The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-01-19 00:00:00

mperial Partiamtnt. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TUESDAY. THE AFFAIRS OF CANADA. Lord GLEsar.G presented supphnnentary papPr:t on (he affairs of Canada, and gave notice that on Thursday he would move an address to her Majesty on the subject. He was pre pared to enter into the question either now or on moving, the address. . Lord BROUGHAM concurred in the course proposed. The Duke of WELIANGroN.—My lords, it would be desirable to know what is the nature of the proceedings to be proposed by the noble lord. I confess that I have a very strong opinion upon the subject; and it appears that the course of proceedthg by way of address to the crown is not the 'regular course. ( Hear.) My opinion is that the war, for such it is, having actually taken place, the only mode of proceeding ought to be by a message from her Majesty to both houses of parliament, andiyour lordships would be called upon to express your opinions in answer to the measure. lam the more anxious on this oc casion, my lords, that that course of proceeding should have been adopted, because I think it the most likely to lead to a termination—a successful termination—of the state of affairs in that colony. (Hear.) My lords, I think ber Majesty and her Majesty's government ought to speak out upon this subject— (hear, hear,)—that the houses of parliament and ►he country may know oil what grounds her Majesty and her Majesty's government intend to stand in the relation between this country and Canada, and the sooner this is understood the sooner will be the termination of the present posture of affairs. I have no doubt that her Majesty's government will before long have to call 'upon parliament to support the government in their transactions, -tend I hope they will call upon parliamentto do so in such a manner that both houses of parliament will pledge themselves to support the government in those transactions. ( Hear, hear.) I hope also that preparations will be made on such a scale as shall bring to a termination the present state of affairs in that colony as soon as the season opens. lam anxious to support her Ma jesty's government, and I entreat her Majesty's ministers not to forget that we can nave no such thing as a little war. I trust that the nature of the operations will be such as to make it quite, certain that it will be attended with success. It would be ad visable to know what the nature of the address is which is to be submitted on Thursday, and I think, as I have already said, that her Majesty's ministers ought to declare themselves ex plicitly on the subject. (Hear, hear.) Lord MELBOUdNE agreed with the noble duke thal her Ala jesty's ministers ought to be explicit, and that the preparations ought to be such as to bring the matter to a speedy conclusion. There were technical objections to the course of proceeding by message; but he trusted that such a tone would be taken by her Majesty's ministers and by the parliament, that would show to the world a determination to maintain the dignity of the position which this country possessed among the nations of the earth. Lord GtENELG, in answer to inquiry, said that the address would be couched in general terms, expressive of regret at the events that had taken place, and pledging the house to support measures to protect the well-affected, &c. The notice accordingly stands for Thursday (yesterday,) to which day their lordships aajourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-TUESDAY. Mr. James, Mr. Childers, and Mr. Rippon took the oaths and their seats, after which The SPEAKER stated that the sureties not having been duly completed in the cases of the Pontefract, Dudley, and Bodmin election petitions, the orders for considering them were dis charged. The Dudley case, however, it will be seen, was after wards mentioned by Mr. Aglionby, and was to be again brough t forward on Wednesday. The CH NcELLott of the EXCHEQUER presented further papers regarding the Canadas, &c, Mr. HUME presented two petitions from the " Brentford Po litical Union," and for measures of peace and conciliation as regarded the Canadas. Several petitions, and numerously signed, were presented for the repeal of the post-horse duty, the window tax, the duty on marine insurances, &c. The ATTOLINEY . GENERAL (in answer to Captain Pechell's inquiry) stated that the Lott:l Chancellor was preparing bills to extend the jurisdiction ofsheriffs' courts to sums as high as £3O. Also to amend the law as regarded the recovery of small debts all over the country, and to assist the administration of crimi nal justice at quarter sessions. Lurd JOHN RCSSELL (in answer to Mr. Williams's inquiry, who doubted whether the course would give satisfaction) said that the commissioners appointed to inquire into the distresses of hand-loom weavers would have assistant eommissioners—a mode of proceeding adopted in the poor laws inquiry, and which gave satisfaction. THE AFFAIRS OF CANADA • • - 4 *%'.2 ; - - 6 „, .47 , • f. 4" : r t- • .AN Lord J. RcssELL then rose, and, agreeable to nntice,broueht under the consideration of the house the affairs of Canada. He regretted the necessity for calling upon the house to suspend the constitutional liberties of that portion of the empire, and arraigned the conduct of the House of Assembly, in order to show that the present breach with that house was founded in justice. His lordship then entered into a statement which em braced the leading points in the history of the Canadas from the period of their conquest by this country, the proceedings of the House of Assembly, and the subsequent acts which called for the adoption of strong.measures by the executive govern ment. lo the course of his speech be combated the arguments of those who argued for the separation of the colonies from the mother country. It was his intention to move an address to her Majesty, deploring the occurrences which had taken place, and ' pledging the house to such measures as were requisite to put down the disturbances. He would afterwards move for leave to bring in a bill to suspend the meeting of the House of As sembly. His lordship concluded by moving an address to her Majesty to the effect already described, expressing the satis faction of the house that the designs of the disaffected had been 'opposed, no less by her Majesty's loyal subjects in North America than by her Majesty's forces, and to assure her Ma jesty, that while their house was every ready to afford relief to real grievances, they were fully determined to support the efforts of her Majesty for the suppression of revolt, and the restoration of tranquillity. Mr. Hints condemned the conduct of ministers, contending that they had no right to suspend the liberties of Canada on ac count of the conduct of a few demagogues; and he strongly complained that the government had often talked of remedying grievances and correcting abuses, but, that nearly all had ended in talk. Lord ELior would ask if'two great concessions had not been mode to Canada? The first concession was the act of 1791, which established a legislative assembly in the colony. The noble lord then read the oath of allegiance prescribed to he taken on that occasion, and contended that the recent proceed ings for furthering the revolt were a violation of it. The next concession was the act of ISA by which the whole of the crown revenues in Canada were made over to the legislative assembly. Yet afterwards that very body refuses' the supplies which were necessary to pay official salaries, and carry on the civil govern ment of the colony. Sir J. R. Ca RN AC insisted that every effort was made by this country to improve the colonies and elevate the condition of the people. He deprecated the course pursued with regard to this question by trading politicians and enthusiastic theorists. It hart already done far too much mischief. Mr. Gaore felt persuaded that unless a total change took place in the constitution of the legislative council, no measures of pacification would be of any avail. He thought he had a right to complain that the noble lord called upon the house to deliberate upon the address, without giving to the house any ex planation as to what the address was to be. Surely the noble lord ought to have given some more distinct pledge of a future redress of grievances in Canada. If the noble lord's argument was good for anything, it went to prove the expediency of a se paration between Canada and the mother country. , The course pursued by government was only calculated to exasperate the feelings of the people of Canada, and to cause them to despair of justice from this country. He should therefore dissent from the address, regretting that a more conciliatory course was not to be pursued. ( Hear, hear.) Sir Roegar