The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1843-06-02 00:00:00

13 arliairuntarr Idrorttliingo• HOUSE OF COMMONS—Mot 4 DAY. In reply to questions from Irish members, in reference to the use made of her Majesty's name by the Lord Chan f o r of Ireland, on the subject of the repe al of the union, and n that of the dismissal of Lord Ffrench and Mr. O'Connell, Sir J. GRAHAM said that her Majesty's ministners, who were the responsible advisers of the cro wn, had give instruc tions to the Lord Chancellor of Ireland to exert all his ?tb cial authority for the purpose of discouraging the agitation, and her Majesty's name had been used under the same Instructions. Lord STANLEY moved the bringing up of the report of the resolutions on the importation of Canadian corn That in re - Mr.. M. GIBSON moved as an amendment—" Tha ducing the duty on the importation of Canada wheat and edient wheat flour into the United Kingdom, it is no t exp that such reduction should be made contingent on the unrgn sition or maintenance of a duty on the importation of forei corn into Canada. Dr. BOWRING se The or conded the amendment. 6 inat motion was agreed to by a majority of 195 Leave was then given to bring in the bill. The Lords' amendments to the Registration of Vo to, tea cors Bill were then considered, and, some being disagreed m mittee was appointed to draw up reasons for dissenting. On the motion for the seco nd reading of the Arms (Ire land) Bill, Lord EmoT stated that th e bill was for the purgose of continuing acts now in existence, but which were about to expire. He hoped that gentlemen would not be so far blinded by party spirit as to oppose a bill which was believed to be necessary, and had been adopted by parliament in times less feverish than the present. The noble lord referred to several documents to prove the necessity of re-enacting the bill, and reminded the house that although there were undoubtedly other modes of assassination, there were none so secret as that of fire-arms, or so likely to evade detection. The prin ciple of the bill had been recognised during the last 50 years, by five successive governmen ts. The only deviation i n the present measure from the bill of the late government was to substitute for the affidavit now required a recommendation by two respectable persons that the applicant was a fit person to possess arms, and to pl ace the Roman Catholic in this respect on the same footing as the Protestant ; to have the arms of all persons, rich or poor, branded and registered, and their owners licensed ; and to allow to the court a discretion, not possessed at present, as to transporting or imprisoning persons in whose possessio n were found unlawful tire-arras, or pikes, daggers , or ot her destructive implements, evidently intended for unlawful p ur p oses ; to allow one h j t h e name of ustice o f the peac e power to grant a se arch warrant, in whic the officer to whom its execution was intrusted was to be in serted, and to prevent the sale of gunpowder to persons not licensed to possess arms. It would be open Lo any member to amend the details of the bill in committee ; but be thought those members would incur a very heavy responsibility who opposed it altogether, and for his shriownnk part, however unpo lr it might hP ' -gild not is he believed ' rom his duty with essential to the a measure whi,c peace and security of Ireland. Mr. S. CRAWFORD admitted the moderation with which the tha noble lord had introduced the measure, but contended they. t it l was altogether unnecessary. The question was, whe reland was to be governed by justice or coercion, and although there might be precedents for this measure, yet that rendered yisio it by no means less arbitrary or vexatious. Its pro severns were unconstitutionally stringent, and its penalties ely penal. The measure had been framed upon a very thesuperficiala knowledge of the state of Ireland. The cause of situation of landlords and tenants. The latter, unable to ob justice from the law, were obliged to create a law for themselves. If they improved their condition and gave them protection, outrages which never could be put down tbyeanarmy would instantly cease. The Irish poor law was . only measure they had received in redemption of the pledge of 1e34, and that measure pleased nobody. He was ePie r o e s a ed to the bill on principle, and therefore moved that it be Loa d n a second time that day six months. CLEhi KNTS cordially seconded the amendment, but that the felt much more pleasure in doing so if it had been e serjeant-at-arms should kick the bill out of the house. T m h a measure had, he admitted, been brought forward in a benefit to Ireland were suffered to lie neglected on the table, was an aggravation of Irish grievances to press forward a measure like the present. Why should such measures be passed for Ireland more than for England ? Had there not beenoutrages in Englaud ? Had there been no attacks upon individuals—no attempts upon the life of her 'Majesty ?In anEngland they called the perpetrators Of such outrages mad;" d the theory was, be presumed, that murders were com mitted in England by madmen, and in Ireland by Roman for Ireland, if they were to legislate for Piccadilly as they did Ireland, giving arms to one class of people only, they would find that all Piccadilly would be as discontented as Ireland. ill were n ecessary Mr. Sieve said if he thought such a b he would give it hi; reluctant but strenuous support, but he believed it was utterly inefficient for any legitimate object. '1 referred to the state of the county of Tipperary., which he bad at one time the honour to represent, and said that the outrages there were owing to the inefficient administration of the law. Large bribes were given to informers, but the h onest witnesses were left wholly unprotected• The solicitor for the crown who resided in Dublin, came down with the judges, efficiency,prepared his case necessarily with a speed incompatible with and from want of knowledge of the witnesses was battled by the superior knowledge of the local solicitor, who ba d to defend the prisoners. He also attributed much evil to the jury system—the challenges allowed to the crown amounting in effect to nearly packing a jury. He objec ted to the Arms Bill on several grounds, but more e specially because it created a distinction between Enland and Ireland. It was a mockery, under such a system of to say that Ireland was an integral part of the legislation,ml they were teaching Ireland that it was necessary to have different legislation for the two countries, they were perhaps also in structing her that with different legislation they ought also have different lawgivers. The right hon. gentleman then referred to the opposition of Henry Brogham—not hLord Brongham—to the Arms Bill of 1819, and asked the use to imagine how his eloquence would have scorched the miatnh who would have dared to propose that every blacksm should be licensed, that every weapon should be brande d . and that every man in whose house a knife might be found at the end of a staff should be transported. It w ns a " n - mon observation on the ministerial side of the house to say that the repeaters were in the wrong, but be would ask theie! i the were themselves conspicuously in then ight ? Lard.n Stanley had undertaken to legislate for Irelan and bad i - troduced a registration bill for Ireland which had done than for the furtherance of the cause of repeal in Ireland tthan go any other circumstance that he knew of. The presen t sor vernment wished it to be believed that they were anxiou l _ the preservation of the morality of the people of Irelandelci eit yet by their tiscal regulations they gave a stimulus to ill . 1. distillation, which was the parent of almost eve ry crime i n Ireland. He referred to the speech of her Majesty. ciTh the a l c rs e h ission, in which she recognised the apprecci ti people had displayed of the justice wi been treated, and expressed her confidence in their loyalty whichxthey had and contrasted it with the present state of that country uend.e_;_ a conservative administration. He also contrasted .i, and ferent conduct pursued towards Ireland and Canada, the i fervently prayed that the former might be treated_w . . same justice that had been so wisely meted out to Canede• Mr. SMITH sa id that a similar measure to the one before the house had been introduced into the House of Commons, by Lord Morpeth, in 1838, m eas ure the of the Cabinet of that day, and against that n with the unanimous ncurrence right hon. gentleman had never opened his lips. I . .1181.0-19 m an_ arms bill was again introduced, and not a single Iris! e ber raised a voice against it. If there the severity of the was any objection to enal clauses of the bill that objectionh should not be urged in the resent stage of the b lended ut should be reserved until it wasp committed. He con that in the eyes of those who agitated Ireland, the meaning of the words " Justice to Ireland" was that the church should be despoiled of its possessions, suffrage and fixity of tenure should be conceded, the t latter and that universal meaning nothing less than the transfer of landed proper y in Ireland from the landlords to the occupeing these might be added the confiscation of the property of ab tenants. To sentees, and nothing else but all these concessions would be considered as justice to Ireland. Lord J. fen d er s, said that the hon. and learned gentle man had defended the bill, not upon its merits, not upnodntttaiet necessity for its enactment but merely upon titherou .1.1 a similar measure had been in by Precedlng government. Even presuming that the two bills bad been the same, yet it was to be be remembered that under the former government measures were pursued to conciliafe the people, and to cause them to rely neo n d d not tion of the law, although the ministry of the day i. the just adminietr feel themselves justified in abandoning the existing objectspre cautionary laws until they felt confides that theirrih had been effected. They enlisted the syrup people, and having done so, they might gradually have .go pathies of the. e got rid of every law which had even the appearance o f coerecisnnt. Those measures had not been persevered in by , the pr geed . government—the sympathies of the people were disreg.. in the a ppointments to the judgeship and to the mag.isterial bench, and also in the displacement of P° for pular magistrates attending meetings, which the Lord Chancellor of.lree land had declared to be le I. .Not knowing what iniechief might result from the reje ction of this bill, helot not I take upon himself the responsibility of opposing second reading ; but though he thought the union ought to be main tained for the benefit of both England and Ireland, yet he had no hesitation in saying that as long as the p arties agitating for that repeal conducted themselves ac cording .to them by in w, it was not right to excite and irritate law, a d judicious interference. debate was On the motion of Mr. BLEWIrT the journed m oved for b y until this day. return Another Irish debate sprung from a Mr. S. O'BeigN, in which complaints w ere made by guile of the Irish members that all the chiefs of departments in Ireland were either Englishmen or Scotchmen ; to which Sir R. PEEL replied, that for the most part they were in office w hen the present govern ment came into then power. The other orders of th e day were disposed of, and the house adjourned. ---.......