The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-09-23 00:00:00

WEST ST. AUBYN TIN AND COPPER. MINING COMPANY. CAPITA:Z.', £6,000, IN 6,000, St' RES.-DEPOSIT,SB. PER SHARE. Bankers in Lcndon.—NlEs,sns. PRARDS AND CO. Bankers in Cornwa 17) Co. WEST ST. AUBYN is s ituated in the P a ri s h of C ro w an , in County of Cornwall, and is held on a Term, of which twenty years are unexpired. It is in the midst of an immensely rich Mining District, being in the vicinity of Binnar Downs, Relistian, Copper Bottom, Wheal Vor and Great Work, Poi crebow, Cain Brea Mines, and many others too numerous to mention. Yet notwithstanding sucliadvantages, the Proprie tors are desirous that WEsi ST. AtStYN be valued only by its can present worth and apparent prospects, whieh,if not sur passing, are considered at least equal to those of any Mine in theiCounty of Cornwall, however rich, at the same depth. But, without further remark respecting the value of Mine, Capitalists, especially those who may not have the means of inspecting her, or of getting it done for - them, are respectfully referred to the annexed Letters, from well known experienced Mining Agents, who have not the least interest in the Mine in any way, men of high character and acknowledged integrity—Captains Alexan der Teague, Nicholas Langdon, James Smithy, and James Prout, agreeably to whose recommendation the sinking of the new Shaft, so as to cut the Great Tin Lode 15 fathoms under the present level, is already begun, and in course of prosecution. Although the nominal Capital of the Mine is £6,000, yet it is confidently expected that not one quarter of that sum will be expended (except for materials) before the Mine will be yield ing immense profits ; and therefore it is hoped that no call will be made after the Deposit of ss. per share, except fur the pur chase of materials, especially a Steam Engine to draw the water from the Mine, and to stamp the Ores, of which considerable quanti!i.!s might be raised even from its present shallow level, so .as to give immediate profit to the Proprietors, if there were a Steam-stamps erected for crushing the Ores, as may be seen from the annexed Letters. To meet the supposed expense of the Mine, and secure a fund for the erection of a Steam Engine, and the purchase of the necessary materials, it has been determined that a Capital of 1:6,000 be raised, in 6,000 shares of El each; towards which a deposit of ss. per share has been paid, and a further instalment of ss. per share is to be paid on the 21 of January, 1837 ; before which time, it is supposed, the Great Tin Lode will be cut at the twenty fathom level, and, therefore, the erection of a Steam stamps is necessary, in order to facilitate the making of returns. But no further call is to be made until authorised by a Special General Meeting of the Shareholders to be convened fur that purpose one month's notice of which to be given in two Cor nish, two London, and two Liverpool newspapers, viz. :—The Mining Journal, The Watchman, The West Briton, The Cornwall Gazette, and the LIVERPOOL STANDARD, and Journal. The next General Meeting of the Shareholders to take place some time in December (notice of which will be given in the above newspapers), unless sooner called for by some unforseeu exigence, of by a majority of the Shareholders; when the ac counts shall be inspected, and when,if required by the meeting, two or more Directors shall be elected, who i❑ conjunction with the Managing Agent, shall have the conducting of the opera tion of the Mine. All accounts to be made up monthly, and open for the in spection of every Shareholder. Application for Shares to be made (if by letter, post paid) to Mr. RICHARD STEPHENS, Penrvn; to Mr. ANTHONY STE rHsNs, Penryn •' 'and to Mr. C. J. \NT us-rLizy, Broker and Ge neral Agent, 1, Goree Piazzas, Liverpool. RICHARD s'rEpit EN'S, Managing Agent. ANTHONY STEPHENS. Purser. Since the publication of the original Prospectus, the Mine has been examined by the under-mentioned parties (referred to above); and from their highly favourable report the shares are now at a premium of two pounds. A few hundred shares are now offered to the Public, and as it is confidently expected that the next report will occasion a large addition to the premium, an early application will be necessary to secure them. The addresses of the Examiners are attached to the Letters, that persons wishing for more extended information may refer to them; upon enquiry being made in the neighbourhood, they will be found men of long experience and known integrity, and that the prospects held out to the Public are much more limited .than the present appearances would justify. Liverpool, Sept. 20, 1836. C. J. WESTLEY, Broker. Richard Stephens, Esq. West St. Aubyn, 30th June, 18.36. Sir, ---Agreeably to your request, we whose names are here unto subjoined, have this day inspected West St. Aubyn Mine, and now send you Ou” joint opinion of present appearance, and the manner in which we recommend your future method of working the said Mine, so as to explore as much of the Lode as can be on the least expensive scale. We conceive the Sett to be a valuable one, having, we believe, upwards of 500 fa thoms in length, on the course of the large rin Lode; which Lode is worthy of notice, its component parts being such as indicate its bein! , a Tin Lode of such strength as not to be in jured by any chanite of Strata that may take place in depth. Ve were not a little suprised to find at the present working shaft, whioh is only about live fathoms deep, a Lode varying train three to four feet over, or in breadth, un the course of which about sixteen fathoms have been driven at the bottom of the said shaft, on the average worth about I:7 10s. per fathom. We do not 'recollect ever seeing a Tin Lode so regular in size, and making on the north and south walls so regular at only five fathoms from the surface. Its underlay, about live feet in the fathom, we consider a good underlay. We agree in the opinion, that you should at once increase your number of workmen, by putting nine men to sink a new b haft, south of the . present shaft, so as to take the Lode at twenty fathoms deep, the said shaft to be eight feet long by five, feet wide, so as to have room for drawing the water by Whim Barrels, and drawing stuff at the same time if neeessaiy, and also for a footway. We strongly recommend your doing this without loss of time, as the summer season is the best time for accomplish ing such an object. If you are fortunate enough to cut the Lode in this new shaft (as we have every reason to 'expect) pros perouswe then would say, erect a Steam Engine for draining the said Mine, and for stamping or - crushing the Tin stuff, by d o i n g which you will save in carriage to water-stamps, :stc. a very considerable Soo t . W e also shouid not omit saying, that the inclination of the surface to the West of the said shaft is favourable fur Metal; this we have obServed, in the course of our practice as Mine Agents, iu souse of the most extensive Mines in this County. We are, Sir,'your most obedient Servants, (Signed) ER t., (Signed) TEAGUE, NICHOLAS LANGDON, JAMES SOUTH)" JAMES PROUT. •Agnes, Richard Stephens, L's.,. St. Bth July. 1833, Sir,-1 have your favour of the 4th instant. limy labours, by inspecting your Mine at any time., will promote your interest, 1 shill do it with the greatest of pleasure. • 1 have been a practical - miner for' upwards of forty y6 ars, and 1 never was so pleasantly disappointed by inspectin g alihalle w Mine in ill my life as 1 was•at theprospectsof West St. Auhyn Tin Mine, iu the Parish of Crowan ; neither have" ever wit nessed such Strut-1;4.1,u, Lode, and so pi oductive for Tin, at th e depth of five fathotns'below the surface, as West St. Auliyii, If there were a Stoani-stainips erected on the Mine, you might aeturn large quantihes a Tin, even in this infant state of the Mine. Awi. I think the Lode, when it is explored down in sewed ground, will be found more productive, and the 'Fin, that is Way scattered throughout the Lode, will be. collected into -e,settled leader, and produce more Tin in a less quantity of work. I never saw the large Copper Lode that you say is about one hundred f ktivims to the north or the great Tin Lode. West St. Aubyn Mine appears to me to be in a good mining distrtet ; and I would recommend you to 'open costeen pits on the back of the great Copper Lode,,and every other Lode in the sett. It is riot an uncommon thing to finiTin-backs on ppper Lodes, therefore I think you may expect, rstasonably, to find Tin on the backs of all the Lodes in St. Aubyn Mine. I am, sir, your obedient servant, (Signed) JAMES PROUT. Wheal Kitty, July 7th, 1833: DEAR Stu.