PEG:. said that the noble lord (John Russell) in the course of his speech had brought under the consideration of the house two most important questions —one, an address to the crown pledging the House of Commons to the support of . the crown in suppressing the revolt which had broken out in Lower Canada; the other, the suspension of the constitution, and investing an individual with dictatorial powers. He was called upon at that moment to give his opinion on one only of these questions, namely, as to the policy of the address by which be should pledge hinaself, as a member of that house, to support the crown in its attempt to suppress a revolt on the part of a portion of its subjects. It would have been more convenient if the question las to the propriety of the address, and the adoption of legislative measures had been kept more distinct. The first question was of sufficient importance of itself to com mand the undivided attention of the house. When it should be come necessary to give his opioionjmon the legislative mea sures, he should be prepared to do so, but on that occasion he should confine himself entirely to the question of the address. In the first place, be regretted that so much time had been lost. ( Hear, hear.) If be hadabeen in the House of Commons on the night previous to its s7paratiug for the holydays, he should have voted for the proposition that they should meet without delay for the purpose of considering the question of Canada ( Hear, hear.) They bad an intimation that Lower Canada was in a state of open insurrection. They had had at that time official information that the Queen's troops had been committed in arms with the Queen's subjects—that the Queen's troops had been called in to support the civil power, (hear, hear), and un der these circumstances no time should have been lost by the House of Commons in taking such steps as would have the effect of intimidating the insurgents and encouraging the loyal inhabitants of the colony. (Cheers.) He did not see why parliament should not have continued its sittings under such circumstances. No doubt a great many of its members had separated under the impression that no business of importance would be transacted, but when the fact became known that a re volt bad taken place, and. when it was known that the aid of parliament was required by the colonial executive, there was no reason whatever to justify an adjournment for more than three days before parliament should have been again called together to give that assurance to the crown, which they at that moment gave so heartily, that in suppressing imme diately this revolt her Majesty might firmly rely for support on the Commons' House Of Parliament. (Loud cheers.) The house had to complain, however, that it had received no formal intimation upon this important subject by way of mes sage from the crowh. (Hear, hear.) Surely when the fact was known that the Queen's troops had been called out, that they had been in actual collision with the Queen's subjects, that one detachment of them had been overpowered, that martial law had been proclaimed, and that the most pressing instances were made to other colonies for troops, surely, under such circum stances, the House of Commons was justified in expecting a message from the crown. (Hear, hear.) He would venture to say that, in the whole history of events of an analogous cha racter, none had ever occurred without such a communication taking place from the crown soliciting the support of the House of Commons. The main question before the house, however, was, if it was fitting that the House of Commons should assure her Majesty of its cordial support in putting down the revolt — (hear hear); and he must say that he never felt more sincerely that he was right, than when, without passion, and after great deliberation, and not without &cautious forecast of all the proba ble consequences, he came to the conclusion of offering to the crown his assurances of cordial support in attempting at any hazard to suppress this revolt. (Hear, hear.) The honourable gentleman who had last spoken hail suggested a consideration of very great importance. He had stated that the majority of the inhabitants of Canada were dissatisfied with our control, and as the present was a liberal government, the chance became more hopeless. of our being ever enabled to establish a perma nent dominion over them. He would ask the honorable mem ber if he was prepared to act uponthat principle as to the whole of our colonial empire, great as it is? (Hear, hear.) Let them not forget the extent of the principle laid down. If the hon. member meant to lay it down as a rule that, on the very first announcement of dissatisfaction by a colony, the mother coun try was at once to concede to it a free government, he would ask him to suppose that Canada was an Island, and say if this rule should be acted upon? Would he say that, after possessing it for a period of 70 years, as the result of a brilliant conquest, that because the people became dissatisfied we should at once 1 , 77•_;.. '`,relinquish it? If t hi s ru l e were to be laid down. why confine it ". '- -- ""7' !!`. 7 l* - /he colonies? A pr i nc iple, if true, must be equally just, whe.. _ • - ;.t . applied on a small or on a large scale. W try, we would :z i s should notthe principle be applied to any part of England l• ! . became di ssa ti s fied ? The very fact i f their declaring li -- t eke, dissatisfacti on woul d at once ju s tify par; lament in graut ing them independence on the principle that there eould be no advantage in ruling over discontented subjects. If they were, indeed, to act upon this principle, all the glory of England would be annihilated. (Cheers.) That great influence which she exerted owing to the magnitude of her colonies and the greatness of her marine would be destroyed, and England must be content, acting upon philosophical principles—(a laugh)— to descend from a first-rate rank in the scale of nations, to be come a subordinate fifth-rate power. (Cheers.) Suppose that doctrine could be safely applied to an island, still could it be safely applied to Canada with reference to other parts of that continent bordering upon it ! There certainly was dissatisfac tion in Canada, but not of such a nature as to induce them to think that they would not yet be satisfied under the control of this country. Indeed, all he had heard from the hon. gentle man (Mr. Grote) was nothing but expressions of regret at the exclusion from office of a conservative government. (Cheers, and a laugh.) The hon. member for Kilkenny, it was evident, indulged in similar feelings, and not merely on grounds of economy; and certain he was, that both of them must regret that factious combination by which he (Sir R. Peel) was driven from office (Loud cheering and Laughter.) The honourable member for Kilkenny declared that he bad no doubt but that if Lord Aberdeen had remained in office there would have been no insurrection in Canada. (Cheers, and a laugh). From this sprung two corrolaries—first, that nothing could he so factious as the opposition which drove Lord Aberdeen from office (loud cheering from the opposition benches;) and secondly, that Lord Aberdeen's prudence and wisdom were such, that if he had remained in office the present question would never have arisen. (Hear, hear.) If, then, he (Lord Aberdeen) had been excluded by a most factious opposition, and if the present ques tion would not have arisen if he had remained in office, he would only ask, would it not be just to give him another trial ? (Tremendous cheering and laughter.) Was it bee rose certain persons had flown to arms that they were theref,a-e to give up all connexion with the Canadas ? Instead of ihing this, they should rather resort to those councils which, if persevered in, would have prevented those occurrences altogether. The hon. member for the city (Mr. Grote) might, perhaps, say that the hon. member for Kilkenny was indiscreet in the admissions he made after reading the extracts from Lord Aberdeen's letter, and that no inference should' be drawn from what he said ; but the hon. member for the city himself deeply lamented the re tirement of Sir G. Murray and Sir J. Kempt. " If," said he, " Sir G. Murray bad remained, and if his principles had been suffered to predominate, the financial questions would have been easily settled." The chief questions in dispute were those of feeling and fie:ince, and it appeared from what had fallen from the hon. member for Kilkenny that Lord Aberdeen would have settled the one, while the hon. member for the city was equally sanguine that Sir George Murray would have settled the other. (Loud cheers and laughter.) Was not all this a proof that it was a factious opposition which excluded himself and his friends--honest ministers as they were admitted to be— from office ?