The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-03-09 00:00:00

TO THE SUBSCRIBERS TO THE LIVERPOOL DISPENSARIES &ND GE LEMEN, IBeg to offer mysel of HONORARY PENSARY, and ie favour. a CANDIDATE for the Situation NORTH DlS our Votes in my TRENCH. 32, Great Gei TO THE LADIF T B cans ERNOR DISH ARIES AND UE ebbs to the ur Ir a Hospital Itions, I now beg leave of HO- to offer myself as a CANDIDATE for the Off NORARY SURGEON. Should Ibe elected, every 'at tention in my power shall be given to the interests of the Dispensaries: I am, Ladies Gentlemen, MES C. FERGUSON Islington T B. HEWITT, Sit( cr • REPORTER to t informs Professional be purposes to supply accurate VERBATIM REPORTS of the Trials in the Nisi Prius Court at the ensuing Assizes, on terms peculiarly moderat References permitted to Gent l spectabilitv. en of the tters:addn ;sed to the S kNDARD OFFICE, will receive immediate attention THE OLDEST ESTABLISHED PAPER HANGING WAREHOUSE IN LIVERPOOL, 17, BOLD-STREET, THREE DOORS FRO: MARY DODD, Widow, begs respectfully to inform ber kind friends and the Public that she has now ready for inspection her immense STOCK of PAPER HANGINGS, for the ensuing Season, which, for splendour and elegance, far surpasses anything of the sort ever produced in Liverpool. N.B.—M. D. also wishes the Public to take notice that her son, HENRY DODD, who superintends her business, has no connection with any other House in Town. STEINKELLER'S PATENT SQUARE DIAMOND ZINK SIAM TO cover 100 square with the above will To cover the same surface With best Welsh Slate et of Robfin la cwt. qrs. lb. ... 1 0 22 •equire will require 9 0 0 Saving in weight, per 100 square feet, by use of Zink SHEATHING ZINK. for Ship SHEET ZINK, for Roofing, Verandahs Press Plates. PLATE ZINK Apparatus, &c. ZINK SASH BARS, for Window Frames, Hothouses, Fanlights, Garden Frames, &c. ZINK NAILS, TACKS, and SPRIGS, for and Outside Work. ZINK RAIN WATER PIPING, GUTTERING, BELL TUBING, MOULDINGS, LAMP BARS, &c., all drawn by Machinery. PERFORATED ZINK, for Window Blinds, Safes, Dairies, Strainers, for Ventilation, &c. W. LAIRD, JUN., 1, MOOR-STREET Flats, Paper for En, vers, Lithographers, Galvanic Ships' Use SHADDOCKS AND FORBIEDEN FRUIT. MIDDLEWOOD begs respectfully to recommend the 0 • FRUIT lately arrived, per The Sisters, from Nassau. It is unquestionably the best that has been imported. For Invalids it is the most grateful, and for Desserts it is not equalled. It is held in high estimation at the Royal Table, and approved of by her Majesty ; and though a few years ago it was scarcely known, it is now had in preference to every other.—J. M. has also American Apples, the finest fruit imported this season ; Black and Green Grapes ; Por tugal Plums ; French Ditto, Raisins, Almonds ; Turkey and Faro Figs; Spanish Chesnuts, Walnuts, &c. ;—and now landing, Seville Oranges, for Marmalade, Preserving, Wine, &c., by the chest, hundred, or dozen; also, St. Michael's Oranges of the first quality ; Bottled Fruits, for Tarts, &c. ; Shaddock Marmalade. Preserved Ginger, Limes, Tamarinds, large Tafilat Dates.—The extensive Stock of the above, and every other choice Fruit, will enable J. M. to sell from 10 to 15 per cent. under any other establishment in town. Shaddocks and Forbidden Fruit forwarded to any part of the Kingdom, selected of the same quality as those so highly approved of by her Majesty, in packages 4 0s. each. • Family Fruit Warehouse, No. 6, Parker-street, Church-street. RESOLUTIONS adopted at a PUBLIC MEETING of GAS CONSUMERS, held at the Adelphi Hotel, on MONDAY Evg,NING, the Bth instant, 1, Moved by Mr. RADLEY, seconded by Mr. JEFFREY, That this meeting deems it important that the article of gas should be supplied to the consumers at as moderate a rate as possible, and that the bill now before Parliament, intro duced by the Liverpool Gas Company, by means of which they seek to obtain additional powers, should be carefully watched in its progress. This meeting, therefore, conceives it to be absolutely necessary that the Gas Company should be required, in the fist instance, to prove before the Com mittee of the House of Commons the actual value of their present stock or capital ; and, that as to a capital beyond the original £50,000, raised by authority of Parliament, the shares should be openly submitted to public competiticn, and advertised in the various Liverpool papers at least fourteen days before such sale. 2. Moved by Mr. FERGUSON, seconded by Mr. PILCHER, That it is the opinion of this Meeting that the Company's operations should be confined to the town of Liverpool, Everton, Kirkdale, West Derby, and Toxteth-park, which includes the village of Harrington, and that their raising a Capital for extending their Mains beyond that is injurious and prejudicial to the Gas Consumers within the places above mentioned. _ _ _ _ highest re- I ilounlZl had committed tt fallen under the rules treated as a prisoner would have b as the alleged be implicated authority to decide and experienv 41W, intere_ compatible with the spirit and ge 12 cts. to 5 dols Geo 25 cts. to 3 does mn and Howard held at 49 cts. to 50 c It was hoped that the outrage was perpetrated by a party in a sudden heat and excitement, upon their own responsi bility. But the British Minister now avows that " the act was the public act of persons obeying the constituted autho rities of her Majesty's service, obeying the orders of their If this bad been the first and only point of collision with Great Britain it might not have excited interest. but there is an assumption in most of our intercourse with that great power revolting to the pride and spirit of independence in a free people. If it be her desire to preserve peace, her true policy would be to do justice, and show that courtesy to equals which she has always demanded from others. The committee do not desire to press views on this part of the subject, particularly as a demand has been made by our go vernment upon the government of Great Britain for explana tion as to the outrage committed, the answer to which it is hoped will prove satisfactory. As to the other points presented in the demand made by the British Minister for the " liberation" of Alexander M`Leod, the committee believe the facts of the case to be, that the, steamboat was seized and burnt as stated before, and that a citizen or citizens of New York were murdered in the affray. And there were reasons to induce a belief that M`Leod was particeps criminis. He