--. HOUSE OF LORDS.---TUISSDA.V. The Earl of ABERDE EN g ave notice that be woul d, on Thursday, move the first reading of a bill for the admission of ministers in the Church of Scotland. The Marquis of CLANCARDE read the letter recently written by the direction of t he Lord Chancellor of Ireland dismissing Lord Ffrench from the comission of the pence, on the ground that the minister of theyown had declared in parliament that the Queen and her government were deter mined to make the union inviolate, and asked upon what ground the Irish government coald pretend to shape its con duct according to a speech in Parliament rather than accord ing to law. He also wished to know if any communication had been made to the Irish government in an official shape that any speech or message from the throne had been deli vered respecting the repeal of the union. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the Irish government had been instructed that it was the determination of her Ma jesty's advisers to maintain the the inviolate. No other instructions had been given. The Marquis of CLANRICA ROIL said that the step taken by the Lord Chancellor was contrary to the constitution, and he considered his letter to be most improper and unfortunate. The Duke of WELLINGTON referred to the anxiety occa sioned hp the agitation in Ireland, and said that government had adopted measures to enable the Lord Lieutenant of that country to preserve the peace, and to adopt all requisite mea sures to preserve the union inviolate. Her Majesty had de clared her intention tom aintain the union, and yet magis trates'holding her commission were presiding over repeal m eetings. It was the boun den duty of the Lord Chancellor when it was well to g iv e ever y check to these repeal meetings, known to be the intention of the government to maintain the Inviolability of the union. After a few observations from the Earl cf GLENGALL, Lord CAMPBELL denied that the repeal meetinga wer e ne cessarily illegal, and condemned the letter of the Lord Chan cellor arks from the Earl of CHARLNVILLE and After some rem.. the Earl of WICKLOW, The LORD CHANCELLOR defended the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and said had he acted ot herwise he would have neztected the duty which he owed to hi s country a nd to his Soveresgn Lord CI demned th. SHAM and the Marquis of LkssoowNx con- FFE said that a y e t the assemblage of , ug h the 200, 1 0) persons must create terror, and were not therefore peac e had to be tolerated. As to the dismissal of Lord French , he "3 Lord WH ARN( roken at these meeting thfry `p :=7 ; '/Z quite ready to take his share of the responsibility of that step, for any magistrate who attended such meetings was not fit to remain in the commission of the peace. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved for the production of the letter of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, which was agreed to. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-TUESDAY Lord P.II.MERSTOI4tOOIt occasion to regret that the post ponement of a motion of Mr. Cochrane's relative to our financial intercourse with Greece prevented him from setting Sir R. Peel right in an assertion he had made on a former evening to the effect that the interest on the Greek loan had been guaranteed by the late government. This was an error, for that loan was guaranteed by the government of 1830, of which Sir R. Peel was a leading member. THE IRELAND ARMS BILL Mr. C. BULLER said that the effect of the bill would be to deprive the virtuous of arms, while it would have no effectlin preventing those disposed to commit outrage from procuring the means of doing so. He did not regard the bill itself as a matter of importance. being only a continuation of an old law which both parties in that house had supported, but in one point of view it was important. It might have been easily passed by the late government without any particular jealousy, because the late Government ruled by the feelings of the majority, while the present government ruled accord ing to the feelings of the minority. The repeal of the union ought to be deprecated by every one, and more particularly by the people of Ireland. How then was it that the people of Ireland wished to repeal that union? How was it that the poor and weak wished to separate themselves from the strong and wealthy ? How was it that for the last two cen turies the misgovernment of Ireland had been the scandal of Christendom ? How was it that while all Europe was ad vancing, the condition of the people of Ireland had been getting worse ? The causes of the misery of Ireland were chiefly the conduct of the landlords, and the existence of the Established Church upon the endowments of their ancestors intended for the instruction of the people, but which were expended in disgraceful absenteeism or more deplorable re sidence. Ireland had been quiet under the late administra tion, because it soaght to conciliate the people ; but the pre sent Government on its accession had alleged itself to the Orange party in that country, and had elevated judges to the bench in whom the people had no confidence, and thus lost for itself public confidence by the proceeding. In one year and a half the right hon. baronet had alienated from England the hearts of the people of Ireland, and even at the present moment, whatever good for Ireland he had in store, he kept it carefully concealed, and only presented it with an arms bill. Mr. SHAW looked upon Ireland to be in a most unsatis factory and alarming condition, the lower classes being in a state of unnatural excitement, while those above them were despondent and dejected. He referred to the temperance movement, and spoke highly of the motives of Father Mathew, and said that in his own jurisdiction he found that within the last two years crime had decreased one-third. It appeared, however, that everything which in other countries would be esteemed a blessing beeame in Ireland an addi tional curse, and thus the temperance movement with its badges and medals was made use of by designing people to render more perfect a system of organisation for other pur poses. He did not apprehend any danger of an outbreak i❑ Ireland, for Mr. O'Connell, as he himself declared, " knew a trick worth two of that." His whole policy was to keep the people in order while keeping them also in a constant agitation by causing them to meet in myriads. The real danger to be apprehended was not the repeal of the union, but the organisation of the entire country under the plea of repeal. The danger was in fact the combination of the Ca tholic clergy with the mass of the people of Ireland for the purpose of subverting the rights of property in Ireland. While he said this he felt bound in justice to say that the most alarmed of all classes at the present state of things, and the most anxious for its termination, were the respectable Roman Catholics. He supported the second reading of the bill. Mr. V. STUART supported the bill, which he hoped would be amended in committee. Sir 11. W. BARRON' moved the adjournment of the debate. which, after some discussion, was agreed to. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY. Mr. WYSE, who resumed the debate on the Irish Arms Bill, contended that the wrongs of Ireland might be redress ed and the people reclaimed by improving the relations be tween landlords and tenants ; by encouraging public works, and thus giving employment to the people ; and by promoting everything which might conduce to the happiness and pros perity of the country. It was a mistake to suppose that the organisation for repeal was a thing of yesterday ; for, in point of fact, it originated in the struggle for Catholic emancipa tion. He imputed no blame to the Government for not promoting their political opponents, for no government would go upon any such system as that of neglecting its friends, for the advantage of its enemies, but he did blame the Government for neglecting opportunities of advancing from the ranks of their friends individuals who would have proved acceptable to the people of Ireland. Lord JOCELYN argued that the bill was necessary in order to preserve social security in Ireland, and that as long as the country continued to be excited by agitators so long would it be necessary to adopt stringent measures to preserve the peace. The much boasted tranquility of Ireland during the late administration was to be entirely attributed to the operation of the Lichfield House compact. Mr. J. O'BRIEN said it was a reproach to Government and to the Parliament that Ireland after nearly half a cen tury of legislative union should be still treated more as a subjugated province than as an integral part of the empire. They had had a sufficient trial of the inefficacy of a coercive policy, and it would therefore be well to reverse the policy, and trust to the affections of the Irish people. They should not be led away by the idea that this formidable array of the Irish people was to be entirely attributed to the ambition of a few individuals, for they had the experience of history to teach them that no intelligent people could be similarly excited unless by the stimulus of the conviction of actual wrong. The people of Ireland felt that the spirit of class legislation still existed, and that the Roman Catholics were still a proscribed race. The hon. member enumerated many of the grievances complained of by the people of Ireland, and concluded by expressing his determination to oppose the bill before the house at every stage. Colonel VERNER contrasted the conduct of orangemen with that of the repealers. The former instantly dissolved their associations on the first declaration of the goverment against them, while the Repeal Association announced its determination to persevere in opposition to the government. The people of Ireland had a thirst for arms, which should be controlled by such a bill as the one on the table. The O'CoNon DON could not support an arms bill for Ireland, the obnoxious provisions of which would not be tolerated in England. The maintenance of order in Ireland was to be chiefly attributed to the Roman Catholic priests, whose loyalty was undoubted, though they had joined in the repeal agitation in utter despair of obtaining by any other means a remedy for the wrongs of their country. After such an expression of his opinions he thought the Lord Chancellor of Ireland would be as fully justified in dismissing him from the commission of the peace as he thought himself in remov ing Lord Ffrench or any other of those magistrates who had been deprived of the commission. Mr. HAWES advocated the necessity of adopting a system . , of impartiality in the administration of the law in Ireland, and of conciliating the affections of the people by elevating to office those whose names would inspire confidence in the good spirit and intentions of the executive. lie protested against the dismissal of magistrates for exercising the consti tutional right of attending public meetings to obtain the re peal of an act of parliament. Deeming the provisions of the bill