—(much cheering)—and was it not a reason for them not to despair, since they had been succeeded by men so very unwise? Was it not a reason for them to hope to see those men restored to power who would have settled these questions without creating a revolt ? Even if the Canadians had applied for a separation from the mother country, were they prepared to say that on the first expression of a wish to that effect this country should comply ? Were they not to look to the consequences which might follow it they were left to govern themselves? Suppose they were to try the question as relating to the Isle of Wight. Suppose the inhabitants of that island were to say,— " We are dissatisfied with the control of England"—and be it remarked that philosophical principles, if good for millions, were also good for smaller numbers—" we are anxious to separate from you, and try a small republic within sight of Portsmouth. We do not like your taxes, and would rather govern ourselves— there are many precedents for such things, for amongst the small Italian states are several republics." Suppose the Isle of Man were to ask similarly to constitute themselves into a small republic. Even if the principle were just as applicable to sm ill communities as to large, might not the hon. member say to them, " You are necessary to our security, being so very near to Portsmouth, and our own security will not per mit us to let you constitute yourselkes into an independent state." ( Hear, hear.) Why surely it would be their duty similarly to consider with respect to Canada, the consequences to the colonies in its neighbourhood. Surely they should con sider that our own British American colonies inightalso become separated; or, if not, that their interests would be so far affect ed that they might feel themselves called upon by their obliga tions to other parts of the empire to contest for the maintenance of their rule over Canada. If they were to acquiesce in the in dependence of Lower Canada, what would they do with respect to the navigation of the St. Lawrence? (Hear, hear.) Sup pose Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were to say, " We made settlements here on the faith that Lower Canada was to remain a British province. For seventy years they have remained so. You have given them a form of government which is not satisfactory, but still we object to having it created an in dependent state, commanding the river St. Lawrence, in the centre of colonies which require the navigation of that river." Were not the British inhabitants to be considered? If Canada were erected into an independent state, with power to make peace or war, what answer could be given to the other colonies? It was, in short, perfectly clear that the case of Canada could not be considered as an abstract question—it could not be separated from the case of the North American colonies generally. Its physical position was such, that they could not concede its independence, without being at the same time prepared to make similar concessions to others. For those double reasons he thought it was the grossest folly and :absurdity for England to give way to such proceedings as had taken place in Canada. He thought it necessary, therefore, to agree to the address, for the maintenance of the honour of the crown, and the interests of Great Britain. He also thought it necessary, in order that they might not permit revolt to triumph, nor suffer the British flag to be lowered by the attempts of Mr. Papineau. (Loud cheers.) At the same time, however, that he gave his cordial assent to the address, he could not approve of the course which her Majesty's government had pursued. (Hear, hear.) He supported the address because he thought this country had acted liberally and justly towards Canada. It certainly was impossible, on looking over the correspondence, not to admit that the Canadians had just grounds for complaint; but how could any government be maintained if, on the very first complaint, the parties aggrieved were to have an immediate recourse to arms? ( Hear, hear.) He would not affect to say that during the war Canada had not been neglected by govern meut • but in recent years he could not conceive a case in which a mother country could have shown more consideration for her colony than this country had done for Canada. (Hear, - hear.) But all discussion on this point was concluded by the passage in the resolution of the House of Assembly, that the report of the committee of 1828 was an imperishable monument of British liberality. (Hear, hear.) Parliament had gone beyond the report of that committee, and in every case in which it had not been acted upon _ i the impediment lay with Canada itself. ( Hear, hear.) He agreed indeed with the hon. member for Kilkenny, that the main responsibility in this case rested with those who had involved these men in a hopeless insurrection. There was always something in the certainty of success which, whatever might be the feeling of justification, still found sonic palliation for involving a quiet and rural population in the miseries of a revolution. But in this case, when there existed so much loyal and British feeling, when they saw in Upper Canada, which the hon. gentleman represented as disaffected, that she had subdued by her native energies all attempts at in- surrection, be must say that there was gross ignorance on the ! part of those who had been engaged in the government of this colony; and when he heard the hon. genileinan condemn those who had incited others to insurrection, he looked to the pas sages contained in an address of the hor. member for Kilkenny, in 1831, in reference to the re-elections in Canada. In that address the bon. gentleman told the Canadians of the triumph I which they would obtain by the re-election of the "sixteen" members of the House of Assembly, of the effect which it.must have on Canadian affairs; and that the result must terminate in the release from the baneful influence of the mother country, and of a small but despicable faction—" that the proceedings which had taken place between the years 1772 and 1792 ought not to be forgotteb, &c." That was the language, in the year 1834, addressed by the hon. gentleman to the people of Upper Canada. So grossly did he miscalculate the feelings of the peo ple of Upper Canada, that they viewed with disgust and indig nation this communication—there were none of the inhabitants .who did not regard it with abhorrence—they abhorred the possi bility of its being supposed to be in any way their act or deed. To suppose that that people of Canada approved of the prin ciple of the honourable member for London, that they were rife for revolt,—to suppose that they desired a dissolution of the existing connexion, would be to pour down the indignation of that people upon the British Parliament. And who was the correspondent of the hon. gentleman the member for Kilkenny ? 'To whom had he addressed this inflammatory language, ad vising, the people of Upper Can a d a t o b ear i n m i n d th e . struggles they had made in former years ? It was addressed to that M•Kenzie who made an unsuccessful attempt on the loyalty of the people of that province during the absence of the British troops. But might not this man quote the authority of the hon. gentleman, and say, " Visit nut this delinquency upon me, but upon your member or representative of a metropolitan county, for he must have an enlarged knowledge and views of British interests ? 1 have been betrayed by the advice which I have received from the representative of Middlesex, and in appor tioning the punishment to which I am subject for my misdeed, remember his own emphatic words, that the real responsibility in the case of this revolt rests not with the executive agent, but with those who gave the advice, and offered suggestions which were disparaging to my own country, and destructive to the in terests of the British nation." (The right hon. baronet sat down amidst loud cheers.) Mr. LEADER brii.fly protested against the conduct and pro posed proceedings of government. He deprecated the precipi tancy with which they acted in this affair, and moved, in order to afford more time for its consideration, that the debate should be adjourned until to-morrow Mr. BAINES seconded the motion. After some discussion the house divided on the question of adjourning the debate, mil-en there appeared for the adjourn ment, 28; against it, 188; majority, 160. The address was then agreed to. LorciJoHN RussELL then gave notice of his intention to bring a bill for the temporary government of Canada, and pro posed to have it read a first time to-morrow (Wednesday), and a second time on Monday. The house then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS,-WEDNESDAY. The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock. The following 'members took the oaths and their seats :—Lord Dungannon (Mr. A. Trevor,) for the city of Durham; Mr. Bodkin, for the county of G a l way ; an d M a j or Aglionby, for Cumberland. Mr. Ws K LEY gave notice, that on Monday next he should present a petition from the trades union of London, praying for a mitigation of the sentence passed on the cotton-spinners of Glasgow. CANADA. Mr. LEADER presented a petition, agreed to at a public meet ing held at the Crown and Anchor T avern, stat i ng that the Canadians had been driven to revolt by the persecutions and policy of the present government, and praying that an amicable settlement might be effected without resorti ng t o coerc i ve mea sures. The hon. member said he had the honour of attending the meeting at which the petition was unanimously agreed to, and he never saw a more respectable or better conducted assembly. ( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The whig organs of th e p ress pre tended now to l aug h at public meetings, and adopted the tory expression of calling them farces; but he could assure the house-- (Cries of order, order.) The SPEAKER.