was at first arrested, and upon various testimony being taken, was then discharged. He was afterwards arrested a second time. Upon the evidence then presented, he was imprisoned to await his trial. There was no invasian of British territory to seize or take him. But upon his being voluntarily within our territory, he was arrested as any citizen of the United States, charged with a similar offence, might have been. We know of no law of nations that would exempt a man from arrest and imprison ment for offences charged to be committed against the " peace and dignity" of a state, because he is a subject of Great Britain, or because he committed the crime at the in stigation or under the authority of British provincial officers; much less do we know of any law that would justify the President to deliver him up without trial, at the demand and upon the assertion as to facts, of any agent of the British If we had been at open war with Great Britain, and M`Leod offences charged, then he might have i and regulations of war, and had been of the United States government, and ,en subject to the laws of nations in war. But criminal acts, in which M‘Leod is charged to tted in profound peace, it is a crime, as far as he may be concerned, solely against the " peace and dignity" of the state of New York, and her cri minal jurisdiction is complete and exclusive. If the crimes committed be such as to make a man hostis humani genus— an outlaw—a pirate, in the legal acceptation of the term, then under the law of'nations, the United States courts and tribu- nals would have jurisdiction. But the offence charged in this case, committed as it was in time of peace, as far as this individual was concerned, was one purely against the lex loci, and coming exclusively within the criminal jurisdiction of the tribunals of New 'Y oirk. The minister, in his letter of the 13th of December, 1840, says—" It is quite notorious that Mr. M`Leod was not one of the party engaged in the destruction of the steam-boat Caroline ; and that the pretended charge upon which he has been imprisoned rests only upon the perjured testimony of certain Canadians, outlaws and their abettors," &c. This may, perchance, all be so—but it would be asking a great deal to require an American court to yield jurisdiction and surrender up a prisoner charged with offences against the law, upon the mere ipse dixit of any man, no matter how high in Whether M`Leod be guilty or not guilty, is the Ant upon which an American jury alone have a right Jurisdiction in state of tribunals over criminal and trial by the jury of the venue, are essential points .n American jurisprudence. And it is a total misapprehen sion as to the nature of our system to suppose that there is any right in the Federal Executive to arrest the verdict of the one, or thwart the jurisdiction of the other. If such a power existed, and were exercised, it would effectually overthrow, and upon a vital point, the separate sovereignty and inde- pendence of these states. The federal executive might be clothed with power to de liver up fugitives from justice for offences committed against a foreign state, but even then it might not be obligatory to do so, unless it were made matter of treaty speculation. This duty and right in an executive has generally been considered as dormant, until made binding by treaty arrangement. But when the matter is reversed, and demand is made, not of fu gitives from justise for offences against a foreign power, but for the liberation of a man charged with offences against the peace and dignity of one of our own states, then it is that the demand becomes preposterous in the extreme. The fact that the offences were committed under the sanction of pro vincial authorities does not alter the case, unless we were in a state of war. In such cases as the present, the power to deliver up could not be conferred upon the federal executive by:treaty stipulation. Over all cases except those defined in the constitution, and those coming clearly under the law of nations, the states have exclusive jurisdiction, and the trial and punishment of offences against them, are incident to their separate sovereignty. It is not pretended in this case that there is anytreaty stipulation under which the demand is made ; and the federal executive, under our system, has no power but - what is conferred by the `constitution, or' by the special law ofcongress. In the former ,it is declared that " the executive power is vested in a President of the United ," and the power is then to be pointed out and defined by special laws passed from time to time, imposing such du ties as are thought proper and expedient by congress. Your committee deem it dangerous for the executive to ex ercise any power over a subject-matter not conferred by treaty or by law ; and to exercise in any case in conflict with state jurisdiction, would be worse than dangerous ; it would be usurpation. But your committee forbear to press these points further at present, and they would not have said as mush on such clear questions of international law, but that in this case, thr demand for liberation has been made by the accredited of a great power, and under circumstances of peculiar aggi vation and excitement. "We have other points of difference with Great Britain which add interest to every question that arises between us at present. Neither our Northeastern or Northwestern Boundaries are yet settled with her, and the subject is not entirely free from difficulty. She has recently seized our vessels and exercised a power involving,the right of search, under the pretext of suppressing the foreign slave trade, which, if persevered in, will sweep our commerce from the coast of Africa, and which is incompatible with our rights as a maritime power. She has recently, in her intercourse with us, refused indemnity and denied our rights to property, on a subject matter vital to near one half the States of this Con federacy, and which, considering her military position at Bermuda and her growing power in the West Indies, is of the last importance to our national inde,jendence. " All these subjects make every question betwee ,- this particular juncture, of the deepest interest. " Besides this, we are both permanently destined to have, perhaps, the most extensive commerce of modern nations. Our flags float, side by side, over every sea, and bay, and inlet of the known globe. She moves steadily upon her objects with an ambition that knows no