an indication of the altered spirit of the English govern ment towards Ireland, he would join in opposing it to the utmost. Sir J. GRAHAM admitted that nothing less than very grave • reasons could have induced him to interfere with the con stitutional right to carry arms, but the present state of Ire- ' land was a sufficient justification for the bill before the house. The Arms Bill was first imposed on Ireland by its domestic parliament, and had been continued almost uninterruptedly for a period of half a century. It was a gross misrepresenta tion to say that the bill went the length of disarming the peo ple of Ireland, for it only went the length of enabling the officers of justice to trace the criminal if the crime had been committed by such registered arms. lie con tended that the appointments made by the present go vernment in Ireland were, as far as possible, impartial; and they i had actually incurred much odium by their ex ertions n favour of the education of the Irish people. It was true that there might be unreasonable prejudices against some of the judicial appointments, but surely the long standing of Chief Justice Pennefather, and of Judges Lefroy, .Blackburn, and Jackson, came in aid of their un doubted qualifications for the positions to which they had been raised. The government was resolved to carry out the a dministration of the affairs for the benefit of the people of Ireland, and not of a party, of which the displeasure of that party was a sufficient proof. Ile defended the established church of Ireland and its clergy from the aspersions cast upon it and them by Mr. C. Buller; and contended that the pea santry of Ireland had reason to be thankful that they had such friends as the clergy to supply the place of an absentee nobility and gentry. With respect to a bill like the one on the table, it was observed that Sir Samuel Romilly had said that it would be madness to pass such a measure ; but he would say, looking at the present state of Ireland, that it would be cowardice and treachery to the interests of Ireland not to pass it. The Earl of LisTowee said that if the bill had been merely a continuation of the former act he should not oppose it, hut it had clauses which rendered it peculiarly offensive to the people of Ireland, and as it was professed to he the result of the agitation for the repeal of the union he was the more firmly opposed to it on that account, though not an advocate for that measure. Still, seven eighths of the Irish public were now in favour of repeal, and they should rather seek to further irritate them by measures of coercion. The root of all the evils of Ireland was, that the Established Church in that country was the church of the minority and not of the m ajority, and those evils would, in his opinion, be aggra vated by this bill, which he would therefore decidedly op pose. Mr. Rosined( said, that in respect to this bill the present Government was treading in the steps of preceding Govern ments for centuries back ; and it was a remarkable fact, that when the bill was that night under discussion there was not one member of the late administration present. When he first saw the present bill he was indignant at several of its provisions, and made enquiry as to the nature of the provi sions of the previous acts, when he found that the original fact was not a " Saxon insult," but the emanation of an Irish parliament ; and the Irish members during the late adminis tration had, by supporting the re-enactment of the Arms Bill, given to him a warning never to trust an Irish member when the interests of Ireland were eat stake. Ireland was a conquered country—the reformation had not been successful there, and some of the greatest friends of liberty in England had been the greatest tyrants in Ireland. He was opposed to the present bill, because it was directed against all the princi ples of good government. The greatest evil of Ireland was the rampant church establishment of the minority of the peo ple, whose revenues should be otherwise appropriated. The hon. member subsequently used the term " robbery," as ap plied to the exactions made on the people for the support of the church, and the express ion havin g met with some dis approbation, he said he used it in no offensive sense, for he Proposed robbing himself—robbery . of the Irish Church 'Establishment, the church of the minority ; and he wished to use terms not to be misunderstood—to use them above board : for he would apply the revenues of the Church to the maintenance of the religion of the majority, or else appo rtion them amongst all sects indifferently. The hon. and learned gentleman then asked what the Government proposed to do. Was th e En g lish army to be enlisted ag ainst the whole peopl e of Ireland ? Were they to be called upon to pass coercion bills ; o r were the y to be told that it was high treason to discuss the repeal of an act of Par liament? The right hon. baronet at the head of the Go vernment was placed in a most difficult position. His Government was afraid of doing justice to Ireland, because of the wish to prese rve the su pp ort of the dominant minority in that country. He believed the right hon. baronet would be glad to get rid of that support, which was in reality destroying him. Let him then follow out the dictates of his o wn enlightened spirit. knowing what was right—feeling what was just—let bin do justice to Ireland, and he need not fear for England. Sir R. PERL said, he should, at a more fitting period, be prepared to prove that . he had redeemed his pledge of con ducting the affairs ot Ireland ill a spirit of conciliation and i mpa rtiality. The chief charge against them was the ap pointment of Mr. Sergeant Jackson and Mr. Lefroy to the ju di c i a l b en ch ; but in the same breath ill which the charge was made, it was admitted that their judicial conduct was free from all imputation. He was surp r i s ed th a t h onoura ble gen tlemen on the opposition benches did not displ a y s ome g r e ater degree of liberality than thus to attack the Gorern- ebe Etherpoot Alan Darb. to bu concealed, that when the decisive hour has ar rived—when blood has to be shed and outrage to stalk openly abroad, it will he by these peaceful and pious ministers of Christ (.9 that the frenzied masses will be led on to the consummation of their meditated atro cities l_ _ There must indisputably be something peculiar in the system of education, and religious and political training of the ministers of a church who are to be found thus engaged, to a man, in the pursuit of ob jects only attainable by violence, and which must he attended with the temporal ruin of the people amongst whom their ministry is placed. Amongst the priest hood of other churches and sects political differences are to be. found existing. Rome alone is united ! Her clergy, disaffected towards the British connexion, are united in their disaffection. They advance towards their object by the same path ; and openly proclaim that tiaey will seek it even through blood and civil war. They are at this moment only nominally subjects of the Brit;,sh Crown ; and look forward, and march forward, to t'ne establishment of a nother supremacy in Ireland— to the establishment, in fact, of the tiara of Rome as the. supreme power in that land, and to the destruction of, every thing within its shores recognising British authority, or bearing the hated SAXON name ! Such is the position of the clergy of the Romish Church in Ireland. Why is it thus ? How comes it to be thus ? Surely the time has at length arrived when these questions should be imperatively put by the united people of Great Britain. We provide from year to year the funds for which these men are trained to the sacred offiee. We endow MAyNooTti—the hotbed from which this vast mass of disaffection and disloyalty springs up—with the money of the Protes tant people of Great Britain. Wu teach the priest hood of Ireland—as a nation we teach them—this reli gion, and confer upon them the qualifications for this ministry, which from the first moment of their entry upon its sacred offices impels them into the pursuit of objects dangerous to the security and entireness of the British Empire ; and it is surely but just and wise that the British Parliament should promptly and deter minedly demand a knowledge of the peculiar teaching of an institution, of which such are the teeming fruits. What we ask, and we have a right to ask, are the doc trines inculcated, at the expense of the Biitish public, in the College of Maynooth ? It is too late, now, to tell us of the uncharitableness of such a demand. It is too late to whimper of " con ciliation" and " expediency." These have been tried— and disastrous has been the result of the experiment ! It is to be found in the hundreds of thousands of banded traitors in Ireland, clamouring day by day for the destruction of British property and life in that un happy land ! It is to be found in the fact that we know not the day or the hour in which the blood of thousands of loyal and right-hearted subjects in Ireland may not stain the feet of the wolf of Rome! It is to be found in tumultuous gatherings of misguided men longing for the time when they may he suffered to howl over the defaced altars of our Protestant Church ; to sweep away from the land every vestige of the power and the civilisation of England, and to rush into the darkness of a spiritual despotism ;—to place their necks and their consciences beneath the feet of a Church which, amid the light and the truth of the nineteenth century, is still insatiatable in her thirst of power, and ruthless in her cravings for blood, as in the darkness of past ages ! It is too late, we repeat, to tell us of concession and conciliation—to tell us of peace when there is no peace. The master evil of Ireland is in the faith which is taught in the seminary of Allaynooth ; and, in the name of the Protestant people of Great Britain, we demand to know, now, WHAT IS THAT FAITH ? The gentlemen of the Anti-Corn-Law League ar just now striving hard to throw dust in the eyes of the merchants and citizens of London, and enlist their sympathie or their pockets, in behalf of their selfish agitation. if we may judge, however, by the names of those wt,o are said to attend their various city meet ings, the tempt has been hitherto rewarded with but a very slig lit amount of success. Nor is this wonder ful, when we glance at the miserable trash which Mr. ichard Cobden and his fellow spouters have thus far dished up for their acceptance. Such raving as the following, for example, which was uttered by this gen tleman in the presence of an assembly at the Hall of Commerce, in the city, is surely much better calcu lated for Saint Giles's or Bedlam, than for the hear ing of the sober and reflecting merchants of the metro polis of Great Britain. After describing to his audience the state of our re lations with Brazil, he proceeded in this strain : " Why, you do not understand these things, or you would be no more quiet than I am under them. There is no man of spirit that understands them that could be quiet (.9 It is an ignomy—it is a disgrace to such a state of things. Why, there might be some merit— some consolation at all events—to be under the thrall of such men as Cwsar, a Napoleon, or a Cromwell ; but