknowledged talent, arraigns the language used by members of the Protestant Association when speak ing of the Church of Rothe, and the doings of its priests in Ireland, He considers it offensive to good taste, and calculated, by its irritating tendency, to do harm rather than good. Now we should not quarrel with a caution against unnecessary harshness of speech coming from a friendly quarter, if, at the same time that a gentle censure was passed upon the manner, a hearty approbation and full concurrence were yielded to the substance and purpose about which the manner and language were conversant ; but we do not find that such was the case in this instance. Now the Times—for it is of that journal we speak--is a little inconsistent in this matter. No journal has bestowed more attention on the late Irish elections, and the scandalous doings of the priests—than itself, It has taken great pains to collect the most authentic infor mation concerning the intimidation and carrying off of voters, and the connection of the priests with all the outrages of this nature; and it has again sent back all this information upon the world, clearly methodised and digested, and accompanied by commentaries of the most lively and suitable character. We cannot speak too highly of its well-applied industry in this way, nor of the great services it has thereby rendered to the public. The Protestant Association, we were glad to perceive, was early in the field to profit by them, and, acting upon the data supplied by its exer tions, convened the meeting, and adopted those reso lutions to which we alluded on Tuesday. Now ought not the Times to feel vastly well pleased, and think itself greatly flattered, by seeing so early and so good a fruit from its labours ? Is not a consequence of this kind precisely the sort of thing at which every zealous and honest journalist aims when h e engages i n th e excitation of the public mind upon any important to pic The Times must surely be of this opinion, and must have felt as we describe, or it would constitute such an anomaly among the journals as has never be- fore been heard of I and, let it applauds not the move• meat, and very severely censures the speakers at the* late meeting at Exeter-hall I This Certainly strange, and not to be accounted for by our philcaabliy. Would the editor have a monopoly in the espostire of Irish freedom of election, and the abuse of Popish priests ? It was the Times, if we mistake not, that first gave these gentry the name of " surpliced ruffians.' .'? Has the editor formed of late any family or other alliance with them, that he will now permit none but himself to speak of them with the smallest discourtesy ? The . following passage, in a speech by the Rev. Hobart Seymour, seems to have been particularly displeasing to the hypercritic and monopolist of the Times " Were not these outrages against law and order sufficient to call for a committee of inquiry ? The priests were the janissaries of the crusade—they were not more honest than those of Mahomet,—not more pure than those of Paganism, —not less inhuman than those of Juggernaut. They awakened every species of outrage against property and against life, their great design being to obtain preponderance of power with the electoral body ; that object gained, they would have little difficulty in obtaining such an ascendancy in Parliament as would enable them .to destroy the church, and effect a separation of the two countries. Under these circumstances he submitted that the Protestants of England were bound to call for a searching investigation, which was all that was required." We admit that this language is strong, and some of it superfluous. We have marked in italics one sen tence which we should concur ourselveS with the Times in disapproving ; but when there is a great and commanding object in view—when there is a deter mined enemy before us, of whose ruthless mind and malpractices we have the most unquestionable evidence, we should esteem it very bad policy indeed to divert attention from the pursuit of, or combat with him, to quarrelling with our most faithful associates in the strife, or sporting criticism on mere matters of taste, or trifling instances of indiscretion in their choice or use of weapOns. Our great contemporary should avoid the example of that remarkably fine animal with a splendid udder—we forget whether she was of the Devonshire breed or not---,but she was a cow, at all events, famous for giving great pail of milk, but equally famous —or infamous, shall we say ? for knocking it down, and spilling all again, after she had yielded so bountifully for the benefit of our species. The Times is wrong to spoil its good services to the state by a frigid hypercriticism. The Rev. Mr. Seymour, truly, need not to have said anything about Janissaries, Priests of Paganism, or Juggernaut—no more than. the Times to have ever spoken of " surpliced ruffians ;" this we grant ; but in either case we should not allow a little excess in language, excusable always in the heat of debate, or in the hurry of writing for the press, to withdraw our at tention from the more weighty matter, namely, the gross crimes complained of, and the energetic endea vour to procure the punishment, or repression of them. We care not what the men who do the deeds of the Irish Popish priests are designated, provided their foul career of crime and popular perversion be put a stop to. There are some who have a great dislike to po lemics, and deprecate all inquiries by mere politicians into the religious errors of Romanism ; this is indeed a mistake on their part, because Popery is 'a; mixed system, and