bounds. And, wherever she has had a conflict of interest, she has rarely yielded to any power. "At this moment, she presents to the civilized world the spectacle of the greatest military and commercial power in combination, ever known. " From her vast possessions in every quarter of the globe, and her peculiar commercial system, she has been made the reservoir of the wealth of nations. " Her internal resources, skill, labour, and machinery, with her capital, are beyond calculation. Her naturaPposi tion, being about midway the coast of Europe control over the outlets and currents of commerce. " Her military occupation of Gibraltar, Malta, the lonian Islands, end recently St. Jean d'Acre, give her ascendancy on the Mediterranean and the Levant, while St. Helena and the Cape of Good Hope give her possession over the currents of trade along those extensive coasts. Then Bom bay, Calcutta, and her immense possessions in the East In dies, together with her recent movements in the China seas and islands, enable her to extend her power over those vast regions that have slumbered for ages in solitary and enervated magnificence. She possesses Falkland Island but to control the commerce that passes around Cape Horn, while Trinidad gives her all she desires in the Caribbean sea. Halifax at one point, and Bermuda at another, stand out in great force over our own coast, from one extremity to the other. " Her positions all over the world are, at this moment, in a military point of view, equal to a million of me n un d er arms. Her continual conflicts in the mighty regions of the east only enable her officers to become skilful and to improve in the art of war, while her great armies and extensive fleets a us, at gives her great draw their support from the immense countries seized and occupied. In the present juncture of affairs, no statesman can overlook these things, Steam -power has recently brought us so near together that, in the event of any future conflict, war, with its effects, will be precipitated upon us with much more rapidity than formerly. " Avarice and ambition are the ruling passions of modern times, and it is in vain to shut our eyes to the state of things around us. It remains to be seen what effect steam-power is to have upon changing and modifying the whole art of defence and war. It may be a great engine for again levelling Mankind, and reducing every thing to contest of mere phy sical force. In that event it might be difficult to conjecture whet system of national defence will stand the test of time eve a deep stake in peace, and fondly hope the re pose of the world will not be disturbed. We have certainly no: the least desire for any rupture. Firmness, and a wise preparation, will long preserve us from such a catastrophe. But while no temptation should ever prompt us to do injus tice, on the one hand, so no consideration, on the other hand, should ever induce us to submit to permanent wrong from any power on earth, no matter what the consequences may be. Your committee would conclude by expressing a firm belief, that all our points of difficulty may be honourably and amicably adjusted, and that harmony may long be preserved by both governments pursuing a liberal and generous policy, congenial to the -osts and feelings of both people, and ompa' -- .ius of an enlightened age.'.' W can only find room for the following commercial ex- NEW YORK, FEB. 14.—Cotton is dull sale at Saturday's rates ; we have not heard of any sales worth reporting. Mo derate sales of Genesee Flour were made at 4 dols. 75 cents of choice brands, in sip all quantities, at 5 dols. r barrel ; 2.5 Ct -- -- 1-street 5 dols. ; Rye Fl our 3 dols Corn Meal 2 dob r Bar 1( i 5 cts. to 2 Corn inactive at 30 cts. 200 tierces rough FlaxseedN;eVe-soTd at 10 dots. 2 and a small quantity of clean at 11 dols. Cloverseed sells, in small parcels, at 8 dols. to 8 dols. 4 ct. Holders of Ashes are firm at l dols. for both descriptions : 5 dols. 87i cts. is offered for Pears and refused. There was a positive sale of a large quantity of dry goods, to-day, by auction, testing the market rather more thoroughly than before. Seasonable goods brought just about the cost and charges of importation : but unseasonable goods, such as Mouselin de Lains, of which there were a great quantity, sold at two-thirds of last Fall's prices, say 12 to 25 cts. for goods which, last Fall, brought 18 to 33 cts. Mystom. MADNEss.---A man was arrested the other day in the church of Saint Sulplice, in Paris, who pretended that he was a pipe of the organ blown out by the wind. He ear nestly requested that he might be restored to his place , or the m usic would be stopped. Moved by Mr. PRINGLE, seconded by Mr. HICKEY, That the petition to the House of Commons, now read, be adopted by this meeting, and that it be left at the usual places for signature, and that the same be forwarded to Lord Sandon for presentation ; and that in order to carry the objects of this meeting into effect a committee be formed consisting of the following gentlemen : Mr. Hastings, Mr. Geo. Walker, Mr. E. Jones, Mr. Sum ners, Mr. Ferguson, Mr. Whitby, Mr. Hickey, Mr. Hutton , Mr:Wrenn, Mr. Coward, Mr. Geo. Wilson, 'Mr. Pacher, Mr. Thos. Reay, Mr. Hall, Mr. Bridson, Mr. Radley, Mr. Phillips, Mr. Pringle, Mr. Nicholson, Mr. Ralphs, Mr. Jeffrey, Mr. Wilde, Mr. Towers, Mr. Hope, Mr. P. East wood, with power to add to their numbers. 4. Moved by Mr. TURNER, seconded by Mr. COWARD, That this meeting deems it necessary that in order to give effect to its views a deputation should proceed to London, and that Mr. Evans, the solicitor, be authorised to attend and employ counsel, and such other means as shall be deemed advisable, in conjunction with the deputation. 5. Moved by Mr. SUMNERS, seconded by Mr. TOWERS, That a subscription b fraying the expenses v )e entered into for the purpose of de which will be incurred in giving effect to the intentions of this me Moved by Mr. ATKINS seconded by Mr.. SUMNERS, That the thanks of this Meeting be given to the Chairman for his able conduct in the chair. Moved and seconded, That the best thanks of this meeting are due, and are hereby given to Mr. Radley, for the use of the room. UNITED STATES Me Westchester from New York arrived here on Sunday, bringing papers to the 16th ult., the contents of whichure important and alarming The e Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom bad been re- ferred the Message of the President, transmitting a corres pondence with the British minister, in relation to the burning of the steam-boat Caroline, and the demand made for the liberation of * Mr. Alexander M`Leod, reported, on the 13th ult., to the House of Representatives on the subjects which had been referred to them. As the report is of a very me nacing and insulting character, and may probably involve circumstances of the greatest consequence, we give it at It appears that the steam-boat Caroline was seized and destroyed in the month of December, 1837.