—l am in receipt of your favour, and in reply beg In say. that I never saw a Lode at the present depth so kindly; and likely to he so productive, us that of West St. Aubsu Mine. Ktill I would advise you to see the Lode at a deeper level before woul,l recommend the erection of a Stearn-stamps. Yours truly, (Signed) JAMES SOUTHY. 3lichard b_teven3, Esq., Kernick House, Peuryn. st e ate.-I.Ayivqtaven'' Esti" S t . A u i, y 6 m it! advise -to sink the new shaft in the West fathoms taut th". tti ' 4 i speed, so as to see the Lode about 15 the L w i e i tt the sh llemelit workings Froto the appearance of there is scarcely (10 libt . hlch IS now driving, I think that the 2 -fathom reiiei •i s i ;n Your cutting a very good Lode at u mf, aud pro,fuctiy never saw such a large, strong, pro below the surface, in all the at the depth of five fathoms . . years.) This coda, to y towing, (which is Auhvn areal Tin Lode, is oti a , 4;a You call the West St. ry i n , two r egular wall!, 40 1 . 1 w i ll . pra . t4tu l e :: :d t f t eine feet i t d o e, e t i • g a h r i P worth of 'T i n per tathouk, uk lookiu l" fiv e fath oms 4,tilv from the surface. g at Ai,. at , ove t m rpltiv. , l* with the chance or two or three 011 -a l e r Uiluned Gozaa Lodes in this sett, in lily oftpion Nest mi n , i s one Of the•toost proulisingspeen attous that.l for ulauy years. 1 remain, sir, your obedient servant, (Signed) NICHOLAS LANGDON, FRID,4r MORNING, SEPTEMBER 23, 1536. We have received the Paris papers of Monday inclu sive, but their contents do not - add materially to the information we furnished on Tuesday on continental affairs generally. The La Pais states that on Saturday forenoon another de spatch was sent off to Marshal Molitor at Compeigne, at the camp of which he had, only a few days previously, tendered to the prince royal a respectful but decided refusal of acceptance of the Porte feuille. There must be something " rotten in the state" of la jeune France when the post of honor is thus refused by its most chivalrous soldiers. Well, nous r•errons la suite, as Napoleon said at Marengo. In truth the greatest object of a French soldier's ambition is now going " a begging ;" for such is literally the case. In other times the hands of ten thousand Frenchmen would have been held up; as it is the ministry is still incomplete. Even General Guillennnot had left for Conipeigne after, with General Delort, tendering a formal refusal; and, as the marshal had been again sent to, it is supposed that Bernard had declined also. M. Lalana Mobaing had been appointed ambassador to Madrid, a successor not yet being fixed upon for Belgium. M. Martini de Nord had been attacked with enterites, (an inflammatory affection of the intestines,) which it was even fearful might prove fatal, and he was only accessible to the Count Muhl and his physicians. The whole of the journals nearly are occupied in discussing the merits of the quadruple treaty, and especially the question—'' Had France acted as an honourable party thereto?" On this discussion we found our leading article of this day. No news of the events at Lisbon appears to have reached Paris. The latest intelligence from Madrid is to the 11th. The vague rumours gave out that the Spanish ministry had been formed, composed of Calatrava, Mendizabal, Lopez, Olozaza, De la Cuadra, and General Rodil. The emigratio❑ from the capital was most extensive. We must not permit the recent proceedings of our liberal Town-counzil to pass without remark, or we shall incur the censure of a certain contemporary print, for delaying our anim adversions until the interest of the public in the subjects agi tated at the Town-hall has subsided. We triter the mere cheer fully upon the task of reviewing the extraordinary measures of our muntcipal representativei from the consciousness that the election is approaching, when these malignant advocates of the voluntary principle will have to appeal to the suffrages of their constituents, from whom, we have no doubt, they will receive that indignant negative which their tyrannous and irrational conduct so richly deserves. But, considering all things—re flecting upon the just indignation, the absolute disgust, which their proceedings have excited—viewing the silent but triumph ant progress of the reaction which is taking place in the town — and calling to mind the many unfulfilled pledges, upon the faith of which they obtained admission into the Council-cham ber—we really feel rather sceptical as to their courage, or, we should say, their tgmerity, in appearing again before the elec tors, to claim a renewal of their confidence. There is no knowing, however, to what mad extremes the infatuated beings may be driven, in their morbid craving after popularity. If they should venture to propose themselves as candidates for the future, we can promise them one thing—they shall obtain notoriety enough to satisfy their most ardent longings; but it shall be the notoriety of men receiving, in the unenviable ele vation of the pillory, the merited execrations of their indignant townsmen, whose opinions they have despised, whose persons they have . insulted, and whose rights they have outrageously violated. It appears that the Bye-Law Committee have framed certain measures for the suppression of all nuisances in the town. We shall be curious to know what these bye-laws are; and we pro mise our readers, that, if they bear any resemblance to the stolid instructions furnished, some time ago, to the police, we shall have great pleasure in affording the wiseacres who may have concocted them the benefit of our criticism. Of one thing, however, we shall be greatly surprised: we shall feel asto nished if the churches are not enumerated among the most conspicuous of our local nuisances. The actions of the town council, ever since their 4u/cession to office, have indicated this persuasion. In the first place we find them endeavouring to set aside the act for the endowment of the clergy; and, being foiled in this their primary attempt against the establishment, we next find them engaged in the laudable euterprize of superseding the ministers of the established church in the management of the corporation schools, for the purpose of making these institutions nurseries of popery and socinianism. Here, again, they were miserably disappointed. The sympathy of a christian public with their accredited ministers frustrated their 'Nefarious designs. This did not tend to diminish their rancorous hatred towards thechurch, but rather to increase it. They have been, however, at a loss for some time how to gratify the malignant antipathy which they entertain against protestantism. Th ey have been, for a lung time, prowling about for fresh victims. Their attack upon the clergy has proved innocuous; their vindictive proceedings in reference