to be the t oor paltry slaves of the mongrel aristocracy of the sugar hogshead—to be the creatures of such sor did oligarchy, is to suffer a deeper degradation than ever was inflicted upon a people, by a Ilahomet Ali, or any barbarian conqueror, or usurper, that I ever read of." Is it to be wondered at that men who can deliberately utter in public such rubbish as this, are shrunk from with disgust by the wealthy merchants and trades of London ? Is it tt, tie wondered at that their city audi ences are the tailor e, to,, barbers, avid other respectable persons, who happen to he engaged in celebrating the festival of their favorite saint—" Saint Monday ;" We are quite content to leave our contemporary, the Manchester Guardian, in possession of his fancied tri umph. He, of course, is perfectly aware of his own position, and we are content with our own. We have offered to grapple with the question, which he was so confident that we would shrink from, provided he would state it distinctly. He has refused so to do ; and we are confident that those who know the Guardian will agree with the prudence of our determination to enter upon no discussion with him upon a question which our opponent leaves so loosely stated that he can hack out of it at pleasure. The Guardian is rather an adept at this kind of practice. FACTORY EDUCATION BILL ment for appointing persons to the bench wh 6se station in I their profession was such as to command : attention, arid whose subsequent conduct was wholly unimpei able. This act was not proposed in reference to the p resent state of Ireland ; for notice was given of its introductii )ri long before the repeal agitation had assumed its present si sape. It was, in fact, intended for a totally different state of things, the object being to check the perpetration of as sassination in Ireland. The right hon. baronet then contel ided that the evidence of Mr. Sheil, as given in his speech. on Monday night, was the strongest possible proof of the: necessity of this bill. The whole question was, whether the house would put an end to any measure for the regulation of the posses sion of arms in Ireland; for, if not, the nature of the measure to be adopted might be settled in committee. The bill was brought forward in no hostile spirit to Ireland, but merely from a desire to afford protection to the peaceable portion of the population of that country, and, under such circum stances, he trusted the house would accord their support to the measure. The house then divided. and the second reading was car ried by a majority of 270 to 105. On the motion that the bill be committed, Mr. S. O'BRIEN moved as an amendment for a select committee to inquire whether the state of Ireland was such as to require statutory enactments differing from those of England, and if so to what causes it was to be attributed. The hon. member read a letter complaining of the conduct of Lord Hawarden to his tenantry. The amendmeut was negatived without a diviskzn. The house then adjourned. '0 MERCHANTS, BROKERS, AND OTHERS The largely increased and most respectable circulation which the Tuesday's Edition of the LIVERPOOL STANDARD has now obtained amongst the mercantile body in Manchester affords its proprietors the gratify- I ing power of urging this, amongst the other undeniable, claims which it possesses, upon the favor of that portion of the mercantile community of Liverpool who desire to bring their advertisements before the notice of buyers in the neighbouring manufacturing districts. In most of the surrounding towns of Lancashire the circulation of the STANDARD is steadily increasing. /n Manchester, however, the centre of the manufacturing district, our publication of Tuesday—occurring upon the most im portant market day of the Cotton Trade, when its Exchange and Hotels are thronged with country manu facturers, spinners, and calico printers—is firmly es tablished in circulation, and is perused with increased and increasing interest. Under these encouraging circumstances, we trust to receive an increased measure of support from the mer chants and brokers of the town generally ; and it affords us great pleasure to assure those of our friends amongst those classes, who have hitherto bestowed their adver tising favours liberally upon us. of our increased ability to do justice to the interests committed to their care. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We cannot find room for the letter of " Castigator" to-day. A correspondent states that all insurance companies arc formed under the regulations of acts of parliament, by which the responsibility of the shareholders (unlike that of joint stock banks) is limited to the amount of shares sub scribed for by each individual—hence the names of an insurance directory are no criterion of its solvency or responsibility. FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 2, 1843 There was no need existing of a demonstration of the meanness which forms the distinguishing charac teristic of 'Whig statesmanship. There was scarcely any evidence wanting of its desperate wickedness. And yet how irresistibly are these qualities forced upon our observation by the debate of Monday and Tuesday nights, upon the Irish Arms Bill ! A reckless incen diary and an alien priesthood, in Ireland, are struggling to sever that fair but unhappy land from the British Empire. Midnight crime has for years past stained with blood its fertile vallies, and carried terror and outrage to its solitary homesteads. The brutalised and misguided population of Ireland—to use the expres sion of a witness who well knows them—" thirst" for the possession of arms ; and to procure them rush headlong to the commission of violence upon the per sons of the owners. To provide a remedy for such a state of things, the Irish government propose the re newal, or, more properly, the remodification of the existing arms bill—a measure passed, under circum stances infinitely less pressing, by a Whig administra tion ; and yet against the passing of such a measure, at a crisis the most fearful, with rebellion actually im pending, the leader of the late Whig administration has the insufferable audacity to enter his puny protest, and mouth out his own miserable specifics for the cure of the evil which it is designed to meet and overcome I And what is the Whig prescription for the putting down of Irish outrage? It is, briefly, impunity, and encouragement to its perpetration ! " We," exclaims his lordship, " governed Ireland upon the principle of conciliation. We released the convicted murderers in her prisons ; we turned loose upon society her ruffianly assassins ; we gave power and pay to her disaffected agitators. We displayed to the civilised world the novel spectacle of the councils of a great nation swayed by a mendicant plunderer of his fellow-countrymen and the tail of 30 or 40 / venal instruments of his bad ambition, which the terrorism and coercion of mob violence and priestly intimidation had placed within his hands to wield ; and as the result of such a policy, we left Ireland tranquil! Yes : tranquil as the beast of prey after he has gorged himself with the flesh of his victim. Oh, how tranquil was Ireland ! It was a sleeping volcano. Its very air was charged with the elements of ruin and devastation, with the spark only wanting to bring about the explosion ! Give justice to Ireland, exclaims the apologists of Whig statesmanship. " Justice to Ireland," we ask ! What is that ? Where is its definition ? Is it to be found in the destruction of the Protestant Church in that unhappy priest.ridden land ? Is it to be found in the Repeal of the Union ? We can find it nowhere — in the realisation of no intelligible or definable evasion of the rights of property or of conscience. It is a thing too buoyant to be grasped—too impervious to be felt. Even Lord John Russell dare not attempt to grapple with it ; but contents himself, as a substitute, with pacification for Ireland. You need no arms bill, he exclaims. You may place pikes and muskets in the hands of her unfuriated and misguided millions, and you will be safe, if you only consent to govern them upon Whig principles (!)—to wink at outrage, to con cede to threats, to reward the disaffected, and permit a burly traitor to bask in the smiles of authority, to feed upon peculation, and to insult with his loathsome and fawning flattery the throne itself ! " I am prepared, when the question of Repeal of the Union, is mooted in a constitutional manner in this house, to meet it by a direct negative ; but I deprecate harsh proceedings on the part of government, which will tend to aggravate the popular dissatisfaction." Indeed, my lord ! But the leader of the agitation for repeal is not disposed to trouble the House of Com mons with any discussion upon the subject. lie laughs at Parliament ! He laughs at the power of Great Britain to put down his disaffected proceedings, and is about to attempt the achievement of his object by violence. A petty Whig statesman, longing for the sweets of official place and pay, may talk about his de termination to meet that attempt, when the time is ripe for its explosion, by the arm of authority ; but a wise Conservative government will disarm treason, before it has leisure to put its lance in rest, and commence its headlong career against the peace and integrity of the empire ! The position of the Roman Catholic clergy of Ire land, in connection with the agitation now going on in that distracted land, is well worthy of our serious con sideration. The declaration of Dr. Higgins, the titular bishop of Armagh, that the entire body of the prelates of the Romish Church in Ireland are in favour of the Repeal of the Union, anti of the measures of spoliation and outrage contemplated a• the issue of such repeal, stands, as yet, uncontradicted except by Dr. Murray. In his case, even, it is to be doubted whether the re pudiation of sympathy with repeal is so perfectly sin cere as he would wish it to be believed ; and we Inve, in addition to this damning evidence of the designs of the Romish party, the fact, which will assuredly not be denied, that ninety-nine out of a hundred of the priest- hood throughout the country are ardent and pledged repealers ! By that body is carried out the fearful or ganisation—all but a military organisation—which we see at this moment existing amongst the deluded pea santry. It is by them that the vast bodies assembled at Cork, at Limerick, at Longford, were marched in triumph, with banners and music, and, we may add, with arms in their hands, to the places of gathering. Their chapels are the sources from which the stream ing sedition is spread through every hamlet and every townland ; and it is scarcely concealed, or attempted TO THE REV• WILLIAM VEVERS SIR,-1 am sorry you should have addressed me as an enemy to the Wesleyan Methodists, or as having made any unkind or unfriendly proposal to them. Nothing could have been farther from my intention : and on reviewing my lan guage as reported in the newspapers, I am happy to say that I cannot find any just ground for the accusations which you have felt it your duty publicly to advance against me. By some anonymous, and to me unknown, writer, who has published a defence of me against your charges, I find the following descriptio❑ of