—The committee are induced to believe that the facts of the case are as fol lows :—The boat was owned by and in possession of a citizen of New York. She was cleared from the city of Buffalo, and on the morning of the 29th of December, 1837, she left the port of Buffalo, bound for Schlosser, upon the American side of the Niagara river, and within the territory of the United States. The original intention seemed to be to run the boat between Buffalo and Schlosser, or perhaps, from Black Rock dam to Schlosser, and should it seem profitable, it was in• tended to run her also to Navy Island, and touch at Grand Island and Tonawanda. Her owner was Mr. Wells, said to be a respectable citizen of Buffalo, and it is obvious, his in tention in putting up the boat was one of speculation and ntirely. The excitement upon that portion of the s period, had collected a great many in the profit e frontier „hbourhood—some from curiosity—some from idleness— and others from taking an interest in the unusual and extra ordinary collection of adventurous men gathered together at that time on Navy Island. Navy Island was ” nominally" in the British " territory." The owner of the Caroline took advantage of these circum stances to make some money with his boat, by running her, as a ferry boat, over to Navy Island. All these facts appep from testimony regularly taken, '(see H. R. Doc. N page 46 and 39, 2d Session, 25th Congress. ) - mittee know of no legal e is no proof that any ar t evade❑ ar were:carried , except, perhaps, one small six-pounder field piece belonging to a passenger. The principal object was to run the boat as a ferry boat from Schlosser, on the American aide, to Navy Island, on the British side. It is believed that even in war, a neutral power has the right to trade in contra )and articles, subject, of course, to seizure and confiscation, f taken within the jurisdiction of either of the contending What is contraband of war is not always certain. stipulations frequently include some articles, and ex- Trading in elude others recognised in the law of nations contraband articles is no excuse for invading the territory and soil of a neutral and independent power, v private citizens may choose to run the bazar In this instance there were no two foreign powers engaged but all concerned in the outbreak, or excitement, in war, a jurisdiction, claiwe to be British subjE a resist f Canada, a province Of thc . _ British empire.—Even admitting, then, that the Caroline was engaged in contraband trade, yet it was with citizens whb claimed to be subjects of the same empire with those who were styled the legitimate officers of the province. Abstractly speaking, how was a private citizen to decide who were right and who wrong in these local disputes? And which portion of citizens of the same province must our citizens refuse to have any communication with ? But the boat was merely used for one day as a ferry boat ; and on the night of the de she commenced running she was seized, while moored at tl wharf in Schlosser, and burned. Several men N patd—certahily one, who fell dead upon the decl Now the insinuation of the British Minister, the Schlosser is " nomi nally" within the territory of the United States, may well be retorted, as we can with equal truth say that Navy Island wa s " nominally" within the " territory' of the British Go vernment, for at the period to which we allude the people collected there had as effectually defied Canada authorities as any portion of our people had disregarded ours. Yet British authority thought proper to pass by Navy Island, then its "nominally" territory, and, in the plentitude of its power, to cast the tegis of British jurisdiction over American s o il. This was truly extending over us that kind guardianship which they had not .theability2 d at that t ic tin r i c e co to nn e n x e t n e d n s d it t so telli portion of their own territory to us full as much from its e umption as from its love of right or law. The British minister is pleased also to call the Caroline a " piratical steamboat." The loose epithets of any one, no matter how high in place, canno t m a ke that piracy which the law of nations does not recognise as such. Pirates are free booters, enemies of the human race ; and eminent jurists describe them as ravaging every sea and coast, with no flag and no home. Piracy comes under the concurrent jurisdic tion of all nations. Even in the worst point of view that it craolibe considered, those connected with the steamboat Ca 13:4:were but aiders and abettors of others engaged in re , and the committee are totally at a loss to know upon _ rebeylion is recognised as piracy. Such con 01,Yfus, in T aw..‘; .1 . 3 . 18 resting the case upon epithets, instead tiesi boo; „ But even supposing it to be a " pira " star a sser t s • it to be ; yet the moment states c '-HAND WRITE nd PRINCIPAL 1, respectfully le Liverpool Standar( I Parties interested, that it touched our soil it fell under our sovereignt on earth could rightfully invade it. There is no doc funder tt )untry t , erect by B red were nd no power ne more consecrated in English history, rho touches the soil of Great than that every human being Britain is imr of her vessel: ediately cc were cut f burnt by I id the Fren u) the nen, and British citizen minister were the citizens mt h law. Suppose one anks of the Thames and !re assassinated wow that they I that the vessel m Englishman whose heart would not be_wrong, and vindicate the rig] me law there is the law here ; and there is no in rnational law, consistent with the separate independence - Inctions the pursuit of even pirates to mur ,oil and jurisdiction of one of the No greater wrong can be done son over the pis confederac% an invas f it can he done with and on one occasion, it can be done t one poin ld the nation that submits to i If a represei down into : drivelling imb :ntation of th Schlosser, and the conduct of those who bad aroline, had first been made to the proper trout