to the schools have been laughed to scorn ; their violent, rhapsodical, and Quiloiic tirades against the Bible have only served to cover them w ith , confusion ; then what are they to do to signalise their attachment to the voluntary principle, and . their uuiuitigated hostility to the church of England? Whom do they next pounce upon as the victims of their unconquerable propensity for spoliation ? Against whom do they now carry 'on their destructive warfare? Listen, gentle reader, and vie will inform you of the formidable antagonists against whom the re doubtable heroes of the council chamber have, at length, taken the field. They are—not the bishops, the deans, the rectors, the vicars, or other dignitaries of the church; no, but the organ blowers, the sextons, the old women who open the pews, the organs, and the music books ! But we must be serious. Our councillors will soon have to render a vety serious account of their doings; and our townsmen will also handle their preten sions with seriousness at no distant period. Passing by the elegant phraseology of Mr. Thomas Bolton, in which he characterises the clergy as "certain functionaries," whose exclusive privileges he bowed to, only because the law rendered obligatory his acquiescence, we come at once to his undisguised attack upon the church, upon which hateful object he poured forth his concentrated venom. 11e makes it pear that.all the payments which have been made from the year 1552 to the different subordinate officers attached to our churches have been illegal. Think of that, people of Liverpool! Your former corporate authorities, in defraying the expenses of your clerks, sextons, organists, &c., have been guilty of a serious in fringement of the law. What law ? Nay, we cannot tell. It is quite consistent in Mr. Bolton, whose religious tenets consist in a bastard kind of philosophy, divested of every super ' natural sanction, and stripped of every scriptural attribute—to view the question of attendance upon public worship as a "mercantile question " But we are convinced that the en lightened protestant community of our good old town will view the subject under a totally different aspect. They consider the service of God in the temples of christian worship as an act of religious solemnity. They learn with disgust that this gentle man has flippantly treated the matter as a mere question of pro fit and loss.. They take their bibles, and not their ledgers, as their guides in reference to the absorbing topic of religion. in comparing the expenditure incurred in providing church ac commodation fur the iubabitauts of Liverpool,. with the receipts derived from the different churches, the people of Liverpool take into consideration the large provision made for the attendance of a.:.:~. ~.,~, THE LIVERPOOL UNITED TRADES' BANK . THE KENYON AND LEIGH - JUNCTION RAILWAY r f II R IHE POPRIETORSof SHARES inthe LIVERPOOL COMPANY. UNITED TRADES' BANK are respectfully requested XTOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that a SPECIAL GE to pay a FOURTH CALL, of TnituE POUNDSN SHILLINGS NERAL MEETING of this COMPANY will be held 1 : 1 at our Office, in Union -court, Castle- s t ree t , Li ve rpool, on Pir.it SnA us, on the number of Shares held by them respectively, TnubsDAY, the 6th day of Oct o ber nex t, a t T wo o ' c l oc k in the on or before MONDAY, the third day of Octriber, at the Bank. Afternoon, for the purp ose o f d ec l ar i ng a Di v id en d, a nd of au- It will be requisite for each Proprietor to produce his Certifi cate. By order of the Directors, thorising and makin g a L ease t o th e B o lt on an d L e i g h R a ilway . • WILLIAM WILSON. Man,,trer. Company, pursuant t o th e A c t o f P ar li ament p ass ed i n the last _ Session. Dated thi s 2lst :September, 1836. C. W. (;LAY,) Ofthe Company. J. SWIFT, C Clerks ~. LIVERPOOL FISH COMPANY, OFricx, 19, LORI)-STREET. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN to the SHAIWHOLD ERS in this COMPANY, that they are called upon pay a SECOND INSTALMENT of ONE POUND per Share,' on each and every Share held by them, into the Bank of Messrs. Lay LAND and But.t.EN, Liverpool, ou or before the 13th of October -next. Ey order of the Directors, 'l. TOBIN, Chairman 21st September, 18.36. THAMES - HAVEN DOCK AND RAILWAY COMPANY. XTOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that, in pursuance of the 1.1 Provisions contained in the Act of Parliament, the First GENERAL, MEETING °Abe PROPRIETORS will he held at the LONDON TAVERN, Bishopsgate-street, on WEDNESDAY, the 25th day bf September_ next, at Twelve o'clock precisely. By order of the Board. HENRY A NISINCK, Secretary. filt Imes Haven Dock and Railway Office, 34, Abchurch-lane, London, 31st August, 1836.. THAMES HAVEN DOCK 'AND RAILWAY COMPANY, NIOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that in pursuance of the act of incorporation, a registry is now in course of being made out of all persons who hold shares in the - capital stock Of this Company; and that it is necessarylli'at the certificates of shares should be exchanged for certificates of registry, under the common seal of the Company. Every holder of certificates of shares is therefore requested to leave them, or cause them to be left, at the Office of the CoMpany, free of expense, with a memorandum at the back, stating his name, addition, and resi dence, and whether he wishes the whole of such shares to he in cluded in one certificate of registry, or in two or more certi ficates. - Due nofu'e of the certificates of rer , istry being ready for de livery will be given, By order of the Board, HENRY ANISINCK, Secretary. Thames haven Deck and Railway Office r 3-1, Abchurch-lute, London, 3lst Augn.t, 183 g. THEA.TRE-ROYAL, LIVERkOUL. Mr. KEAN having been nightly received by crowded audi tories with the most enthusiastic applause, his engagement has in cotseluence been extended. Last Night of Mr. COOPER, of the Theatre-Royal, Drury lane, London. Mrs. TAY LEURE, of the Theatres-Royal, Covent-garden and Haymarket, (late Miss Grant, formerly of this Theatie,) is engaged for a Fortnight, and will make her fourth appear ance here since her London engagement on Monday next. Arrangements have been made with Mr. JOHN REEVE, the popular Comedian of the Metropolitan Theatres, ( who arrived in Liverpool on Tuesday, from America,) for Three Nights' performance at this Theatre previous to the commencement of his engagement next week in Loudon, and he will make his second appearance this Evening in his original character of Tons Twigg, in " Catching au Heiress." Mr. Reeve's last Night of performance will be To-morrow (Saturday.) MEALS present FRIDAY EVENING, the '231 instant, will be perfortned Sbakspeare's Tragedy of HAMLET. Hamlet Mr. Kean. Ghost of Hamlet's Father ..Mr. Cooper. Polonius Mr. Baker. I Osijek Mr. Browne. The Queen.. Mrs. Stanley. I Ophelia..... Miss Faucit. After which, the Drama of CATCHING AN HEIRESS. Tom Twigg—Mr. John Reeve, (as originally performed by him in London,) in which he will introduce a celebrated Medley and "The Statty Fair." To-srottuow, (Saturday,) for the BENEFIT of Mr. JOHN REEVE, and the Last Night of his Engagement, the favourite Drama of THE WRECK ASHORE. 'Marmaduke Magog, (Parish Constable,) Mr. John Reeve, (as originally performed b• him in London.)—With CATCHING AN ►IEIRESS. Twigg, (his oriikinal character,) Mr. John Reeve.