—The hon. member cannot make a speech on presenting a petition. Mr. LEADER then brought up the petition, and two or three others of a similar nature, which were ordered to lie on the table. A number of petitions on various subject were presented. DUDLEY ELECTION. Nlr. AuLioNty withdrew the notice of motion he gave last night, to call the attention of the house to the special report of the examiners in the case of the Dudley election recognisances. The hon. member said he had searched the journals of the house, and he found that however hard the case might be on the petition against the return of the sitting member, the law was imperative on the subje c t ; and, consequently, it would not he advisable to take up the time of the house with further proceed ing!. . . _ 'otion withdrawn. CANADA-HER MAJESTY'i ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS Lord J. RUSSELL appeared at the bar, and having stated that her Majesty had been waited on with the Address voted by the FHE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. house on the affairs of Canada, had been pleased to return the following must gracious Answei : " V. R. `• I thank you for the assurance of my faithful Commons to support my efforts for the restoration of the tranquility in Lower Canada. The unfortunate events that have taken place in that province have given me the deepest concern, but I look forward with anxiety to the period when the re-establishment of order will enable me to lay the foundations of lasting peace in the colonies. "The spirit manifested by the loyal inhabitants of the pro- vinces of North America, and the exertions they have made in the support of my authority, demand my warmest acknowledg ments." (Cheers.) POOR-LAWS, IRELAND. In answer to a question from Mr. Lucas, Lord 111oapETH said, it was the intention of government to move the second reading of the poor relief (Ireland) bill on the 6th of February. CANA DA. Lord J. Russet,[, rose to move for leave to bring in a bill to which he had called the attention of the house last night. The bill he wished to introduce was, to enable the Governor General and Council of Canada to pass any laws that might be consi dered necessary for the peace of the colonies during the suspen sion of the House of Assembly. The intention at present was to confine that authority to Sir John Colborne; but d hen the Earl of Durham arrived, that power would be invested in him. Further instructions would be ! , iven to the Governor General, and, if necessary, he would be authorised in granting a general • amnesty in Lower Canada. (Hear, hear ) The persons to be appointed Zs the legislative council would be named by the Governor General. The object of all future legislation on the part of her Majesty's government relating to Canada would be to take the greatest care to comply with all just wishes of the Canadians themselves. (Hear.) The noble lord concluded by moving for leave to tiling in the bill. Mr. Waal) said, last session he voted against the resolutions relating to Canada, and their being passed had produced ex actly the effect he had anticipated. (Hear, hear.) He coo denoted the former policy of government towards Canada ; but he thought the plan now proposed was calculated to produce good effects, and he should, therefore, support the motion. As to the alteration in the constitution of the colony, the Cana dians had in tact themselves repudiated the constitution of 1791. (Hear.) Ile deprecated the idea of bringing about a reconci liation by British force; but here was an attempt at mild con ciliation, and he believed the great mass of the people would concur in it. (Ileac.) The Canada question was a compli cated one, and he was glad to see that the government bad taken up the subject in a good spirit. The hon. member pro ceeded to say that he should give his full and unequivocal assent to the plan proposed by her Majesty's government in all its parts, and he had the fullest confidence in the Earl of Durham to carry their* intentions into effect. He had no doubt they would be attended with the greatest benefit to the colonies. Mr. WAttuutiToN said he was glad that Lord Durham was to be authorised in granting a general amnesty, but he could not join in the unreserved praise to the officers who had been engaged in putting down The insurrection. He was of opinion the grievances of which the Canadians complained were not sufficient to justify them in having recourse to arms. (Hear.) [Left sitting.] ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE, GREAT CHARLOTTE-STREET, LIVERPOOL., Last Two Nights of CHRISTOPHE and JOAN of MW. rIIIH IS present FRIDAY, and TO-MORROW, (S,:turdav,) IL the 19th and 20th instant, will be performed the Grand Drama, called CHRISTOPHE, KING OF nAYT:. E., of the Drama, NOVELTIES OF THE ARENA. The whole to conclude with the gorgeous Ilistorical Drama, called JOAN OF ARC ; OR, THE MAID OF ORLEANS. In consequence of the immense preparations required for the production of the Grand Military Dradia, entitled WARS IN SPAIN, it cannot possibly he produced before Monday next. Prices of admission—Dress Bes, 3s. ; Pit, 25.; Lower Gallery, Is.; Upper Gallery, 6d. Children, half price, from the commencement, to the Boxes and Pit only. Second Price at Half-past Eight o'clock: Boxes, Is. 6d. ; Pit, Is.; Galleries, 6d.—Box Office open every day from Eleven till Three o'clock, when Mr. HA LF, will be in attendance. Doors open at Six o'clock, and the Performance begins at half past. Private Boxes may be had nightly for Parties, at 21s. and Us. Instructions in the Art of Riding Given. Riding Master, Mr. Gimlet:. Terms may be known on application at the Amphitheatre. Proprietor, Mr. BATES. Stage Manager, Mr. NEVILLE. TEMPLARS' II ALL, GREAT GEORGE-STREET. CONCERT. AIR. PEMBERTON respectfully informs his Friends and the Public• that his CON C E R T WILL, TAKE PLACE IN THE ABOVE HALL, ON FRIDAY EVENING, THE l9ih INSTANT, PRINciPAI, VUCAC PERFoRmEits MISS WHITNALL, MISS LEACH, MR. BOOTHBY. MR. DODD, and MR. PEMBERTON FLUTE Mn. BnowN. CONDUCTOR Mn. G. lIOLDEN. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. Manchester, Tuesday Evening. On Friday evening we observed that further advances would must probably follow the revolution even then caused in the Chester Cup speculations by the appearance of the weights. This will be found to have been the case by a single glance at the positions now held by various horses in the bettings. It will not have escaped recollection that at this period of last January, the topic seas the favourable weight, to say the least of it, be stowed upon Sir J. Boswell's celebrated horse General Chasse, and the nice accuracy of the handicap as regarded the Marquis of Westminster's Snyders, who received the coup de ()race in one short hour, being hurled from the leadership to the extreme fag end of the odds. If, twelve months ago, the noble owner of Snyders deemed it correct to pay instantly on the appearance of the handicap (and for the same reason to be. found not ex tending his patronage to the Tradesmen's piece of Plate of May next,) it will not astonish Its if a little of the cream of the entry should vanish on or before the first of February, and for the very reason which caused S n yd ers to l eave i n the lurch his numerous backers, at 9, 10, and 11 to 1. Another fortnight will, however, settle the question, how many of the first half dozen top weights accept or pay. Out of that lot, only one week ago, five were backed, and three of them at 12 to 1, or under. Now they will all he found in the rear rank, without a solitary nibble, even at tempting odds. This revolution is, of course, the effect of the