the object I had in view. The writer has fairly gathered it from the speech, and I cordially adopt his description as correct and true. He says— The appeal made by Mr. M`Neile to the Wesleyan body was, in broad terms, this. We admit the amount and efficacy of the educational efforts made thus far by the Wesleyan body. We see. however, at the same time, their inability to cope with the vast ex tent of the evil disclosed to our view. The state has also arrived at this conviction, accompanied by a sense of its own duty in the emergency presented ; and has offered a plan by which the evil may be fully and efficiently grappled with. But the state has a re ligion, that religion being the religion of the Church of England, in all the essentials of which wesleyans agree ; and she puts it to you, as a matter of earnest consideration, whether, having already done so much for the promotion of Scriptural education, and feeling that your utmost zeal is unequal to the work which presses 'to be done, you are disposed to stand in the way of that work being un dertaken by her, through the agency of the established clergy, or merging your sectarian prejudices, you are disposed to occupy the broad ground of Christian good Fort A LL, and to say to the CHURCH " God speed you to the full accomplishment of the task of duty, to the performance of which we confess ourselves with our willingness, unequal." This was the spirit and substance of Mr. M'Neile's appeal to the Wesleyan body. In Christian kindness it was made; but how hat it been met by Mr. Vevers ? This is just —except that I used no expression so harsh as sectarian prejudices. As a specimen of the manner in which you have treated my speech, I will here take the liberty of transcribing a passage from your letter, and compare it with the passage in the speech to which it refers, and from which it contains a partial quotation : And nt,w that both Church and State are rouxcd, what is the philanthropic mode of proc ee di ng which you , as t h e cha mpion of the Hann! , of the Clergy, propose for adoption? Is it to stay the plai;ne No : the plague has been stayed in that portion (it the community which has been brought under instruction by the Wes leyans and the Dissenters. Your proposal substantially is that the leyans and Dissenters should certe to labour in this mural de- Bert; that the Clergy should cuter upon their labours, and take eY elusive posgession of the field : the inevitable consequence of which would be the prevalence and the extension of the plag ue. You pro pose, not actually to attempt to stay the plague, but to labour where the plague has been stayed ! Your own liAnguar, - e, which yutl impute to the Wtsleyaß3, 13, We cannot endure the notion of the children for Ixhom we have so long toiled being taken from our institution, and consigned to the care of a board of trustees, the official chairman of which is a Tractarian, who condemns the Irinciple of the Reformation, and avows his desire to unprotes :antize the English Church." This is a distinct and unequivocal avowal on your part that your Object is, not so much to stay the plague where it actually rages, as to take possession of the fruits of the labours of the Wesleyans and Dissenters. What patriotism What piety ! This is a sample of class interest !—Letter, p. 7• Now compare with this, the report of the part of my speech here referred to, the same report which you say was before you, namely, that given in the Liverpool Standard : And now you have a golden opportunity of showing the true ele vation of the motives and principles by which you are actuated. You may say we have supplied for a season, as far as we could, the lack of service of both Church and State : we have been forward to stand in the gap, and by all our energies to stay the plague. The work, indeed, was too heavy for us, but we did our best. Now, the State is roused to the necessity of engaging in this work, with a ,wer such as we could not of course command, and instead of employing us, she employs the established church as her agent, What, then, is our Christian course ? Is it to be contentious, and envious and murmuring ; or is to be thankful that now, at last, the work we wished to do, and endeavoured to do, but could not effec. Wally do, is to be effectually done by others? IF YOU SAY, would rejoice to see the work done, but we grieve to see it spoiled, as spoiled it must be by the established church clergy in their pre sent semi-popish state ; we cannot endure the notion of the chil dren for whom we have so long toiled being taken from the institu tion, and consigned to the care of a board of trustees, the official chairman of which is a Tractarian, who condemns the principle of the Reformation, and avows his desire to unproteatantize the Eng lish church;" —lf you say this, I agree with you in this, with all my heart and soul; and if I believed that such views were indeed cha racteristic of the clergy of the established church as a body, I would advocate nothing that would place power or influence in their hands. But is this so The words I have here printed in italics, bearing as they do upon the drift of the whole passage, aid OMITTED AS THEY ARE IN YOU?. LETTER, will place the matter between us in a clear point of view, and answer, I hope, so far as I am concerned, all your eloquence against " Puseyism," which, however valuable in its place, was wholly misplaced in an appeal to me. I proceeded to assign some reasons for thinking that the evil of Tractarianism (as it is called for convenience and brevity) is by no means so widely spread in the Church of England as many persons seem to suppose; and I did so, because I understood the chief objection of the Wesleyana to the educational clauses of the Factory Bill to be grounded upon the supposed unsoundness of the Clergy of the Esta blished Church as a body. The tone and tenor of my whole address to the Wesleyans were, on the occasion referred to, as always, those of un feigned kindliness ; and I feel assured that the specimen al ready supplied of the manner in which you have met me will exculpate me in their minds from any necessity of entering more largely into your letter. The only substantial answer than could be given to my friendly expostulation would be proof (if proof could be supplied) of so general a prevalence of Tractarianism in the Church, as would justify the want of confidence now for the first time manifested by the Wes leyans. Ido not believe that any such unsoundness can be proved, and therefore I deeply regret that the patriotic de sign of Her Majesty's Government, on behalf of the thou- Sands of ignorant children in the manufacturing districts of the country, has been so vehemently opposed. Grant some evils in the proposed plan ; but can they he removed without incurring greater evils ? And in the details of practical mea sures, are not wise men, in this fallen world, continually driven into a choice of evils ? Nothing human is perfect. It is the part of maturing wisdom to make approaches to perfection ; and what are APPROACHES to perfection, but MINOR evils under another name? Unfortunately, what are indeed minor evils upon the whole, appear to the circum scribed views of some to be the greatest of evils ; and thus the plans of comprehensive wisdom are continually thwarted by the short-sighted claims and jealousies of conflicting sel fishnesses. It is, perhaps, too much for me to expect that you will take dispassionately into consideration the RELA TIVE AMOUNT of evil which would inevitably be incurred by setting aside the Established Church from national prece dence in any national establishment of education; the RE LATIVE AMOUNT of evil now inevitable, if the State supply no help for the education of the people; and the relative amount of evil incurred by transferring some thousands of children from the management of Wesleyan teachers to the management of Church of England teachers. Compare, weigh, and decide. I am strongly impressed with the deep responsibility of those who have opposed themselves to the proposed educa tional measure. Their sincerity is not doubted; but since rity is no test of truth. It is the duty of public men to have informed, as well as conscientious, minds. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, HUGH M'NEILE Liverpool, 27th May, 1843. LOCAL NEWS. Sr. JOHN'S CHURCH.—We understand that the Rev. W. Falloon has received the appointment of the incumbency of St. John's Church, in this town, vacant by the death of the Rev. Mr. Loxham. CORPORATION BATHS.—Between 300 and 400 persons visit these baths weekly, and enjoy the luxury of a hot or cold bath for a penny or twopence, while as many as 500 dozens of clothes are washed weekly on the premises, under the baths, by the wives of labouring men residing in the neighbourhood. THREATENED AFFAIR OF HONOUR.—On Tuesday last, Mr. Palgrave, solicitor, appeared before Mr. Rushton, at the police-court, on behalf of an elderly gentleman named M'Leod, who, it appears, wished to procure a warrant for the apprehension of James Rae, jun. of 55, South Castle street. Mr. Palgrave put a letter into Mr. Rushton's hands. Mr. Rushton (having perused the letter): Well, I suppose you look upon this as a challenge to fight? Mr. Rushton proceeded to read the letter aloud. We were not allowed to take copies of this and a letter subsequently submitted, but Mr. Rushton read rapidly to the following effect :—" The way in which you have ridiculed my character, particularly within the last few days, has been such, that I ,beg to chal.. lenge you to meet at the office, 55, Castle-street, where I wish all explained. It must be this week. If not I shall challenge you to settle the business by shot, yourself naming the place and time. (Signed) James Rae." Mr. Rushton : Where is Rae ? Mr. M'Leod : At his bro ther's office, 55, South Castle-street. Mr. Rushton : Leve rett ! (to Superintendent Leverett,) Go and desire Mr. Rae to come here immediately, or I shall send a warrant. Mr. Leverett departed. On his return he stated that James Rae, jun. was not at the office. He was expected to be in about a quarter of an hour. Mr. Rushton : Let a warrant issue. Here the matter terminated for the lime being. On Wednesday the warrant was returned, and fn due time the prisoner, James Rae, was placed at the bar. He is showy looking young man, of fair complexion, and rather hind some countenance. He looked unutterable things at the complainant, who gave his name Roderick M'Leod. Mr. Palgrave (to Mr. Rushton); You have the letters which were put in yesterday. I shall call Mr. M'Leod. Mr. M'Leod was sworn. He stated that he did not know the prisoner, but he knew his handwriting. Mr. M'Leod proved the handwriting of the prisoner in the letters. Mr. Rushton (to the prisoner): You are charged with having written two threatening letters to this old gentleman, stating that he had ridiculed your character, and that if he did not apologise you would challenge him and have a shot at him! do you know anything about these letters. Mr. Rae I am their author. Mr. Rushton said then there was only one course to take : the old gentleman had received threatening letters, and was greatly excited in consequence. The letters were calculated to provoke a breach of the peace, and— Mr. Rae.