quite as much political as it is religious ; but all can perceive the palpable fruits, and all are alike challenged to deal with the actual results and open out breaks of the system. Now, when we see the energies of government wisely directed to this end—when we see the policy of repression steadily and rigorously acted upon, we shall very gladly lay down the arms of excitation ourselves, and feel happy in perceiving others adopting the same course. There will be no occasion to dispute concerning names ; we shall no longer have occasion to rouse the public mind, or to bring public opinion to bear on the agency of administration ; our object will have been accomplished; the government itself, awakened at last to the true character of Popery and its priesthood, will have its attention fixed upon the muffled incendiaries and arch-disturbers, and we shall patiently await the good effects. In the mean while, we shall certainly deprecate, but with a liberal allowance for the strength of provocation, every form of exaggeration, and every use of terms beyond the strict and rigid severity of truth. We certainly like to call a spade a'spade, a pike a pike, or a knave a knave; and for our poor part, we should find it diffi cult to colour too highly or too darkly when we have a phalanx of Irish Popish priests in our mind's eye, in sitting or pther posture, grouped, or isolated, awaiting our portraiture hut there are some men of exuberant despeNtely gifgp tp the ornamental—and these perhaps could exceed the reality, pf,4l persons should endeavour to curb their wits, and stick to truth; for they may depend upon it, it will be quite enough for them. nrie The phrase a "Conservative democracy" was sneered at some time ago by the journals of Liberal ism, as if such a thing were a mere jea des mots, or an impossibility; but since the elections, we observe, they are somewhat less sceptical on the subject. They have d.scovered that it is possible for the humbler classes of society to be Conservative in principle, and to exhibit their principles in gc,e most practically Conservative way. The doubtfulness o this p9int arose, on the part of the Liberals, we are well aware, from sheer ignorance—ignorance of the people, and ignorance of the great excellence of that happy political and reli gious constitution under which we live. Why should the middling and humbler classes, if well instructed, desire to change that constitution any more than the upper ranks of society ? They enjoy the utmost amount of liberty under it; they are not hindered by in any career of honest ambition ; nay, its very b9nours and offices stand forth as prizes at tainabld by ii.7.on . stry or talent to the very humblest member of society. extremely poor must have much to lament in their lot in every conceivable form of human polity ; but a religiously instructed and be nevolently cared-for poor will not be devoid of princi ples, and even amongst them we can conceive the principles of a sound Conservatism as strongly che rished and exhibited after their manner, as among the most affluent and elevated orders. Conservatism is sincerely cherished, we have no doubt, amongst a large proportion even of the extremely poor of this country ; and this is owing partly to that judicious culture of which we have spoken, and partly to the benevolence and kindness shewn to them by the upper classes. Could we suppose, for instance, that such of the poor as might come within the influence of a per sonage like Lord Ashley would be very destructive or revolutionary in their politics ? His lordship last week made a tour through the manufacturing dirtricts of Lancashire and Yorkshire, with a view to acquire such information relative to the wants and wishes and inte rests of the manufacturing population, as would enable him to pursue with effect his benevolent labours for the benefit of the working classes. His lordship is prosecuting his labours with reference to a Teri. Hour Factory Bill, and his presence everywhere excited a glow of enthusiasm and satisfaction among the opera tive classes. In the course of a speech at Leeds, he said " his own political opinions were blue,' or Con " servative ; but his Conservatism taught him to look " upon station and property as not given to him for " himself alone, but as-a trust reposed in him for the " benefit of his fellow-men ; and if station and pro " perty were not thus used, he would say, let station " and property go down to the working classes." This is a noble sentiment, worthy of a Conservative of the aristocratic order ; and a sentiment which he was at the moment giving practical assurance that be most sincerely entertained. Now, is it con ceivable that the factory operative should contemplate the character of the speaker with any other than a feel ing of respect and affection, or his order with jealousy or aversion ? It is not to be supposed; and therefore we say that such nun do much to spread the Conser vative principle among the inferior ranks of society, and that it is immensely in the power of the aristocracy to promote it among them. His lordship, in the course of his speech, adverted to many of the cruelties and demoralising effects produced by infantile labour and overworking in the mills, and spoke with confidence of the good that has resulted from the discussions which have taken place with reference to his bill, and of the still greater good that may be expected from its passing. His benevolent labours on this most interesting subject must receive the applause of all good met], and we re joice to claim his lordship as one of our party; but in truth the ranks of Conservatism abound