—'l'o conclude with the Drama of 1,2, 3, 4.5, BY ADVERTISE MENT. Ha►ry Alias, (with assumed characters,) Mr. John Reeve. TO CORRESPONDENTS. "Observer" is requested to give his name privately, as a vouch er for the statement he has forwarded for insertion. We have received the Dublin University Magazine fur this mnouth, and regret that our limits will not permit us to review it this week. On Tuesday it shall be noticed at length. bt Eiturpool THE LIVERPOOL STANDA,RI). the i:Jor. Nut so, Mr. Bolton—he would exclude the poor from the benefl l / 4 of religious instruction, unless a balance in favour of the corpdration can be realised from the churches. Glorious liberality Mark this, ye industrious poor of Liverpool, who have hitherto enjoyed the privilege of sitting unmolested iu our churches—a privilege secured to you by the munificence of your former corporation—and remember the men who would, if they dared, deprive you of your rights. Mr. Lawrence Ileywortb, as will be seen by our report, (the fullest and most accurate that has appeared) followed Mr. Bol ton. His speech consisted of au enthusiastic eulogy on the voluntary principle, and a comparison of the claims of the church in Liverpool with those of the Jews and the Roman Catholics. We must here ►rrotest against the application of the term ,ect, by which he contemptuously designated the Church of England. A sect means a thing cut ff or separated from another thing agreeably to this defination derived from the original seco, the dissenters are sects—broken off, or separated from the parent stock—the church. This gentleman announced the notable dis covery that " religion was above all things, to be carried on the principle offree trade!" It is a great pity that there is no market for carrying on a free trade in common sense, in which valuable commodity Mr. Councillor Lawrence Heywurth is woefully deficient. " Religion never existed but by divine appoint ment, and could nut be supported by compulsory measures." This certainly sounds lilt* a non sequitur. Was not the old testament dispensation of divine appointment? Did it nut also flourish, and answer the design of its establishment, although supported by " compulsory measures'" If Mr. Eleyworth had been a Jew, (we do not say he is one) and had lived under the rigour of the Levitical law, would not his instinctive abhorrence of " compulsory payments" have led him toresist the payment of tithes? Would he not, by doing so, have resisted the ordi_ mince of God ? But, what care modern radicals for such an tiquated authorities as the old testament ? Mr. Alderman Brown met the resolution by a very temperate amendment, which merely required the appointment of a com mittee for the purpose of considering the whole subject of church property, and of securing the most desirable management of it, dne regard being paid to the accommodation of the !..00r bur gesses. Flow was this very modest application received by the conclave of reformers ? We shall see. Mr. Duncan informed the council, in seconding the amend ment, that " he would willingly increase the stipends of the clergy, instead of diminishing them, as he considered they we're inadequately paid." This, however, was not the question 'to be decided, the resolution chiefly affecting the minor expencei of, the churches. The expression of- liberality towards the clergy in which Mr. Duncan indulged, called Mr. Councillor Sutor Blackburn upon his legs. This gentleman's speech, together with the remainder of the proceedings must be left for discus sion until Tuesday, as our remarks are already protracted beyond our anticipations. But we must have a word or two at parting with the radical councillors who planned and concurred in this fresh attack upon the church. Let them remember that the officers whom they intend discarding from our churches have relatives and connexions possessed of votes, which will never again be thrown away upon treacherous voluntaries in religion and republicans in politics. Let them bear in mind that the great majority of the people of Liverpool are churchmen; that they ex ceed the aggregate number of papists, dissenters,and infidels in the ratio of 5 to 3; that their sympathies on behalf of our venerable establishment have been aroused by the assaults of her enemies; and that they will sacrifice many of their political opinions rather than suffer her to be demolished... Let them remember that their proceedings are narrowly scrutinised by a discerning public—and, above all, let them reflect that the ELECTION IS APPIWACHING I Conservatives of Liverpool—churchmen of Liverpool—be active in your exertions, and rest not satisfied unless you can in three years obtain a preponderating influence in the town council. You can accomplish this—you will obtain it, if you continue united and steady in the pursuit of your ob jeckfr Then we shall wrest the schools from the hands of the priests and place them once more under the legitimate controul of the clergy—then we shall not be ashamed of the ridiculous proceedings of a mongrel band of councillors, chiefly charac terised by their reckless contempt of public opinion, and their ferocious assaults upon religion. The great importance of the question, deeply affecting the in terests and usefulness of the established church, mast plead an excuse for having pursued our commentary to such length. We record with shame the humiliating fact that the majesty of protestantism is obliged to bow to a despicable and degraded faction, who have gained a temporary triumph by deceit and falsehood—tbat the religion for which our forefathers fought and bled, supported in numerous instances by the signal inter positions of Providence, and intimately identified with the liberty, the security, the happiness, and the glory of our country, should be made the subject of ridicule in a reformed council chamber and jeered by profane and senseless unitarians. But we cannot despair. The cause of truth must and will pre vail. We are ready and eager for the battle. The conserva_ tivea have hitherto looked quietly on while danger was threaten ing; but now they must obey the call of duty and unite iu defence of their king, their religion, and their country. The present position of the British Nation, in imme diate connexion with its foreign policy, and the attitude it ought to assume, are, indeed, questions of momentous interest. At no one period, since that which preceded the burst of the memorable French revolution of 1792 has the general repose of Europe been so seriously threatened, as at this moment; and if ever any man, filling the important post of Foreign Minister to a great nation, incurred an awful responsibility, that responsi bility has been incurred by Lord Palmerston, to and with the English people, primarily, and towards Europe, secondarily. His Lordship's position, as the representa tive minister of a powerful monarch and a powerful peo ple, is, we repeat, one of fearful account to himself, per sonally; but it is of still greater moment, in connection with the further consequences, which are daily develo ping themselves. In spite of repeated warnings in Par liament, given by men of the most upright bearing in character and intelligence —men whose personal experi ence had enabled them, from their station and opportu nities to take a comprehensive view of our foreign relations—to form an accurate judgMent of the means which should be employed to preserve the credit of the English name, and the balance of European power, on legitimate principles,—the principles of moderation com bined with security and freedom from vassalage,—in spite of the ample demonstration which has been made by the break-up of six Cabinets in France, and three or four in Spain, within a very short period, the unavoidable results of a system of political expediency, time-serving and de grading in all its leading features,—in spite of the labo rious efforts of a highly talented, and never more thoroughly independent press at home, has the Chief of Downing-street brought us into a dilemma from which we can hardly hope to escape, even by the entire sacrifice of his own honour, and