—l have not threatened without having reason for it. Mr. Rushton. —You must find bail, yourself in £2OO and two sureties in £lOO each, that you will be of good behaviour, and keep the peace to all her Majesty's subjects, but especially to this old man. Mr. Rae.—Very well, sir. Mr. Palgrave.—Shall I have notice of the bail, sir. Mr. Rushton.—Yes ; unless bail, which is satisfactory to me, be tendered before the rising of the court. If such bail be tendered I shall receive it. (To the prisoner.) You had better send word to your friends and get your bail prepared. The prisoner was removed from the bar.—Yesterday, Mr. Rae, the father of the prisoner, appeared before Mr. Rushton as one of his bail, and was immediately accepted. Another surety is still, however, wanted, and the young man remains in custody. DOCK COMMITTEE, YESTERDAY. —Present, Messrs. Sands, Horsfall, Holt Holmes, Middleton, Nicol, Bulley, Evans, Royden, Tobin, Bold, Moore, and Ripley. A long conversation took place as to whether iron or wood buoys should be used in some of the most exposed situations, and, after two divisions, it was carried that iron buoys should be ordered. In reply to a question from the Chairman, Mr. Hartley said that none of the men employed by the com mittee at the new dock works were employed on the Sunday. The contractor sometimes did something which could not be done on the week day. The Chairman said it was the wish of the committee that no work should be done on the Sun day, but what was absolutely necessary. On the suggestion of Mr. Nichol copies of the evidence of Captain Den ham and Captain Calvet, given before a select commit tee of the House of Commons were ordered for the committee. Mr. Nicol then said, on the subject of moorings, Captain Denham had told the committee that that board always got the cheapest iron, and that it was only within the last month or so that they had ordered the best. This statement excited some langhter.—Mr. Ripley stated, on the subject of the transit sheds, that a case had been laid before counsel as regarded the insurance. It was the solici tor's decided opinion that they were not bound to insure, and in the event of any thing being consumed after leaving the sheds, the committee were not liable. Mr. Nicol—Are we liable whilst the goods are in the sheds? Mr. Evans—No. Mr. Nicol—Then how can we be liable after they have left the sheds? Mr. Ripley explained, that if the goods remained in the sheds over time, the committee warehoused them, and if they were burned in that warehouse, it was the opinion of the solicitors they were not liable.—Mr. Moore said he wished to ask a question respecting the Floating Bath. Several parties had been complaining to him that it was a nui sance in that part of the river. Did the estate receive any profit from it? Mr. Horsfall said it was not within their jurisdiction ;—that belonged to the Corporation. It was in the most inconvenient position for shipping that it could be. Mr. Evans—lt has vested rights. It has been there nearly thirty years. The Chairman said the best plan would be:to bring it before the Corporation. Mr. Moore said it was direct ly in the way of shipping. Mr. Ripley thought it in a very inconvenient position. Mr. Horsfall said Mr. Askew held the opinion that its situation was bad. The Chairman said that they could not give the Harbour-master any orders on the sub ject. He was the water-bailiff, and must receive instructions from the Corporation. Mr. Nicol said it might be proper for this board to state to the Corporation the inconvenience it caused to the shipping. Mr. Borstal' thought that before they remonstarted, they ought to have a case made out. Mr. Moore thought the very situation showed the inconvenience : if it were necessary, he could get fifty persons to prove it. Mr. Ripley stated, that in going out in one of his own ship. they ran into it about ten years ago. Mr. Tobin said the matter had been before the committee three or four times. If a vessel went on the one side of it it was too near, and on the other side it was too far a wa y i n try i ng f or G eorge ' s D ock b asin. Mr. Bold said there was another nuisance to the ladies crossing in the steam-b oats. At hi gh water, men were bathing in the river, and were seen running about the decks in a state of nudity. Mr. Moore begged to move " that this committee consider the position of the Floating Bath most inconvenient, and that it represent to the Corporation that it should he removed to some place wer e it i s no t so li a bl e to o b struct the shipping." On the suggestion of Mr. Evans, the !no tion was postponed till next week, to await the return of Mr. Askew, Tau GREAT WESTERN.—The following extract from the log of the Great Western, giving the particulars of the quick est passage ever made across the Atlantic, is taken from the letter of a passenger : Saturday, 29th April, at 101 a.m. left Dock. Sunday, 30th „ lat. 55 28, lon. 8 18, 245 miles. Monday, Ist May, „ 54 48, „ 15 37, 254 ~ Tuesday, 2nd ~ 55 45, „ 22 40, 254 ~ 'Wednesday 3rd „ ~ 51 53, „ 29 17, 265 ~ Thursday, 4th ~ 49 52, „ 34 54, 245 „ Friday, sth „ 47 54, „39 57, 235 ~ Saturday, 6th „ ~ 45 50, „ 44 46, 230 „ Sunday, 7th ~ 44 43, „ 49 41, 226 „ Monday, Bth ~ 44 25, ~ 54 22, 202 „ Tuesday, 9th „ „ 43 35, „ 59 37, 245 „ WednesdaylOth ~ 42 12, ~ 66 12, 285 „ Thursday, 11th ~ 40 38, „ 71 32, 264 „ 2954 „ Sandy Hook supposed to be.. 114 ~ Distance made, 3068 „ Reckoning the Rock Light and Sandy Hook, as the points of departure and arrival, we were exactly 124 days, by sink ing the difference of time. THE LIVERPOOL WATER BILL.—The deputation to London, on the subject of the new water bill, has returned ; and, notwithstanding the strong opposition made on the part of the water companies, the measure has passed the com mittee of the House of Commons with even greater powers than were expected. The wells are not to be sunk within one mile and a quarter of Windsor, where the works of the above company are situated, nor within the township of Toxteth-park. The two great objects of the commissioners— the effectual watering of the streets, and the prompt sup pression of fires—will be accomplished by this bill ; and thus, we may hope, the town will be relieved from the disgraceful notoriety which has so long attached to it, and those ruin ously devastating fires, which have excited the astonishment of strangers, and caused wide-spread consternation among the inhabitants, be altogether prevented. A more striking proof of the insecurity of property in Liverpool could hardly be conceived than that which is afforded by the evidence taken before the parliamentary committee, in the course of which, the difference being asked between the rate of pre mium upon a floating policy to cover mercantile goods in Liverpool and the rate for a similar policy in London, it was answered from 255. to 30s. per cent in the former case, and 2s. 6d. in the latter ! That such an enormous charge for in surance should operate most prejudicially to the interests of the town, in driving trade to other ports where the same burdens are not imposed, it can need no argument to prove. The commissioners may use the water which is to be fresh for the general good of the town, for baths, pumps, foun tains, &c., and we believe they may supply it gratuitously to the poor. ROBBERY OF A BONDED WAREHOUSE.—Henry Jones, James Oldham, John Westmore, and Ann Westmore, were placed at the bar of the Police -court, on Tuesday last, charged with having stolen a quantity of wine from Messrs. Robert Ledson and Son's bonded warehouse in Lydia Ann-street.— Richard Radkin, labourer, stated, that about half-past seven o'clock on Monday evening he was passing home along Lydia Anne-street, when he saw the prisoner Jones standing at Messrs. Ledsons' warehouse door. He looked back, and saw him go in. Suspecting that all was not right he went into his house, which was close at hand, and disguised him self. He stood at the corner of the street, and saw Jones come out of the warehouse with a cask on his shoulder, there being another cask in the street. He went and seized the prisoner, with whom he had a violent struggle, but he ulti mately overcame him, and gave him into the custody of police-officer 548. The latter put the casks again into the warehouse, and they were subsequently carried to the office of the commissioner of police. The prisoner Jones was taken to bridewell. On his person was found a screw-driver and a hammer.—Tristram Foster, a locker in the Customs, stated that he was on duty at Messrs. Ledson's warehouse, in Lydia Anne-street, on Monday last. He locked the room of No. 1, in which casks of bottled wine were placed, at four o'clock. That morning (Tuesday) when he went to the warehouse he found that the doors of No. 1 had been forced open, and the locks were lying on the floor. He examined the stock and missed one cask marked R.V.H. 11, and one cask marked A.R. 16. He had no doubt other casks were missing, but he had not yet searched further.—Mr. Superintendent Le verett and Inspectors Savage and Walker, having received information, went about a quarter-past ten o'clock to John son's stables in Henry-street, where they found the prisoner, Ann Westmore, and Mrs. Oldham, the wife of the prisoner James Oldham. They requested permission to search the stable, which Mrs. Westmore refused. Seeing a key in her hand, Savage took it and unlocked the stable, where they found a cask containing two and-a-half dozen of bottled port wine, and an empty cask. Westmore kept a beer-house next door to which they went. There they found the pri soner Oldham intoxicated, and smelling strongly of wine. When sober, he stated that Westmore had engaged him to carry a cask (he is a carter), and had given him part of a bottle of wine. Savage produced in court a cask containing thirty bottles of wine and an empty cask. Mr. Leverett found at Westmore's eight bottles of wine in a water-tub, and Walker found thirteen bottles of sherry in a swilling-tub. Two empty bottles, one of which had contained port and the other sherry, were found in the house. William French, clerk to Messrs. Nicholas and Whittle, wine merchants, proved that they had wine in Messrs. Ledson's warehouse, Lydia Anne-street, and that they had missed the casks car ried to the commissioner's office. The casks found at the beer-shop were also identified. The prisoners were commit ted for trial. LECTURES AT THE COLLEGIATE INSTITUTION.