of the C New York, or of the United States, then there would have been some show at least of respect for our sove d independencs, and a disposition to treat us as an t in this case, as if to treat our authorities with there was no preliminary demand or representa- THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL Under Me Management of Mr. CLARKE, Sole Lessee. Second week of Mr. ELTON. Second week of Mr. G. VANDENH OFF ; and last week of Mr. J. S. BALLS. THIS present TUESDAY, March 9, 1841, will be per formed the Tragedy of VIRGINIUS. Virginius. — lcilius . Dentatus ..... _ _ _ Appius Claudius. Virginia Mr. Elton Mr. H. Holl, .... Mr. Baker. Mr. Gray. Mrs. W. H. Bland Servia Miss Cleaver. To conclude with the Comedy of the HONEY MOOM. Duke Aranza, Mr. G. Vandenhoff; Rolando, Mr. J. S Balls ; Count Montalban, Mr. W. H. Bland ; Jacques, Mr Baker ; Juliana, Mrs. W. H. Bland; Volante, Miss Chap lin ; Zamora, Mrs. Baker. Prices of Admission Pit, 2s. 6d. ; Gallery, is —Boxes, 4s. ; Upper Boxes, 3s. 6d.; , Doors to be opened at Half-past Si x , an d th e Performanc at Seven. to commenc The Box-office will be opened daily, when Places in the Boxes may be taken of Mr. MINSTER, from Ten until Three A limited number of Season Tickets to be disposed of. — Application to be made at the Box-office. On WEDNESDAY Evening, Shakspeare's Tragedy of KING JOHN. King John, Mr. Elton ; Faulconbridge, Mr. G. Vandenhoff; Hubert, Mr. Stuart;Prince Arthur, Miss Chaplin ; Lady Const ance , Mi ss Cleaver ; Blanche, Mrs. W. H. Bland. After which, the Farce of TURNING THE TABLES. Jeremiah Bumps, Mr. J. S. Balls ; Jack Humphreys, Mr. Baker ; Patty Larkins, Mrs. Clarke. To conclude with the Farce of the WEATHERCOCK. Tris tram Fickle, Mr. J. S. Balls; Variella, Mrs. Barton. The Tragedy of JULIUS CIESAR having been received on Monday evening with the most rapturous applause, will be repeated on Thursday next, with the following cast of the principal characters :—Brutus, Mr. Elton; Mark Antony, Mr. G. Vandenhoff; Cassius, Mr. Stuart. To conclude with the new Farce of the DANCING BARBER. Nar cissus Fitzfrizzle,.Mr. J. S. Balls. On FRIDAY, Shakspeare's Tragedy of KING LEAR. After which, for the first time, anew Comic Drama, called the CROWN PRINCE. To conclude with the new Farce, never acted here, of the RAILROAD STATION, being for the BENEFIT of Mr. J. S. BALLS, and the last night but one of his engagement. On SATURDAY—A favourite Tragedy, and other enter tainments. THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL 4R. J. S. BALLS respectfully announces his BENEFIT and Last Appearance will take place on FRIDAY next, the 12th instant, when will be presented Shakspeare's Play of KING LEAR, Thus powerfully cast Mr. Elton. Edgar... Kent Mr. Baker Edmund, lon this occasion, 1‘ { Ir. G. Vandenhoff Mr. J. S. Balls. Oswaid dordelia King Lear Mr. Stuart Regan Miss Cleaver. I Goneril Mrs. Baker After which, a New Drama, called THE CROWN PRINCE ; OR, THE BUCKLE OF BRILLIANTS. Frederick Storke, afterwards a Watchman and Prince Albert Mr. J. S. Balls. To conclude with THE RAILROAD STATION. The Public is respectfully informed, this Train will start exactly at Half-past Ten. Jack Robins.. Mr. Balls. I Mr. S. Jones.. Mr. Baker. Tickets to be had of Mr.:BALLs, 63, Renshaw-street. TO CORRESPONDENTS We cannot inform " a true conservative," why the columns of the Standard only are open for the purpose of refuting the sophisms of Sir Joshua Walmsley. Our conservative contemporaries know the best. The communication from our Dublin correspondent arrived. too late, as the pressure of our local reports had anticipated our space. Our friends would oblige us by addressing all, letters connected with the STANDARD to the firm at the office. We have not a copy of the STANDARD of the 19th ult., and have therefore forwarded the publication of this day to Wickham. "An Englishman" shall appear on Friday. • " Fairplay" gives the lie direct to the title he assumes, by the unfair insinuation conveyed in his letter. His igno rance is the only excuse we can assign for his impudence. It was impossible on Friday to give insertion to the report of the case to which he alludes, though it will be found in our columns to-day. In our notice of the Theatre-Royal, in our last, some unac countable mistakes occurred. For " Bassanio's losses" read " Antonio's losses" ; for " Mr. Holl's Gratiano" read " Mr. Holl's Bassanio" • and for " Mr. Gray's Basianio" read " Mr. Gray's Antonio." rfir Ribmool. g9tanbarD. TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 9, 1841 Our town-councillors, in their excursive liberality, have lately added the' Jews to the number of those out- casts from our creed and constitution, on whom they are desirous of bestowing privilege and honour. It is not that the Jews have themselves been very solicitous of such advancement; they have been apparently ra ther indifferent on the subject. It is not that their dis qualifications have been discovered to work any injury to them or to the state; no, nothing of this sort has led our councillors to make a display of their" zeal without,knowledge" in behalf of their suffering bre thren the Jews. It is a mere overflowing of that milk of human kindness which runs in such a genial cur rent through their veins, and comes forward uncalled for and unrequired. They have agreed to petition par liament in favour of a bill for the admission of Jews to municipal honours—upon the dictate of that prin ciple of Liberalism which is at present unfortunately dominant in the Council, and from no other cause that we can immediately discover. Their worships, per haps, had some idle time upon their hands, and thought they might as well employ it in " sporting an opinion" upon the disabilities of the Jews. Wednesday was a Aintree steeple-chase was a-foot; and our civic dignitaries, rather than be idle, just mounted their Pegasus, and did a few five-bar gates and tum bles in honour of the Hebrews, and for the amuse ment of their fellow• citizens. sporting (lay As to the Liberal interest, we calculate that it would derive but small accession of strength in the borough from the representation of wards being thrown open to Jews. We doubt if a Hebrew would get retnrned for one of them, if the opportunity were afforded. It is not natural to suppose that the burgesses would desire to be represented by Jews; and from what we know of the Hebrew character, it is most unlikely that any Jew would waste his monish in trying