handicap. the merits of which rest, in the opinion of many gentlemen, in the closeness of the race. NVhaley's price is t wo p o i n t s un d er our quotation on Friday ; indeed, a littl e s il ver h as b een g i ve n on more occasions than one fur 10 to I — sa y 100 t o 10. He has various friends willing to support him, although their books were pretty wellaccommo• dated at double the figure previous to the publishing of the weights. Zohrab, Heron, Catherina, and Magician, haVe all made a little jump forwards; and, by the spirited manner in which they have been noticed.within the past three days, there is little fear as to their accenting. Birdlime was supported at 15 to 1, but the offers have since been three or four points worse. The Master of the Rolls was backed last evening at 100 to 3. So little bas been said or done upon the Derby race that we may simply observe, that 9 to 1 would have been laid with much spirit last night on the field ; • and, in the course of the pr esent day, 10 to 1 was offered even against the new premier at Tatter sall's yesterday, viz., Mr. Armitage's cult, out of Nonplus's dam. A few gentlemen have backed this colt heavily in our market during the past three months, and will, no doubt, find hedging very agreeable. The appearance of the London busi ness indicates that he is the crack in NI r. Scott's powerful stable. It is, however, a long period to Epsom races, and we sh ou ld say, in the face of a journey from the ncrth to Newmarket Heath, the layers at 10 to I cannot be said to have so very good a thing in band; and again it is not often that the horse of Scott's is made so conspicuous a favourite, upwards of four months before the Derby day. THE CHESTER CUP, P.P.—(Accept or not.)-91 to 1 against Mr. Robinson's Whaley ; 121 to 1 against Mr. Fatrlie's Zohrab (taken;) 100 to 6 agaiiist Mr. Clarke's Magician (tk;) 18 to 1 agst Mr. tlouldsworth's Combat (tk;) '2OO to 11 against Mr. Fowler's Heron (tk ;) 18 to I agst Mt. Alti:Ata's Birdlime (off;) 20 to 1 agst Mr. Barrow's Catherina (taken;) 22 to 1 agst Mr. Fowlees ersev (taken;) 20 to 1 against Mr. Walter's Prime Warden (off;) 26 to 1 agst Mr. Walter's King Cole; 20 to 1 agst General Yates's Sylvan (off;) 20 to 1 agst Mr. Buckley's Dick (off;) 25 to 1 agst Mr. Price's Wentworth (tk ;1 25 to 1 agst Captain Lamb's Chit Chat (off;) 30 to 1 agst Mr. Bowers's Lord Stafford ; 33 to 1 against Sir E. Smyth's Master of the Rolls (tk;) the field versus any six. UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. Anxious to avail ourselves of the breathing-time afforded by the recess in parliament, we propose to offer a few remarks in reference to certain movements which have taken place of late, both in England land Scotland, in favour of a measure, the effect of which would be to overrun the legislative councils of the country with a set of unprincipled demagogues, and to en tail disappointment and misery on those who are most anxious for the change. Whether au extension of the suffrage might not, in some in stances, be attended ‘1 iib safety, and even with advantage, is a question, we conceive, which admits of reasonable discussion; but the proposal to invest poverty and ignorance with a trust that requires knowledge, discrimination, and integrity, in its exercise, is at once so extravagant and preposterous, that it seems almost a waste of time to enter seriously upon its refu tation. Unfortunately, however, the question of universal suf frage is one on which it is easy to theorize : and, to the unscru pulous candidate for popularity, if affords fine scope fur decla mation. The idea of thousands of our fellow-subjects being shut out from all participation in the elective franchise is a valuable theme for such orators as Roebuck and O'Connor; and vapouring harangues on the injustice of the ten-pound qualifi cation may, by vulgar ears, be mistaken for the language of patriotism. But the middle and intelligent classes are nut to be misled by mere sound; and the effect of the present movement on behalf of this extreme measure will be, not ouly to divide the reform interest, but, to cause numerous desertions to the ranks of our enemies. With regard to the alleged injustice of withholding the elec tive franchise from any portion of our-fellow subjects, we beg to observe that the privilege of voting for a member of parliament is not in itself a benefit. On the contrary, it is attended with both trouble and expense, and in many cases, with heavy pecuniary loss. The benefit to the voter comes to him in the shape of wise laws and impartial government, and is enjoyed by the non-elector in precisely the satne degree. It may be said that the boroughrnong ers previous to the passing of the reform bill, might have arg ue d after the same fash ion ; but a little reflection will show that the cases are by no means parallel. The tories bad a direct interest in perpetuating abuses. Pensions, and sinecures, and fat livings, were things not to be despised or abandoned without a struggle ; and they clung to the old.exclusive system, not because it was simpler, and served all the purposes of a more extensive suffrage, hut because they knew that an infusion of popular feeling into parliament would put an end to partial legislation, and sweep away many of those corruptions in church and state on which they had so long battened. Now, however, that the suffrage has been extended to the middle classes of society, if it were nut for the bribery and intimidation which have unhappily prevailed a pretty just repre sentation of the whole country would be obtained, inasmuch as the interests of the middle and lower classes are in all respects identi cal. We admit that the system of representation, as established by the reform acts, might be greatly amended; but, as it would be extremely inconvenient, if not totally subversive of all social order, to extend the franchise to the whole adult male popula tion, assuredly it ought to be placed in the hands of those who are most likely to use it with discretion, and for the general good of the country. There are, of course, many among the lower orders well entitled, both in point of intelligence and in tegrity, to possess the elective franchise; while, on the other hand, there are many invested with the privilege who are alto gether incapable of using it with discretion; but, in such a case, it is impossible to legislate for exceptions, and the present ar tangement, however much it might he improved in detail, is perhaps, uuder all the circumstances, the best that could well be devised. Theie is however, another, and perhaps a stronger argument against the the adoption of universal suffrage. The ignorance which unhappily prevails among the labouring classes would be productive, in almost every instance, of one of two evils. It would either expose them to a system of wholesale corruption, like that practised at the last election in several towns in Eng land, or place them wholly at the mercy of such intriguing knaves and demagogues as might pander to their passions and prejudices. Their suffrages would be uniformly given to the men who were most large in promise; and, believing that all their miseries would be removed by act of parliament, disappointment and anarchy would inevitably follow. But, indeed, from any chance which the measure has of being forced upon the country, there is not the slightest danger to be apprehended. The zeal enlisted in its behalf must evaporate in mere clamour; and the leaders of the ultra-radical faction will have to console themselves with the notion. that it is re served for a more enlightened age to carry their mighty projects into effect. Our fears are for the tendency which their efforts in the mean time have to strengthen the hands of our more legitimate opponents. It is chiefly to the ultra-radicals that the latter are so ready on all occasions to encourage them in their career of folly. The ranks of the tories are mostly swelled with those who dread the overthrow of the constitution, and the sub version of law and government; and accordingly, it is their grand policy to foment the differences existing between the whigs d and radicals, n:motive, txtb.o.viyfsea.:rnoe indeed,rt n eehiffuseeetrrtt latter thosaeetgrst interests.—Abridged uebrr yformerifd.ogr, violenten dadu a n s nic, w ini:no e deni a erii k uss tatel a iliue n v vacillating ce r s i stuiocffvonerilas.mgy temaon ht.ih—,t hes b i a w n :i h ev t a na h t eenriveareei raised, t A uhig-radical paper. FACTOR, CHILDREN IN FRANCE.