the irretrievable destruction of his already bankrupt reputation, as a statesman and a diplomatist! But, what do appearances indicate Is there any one redeeming prospect held out to us, where by a hope of honourable extrication presents itself? None whatever at his hands; and we envy not the dis cretion of the Statesman, nor the callosity of the man, who can, to all appearance, remain insensibly dead to the surrounding danger, nor that perversity of talent and self-complacency, which has placed us in a condition so truly lamentable and humiliating, the sport of revolution on the one: band; and the laughing-stock of Europe on the other, for our effeminate diplomacy—diplomacy which would have been a scandal to the libertine and degener ate age of the Second Charles. We will simply ask the question, is this land of independent freedom, renowned through all the nations of the earth for its independence and its moral energy, its sterling principle, to be made the dupe of that ancient sacerdotal hypocrite, in his wily p o li c y, who, Napoleon most aptly termed "the arch Cameleon of political intrigue," or the sport of the vain fantasies of his pet child of a dozen ministries,--of him, whom Canning would not honour with a seat in his Cabinet,—whose inconsistencies of political principle form his greatest, if not his only claim, to confidence— driven from Cambridge and rejected, spurned by hi s own College, in the teeth of al l the power and influ ence of Lord Grey, and the in terest of the Duk e o:Devon- L sh o i r r d e ?PalDro Palmerston, personally, ing question, are the public prete nsions of this Nobleman, such as to give him a rational cla im to the nati onal con. llfeeling ia of animosity t owar d s • e again simply as k t h e fidence ? If they be so, in mercy's sake, in justice to his Lordship, and in justice to the Administration of which he forms so prominent a link let them be defined, that the Conservative Press of Britain may not unjustly at tach a stigma to his name, which will deprive him in all time to come of the reward of his merit,—this justice to Lord Palmerston, we ask, at the hands of the thick and thin defenders of reckless Whiggery. The welfare of our common country demands that this subjest should be treated firmly, yet dispassionately —th e public and political honour of her narne—.the domestic and vital interests of her citizens, and the credit of her arms, are all involved, bound up in the question before us;—that question we reduce, if possible, to a still more intelligible basis, namely, shall England, after thirty years of toil and sacrifice of the blood of thousands, and tens of thousands of her fairest population, and the ex haustion of her treasure for the re-establishment of order in Europe, and of security in her own iominion, perform the insane part of ignominiously leaving that position she has gained ? Shall she become, in the hands of im becile leaders, the passive instrument of her own degra dation on the one hand, and of aiding the march of level. ling republicanism through civilized Europe on the other, under the false covering of the western alliance treaty ? And, can it be possible that even , 'lord Palmerston is himself so blind tc the consequences of his own hitherto reckless career as still to attempt to persist in that line of temporising, meddling policy which has thrown two of the finest countries in Europe into the arms of the most appalling anarchy, and compromised the lekitimate in terests, and destroyed the ascendant influence of this powerful kingdom in both ? There is no longer the " lull" which precedes the storm with regard to the pre sent condition of the entire western continent of Europe —that storm has already burst on Spain and Portugal in fearless fury, and what trans have we at command to arrest its progress, to avert its calamity ? Are nut the ingredients of further political combustion, in the very heart of another powerful state still nearer home, on the eve of explosion, if the very mischief so freely developed elsewhere has not itself been engendered primarily in her secret societies, fomented in the fertile bosom of her re volutionary crater ? Our generally well-informed con temporary of the-London Standard, of Monday evening, gave intimation of Lord Palinerston's retirement from office—this would be the natural event to be looked for at the hands of any man properly alive to his situation, as out foreign minister ought to be; but we think that' our shrewd contemporary has, in this instance, under his own notions of propriety, formed an erroneous judgment with regard to the object of his commentary, or rather of his sensibility to the influences of that lofty decorum which should sway the actions and govern the conduct of a statesman so circumstanced. No, we fear that there is a sad deficiency of that Standard quality—that greatness of soul which piques itself on the virtue of confessing error, and thus of making the only atonement within its power for inflicted injury, or breach of duty ! Under this impression, then, we say, Lord Palmerston will not resign —such resignation, at this moment, would break up the Supreme Cabinet of the modern " Talents;" and this oligarchical conclave, as may be gathered from the very last manifesto of their Master just out, warm from his popish steam-engine press, shows that they have yet fur ther mischief in contemplation, before they give up the ghost! And we would ask, of what avail would be the mere circumstance of Lord Palmerston's retirement, without that retirement were to be followed by an entire change in, or a positive rejection of that policy which has, not only proved itself inadequate to arrest the pro gress of national dismemberment, but has been its main spring, its accelerator in the hands of wily foreign diplo matists, intriguing bankrupt stock-jobbers, end the curse of every nation, political anarchists ; whilst it has just enabled the King of the barricades to play with singular adroitness, the deep game of avoiding all the responsi bility, and of evading the displeasure of the Northern powers by withholding the ultimatum of a direct inter vention. We will deal as little as possible with gene ralities, and speculation on the climax of this essential subject of our foreign policy ; but let any man capable of exercising the faculty of reflection, just take a retro spective view of the various measures which have fol lowed in succession, from the protocolic reign of diplo macy in Belgium, to this time, and survey the posture in which this nation now stands with all the powers of Europe, and involve Turkey, as a necessary appendage, and he will come to the inevitable conclusion, that nothing save a miracle, short of the immediate controul of a master-mind, and the assertion of a divided principle of action, will avert a general appeal to arms. Alas we know too well the incapabili ties of the present administra tion, as a whole, mentally and morally, to cope with the crisis it has brought on its own head—its utter inability to withstand the shock of a forei gn war ,—thi s i s an awful ex igency, assuredly, to provide against, after all our vaunted pacific dispositions, and the compromise of ou r national credit. The Times has termed in its discussion of this grave topic, within the last few days, a thorough y searching and comprehensive conclusion. with regard to the position of the Ministry, upon the facts in detail, and we fearlessly risk issue thereupon, and upon the opinions we now express. And although we might even feel disposed to accord Lord Holland a greater share of tact than falls to the lot of the ensemble of his Whig associates, the most likely by his experience to parry the consequences of that concatenation of evil they have produced, even