to get repre sented by weight of purse against the natural inclina tion of the electors. As to the Evans' and their bro ther " sportsmen" of the Council, we can easily sup pose that to them it would be all one whether their companions in solemn assembly met were Jews, Turks, Infidels, or Heretics ; any thing for them but the strait-lacing of principle; but it is impossible to con ceive that, in point of fact, they could calculate on be ing able to add to their small majority, every year growing smaller and " beautifully less," or to prevent the diminution of their approaching minority, by ob taining admissibility for Jews. No ; the vote of last Wednesday was a mere gratuitous display of Liberalism for the honour and glory of the thing—a pure mani festation of the doctrine without the slightest regard to any practical result, immediate or remote. To the Jews themselves, as a people, we owe nothing but benevolence ; and we reckon that there is not a Christian burgess in our borough but would gladly dis charge that duty in a suitable manner. But we do not owe to the Jews, nor to the Liberals, nor to any other kindred or people, gentle or simple, that we should un christianise our state for them. We owe them no such obligation; but we owe it, on the contrary, to ourselves, to them, and to the whole world, that we should retain and preserve our Christian institutions and national Christianity unimpaired. That is our first duty. When propositions such as we have now in view are submitted to our consideration, it is fair to ask—have we got tired of our political institutions, and do we intend to surrender them to be made havoc of by men who, in calling themselves Liberals, do, in fact, declare that they have no fixed principles whatever ? If not, then let us take our stand on the ancient ways, and not only resist those attempts by which our constitution must be overturned, but well mark out those who make them. It is irrational and absurd to suppose that it can continue long, if we fill the citadel with Allow all places of honour, trust, and power to be filled by Jews, Papists, Dissenters, Infi dels, and Liberals ; and though the walls may remain f6r a little while—though the work of demolition may be deferred for a moment—yet what can the end be but destruction ? Enemies will not preserve that which they hate, and when they find themselves in the pleni tude of power, assuredly their cry will be, " rase it, rase it, even to the foundation." enemies If Liberals desire to destroy that form of govern ment and constitution under which our country has become the glory of the earth, let them do so; but let it be our business to resist their designs and disap point their malice. It is a sacred duty incumbent upon us, to transmit to our children, and to our children's children, that constitution which we have received as a previous is_ inherit ance f rom our fa thers; and, for this end, it indispensably necessary that we should place its known and trusty friends in all places of power and dignity, and keep enemies out of them.. This is what common sense suggests, and it Is a suggestion which we ought to obey in preference to all the aphistr3' , ' and nonsense that Liberalw- q,an A Liberal would put the management of our schools into the hands of Jews or ,Papists ; for what cares he in what religion the children of our people are brought up : all religions are alike to him. But the Conserva tive, not having his religion to seek, cannot afford to be quite so undistinguishing. He has found a creed in the Church of his Fathers, and has taken it as the chart to steer his earthly voyage by; and it must be, as it ought to be, an object with him, second only in importance to that which concerns his own individual safety, to preserve for others, as well as himself; an in stitution to which he owes so- great a blessing. As part and parcel then of this necessary system of de- fence, we ought not to permit men who deny the Sa viour to be our rulers and legislators. It would be a voluntary self-debasement—a gratuitous humiliation — disgraceful to us alike as men and as Christians. We should thereby dishonour our profession, and be unjust not only to ourselves, but to those very persons whom we would seem to honour by such means ; for it is wrong, decidedly wrong, to place men in a situation where they must necessarily be in a state of conflict between their secret feelings and their public pledges. This is, indeed, Liberal practice; but, we trust, will never be Conservative. It is impcssible that any right-minded Englishman could have read the speeches inserted in our last paper, relative to the church in North Wales, without feeling that a destructive bloiv has been aimed thereat by cer tain measures, either inchoate or intended. This is a matter in which the people of Wales are not the only parties concerned. It is the duty of every conservative Englishman to make the call his own ; for it is part and parcel of that system of aggression by which it is sought to undermine the Church of England, and a Christian establishment everywhere. The wrongs of which Wales has to complain are — first, a reduction in the number of her bishops; and secondly, the transfer of part of her ecclesiastical reve nues from her own poorly-endowed church and coun try, to England—one of these measures being already decreed by act of parliament, and the other being at present in progress of arrangement. Of both it can truly be affirmed, that they are " heavy blows and great discouragetnents" to the people of Wales; and it is only a matter of astonishment how such monstrous injustice a'zi they are calculated to effect could have been thought of. The church in Wales is episcopal, as in England ; and yet, as if episcopacy were an injury rather than a benefit, it is proposed to merge the sees of Bangor and St. Asaph into one, in imitation of the lopping and pruning system 80 ruinously practised in Ireland to gratify the papists of that country. Now the church loving people in Wales, and the friends of the Church of England in general, are at a loss to perceive how this cutting down of the establishment evinces friend ship to it, and earnestly solicit that the sacrificial knife may be arrested. This is what they ask, and surely their request is neither immoderate nor extraordinary. That, on the contrary, it is in every way reasonable, abundant proofs have been given. The population of the country has increased, and the pastoral super intendence