—The French council. general of commerce have passed the following recommenda tions to the government :—To permit no child under eight years of age to work in manufactories, nor to permit them even then without a certificate of having passed one year in a primary school. That children from eight to fifteen years of age shall not be made to work more than twelve hours a-day, and seven by night. PANT I. OVERTURE, [Piano-forte,l "Semiramide," Mr.) . . G. Holden and Mr. Exton Tato, "Tremate! empi Cremate," Miss Leach 'Z Beethoven. Mr. Dodd and Mr. Pemberton ....... DUETTO, " I know a bank," Mils / Whitnall and) Horn. Mks Leach SUNG, The peace of the vallT," Mr. Penal Ba/./4. Berton QUARTETT, " Mi manca la voce," Miss Whit nall, Miss Leach, Mr. Dodd, and Mr. Peni- Rossini. Berton DUETTO, " Flow gently, Deva," Miss Leach, and Mr. Pemberton SONG, "The Echo Song," Miss Leach, [Flute )_ B ish op. GLEE, Mr. Brown P. GLEE, "The merriest time of all the year," Miss Whitnall, Mr. Boothby, Mr. Dodd, and Aldridge. Mr. Pemberton SONG, "She wore a wreath of roses," Mr. Dodd J. P. Knight. QuiNTETTo, Midst doubts confusing," [Cin• derellai Miss Whitnall, Miss Leach, Mr . 1 Rossini. Dodd, Mr. Eyton, and Mr. Pemberton ... PART ii. OvEuruEE, [Piano-forte] Mr. Eyton and Mr. G. Holden "Ti parle Pamore," Miss Whitnall, Mr Rossini. Dodd, and Mr. Pemberton SONG, "Ecco it pegno," Miss Whitnall BoLErto FLUTE, (in which he will introduce the air of "Kitty Tyrell," and a favourite Waltz) Nicholson. Mr. Brown DUETTU, "Giorno d'orrore," Miss Whitnall R ossini. a nd Miss Leach GLEE, "See the chariot at hand," Miss Whit nail, Mr. Boothby, Mr. Dodd, and Mr. Pem berton SONG, "The Pirate Crew," Mr. Pemberton .. J. P. Knight. DI ETTo. " O'er shepherd pipe and rustic dell," [Joan of Arc,) Miss Whitnall and Mr. Pem-',- berton GLEE, " The Watchman," Mr. Boothby, Mr G. Holden. George, and Mr. Pemberton MAnnto r., "Down in a flowery vale," Miss Whitnall, Miss Leach, Mr. Dodd, and Mr. Festa. Pemberton Tickets for the Body of the Hall, Five Shillings; for the Gallery, Three Shillings and Sixpence. To be had from Mr. PEmEEEToN, 11, Warwick-street; Mr. WEiss, Church-street and Mr. TrioxisoN, Great George-street.• The Concert to commence at Eight o'clock precisely. Books of the Words to be had at the Door of the Hall. Ebe Tiiberpool g:tanbarb. FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 19, 1838. .• The Publication of the STANDARD commenced this morn ing at 5 o'clock. MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.—DEBATE ON THE AFFAIRS OF CANADA.—Considerable anxiety has been recently felt .and expressed as to the course which the govern ment of the country, as well as the leading parties in the House of Commons, might take in reference to the revolt in Canada. The meeting of parliament on Tues day has, therefore, attracted universal attention, and the interesting debate which arose on the affairs of Canada has been the subject of general remark. In the House of Lords, as might have been anticipated from the high constitutional tone of feeling predominant among its members, the supremacy of the Queen's au thority over the disaffected insurgents of Canada was strongly asserted. The Duke of Wellington, with that characteristic manliness and straightforward honesty of expression for which he is so distinguished, accused the government of a dereliction of duty in not introducing the subject to the notice of the house by a message from the Crown, and hoped that the ministers would " speak out" upon this important occasion, and evince their fixed determination to suppress the insurrectionary movements of the Papineau faction as speedily as possible. He very properly suggested that a great country like England " could have no such thing as a little war," and that the armament destined for the Canadian service should be on such a scale as to ensure the immediate extinction of the rebellion. These sentiments called forth from the Prime Minister and the Colonial Secretary a declaration of their determination to support the authority of the Crown, and the dignity and station of the country, by making such preparations as should put an end to the present state of things, and bring the affair to a speedy conclusion. This is so far satisfactory. If the government are sincere in making these apparently explicit declarations, we have every reasonable grounds for anticipating that a speedy stop may be put to the further effusion of blood and destruction of property in our Canadian colonies. But why was not such a tone adopted long since ? Why did nor ministers take such decisive steps during the past period of their administration as would have effectually prevented the rebellion from breaking out ? It appears, from the documentary evidence that has been supplied to the houses of parliament, that they were fully forewarned of the traitorous intentions of Papineau and his fellow conspirators; and yet they neglected taking such pre cautions as would have precluded the possibility of a successful revolt. In the dispatch of Lord Gosford, dated 6th November, 1837, be states that " the grievances which were at first put forward by the leaders of this party, would seem to be mere pretexts to clothe DEEPER AND DARKER DESIGNS. The mask has been thrown aside, and the people are excited to disaffection and re bellion by the most artful and unfounded misrepresenta tions ; and even if all the demands of the Assembly were fully and immediately granted, they would, I begin to .think, be insufficient to satisfy the views of those whose EVIDENT AIM is not to reform, but to DESTROY THE ESTABLISHED GOVERNMENT AND THE BRITISH CON NEXION." All this must have been well known long before the unsuspecting Gosford " began to think" on the subject of the designs of the conspirators. Ministers must have known that concession after concession had only pro voked fresh and more unreasonable demands. They must have known that, as in the case of Ireland, the re moval of every grievance complained of had only suc ceeded in creating a thousand fresh ones, and in aug menting the agitation and violence of the revolutionary demagogues. We are, therefore, justified in charging upon the ministry all the atrocities of the civil war which is at present raging in Canada. They are the responsi ble parties for the destruction of property, the interrup tion of trade, and the threatened disruption of the Bri tish empire, which have been the necessary consequences of their infatuated, temporizing policy. Had that vi gour been manifested by the executive, which ought to have been prompted by the dangers which were evi• dently impending, these lamentable consequences might have been avoided. The irresolution or direct conniv ance of government, and not the alleged grievances of the Canadians, was the real source of Papineau's power. The debate in the House of Commons was commenced by the introduction of Lord John Russell's motion for an address to her Majesty, deprecating and lamenting the revolt which had taken place in Lower Canada, and assuring the Crown of the cot dial support of the Com mons in suppressing the rebellion, and punishing its authors; and for the introduction of a bill to suspend the meeting of the Assembly until certain measures for the future government of the colony should be brought to maturity. He entered into a lengthened statement of the causes which had led to the insurrection. He strongly maintained the necessity of preserving invio late the connexion between the colony and the mother country. He then proceeded to detail the plans which ministers intended to adopt as their guides for the fu ture. He proposed that, during the abeyance of the As sembly, the legislative power should be exclusively vested in a Governor and Council. The earlier adop tion of such a plan might have averted the serious con sequences which have been already experienced, espe cially if the Imperial Parliament or the Queen in Coun cil had the power to interpose a veto to the adoption of the laws which might have been passed by such a Colo• nial Council. It appears from what Lord John Russell has intimated that the Governor And his Council are to have the initiative in every act of legislation. To this we conceive there will be very decided objections. Un der such an arrangement, neither the government at home, nor the Imperial Parli amen t, w ill h ave any di rect influence over the administration of affairs in the colony, further than by giving a negative to the propositions which may originate with the Governor and his Council. We are afraid that this will have a tendency to prolong the differences which have already so long existed. Why not pass such laws as are requisite fur the government of the colony, in the first instance, in the British Parlia ment, and leave the Colonial Council to adopt or modify them according to circumstances, as in the case of the slavery abolition question, reserving to the Queen in Council the right of finally rejecting or ratifying such laws ? It appears that the Governor is empowered to call in the advice of ten representatives from Lower and ten front Upper Canada. Such