with such characters, though the individuals are not so well known to fame.. Mr. J. Benett, one of the members for South Wiltshire, in the course of a recent speech, the chief topic of which was the repeal of the corn laws, said;—. eemly believed that_t4e . fartiVii had the Interests _ . labourers at heart, lipUke thtOnanut'aeturere, they lid not, .he ,moment that.,work Was starve, disol i arga them ; they looked upon them bs their friends—as their ohildren. They felt a grant personal regard for them. For himself he could say, that,lhera was not a labourer on his estate or in his parish whose character and circumstances he was not acquainted Willi. He knew their children—he knew, their wants—and,• as far as was in his power, lie endeavoured to administer to those wants: His friend, Mr. Budd, who sat near him, felt precisely as he did on this subject, and - so, he believed, did every farmer present. But in the manufacturing districts they heard of workshops suddenly shut up, and as many as 700 or 800 hands turned adrift, without a moment's warning —the persons who had acquired immense wealth by their toil caring not one jot forthe pitiable condition in which they were left, or whether they died of starvation. It was. asked of one of these gentlemen, who had amassed a large fortune, and hail purchased an estate in a distant county, how he went so far from home? And what was his reply Why, that as he had made his fortune by the spinning jenny, he could not get too far out of the sound of it. He should be ashamed of the agriculturist that could so express himself. But there was a connexion between the agricultural labourer and his employer that could never be dissolved. He was therefore anxious that the landed interest should be protected, in order that the labouring classes might be protected. Many in that room perhaps had capital, and could live upon the in terest of it ; but the labouring classes were tied to the soil, and required their support and their sympathies." This, then, is Conservatism—and we are proud of it. Yes, we like these displays of it, and we delight in contrasting it with Liberalism—Liberalism that would execute all its charities by act of parliament ! Certainly that is an economical mode of performing them. First . there are the fifteen hours of white slavery in the mill ; then over production ; then half work ; and then the remedy—cheap corn, diminished wages, and the poor house bastile ± Admirable economists, these Liberals and millocrats—worthy pupils and flock of the two hundred and eighty members of next week's pious Their mutual adaptation and harmony are wonderful. conference. There is a luxury in grumbling ; and we must con fess that we perfectly envy one, at least, of our contem poraries the opportunity which is approaching of enjoying it. For a period of full thirty years our venerable friend of the Mercury played the part of first growler in this good old town. For thirty years how he' "fluttered the Volscians in Corioli" ! What paper quillets—what riddles, charades, and anagrams —what prose and verse—he was wont to level against tory ministries and tory corporations ! And now, after ten years' floundering in a strange element—at sea amidst reform bills, corporation bills, tithe commuta tion bills, and other quackeries—which to advocate efficiently involved the necessity of understanding them—how pleasant to be restored to its primitive con dition as a growler, for which occupafion no expendi ture of brain is necessary ! How delightful to be thrown back upon the accumulated stock: of jokes, epithets, and arguments which, after ten years' careful preservation from the sun and air, can be turned out, like the relic of an ancient wardrobe from a Jew's store, as good as new ! How refreshing to exchange the labour of defending, at an expense of ingenuity which must have been awful, the blundering disho nesty of whiggery in the cabinet or the council-room, for the comparatively easy task of collating paragraphs of choice vituperation from "our note book," or "our file of the Mercury," which, mutatis mutandis, will be to the full as terrific and damaging in effect as when directed against tory heads some twenty or thirty years ago We really envy the Mercury his forthcoming relief from editorial cares. The simultaneous return of the government and the corporation to conservative prin ciples must place our friend in a state of bliss, which we pray may not soon be disturbed. It is a truth, and in sober seriousness we say it, that whig journalism as well as Aig statesmanship has been out of its sphere whilst in power; and, so far as we ourselves and the Mercury are concerned, we shall be delighted to see our friend unharnessed from the cumbrous arrow which he has cut so sorry a figure and once more sporting in his native element of fiddle-(addle. OUR MANUFACTURING DISTRESS There is no small degree of indiscretion in the effort, on the part of the ministerial press, to parade indiscriminately before the public every commercial failqre which ocenrs t the result of our present system of corn-laws, The gentle, men of the League may imagine that the virtual mendacity of the 'paragraphs which emanate from the manufacturing districts will advance the objects which they have in view— will induce the growth of an opinion throughout the country that the imputed causes of manufacturing distress, and of the individual disasters which attend its progress, are the real ones ; but they must not be surprised if, ultimately, the reflecting portion of the people not only refuse to adopt without inquiry the conclusions which they seek to propa gate, but even push