of the church, therefore, needs increase rather than diminution along with it. " Look at the importance of North Wales," said the Rev. Robert Davies, at the meeting alluded to, " look at the posi tion of the dioceses of Bangor and St. Asaph ; look at the mountainous nature of the country, and the difficulty of ac cess from one place to another, and then say whether North Wales did not present a strong case for an increase rather than a diminution in the number of bishops. Besides the clergy would be placed generally at a greater distance from their diocesan, and thus the intended union would obstruct that pastoral intercourse which ought always to subsist be tween a bishop and his clergy." But it is unnecessary to go into details can conceive them. It is not those to whom the pri vation is threatened who are called upon to plead in such a case, but those who seek to inflict it upon them. We do not want to know that taking away overseers from the flock is an INJURY ; that we take to be a prima facie case of the injurious kind without proof; but we might be curious to know what could be said on the other side—how giving to a large district of L country one spiritual superintendent instead of two, should be an advantage to it ? But this is no time for amusing oneself with paradoxical trifling; and, for our part, we desire no essays of the kind to feed us with empty speculation. The short of the matter is, that a most iniquitous attack has been made upon the church, and, therefore, on the people of North Wales, and that no time should be lost in hastening to avert the threa tened mischief. However, if there are any who desire more detailed information on the point, we refer theta to the speeches reported in our last number, where they will find it abundantly, satisfactorily, and ably afforded. Every one But the proposed, and already enacted union of the dioceses, is only a part of the insufferable aggression made, or intended to be made,, on our fellow-subjects and brother churchmen in North Wales. There is an " appropriation clause" yet in reserve which is still more monstrous, because it is an act of absolute rob bery—which our Welsh friends, however, with a deli cacy and forbearance unsuited to these days, are in dulgent enough to call by the softer name of " ab- straction." land." A quantum skfficit of income, or what the ecclesiasti cal commissioners may deem such, being allotted to the new bishop—the solitary successor to the two sees of Bangor and St. Asaph—the surplus is to be seized as legitimate spoil, and carried off to poor, needy, indi gent, helpless Manchester, there to support a new Eng lish bishopric, with that title ! Is not this abominable? We know of no reason why it should be even thought of, except that Wales has been too patient under simi lar wrongs heretofore, and has already contributed largely from her poor resources to English institutions. " England," said the Rev. David James, in his truly elo quent and impressive speech, " threw nothing into the prin cipality, but the principality was made to throw her reve nues into England. Had not that poor unproductive pro vince appealed year after year against, the abstraction of her revenues, to support institutions in England ? Jesus' Col lege, Oxford, the Dean and Chapter of Winchester, St. John's Hospital, Chester, the Grocers' Company, London, and Lichfield Cathedral, all in England, had each a part of the revenues of \Vales, yet England must have more to sup port a bishop in Manchester, of all places in the world — whose great merchants —nay, any two of them, conjointly, could purchase the whole principality !" But Manchester will surely refuse to partake of the plunder. Of all places, Manchester should be fore most to protest against the meditated spoliation, for the very reason that it is pretended to have been planned for her benefit. The church in Wales is already-poor enough, and instead of having any thing to spare, has really much need of additional funds for her own exigencies. We could quote many statements of fact in illustration of this position, but shall content ourselves for the pre sent with one from the speech of the reverend gentle man last named. It is as follows : " The Bishopric of St. Asaph contained about 21 livings, each under £lOO. a-year—that is, ranging from £49. up to £lOO. The Bishopric of Bangor contained 30 livings, each under the value of £lOO. a-year—that is, ranging from £5O. to £99. The Bishopric of St. David's contained 165 livings, each under £lOO. a-year; and, although the diocese con tained about 408 or 410 livings, returned to the ecclesiastical commissioners, the average income of the whole of them, rich and poor, was only £l4B. a year. There was only one living in the diocese of St. David's, out of the 410, that was worth above £9OO a-year ; there was not one between £5OO. and £600.; there were just ten above £4OO. whilst all the rest came under £3OO. a-year, and, as he had said before about 165, ranging from £49. to £99. a-year. In travelling from St. David's to the diocese of Llaudati, there were 64 benefices nut amounting to £lOO. a-year each ; and that the average of all the livings put together, rich and poor, would give to each mitister only about £lBO. a-year. Now this was a state of things which ought to call forth the sympathy of Englishmen, and make them willing to leave to the poor Principality its own revenues to support its own ministers." But North Wal es mus t have her two bi s h ops, and more if needs be. Let her only " agitate, agitate," and she will have them. What ! shall immense reve nues be taken from the crown and diverted to the sup.