—On Tuesday evening Mr. Addams delivered his third lecture on voltaic and magnetic electricity, before a numerous and highly respectable audience, the division of the subject for the even ing being " electro-dynamics, electro-dynamic attraction and repulsion, galvanometers, magnetic arrangements, electro magnetic rotations," &c. He began by stating that an abundant display of electricity might be produced without the powers which it possessed under other circumstances ; for instance alarge electrical machine might emit sparks, yet with none of the effects requisite to produce a current of elec tricity running continuously through conductors or other bodies intervening. We might have currents, too, but so small as to have little or no effect, without the application of the galvanic battery, one of which he showed, consisting of several plates of zinc and copper suspended in a frame, and which being let down into a case or cistern below, containing acid and water, (the conducting wire being applied,) produced a continuous and effective current of the fluid. If a flash of lightning were to pass through two wires it would have no effect upon them ; but if even a small current passed through them continuously in extraordinary effect would be the re sult. He proceeded to show some experiments in dynamics, the first with an apparatus of two frames of wires, nearly in the form of one square within another, by which he demon strated that when two currents of voltaic electricity passed along the wires in the same direction, they attracted each other ; but if one current passed in one direction, and the other in an opposite one, they repelled one another. This experiment was a delicate one to manage, but was important, as all the phenomena in magnetic electricity could be ex plained upon it as a foundation. Here parrallel currents only had been in action, but the same effect was observable if the currents passed through angles. This established the fact that when currents of electricity passed in one direction, at traction of the wires is the result, but w hen the electricity passes in an opposite direction they are repelled; and this will happen whether the wires or conductors be parrallel or diverge in an oblique manner, provided they set off from the summit of the angle in the same direction; but if they pro ceed in different directions from the summit of the angle, and one of the currents be going to, and the other coming from, they will invariably repel each other whatever may be the measure of the angle. Bodies could be made to rotate by having two currents, the one stationary and the other move able. This was called electro-dynamic rotation. This he showed by a diagram, and a very ingenious apparatus, a basin or cistern with quicksilver in it, (as a conductor,) and piece of paper in the form of a small card placed on edge, on a slender pivot over it. The electric current being communi cated in a manner which he clearly described, the paper journeyed round, though no magnet was employed, the fluid in two currents being conveyed to two small balls appended to the lower corners of the paper. The rotatory motion was brought about by the action of a fixed spiral con ductor, (in the apparatus,) carrying electricity upon a moveable rectilinear current. A piece of round wood, or a roll of paper, wrapped round with wire in a spiral or screw form, and covered with cotton as a non-conduc tor, would become a magnet, with polarity, by the wire alone. This roll being delicately suspended in the middle in a horizontal position, was repelled and attracted by a mag netic bar in the same manner as the magnetic needle. In all magnetized bodies or bars there was a circumferential cur rent of electricity circulating round them. Even a slice of a round bar had the same property. It not only circulated on the outward portions, but round the atoms or grains of the steel withi n th e b ar . Wh en magnetism is given to steel the currents run in one direction, and this was the cause of its polarity; and if a loadstone or certifical magnet of steel be broken into a thousand parts, each fragment will be found to be polarized. By means of two wheels, each formed out wardly of arrows in curves corresponding with the circum ference, he showed the duration of the circumferential cur rents of electricity round a magnet (as probably round the earth, and causing its motion on its axis.) One represented the North Pole, the current going in the same direction as the hands of a watch ; the other south—in the opposite di rection. He further showed by a powerful double magnet placed in contiguity with a piece of swing wire, the extraor dinary power of magnetic electricity connected with polarity, the wire being alternately attracted strongly and adhesively, by the magnet being placed on one side, and repelled from its upright position to some distance from it when it was placed on the other. He next exhibited an Electro Dynamic Globe, representing the earth turning on its axis. The globe was of wood, but covered with hundreds of feet of copper wire passed round it spirally from pole to pole, in the manner of a string on boys' peg-tops, and this covered with silk or cotton. Over it was placed a dipping needle; and whets the battery wires had conveyed the electric circumferential current, and the north pole was elevated so as to be under the needle, the latter instantly dipped so as to be nearly perpendicular; when the south pole was elevated, it dipped in the reverse manner ; and when the equator was uppermost, it stood horizontal. This was a very satisfactory experiment, and the lecturer adduced from it that electricity circulated on the surface of the globe, from E. to W. in the northern latitudes, and from W. to E. in the southern. He then showed an expe riment made in 1820 by Professor Oersted of Copenhagen, , who found that th e magnet i c needle was deflected by a cur rent of electricity. He (the lecturer) showed a needle thus deflected by the currents of electricity passing along a omi t ducting wire in the form of three sides of a square placed vertically. When the needle was placed over the horizontal part of the wire, and the current was made to pass along it, the end of the needle which before pointed to the north went L round towards the west; and when the current passed in an opposite directio n , th e nort h pole stood towards the east. On placing the needle uader the wire, the north turned to wards the east instead of the west with the same current of electricity. When placed on the west side of the wire, the north end dipped; if upon the east, it rose. It was easy to remember in which direction the poles of tha magnetic needle would go, by attending to the following, which he allowed by . a small figure of an admiral extending his left arm. If a k person had a wire, conveying electricity from the battery, attached to his person, immediately before him, so that elec tricity might enter that part of the wire at his head, he would, when looking towards the magnet, always find the • north end of the needle go t o hi s left hand. He explained , the principles of the construction of the galvanometer, in which originally a pair of pl a t es on l y were applied, and showed' L a very simple one, consisting of two pieces of sponge tied to the extremity of two pieces of copper. The sponges being dipped in salt and acid, and the other ends of the wires ▪ placed as conductors to a fine magnetic needle, the moment the sponges were put in contact, there Was an immediate effect observable upon the needle. In reference to electro , magnetic rotation, be showed an experiment of a wheel, turned rapidly by the effect of electric currents, first one way and then the other; and another (if possible still more linteresting)oefleacit• current, t bar, i i ) l l a a t c i etdr,tated with great %ertically, an d so acted ; velo city. The motion was reversed by chan g i ng the poles of the magnet. These experiments, how ever, cannot b e c l early t detailed without diagrams. The lecturer, in face, must be heard, and his experiments with his apparatus seen, in order to a clear understanding of the extraordinary agencies which they develope. Mr. Ad. mindsestablishedthe of his audience the f act H that magnetism was electricity. r should pursue the sub ject, and in his next lecture show what extr aor di nary power could be given by electro-magnetic machines, which might be applied even to saw-mills, and th e pumping of water. He was much applauded throughout and at the Close. On Tuesday night one of the cr ew belonging to the%Sid' _..t side steamer Nun, name d Myers, got out of his harnre odl in his sleep and fell overboard and was drowned. Hie u was found on Thursday afternoon. Bernard Mullin, who resides in a cellar in Mid was on Tuesday committed by Mr. Rushton to the As c i a l.. for having stabbed his mother in the throat end iegobe pumasl'" she refused to give him some money. The old pleaded hard for the diecharge of her inhuman son. n ,. AMPHITHEATRE—T here was a full and fashionable Ve/il, ance at the Amphitheatre on Tuesday last, when t o oil ing company of the Theatre -Royal took a benefit • nic niug ghail.sre_str, is also devoted to their interest, and we hope the OW 4 portion of the public will not fail to be present. upCouxtrhNeeseEveEuxfuerinorsTurog.N.—WTehiessuvueoryt heuurtioruesunernlhnliebeildi°lloJ: f li th e readers again to pay a visit, not only from the rarity 0 _ a , ha t objects it contains, but from the valuable inforrnatind. may be gathered in examining the various objects display The dissolving views are worth the price of admission. INQUEST.—An inquest was held yestoerfdatiyu, rough coroner, on view of the body female child, which was found on the footwutaY4 Leeds-street. It appeared that it had breathed, cause of death could not be assigned. A verdict of b" found dead" was returned. TRoops roll IRELAND.—Two troops of the 3d Dragoon Guards (or Queen's Bays) arrived here on WecluesdaY el,ll Manchester, where they received the " route" for Ir ' 4" quite unexpectedly. It is said that their present is Mullingar, and they embark for Ireland hereto-inn,rn Three more troops of the same regiment are expecte(' _ ;1 1 beforeevl tulr fubll-.. de6 t t e i e na Y t- w iWll. to-morrow, and will remain until Monday, wh en embark for Dublin. Mts sioNNFA,WRIIEnsoTNO S A T F E R a t ss cA— AN Ni n r. S j a. o r h t u rN L cu i V rd s , Bir fitted head, is now constructing a fine iron schooner, to be liar! up with Mr. Smith's patent screw propellor, as an 811Stnallt to her sails. The engine power will be comparatively. s _ ....1. but will be of greatudvantage in calms and light airs in n ' des' igating the coast and rivers of Africa, for which she is 1 ,. m e w s , tined. The engines are being made by our townsmen Forrester and Co. She is, we learn intended for the use. of the Baptist Missionary Society, and we should think will '! 2 sosfENt s o North ken - found to be all that can be desired for the important an' humane purpose in view. lIALI ANTI-MONOPOLY MEETING AT THE MUSIC e the On Wednesday evening a meeting of the ineru hers w .---- Anti-Monopoly Association of this town, and their tag r; i s c. and-bobtail admirers, took place at the Music H all ' of Charles Holland in the chair. Mr. Archibald Prentice, 8_ the Manchester Times, was the principal speaker'a so lengthy and so tame withal as to tire out Baines' the groundlings. After him followed Mr. Liverpool Times, and next, in humble order, ca me w ho Lawrence Heyworth and Mr. Christopher BenthaM,o the " monopolized" the rest of the evening to themselves, ' w ho chagrin and disappointment of many juvenile spouters, .4 had prepared their equally witless orations, and with rau t `i ie toil and trouble committed them to memory. p url" S delivery of Mr. Prentice's harangue some unmannerly hula (of their own party, we believe,) began to shout , Yel' il to °o ' otherwise disturb him ; and a regular and interesting it, ensued, which ended in the ejection of the handful of Wit meaning but indiscreet youngsters. Happily, not a hex, was broken—no further damage could have ensue d lri es of region,—and no arguments in favour of a sound syste protective trade were demolished. o lid i‘felit horief. THE WEATHER.