his sprightly wit will not avail here, although his "ne plus ultra" of a constitution, in which the majority of citizens may, with impunity, be suffered to take off the heads of the minority, should even be put before us! No, Lord Holland, not even you, for whose judgment we have some respect, arising from opportunities for forming an accu rate opinion on that quality, and founded on the judg ment of one dear to our memory, who was lung intimate with your career as a statesman, and your closet powers —we say, that even you, my lord, unless you change your views, and follow in the conversion of your intimate friend, M. Guizot, shall not alter our opinion. As this able man has failed in his attempts to govern France, upon principles which are incompatible with reason and sound philosophy, as the revolution in Spain has proved, and France herself too sadly experienced in the denoue. ment of the tragedy before her eyes, your less able col leagues, though protected by your genius, shall not be permitted to seal with irretrievable ruin the destiny of this country, as one of them has been permitted to seal the destiny of Spain. There is yet time for an honour able retreat, or an ignominious downfal, which awaits that association, we will not honour by the name of party ! All that is honourable and virtuous in the ranks of the old whigs, with one or two exceptions, have disclaimed the compact; and O'Connell's insolence respecting Sir James Graham and the recent election for East Cumber land, will have little weight indeed. • That contemptible convention and chart of imbecility, the quadruple treaty, has been the ruin of Christina, through the quality of its principle in the first place, and in the next, through the total inefficiency of the means adopted for its sup port; whilst the additional ruin of thousands of British families, engulphed in the mire of the stock-jobbing speculations and loans it has led to, are its immediate re sults at home. What, then, is the duty of a mini s t r y t o wards themselves and a people so circumstanced ? That ministry will not, it seems, either nobly or justly, answer this question, or meet it manfully before the Bri tish nation, although suffijently stultified by its own acts, and its doom settled; but, if that nation knows and f ee l s what is due to its interest, on every footing of dig nity and honour, nay of self-preservation, it will speedily answer for itself in a voice of thunder, not to be mistaken. If any noble individual of the present day more than another, fills a proudly elevated position in the conserva tive ranks of Englishmen, that noble individual is the present Earl of Wilton. When we look back upon the momentous catalogue of events, under which the great com munity of our social family, as a people, has been agitated during the last four or five yeats, we cannot but have abundant reason for rejoicing at the altered condi tion and present auspicious aspect of our domestic poli tics contend and our cri, which w civil p rospects; cts; although we havelyet mu c h to shall assuredly not obtai n , with out persevering energy and d evot i on o f purpose. Y et, a short period gone by , and constitutional pri nc iples h a d become, as it were , a bye-word amongst all clas s es of th e people, and the whole framework of our great n a ti ona l society appeared on the eve of being broken up, under the false enthusiasm of their maddened reforming career. The " raging of the sea" and the "madness of the peo ple" has been aptly compared in Holy Writ, and the simile was appropriately apposite to our national position —this fever has happily subsided. What, then, must not be the gratification of feeling experienced by the Earl of Wilton, as a constitutionally conservative peer, on now finding himself supported by the thinking part of the community, returned to a state of sober reflection, and sustained by the wealth, talent, respectability, and industry of one of the most populous counties in Britain, comprehending its southern division, and re-echoing those sentiments which have now happily become gene ral through the land, and rallying all classes of persons around him as their landlord, friend, and leader in the great and glorious cause of protestantisin and civil liberty ? And here we would inquire, what is the actual result of the boasted reformation which has been extended to the English people ? The reform bill which was to have performed such wonders—to have lessened our taxes—to have given a new spring to our national industry, and to have produced a more equable distribution of property — and to have given increased temper to the spring of pub lic credit and public confidence—what has it done ? At one fell swoop, like the furious surge rising over the heavily laden vessel, it has swept away most of her best bulwarks—all the peculiar and well known privileges of the manufacturing and the intelligent classes—all the ancient rights and freedom of corporate bodies, allied with the constitutional principle of the British monarchy —all the rights of service and apprenticeship—all the franchises and immunities connected with personal pur chase and local interests, simply to introduce a deluge of new principles centring in one compound of irrational legislation—the Municipal Bill. With Ireland, follow ing the measure of catholic emancipation, and where it was to have worked wonders—to have put down agita tion—to have reconciled the conflicting interests batween protestants and catholics—to have lessened crime, and to have increased the authority of the law, and thereby es sentially promoted the general prosperity of the country, by giving increased confidence to capitalists—what has reform done there v Increased all the evils it was vainly designed to remove, four-fold ; and, in addition, brought into absolute jeopardy the very existence of the protest ant church—the established reformed religion of the land, and the permanency of the legislative union. It has then, as regards both England and Ireland, ended in DIS APPOINTMENT ! There is yet, however, a greater evil to be apprehended —the entire desecration of the staple principle on which the British monarchy is founded—namely, its protestant christianity, This has been partially affected under the latitudinarian policy of our present conventional rulers; and, as the whole series of evils before referred to, may be properly attributed to the departure from the grand principle of state protestantism, so the more aggravated, and assuredly fatal consequences will follow our increased declension from that sterling principle. Let every man capable of Sober reflection ponder the inevitable results of our tamely suffering ourselves to be dragged forward by such a system of policy, as that fearlessly depicted by Lord Wilton, under his responsibility, as a moral British peer, a gentleman, and a christian, in the face of Heaven, and of a thousand of his assembled countrymen, to bear him witness in his solemn abjuration of the immorality— the dishonour—the injustice—and the irreligion of that compact which hinds the existing government, and directs its rule over a land of moral freemen ! Here, verily, is a memento for our deliberation, the counterpart of which we may look for in vain in British history. There ex ists no parallel case on record; but Lord Wilton's denun ciation will, indeed, be a record—" in perpetuam rei me moriam "—not of virtue—not of good faith—not of ablility—not of integrity—but the very opposite, in the adoption of that baser machiarellian policy, embracing the desertion of all these vital qualities, and rendered doubly vicious, proportionately, with its category of measures levelled against the remaining securities of English liberty. No nation or people, in