are the outlines of the ministerial scheme for conducting the machinery of legislation in the Canadas. We are glad to infer from Lord John Russell's speech that the Papineau conspiracy is to be effectually quelled. This cannot be dune without visiting the traitors who have instigated this rebellion against the British Crown with condign punishment. This is indispensably neces sary, in order that an example may be afforded to deter others from venturing upon a similar course, and to show that the Queen's authority shall not be despised with im punity. If such be not the intention of ministers, we feel confident that all their attempts at conciliation will be perfectly futile, and unproductive of any good result. In the course of the debate which arose from the ex position of the plans of government in reference to Ca nada, those miserable theorists, Messrs. Hume and Grote, embraced another opportunity of broaching their chimerical views of colonial legislation. Their senti ments, however, met with but a cool reception from the house. They still had the audacity to declare that the " sober, steady, and reflecting people of England" were on their side, and on the side of the traitorous, Popish, and anti-British faction, by whom the flame of civil war has been kindled in the Canadas. If such an assertion is true, how comes it to piss that Hume, Leader, Grote, Molesworth, and Co. have so signally failed in their re cent attempts to excite the popular sympathy in favour of the rebels. How comes it to pass also that nine tenths of the public press are opposed to them, and de cry their mischievous agitation ? The encomiums bestowed by Mr. Hume and Mr. Grote upon the colonial administration of Sir George Murray and the Earl of Aberdeen drew forth from Sir Robert Peel some very caustic remarks on the infatuated policy pursued by the radicals in depriving the coun try of the benefit of the eminent services of the very men whom they are now disggsed to consider the best friends of the Canadians. We have elsewhere given at as great length as our space will peernit the masterly and elaborate speech' of Sir Robert Peel. This distinguished statesman has given fresh proofs of his capacity for wielding the des tines of Great B►itain and its dependencies. On no occasion do we remember having met with a more tri umphant refutation of the flimsy and shallow doctrines of the philosophical theorists, nicknamed " reformers," on the subject of the relative obligations of the mother country and the colonies. It has often been remarked, that the abilities of Sir Robert Peel are always found to rise more and more conspicuously into notice under every fresh emergency. His speech on Tuesday even ing affords an additional confirmation of the truth of this observation. We feel confident that it will produce a powerful impression throughout the country, and add fresh ignominy to the character of the unprincipled mi nistry, who conspired with the enemies of England to deprive the country of the services of this most distin guished statesman of modern times. Soon may he be restored to that post for which his consummate talents so eminently qualify him. Since the above remarks were penned, we have per used a portion of the debate which took place in the House of Commons, on Wednesday evening. We are sorry to find that Lord Durham is to go out as governor of our North American colonies, with plenary powers to grant a general amnesty to the rebels in Canada. So, then, after all the flourishes of Lord Melbourne and the silly vapourings of Lord John Russell, the " base traitors," against whom our ministers have declaimed with so much virtuous indignation, are to escape with impunity. Such a course of proceeding will do no good whatever. To extend pardon to Papineau and his fellow conspi rators, especially an unconditional pardon, would be an absolute abuse of mercy. The proper exercise of this God-like quality would be to expatriate the traitors. This would be an act of mercy to the pour deluded wretches whom the arch conspirators have plunged into all the horrors of war. In addition to the preceding consideration, we would further nrge that the granting of a general amnesty to the rebels in Canada will operate most mischievously as a precedent for other coloniei, as well as for England itself. How much more mischievously must it operate in reference to Ireland ? It will be tantamount to offer ing a premium upon rebellion. O'Connell and his seditious associates may now stimulate the disaffected papists of the sister island into open revolt, and calculate upon the tender mercies of an English government for the favour of extending a general amnesty. Nay, they may even take up arms themselves and attack the Queen's troops, and assert the independence of Ireland, and yet expect to escape the consequences of their re bellion. If Papineau and the other traitors in Canada escape punishment, why may not Joseph Hume and the other radical demagogues calculateupon similar leniency, if they should venture to make a like experiment upon the loyally of the people of England? Lord Durham's mission will prove a failure, as Lord Gosford's did, if he should act up to the spirit of his in structions. Nothing but the utmost firmness and energy will now suffice to put down the rebellion. Energy does not imply tyranny ; nor does the most uncompro mising firmness imply any degree of oppression. We do not advocate the practice of harshness or cruelty ; we merely recommend a firm and unflinching resolution to maintain the supremacy of the Queen over her colonial territories and subjects. This object cannot be attained until we have a change of ministry. THE LIVERPOOL TELEGRAPH.--The editor of this contemptible print, which has not the good fortune of being the acknowledged organ of any political party in the town, has thought fit to question the propriety of our , remarks on the recent hole•and corner meeting of Tradesmen's Reform Association. The logic by which the Telegraph seeks to establish the position, that the above meeting was a public one, is of the most extraor dinary character. We should not have thought it worth our while to notice the subject any farther, but for the sake of exhibiting the curiosity to which we have alluded. The Telegraph remarks " that the meeting in question was called for the purpose of petitioning the legislature in favour of two great national questions—Vote by Ballot and the Extension of the Suffrage—and a local question of hardly less importance—the introduction into Liverpool of Sir John Cain Hobl►ouse's Vestry Act. The objects sought to be obtained are public objects— and the utmost publicity was given to the meeting by placards and otherwise ;" ergo the Telegraph concludes,. this could not have been termed a secret meeting, or " a hole-and corner meeting." Thus the specific object of JANUARY 10, 1838. any meeting of a political club, though none but mem bers are admitted, must be allowed to convert that meet ing into a public one ! This is a specimen of Telegraph reasoning. The next remark proves the exclusive cha racter of the meeting at the Music Hall, even upon the shewing of the Telegraph itself. The stupid writer proceeds to acknowledge that " the meeting was coin , posed of the members of the Association, all of whom are favourable to the objects stated; and persons not members of the Association were excluded." A n d yet the ignorant scribbler pertinaciously maintains that this was a public meeting ! "Verily this radical scrub labours with wonderful success to bring his own friends into contempt." As to the petitions which have ema nated from this hole and•corner meeting on the subjects of Vote by Ballot, Universal Suffrage, &c., we feel con fident that a knowledge of their origin will prevent every man who has a spark of self respect, from appending his signature to either of them. The reaction on the Canada question has almost proved the death-blow of the trai torous faction, which has its head-quarters in Clayton Square. The diminished numbers of the Reform Asso ciation, afford ample proof of the growing unpopularity of the principles which are advocated by the leading men among the liberal party in Liverpool. LORD ELDON.