—For some weeks past, and parti enie l; during the last fortnight or ten days , th e weather in a l ' et i quarter has been very unsettled, with heavy showers' The occasional continuous rains of several hours duration. _,....d temperature, generally, has also been low for the advr,',.. period of the year, up to yesterday, when the warmth a p t proached almost to closeness. On the whole, bowever'.o. season has been highly favourable for the growth of veg' 0 , tion, and the fields and woods never exhibited a more beau' tiful and luxuriant appearance. It was hoped that the a bet moon (on Monday morning) would bring a eh an,e lerea' the t expectation has not yet been realised, and the .. q h, Cher-wise," in whose opinion we put little or he' P. ' I' predict a drippy summer. The ground is now ee rtele io i well saturated, but no harm has yet been done, even i 0 low lands, and a .few weeks of sunshine would vests of probably one of the earliest and abundant favoured the staple productions of the soil we have been fav, e , ea si with for many years past. Yesterday evening, after u f t he thick rains during the previous night and great part e ,., of day, the sky was still cloudy, but with an eppearau''' change. John 0- ACCIDENT.—On Tuesday, at the Police-court, 10011 ston was placed at the bar, charged with having Ca re Ho!' permitted a bale of cotton, which he was lowering fruniegir linshead's warehouse, in Dutton-street, to fa ll from the sveteif whereby John Montgomery, steward of a vessel, was ° wee r injured. An inspector of police, who had taken the pr._ tbe into custody, stated that Montgomery was carried t e u A - Northern Hospital, where he lay in a dangerous atetft ap e certificate from one of the surgeons was produc e t h e peared that Montgomery had the precaution to I,!° Je d so d __ i n to r middle of the street. The bale, however, reboun u e sl struck him in its second fall. Samuel Jones, e porter , t te ll he saw the bale slip out of the sling, but he coul d I r t ; frs' whether it had been properly adjusted. Bales „V gus:, quently slip when the tackle was put in motion• .•-" tog "- ton : It is quite necessary that all you men should be cetll severe lessons sometimes, as I fear these bale s are fretiewith' slung with great carelessness. I cannot art with hini t t he o out bail. One of the turnkeysu of Bridewell sa i d' ,rbeee too l ; prisoner had stated that he ht to have had 0n0.," there• to assist him. Mr. Rushton : How many of you we re if ois r , Prisoner : Only myself. The warehouseman : It IS ° l ' b o le: man's work. Mr. Rushton : What is the weight of tp r . i b s e brolt,' The warehouseman : Four hundred weight. Mr. attend'..."- tP... And is one man sufficient for that? How can he de r jigger and put out the cotton properly 1;if.,11;1111°,,.' gerous practice. The prisoner was ordered to fin d `',,," - e nsed self in £4O and two sureties in £2O each, to appe ar * - ifile h lo any charge that might be preferred against him' ~, rri ; was entered before the rising of the court.—W e Ina. ,j ) say that poor Mongomery died yesterday naorinb' Adeo,7, the inquest held on his body, a verdict of " I l i : - flu" death' was returned, with a deodand of £9, 1a- ° bale. AY PSI; DECLINE IN THE FUNDS.— LONDON, WILDNOD eOi% ING.—A considerable decline has taken place in th e he vsg e t, securities to-day, which must be attributed s olely t° `;',, - t sts74 fear which is entertained as to the issue of the Pr e n tw a :; of the a debateffairsinlre la l s a t u u d i . ght Th te c u f d ac t t o s ituhearteawseerethbe rougerau'' i ' :011OP.' ge n e ; in n gi e s s t s r , a a ti n o d u s u o f m A e r a m r s e Bofillo,pinaion,,tchaoterienioandßdiitlilo,,n wouri..bhocedeferstii necessary. The more timid capitalists are s elling ' a ' t hst u ; influence of the alarm, but it must not be suoPu s A l. e less e. , - measures of the Government are regarded with ... cp . - 1 i ' Oaf; On the contrary, in such a state of things it is "' be fall, 0 c alonet L i e r g i i t s y la c t a u n re. colni Consols l t s h the 0 been as low as 93t, having in the early athdofpotriomnonofeytlaiendbitlhl enonwecf;eibetitsi;:et, stood at 941 for money, and.94l to I for th h e o ri u e r e s o• (l)nt i tb 'r e ljuAe . ; r l however, left off rather better, being at the closeo`dtietiot; quoted respectfully 934. to /, and 931 to I. The wide( auefriO bill market has also been much agitated, as the ros• r;( 1 tions for the two issues at present saleable will sh - Af er l ,,,s e Ild. bills were quoted 40s. to 50. and the 0 "' , 11 0 r at 30s. to 40s. prem. Bank Stock closed (1178 t°, l c 6° o l ; t o • l to per Cents. Reduced, 924- to 4 ; Three-and-a-Har,h.ity ~,..°lto duced, 100 k to 4 • New Three. and-a- Half per L' e "l, --. 1 11 1 in :I-; India Stock, ' 264 to 266 ; and South Sea Stu e- o ' e ete l : b. ' -1. There was a very small amount of business tran. o% 0 4 00 the foreign securities, the attractions of EpSom 1 1 1 ver n i loli drawn many of the brokers and jobbers from " fi SP a p"or markets, and prices generally were full at a declin e ,;/;;,e - r Actives were finally quoted 191 to 4; New, 281 :j1s h i'dn tuguese Converted, 40 to 4 ; Dutch Two-and-. Da De Cents., 534 to 54 ; Ditto, Five per Cents 3 . fir , 991 tO n 9 ; ' 85 to 85 ; Colombian, 234 to 24 ; Mexican ,‘ 284 le) To ferred, 8 to 4 ;and Brazilian, 73 to 74. iv trr tar ds7' DEFECTIVE WEIGHTS, SCALES, &C• : -A ' '" ' ' ....le „do! SHOPKEEPERS, AND DEALERS GENERALL' ' :a l t '' - ,. 0 11' at the Sessions-house, e r pe f o e p wi s e , r s t h h o an twentrenl r. - 1 re sion, and potato-dealers, &c., appearePdkebeyPesuu% rnetienirere,,roreho his Worship the Mayor, to answer informations lwe',:htS against them by Mr. John Atkinson, inspeut er Le W e r e b l, and measures, for having in their possession defq - hy We b icl' or scales, vending (coals) by measure inplace u 1 bl `' ..e t u l o „if t he , as required by the act of 1836, and other Pra e " - afos l " lir their customers would not have just weight- nesidersjio delinquents belonged to the markets, and a ,f, - e veu re th a number were coal-dealers. Many of them eo",tivelP.oot explain away the charge against them resP e '; eog ni- e f general plea being that they were not themselvet° di e sorb of the fact, but the mayor said it was the fi rs oce w hy • dealer to see that his scales, weights, and meas u law , Itif e rect ; and that he was determined to enforce k e e l eir e ise was a wholesome one, though as leniently as r "5• e r ,pe ar , cases would admit of,—the full penalty being - - „i to va ne, strongly cautioned the parties, on fining them, '' re se v ' e rl' b fore him again, otherwise the would he 'nati ve t. (t) dealt with. Only two were acquitted, from b u e e i ti - g fa is. 6 , 1 i dence. One was fined 20s. and costs 9s. 6d. , A ,. I 6 5 0 " offences at 10s. and costs for each ; two 10s. an,7",., ° t :e o 1 each ; twelve ss. and costs 2s.an,",e cos 15 j ,pr costs ls. On one man being called for se""Ttes tr ed isi measure in place of weight, at the Earl of 1 3 a ln gru el or Mr. James Moss, solicitor, stated that he wa' T e at t_ ll ,. e t es . l this case not to offer any resistance, but to rePTijainor . , cumstances. It had been the practice at Ba r ig hbOe r t hr a yard for years to sell coals to the poor in the n eigh or t o who came for them in small quantities ( even t w ish s tie pennyworth) at a very low rate, his lordship O h 00001 get anything more than, and scarcely sO rO t t ' he ol• 0 1 1 people, the bare cost of getting and carrying. ~., C oo o ec I was only a large scale in the yard, at which 0 '240 ,iher ° l be weighed in such small quantities without I th a i i er.' time, and they were consequently measured W s , oth e u r ,ri l ' hand, more being given than could be got at !I n c ', of s taleo for the money ; and as this was done from In eti t i beli n n e o d be he (Mr. Moss) trusted the system would 11°- on . a r ' 1 to, otherwise the poor parties would be thre pp hedi o leo small dealers, were they would not be so we" ~s t iu t itY.,t h e,n o o Mayor said that no matter how small the 0- t houg"uy ' I 'M required that they should be weighed ;. $..",, leg a " s", not doubt the motive stated, what could not .- e, wo co st , ' should not be undertaken. He should, there f l r o. C l. mitigated fine, as in the other cases, of s. nu" _.......••• --- WALTON FREE GRAMMAR SG tP" oP* the Isralter)- du o f A special meeting of the parishioner; of '' l chd r ,o o , Hill was held, yesterday morning,-in the PariZ irerli:OS; Rev. Thonas Moss, vicar, inthec hair, " fo,fr Jdr e rof r ii taking into consideration tha resignation of oirooo' o°o ker, the schoolmaster of the Free Grammer. ‘,. the el „ 116 said parish, of determining upon and concern," c idiev i/Pc Aof d e V S 0' of a new schoolmaster as his successor, a",-.. ~, be ta„ g e ` in ns such preliminary steps as may be thought ll' 1 , O' e r ;er vious to such election ?• or (in case the ves. t B l. 4 ot b oe t iel of immediately, and then and there, Or B ` o , $ Ol 6 Cl l /, l i e nominating, appointing, and electing such n ow" t y drie"i r cil to such school, and fixing upon and setting.f an n 9 ch ilu e he is to perform, and the sums of rnoneY.llof a ni sfr• 2 i j i ttr shall be permitted to charge to the Pare n `" e d bY, - 0 0,° - being parishioners." This notice was sign Barra." je' F. Roskell, churchwarden, and Mr. Thodies,irjg sod man. The meeting was very numerously' si te bl , r ed" vic or, t he The CHAIRMAN opened the proceecling,s . 0 the ter el 0 0 ter from the late schoolmaster, addressed 1 , i ne`,oo ° churchwardens, resigning his appointment raentlerefikof Free Grammar School • and the revereduer, 00' r , SOWS read the notice by which ' the meetinC ba d A b i e vtrj,.l o ,„ il eo r Mr. T. F. ROSKELL then m oved , a" 1 o t Lvl'otte" LEIGH seconded, a resolution to the effect tlnglidi 00 resignation be accepted. The motion We i u rVre eels 0 1 ried. 1 1.- • ' rol l- Mr. T. B. HORSFALL, after a few kerlefoilowinconf, glP,' he should propose, as the next motion, 'Pe made, in,, , o at' o r before the appointment of a successor be no inte", of i Lod i ; with ancient custom, a committee be I . l . l ;r e leet l° 6 oo'd i powered to take the necessary steps for t t n be n orof on s , fi per; master, by advertising for, and receiving us ee tl rd t?cl) Ise dates, as well as examining into their q be r ee l obi be io, tix the duties which the said master sloll nXired.o' forin, together with the sums of mc dle o Y r e an9 chic aPPigoe.; shall be permitted to charge the pare nts , t here sr be Irr e° parishioners; also to enquire what fond- cos edfl, r t to paying the master, anti whether anY kenitheir rd. or ted to increase the same, and to 0 0- -,, th ° I d to an adjourned meeting of the v estry. ec t te g ge 4 0 o t Mr. LOG AN seconded the m otion• w ith re B F he P u e r '?Mr. T. F. ROSKELL mentioned that vvl . s od . 40 tl , ,ointment counsel's o •r 'on bad s hould ntaker e , r od ' . 0 (1 , e t ' that both the case anPd"opinion D tin ne tOg instance. id be h ot ' Mr. T. B. HORSFALL thought that we o u pin ion• 0 t as the motion did not interfere at the i tloo , ell% Air. Ji S. Lawn, in reply to que