the history of the world, ever rose to power, or flourished in prosperity, without setting out with a leading principle in its governing polity— retrace back all the archives of ancient history, and this important fact presents itself to view ; and whether that leading principle rested on superstition—fanaticism— despotism—monarchy—or republicanism—we find the nation or people adopting it to have flourished or de clined, in proportion to its retention or its desertion. The leading principle of Britain, infinitely superior to all or any of these, was founded in christianity, and it ended in the establishment of a perfectly free constitution, dedicating, in the emphatic words of Mr. Wilkins, in his eloquent speech, at Newton, its noblest apartment to the worship of our God! This, then, has been our case as a people—we adopted a leading principle for our polar star—a principle the most pure the world ever knew, founded on the sacred immutability of truth, and, accord ingly, as we cherished it in our governing system wer rose to prosperity and to power—it was the cementing bond of all our actions—the connecting link of all our social affections—and the main-spring of our energies. To the general desertion of that principle, in favour of a false philosophy—to this grave error in potitics, may pro perly be assigned the popular turmoil and the agitation which has, for the last few years, in the midst of profound peace, shook the state to its very foundation—it has been the prolific source of all the impure legislation which has taken place, pari passe, with the inflamed judgment of the people, in the hands of crafty and ambitious men, and it had nearly left that people although proud, intelli gent, and enterprising, without a rallying point. As the greater delusion has passed away, and the excitement of popular prejudice, in a great measure, subsided, what is now the paramount duty of that hitherto deluded and de ceived people ? Simply to perform the conservative part of bringing back the government of this christian coun try to the vitally fundamental principle we have shown to be the key-stone of its stability and the propelling en gine of its power—and this is what the great body, form ing the English people, insulted in its judgment, and its majesty, (for we exclude the mob altogether) can do, and is doing daily and hourly, as the proceedings at the hust ings and our constitutional associations proudly testify. It has been well observed that " national protestantism is the only title of the House of Hanover to the throne of these realms." The struggle has been, and still is on the part of the present government, and its supporters, upon Lord Melbourne', own showing, to subvert this princi ple—to give, confessedly, a " great discouragement " to it; and thus to pave the way to the abrogation of the act of settlement itself. Will Englishmen, with their eyes open, submit to this ? Impossible ! "To save this country," however, in the impressively concluding lan guage of Lord Wilton, "from the rule of an irresponsible oligarchy, at this very moment striving to coerce the wills of the peers and the people, it is absolutely neces sary to rally round the standard of our association—to remember, that each, in his individual capacity, forms a link of that great social chain, by which the institutions of this country are held together; and which, if broken, either by internal dissension or by the pressure from without, this great country will be thrown down from that proud pedestal amongst surrounding nations upon which her constitution has placed her." And who is there amongst us who will not respond, cordially respond, to such sentiments as those expressed by the Earl of Wil ton on this occasion—sentiments which alike: do honour to his heart as an Englishman, and to his understanding as a man and a patriot. He has accepted the trust, and may say for himself, without egotism, that he has nobly fulfilled it, in suppor t and vindication of the acts of that illustrious assembly, of which he forms so prominent an ornament. Talk not of your liberal peers—your pro pounders of fallacies—of them, who confessedly, and avowedly declare, that they cannot distinguish the differ ence between good and evil—that one system of religion is as good as another in their estimation—that it would be better for our protestant church to be poor, debased, and degraded, than affluent, useful, learned, independent, and protective—that religion ought to be subservient to politics, and not politics subservient to the control of re ligion—and that Ireland, ignorant, fanatic, priestly, des petic, and revolutionary, should, in all things be placed upon a par with protestant England, under the degraded, the polluted term JUSTICE! Such sentiments—such prin ciples might have passed current with the revolutionary democrats of infidel France, in the day of her lowest de basement—heathenism we have shown would not have suffered them, and when made known they cannot pos sibly be tolerated in a christian age, by either a moral or christian community. It now becomes our duty to consider what this moral government, as stamped by Lord Wilton, is prepared to do towards that high estate of the realm comprehended in the liereditaly British peerage. And here we find ou r key-text in the upright and manly exps.s.% of that truly SEPT, 23, 1836, excellent peer Lord Skelmersdale, on whom the angel spirit which once defended Lathorn House, in the foru of a woman, seems to have alighted, in the fervour of his . Protestantism, as its present possessor. But before we proceed to the combat against the mighty oligarchs, it is needful, as our constitutional championship is yet young with our Standard spear to select a trusty and able knight to perform the part of esquire to us in our conflict with the erudite cynics in whiggery, and the acute rea soners in radical logic ; for as regards the jesuitical advo cates of popery we dare the.rn single-handed to the en counter. Spirit Cif the mighty Burke, thou wilt respond . to our call! From the electric fire of thy genius we will throw a light on the elements from which the assailed British Peerage has been compounded. We will take your authority as our standard—as that of the greatest . political philosopher, since the days of Aristotle and we invite the greatest amongst the whigs, and the most pro found ainunst the liberals, to furnish the counterpart in, their splendid olivirchy, or their reformed republic ! " To be bred in a place of estimation,—to see nothing low or sordid from one's infancy,—to be habituated to I flu censorial in spection of the public eye,—to stand upon such elevated ground as to be enabled to take a view of the wide-spread combinatic,a of men and affairs iu a large society,—to have leisure to read, reflect, and converse,—to be enabled to draw around them the wise and the learned, wherever they are to be found,—to be taught to despise danger in the pursuit of honour and duty,—tv be habituated in armies to command and to obey,—to be formed to exercise the greatest degree of vigilance, foresight, and cir cumspection, in a state of things in which no fault is committed with impunity, and the slightest mistakes thaw on the most se rious consequenses,—to be led to a guarded and well-regulated conduct, from a sense of feeling that you are considered the in structor of your fellow-citizens, in their highest concerns,—to be employed as an administrator of laws and justice, and to be thereby amongst the first benefactors of mankind,—to be a pro fessor of political science—to be amongst such traders, who. from their success, are presumed to possess clear and vigorous understandings,—to possess the virtues of diligence, order, con stancy, and to have cultivated an habitual