—We have this day to record the death of this distinguished lawyer and statesman, who so long occupied a most prominent position in the government of his country, with honour to himself, and advantage to the nation. His memory will be long cherished by the protestant people of Great Britain, as the uncompro mising opponent of catholic emancipation, on the passing of which measure he had predicted all those melancholy results which recent years have witnessed. We extract the following tribute to the moral worth and professional eminence of Lord Eldon from the Morning Herald : The rise of Lord Eldon from a humble walk of life, and an obscure origi❑ to almost the highest office of dignity and power beneath the throne, was only one of the instances which so fre- quently occur under our admirably-constructed free constitu , - tion, of talent and integrity reaching the brightest rewards of an honourable ambition by the force of their own merits. His brother, the late Lord Stowell, was another exalted instance of splendid ability, scholarship, and virtue, rewarded with well earned distinction. As a civilian, the latter has commanded the respect and admiration of all Europe—as an equity lawyer, the former, if ever equalled, has never been eXcelledl. Such men, rise from what obscurity they may, confer as much lustre on high station as high station can confer on them. Both have gone down to the grave full of years and of honours—but the name of the one will survive the oblivion of the tomb while Europe has a code of international law, and that of the other cannot perish except with the system of equity of which he established the land marks. Mortuary honours had been lavished on the memories, sta tues have been raised to the fame, of smaller men than these two distinguished judges, who gave to most important and diffi cult branches of the law the benefit of so much knowledge and ability. In public life, stern and uncompromising politicians— on the bench as remarkable for suavity of temper and amenity of manners as some far inferior lawyers, placed in such situa tions, have been for the opposite qualities of petulance and ill nature, Lords Stowell and Eldon displayed, under all circum stances, the singleness and simplicity of true genius. Can the bar neglect to do adequate honour to their memories without ex posing itself to the reproach of being so absorbed in the drudgery of sordid gain as to be indifferent to examples of the highast moral and intellectual worth, connected with professional emi nence In any other country the funeral orations pronounced over the graves of such men wonld be followed by such tributes of public respect to their talents and virtues as would testify the admiration inspired by men who, having run such a race, had touched their goal of glory. The best memorial of Lord Eldon is undoubtedly to be found in the reports of the judgments which he pronounced during the more than quarter of a century in which he occupied the office of lord high chancellor of England. Those judgments, displaying an intellect equally acute and vigorous, profound , and lucid, constitute a monument to his fame aere perennius. Equity, treated as a science, was never so capaciously grasped, and so luminously expounded. Still it ought not to be left to history, at a distant day, to sculpture its trophies, or inscribe its praise upon the urns of great men, which contemporary evidence shall have neglected. Of John Earl of Eldon, whatever else may be said, this must be a portion of his epitaph, that he was the greatest equity lawer his country has produced, and one of the most consistent of England's politicians. The following sketch of his public life is'also derived from the same source : This venerable nobleman was born on tile 4tlanf Jure, 1751, at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. His father, Mr. &Ott, wes a coal fitter in that town, and, it is said, had originally been a domes tic in a nobleman's family. John, the subject of this sketch, was educated with his elder brother, William, afterwards Lord Stowell, at the grammar school at Newcastle, and both being fortunate enough to obtain exhibitions, were sent to Oxford, where they maintained themselves chiefly by their own exer tions. John was entered at the Temple, Hilary Term, 1772, and, having kept 16 terms, was called to the bar in 1776. From the commencement of his legal studies, Mr. Scott was pre-emi nently distinguished for his indefatigable assiduity. lie never devoted to relaxation a moment more than was absolutely ne cessary to health ; and he resolutely resisted all the temptations of society. Even the attractions held forth by the conversation of the great literary leviathan of the day, Dr. Johnson, was in sufficient to entice the laborious young lawyer from the solitude of his chambers, and the severe course of study he had chalked out for himself. It is for this reason we find no mention of John Scott in the work of that indefatigable chronicler Boswell, who has given William Lord Stowell a conspicuous place in his id"' teresting records. Mr. John Scott devoted his attention principally to the courts of equity, but in those days it was the custom for chancery barristers to attend the assizes; and was a member of the north ern circuit. It was at Newcastle that he became acquainted with Miss Eliz. Surtees, the daughter of a mercantile gentle man of that town, and the young lawyer laid siege to the heart of the lady. The match, however, was opposed by the Surtees family, in consequence of the poverty and humble origin of the bold aspirant. Gretna was invitingly near, and thither the young couple eloped. The father proved implacable and re fused forgiveness; but, years afterwards, when honours, riches, and rank showered profusely upon the fortunate adventurer, overtures for a reconciliation were made by Mr. Surtees and his family. But the great Lord Eldon turned the cold shoulder towards those who had treated the poor and unfriended barrister with contempt, and whose motives in seeking a renewal of were too glaring for charity herself to misinterpret. It is a fact worth remarking that, in his office of chancellor, Lord Eldon affixed the seal to a commission of bankruptcy against Aubone Surtees, the father of his wife. For the first few years of his career Mr. Scott confined him self to the business of an equity draftsman, shunning with an almost invincible'timidity appearing as an advocate. He soon acquired an extensive chamber practice, but his health, which was delicate, suffering from the confinement incident to that. labourous branch of the profession, he was compelled to accept briefs to appear in the court of chancery; and his success in this latter department was even more signal than in the former. He was remarkable for the clearness and precision of his style, for the logical chain of his reasoning, and a most extensive knowledge of cases. Lord Chancellor Thurlow was so im pressed by Mr. Scott's pleading, that one day, on breaking up the court, he invited the barrister into his private 'room, and, offered him a vacant mastership, which, however, I♦lr. Scott very wisely declined. A mastership in chancery is an office . shunned as the grave of legal ambition, by all men of talent who aspire to the high honours of their profession; for very seldom it is that preferment follows the acceptance of such an office, and Mr. Scott's subsequent career certainly left him no cause to regret having declined Lord Thurlow's offer. In 1783, Mr. Scott obtained his patent of precedency, and in 1788, he was made solicitor-general and knighted. It is said that he ex pressed to George the Third a modest desire to decline the latter honour, but the King exctaimed, " Pooh, pooh, nonsense, man," and gave him the accolade, nolens volens. In 1793, Sir John Scott was made attorney-general; and in the memorable prosecutions against Hardy, Horne Tuoke, Holcroft, &c., his speech in Hardy's case may be referred to as a fair specimen of forensic oratory. It occupied nine bourse in delivery. Soon after obtaining his patent of precedency in 1783, Mr. Scott was introduced into parliament for Lord Weymouth's borough of Weolby, in Herefordshire (disfranchised by the Reform Act.) He first distinguished himself in the debate on Mr. Fox's India Bill, when he "fleshed his maiden sword" in a contest with the great whig champion himself. Mr. Scott had stipulated on standing for Weobly to vote according to his conscience : he sided with Mr. Pitt, and commenced the advo cacy of those principles which he continued to hold up to the last hour.of his life. Mr. Scott drew the East India Declaratory Bill, and that service is said to haue gained for him the solicitor generalship. Like many other eminent lawyers Scott failed in making a vivid impression on the house as a debater. His style was too cold, precise, and strictly forensic. Pitt himself whilst he derived the utmost benefit from Scott's consummate legal talents and knowledge, did not consider him a❑ efficient defender in debate of the measures of government, and, on one occasion particularly, he evinced such to be his opinion by rising immediately after the attorney-general to speak to the same question—a breach of etiquette which was in effect saying, that all the crown lawyer's speech went fur nothing- During the attorney-generalship of Sir John Scott, there were more than double the number of prosecutions for libel. 3