that inquiry with a strictness of scru tiny, and in a dire cti on, for which they are at present scarcely prepared. It is now an established fact, that a great p,.. - olion of the embarrassment experienced by the foreign trader is attrib4s table directly to the mismanagement and neglect of Our commercial relations with other nations by the present Whig government. There is not an export merchant throughout the kingdom, of any experience and judgment, who will attempt seriously to maintain the converse of this proposi tion. So far, then, the endeavour to impute this embarrass ment to the operation of the corn-laws alone, is wilfully and flagitiously dishonest. It is almost admitted, too, that ano ther portion of this embarrassment is attributable solely to causes connected with our monetary system—to the exten sion of manufacturing production, by means of facilities af forded by the fictitious capital of joint-stock banks, unat tended by a correspondin7, increase of the sources of demand. In addition to these causes may be urge 4, ;he misdirection of manufacturing power to the creation of fabrics unitriis?4 for the consumption of those markets which still remain open to the operation of our merchants ; the cessation of the home demand arising from the efflos of political agitation ; the drain of manufacturing capital which has taken place during the last six years, to the amount of 30 or 40 millions, for the purposes of the various railway schemes ; and, in short, to causes for which the commercial and manufacturing community are themselves mainly responsible. Ought it, then, we ask, be matter of complaint against the journalist, if, when he finds that all these elements of commercial dis tress are systematically kept out of sight by the agitators of the commercial body, whilst the existence of that distress itself is paraded to subserve party ends, and to direct legis lation in a channel adverse to the real 'interests versal people—when he sees not only general effects, bu s t even individual cases, dragged forth to observation for the purpose of exciting popular ferment—he should demand a scrutin; into the circumstances by which those individual cases have been attended, before allowing them to be thrust into the general mass of evidence which is arrayed against the principles for which he contends, as well as into the per tinence and justice of that mass of evidence itself? We have no wish ourselves to approach this description of scrutiny, and we have no wish either to see the press gene rally erect itself into a court of inquiry into the circumstances attending individual cases of misfortune. We are quite 1 . ;1 7 tisfied, for our own part, to allow such individuals to esteem themselves as martyrs to our commercial system, rather than as the victims of their own indiscretion and exorbitant ambition. But we must protest against the encouragement, by a party press and for purely party objects, of the growth of such an opinion on the part of the public, not only as it tends to the injury of commercial morality, by creating an undue sympathy with the victim of bankruptcy, by whatever indiscretion produced, but also as impeding the cause of truth. Of course our present remarks are pointed at no particular instance of this growing practice of the anti-corn law press, although the occurrence of such an instance ring the past week, in which the individual sufferer is him self a leading member of the League, might almost counte nance the supposition. On the contrary, oar l?usinersessisso! present with the system alone, which, however , if p will compel us ultimately, as it already challenges us, to embark in individual inquiries. We maintain that no fair conclusion is deducible as to the causes of the distress at present existing in th e manufactu ring districts ; from the fact of taking place amongst f a ilures them, however pertinent may be the evidPO4 r4iph the* afford of the internal insecurity Of the gigaptip syitpT erected there—of the rottenness of the timbers of that vast commercial edifice, to support which we are invited to with draw the very pillars which alone hold up the social fabric. We know from incontrovertible data, that one branch of manufacture alone—that of cotton, has nearly doubled its producing power within the last ten years. By a statement laid by Lord Sandon, in one of his late admirable addresses, before the mercantile constituency of Liverpool, we find that the weekly consumption of cotton in British factories, which in 1831 was 16,513 bags, had reached in 1840 to 30,089 bags, making an increase of actual manufacture within 10 years of 82 per cent ; and amidst the vast accumulation of building, machinery, and capital rApiro to effect this in 7 crease, is it to be wondered at that instances are nnp 3 pFßP.#l in which individual members of the manufacturing body have extended their operations so far beyond their means nf sustaining even the most trilling check, as to be entirely Prostrated in a crisis like the present? Imprudent d re an p., c ipitate as has been th e cours e of the entire tnanufacturing body, is it to be wondered at, if tempted by the facilities forded by a vicious systepa of banking,—sed,i,tccd by the prospect of sudden fortune, to be acTiire . d at Ip3 . c90 33 ,e 1 . 1 7 surate risk--there may have beep giflOdnqs, - PFPr i tn perhaps, of some Bank Directory,—allied with its Ingah e rP in political principle (for political bias does find its way into the board room o f Jo i nt Stock Banks, as n ot a few mem ber s of the league could bear witness) or embarked with them in some scheme of local aggrandizement,—who have gone be-