regard to commutative justice;—those are the circumstances of men that form, what I should call a natural aristocracy, withoao which there is no NATION !" From this profound combination in our great society, growing gradually from a small beginning, has arisen the second estate of this realm—the English Peerage. If men as individuals do not attain to one or other of the component parts or limbs of this deeply described super structure, the fault is within themselves—not in the con stitution which has cemented its construction, and wherein the great principle of redemption, renovation, and im provement still exists in its pristine energy ! Again, we call upon our opponents—our Chronicles, our Globes, our Suns, and our Mercuries, to favour us with the elements of their social system, formed upon the break up of that we have described from the pen of their Master—their towering superior in reason, comprehension, learning, philosophy, and religion. Let us have no false play upon words, nor garbled sentences,—if their system or their foundation of its principles, admits of illustration, let us have it in a substantive form. We have thrown down the gauntlet to them ; but in so doing, we are not pre pared to grapple with shadows! From the beautiful association described by Burke, re sults the theory of the British constitutional monarchy,— a government of King, Lords, and Commons. Let us now canvass briefly the moral consequences which must inevitably accrue from the threatened design of making the peerage elective for the question is no longer treated as a matter of hypothetical speculation, but asserted as a principle, by the destructive movement party, the com pound Irish and liberal junta out of doors, and tacitly supported by the whig government, as the medium of pacifying their faithful allies, and of enabling the " mon ' ster Chimera," so poetically described by Lord Wilton, to move forward, whisking its serpentine tail and carry ing destruction in its course. As we do not aspire to the high learning of the modern Solons who like my Lord Plunkett deem history an " old almanack, and deep phi losophy obsolete," we must found our judgment of the sci ence of legislation and government upon the experience of ancient history, supported by the events of modern times,—and here we discover the astounding truth, that a purely popular assembly never was, and from the very nature of its composition, never can be rendered fit to govern. All the struggles about liberty, and the con tentions between the rival principles of monarchy, abso lutism, and republicanism, since men entered on the wide field of society, corroborate this point. In every well regulated state, there must be some balancing authority interposed as a corrective, between the rash passion of popular influence, and the more sober energy of general or national legislation. It is needful that there should be some consolidated principle of deliberative action for the purpose of affording time for reflection to the people at large, who are all deeply interested in the issue; and not merely a party, or section of the people, influenced by some peculiar views of self-interested or local advantage, or led on by some designing leader or leaders. It is needful that there should be some well constituted de fence, framed by the general wisdom of the nation, to act as a counterpoise to the fantastic schemes of indivi duals, or to repel the undue ebullition of popular excite ment. This controlling principle has been admitted and its necessity urged by the most intelligent men in every age, and those who deny it, display a total ignorance of the science of government, or the desire to pervert the truth, for the furtherance of impure objects. Again,—the institution of an independent senate, as illustrated in the ancient governments of Greece and of Rome, has been the inevitable resource against the fluc tuation—the fury and the ruin of republicanistp, or the tyranny of arbitrary monarchy. The glory, and the strength of ancient Rome rested in its Patrician Senate, —its misery and declension in the destruction of that body, or of its due authority. This then is matter of history—let our antagonists disprove it, if they can. But we can go further—the minor and very republican go vernments of modern Italy were only kept together so long as they were preserved from direct popular control. Even America, the vaunted perfection of republican in stitutions, has a controlling senate,—her legislature is po pular, and her executive monarchical, and so are ours, with this distinction, that our Second Chamber, and our Presidency, as best adapted to a matured state, are re moved from direct popular influence, and therefore not so likely to be counteracted by the dictation of impure party spirit or annihilated by the fickleness or the turbulence of an unreflecting multitude, set free from all restraint. The ingredients of the dark cup of sedition, which drove France into madness, anarchy, and atheism, were mixed up by those very pretenders to liberty, who, swamping all orders and ranks in one legislativs assembly, made the tyrannous will of the populace the supreme law, and thus destroyed even its boasted republic,—it was left to one master mind to restore order, by introducing a military despotism. What would be the condition of Britain, within a very few short years, were an irresponsible oli garchy—the talismanic hope of the modern whigs, elected by the majority of Irish papists, and Scotch radicals, de cide the legislation for this now independent empire ? What security would there remain for the permanency of the monarchy, on the one hand, or the church on the other, or even for individual possessions, under the acts of a Chamber, subject to the free domination of the hero of Derrynane, and his amiable colleagues, Messieurs Hume, Roebuck, and Molesworth ? It is therefore es sential to the liberties of this Christian kingdom, that the second estate of the legislature should remain tho • roughly independent, as the guardian of such important trusts, In the hands of a class of men, as its members, eminent for their probity—their fortitude, and their knowledge, and by their station retained as remote from impure influence or control, as the judgment seat itself. It is a well-known apophthegm of the great Lord Bur leigh, that "England can never be ruined but by her Parliament "—and it has also been observed by Sir Mat thew Hale, with reference to the high legislative authority and grace importance of the second estate, that "this being the highest and greatest court, over which none other can have, or exercise, any jurisdiction in theking dom; if by any means a misgovernment should i n any t way fall upon it, the subjects of this kingdom arelt. without all manner of remedy." Here is our ease a g ainst the Derrynane cabiucts--we have shown the consequences of their threatened projected centralization of powers 10 • the hands of an oligarchy; and the consequ ent super ' o cession of the monarchy of this realm , us' make v.lO ject,-.!( tI4 ! p with . all tb great and body -stand satisti Trigs and t 1 at our co-ad' East I the at form ; annoy twenty Irish e the n a the pui in 'i the and we protest this ac that sy :Input! where to built bers of pretext men of tion of or even he has lo—the forehea sonic 01 home, i champi newly Ulster, the cif°, Sic trat and mil and Lc Well, a Is cons We sa: O'Contl should t Lord Jc the eelu fear," i; LANG cashire on the Cheshiei will be I LEA Sons' sa share in 48th sha .£l4O each. - Lays formed i verston visions c Rod Mr, landed E its form _ ➢ENE have bee pool. iJ fhe prii three we brought , days beti —Music( Mits. mess and and inni 'Gardner, Uot as )4 to learn Ler star CAUWI How. high or ac HORS all t( pared