- port of Popery in Canada—(the fraternity of St. Sul pice to-wit)---and shall not Wales be permitted to re tain her own rightful possessions for the support of her own Protestant Christian church ? Will Englishmen look tamely On, and see this wrong done by a Popish radical administration ? Wales cries to them to " come over and help her," and will they unfeelingly and heartlessly shut their ears to her supplication ? We will not believe it. Let the inhabitants of the princi- pality not despair, and only " agitate" with sufficient vigour, and the work will be done. We shall conclude with one more extract from the admirable and convincing speech of Mr. James, be cause it is one which we think calculated to interest all good men still more in the cause. It is as follows : " He was bound to confess, and it was with pain that he did so, that the state of the church in the principality was deplorable—such as was calculated to call forth the sympathy and the commiseration of every true patriot, and of every one who felt interested in the success of true religion in any part of the world. We had seen the churches deserted ; we had seen the people leave the church in disgust, and turn away dissatisfied with the state of things which it presented, be cause the church had not been worked as a system for their benefit, in the way she should have been made to work, and in the way he trusted she would be made to work by and by. The time was corning, therefore, when every one must put his shoulder to the wheel, in order, if possible, to drive for- ward this great machinery into a proper position, that it might work its way to the hearts and affections of the people, and that there might be but one voice, one sentiment, and one declaration of attachment and love to it, proceeding from rich and poor, from learned and unlearned, throughout the That monstrous job, the transfer of the estates be longing to the crown at Montreal to the Popish frater nity of St. Sulpice, was ably exposed by the Bit:hop of Exeter on Thursday evening, on which occasion it was gratifying to perceive that he was fully and coriially supported by his Grace the Duke of Wellington. His Grace declared that it was " a palpable attack upon the principle of the reformation ;" indeed he said it was the " first" of the kind, but as there might be a difference of opinion on that point, we just quote the substance of his remark. An attack, however, the affair decidedly is, and a most gross and insufferable one, on the Protestantism of our nation and colonies. The property in question belonged to the fraternity of St. Sulpice at Paris at the period of the British con quest of Canada ; but then, by right of conquest, de volved to the crown. It is now immensely valuable, embracing much of the town and suburbs of Montreal. A conveyance of the property was made by the Pari sian fraternity to the Canadian brotherhood of the same name; but the conquest of Canada by this coun try had previously put an extinguisher on their rights, so that this conveyance, though a good Jesuitical trick, was a piece of mere humbug. Yet the matter has un accountably lain over, and now the cunning Jesuits not only seek to profit by the laches of the crown—(in the teeth of that maxim of our common law which says that nullum tempts occurrit regi)--but really, in this gullible era of Protestantism, seem to have a good prospect of succeeding in their attempt. The St. Sul pice fraternity of Canada have now actually obtained an ordinance from the governor and special council of Canada, surrendering this property to them, and giving them a charter of incorporation in order to enable them to hold it in perpetuity ! Well may his Grace the Duke of Wellington call this " a palpable attack on the principle of the reformation ;" for it is both an es tablishment and endowment of Popery in one of the most important of our colonies. The monstrous deed is, however, not yet perfected ; the sanction of the crown has not yet been given to the ordinance of Lord Sydenham and the special council, and if due weight be given to the address to her Majesty which will he moved in the Lords on Friday, praying her Majesty to withhold her sanction from this ordinance, it never will be. But we confess we are in great doubt upon the subject, having no confidence whatever in the anti- Popery disposition of her Majesty's present advisers. It is argued by a London journal that the Americans do not secretly foment a quarrel with us for the pur pose of getting rid of their state engagements by hos tilities, because a treaty exists by which it is agreed that neither debts due from individuals, nor shares in the public funds, nor in the public or private banks, should be destroyed or impaired on account of national differences." But we do not think this reason suffi cient to stultify the hypothesis altogether. It supposes the Americans to have the fear of treaties before their eyes, and a proper reverence and respect for them in their consciences ; and that is giving them credit for more than at present we think they are fairly entitled to. Where is their respect for international law in the seizure and detention of Mr. M‘Leod ; or where their respect for law of any sort in the proceedings that fol lowed his admisSion to bail, the cannon practice at his cell door, and all those brutal mob outrages that en sued ? The last of these actings, it is true, was the work of the mere rabble, (democracy exhibited in ris naturalibus,) but the former has been sanctioned and adopted by the state. We can very well believe that the great body of the people disapprove of these ins lting and most disgusting doings, and contemplate a war with England with a proper feeling of aversion ; but can they controul the turbulent, and direct the government r We fear not. Some of the American papers continue to discuss the question whether a war with England would not be rather useful to them; and there are points of view in which it would seem to promise them some aCivantage A common danger would serve to bind thei jointed states a little more closely together, a the executive to exert a little more effectiv over their Lynching mobs, which at present seem to have got the administration of affairs entirel2.; into their own hands—to say nothing of those numerous engage ments which, if not cancelled by a war, would certainly be placed in a state of remote settlement. In these respects, and others that might be mentioned, a war might be allowed to bring certain advantages to the republicans, and we know of no reply that would be likely to have any effect on those who so reason, hut such a demonstration from the adversary as might re mind them that the game is one at which " two can play." We in England are assuredly not addicted to quarrelling, and have a very deep and abiding convic tion of the horrors of war. We would, in truth, en dure a great deal to avoid so great a calamity. But, on the other hand, it does not comport with the na tional character to submit tamely to wanton and un just aggression. If the Americans continue to force on this calamitous business, England will be unani mous in taking up a proper position to repel infringe ments on her rights. In such a case there would be no party distinctions among us. All such differences will be forgotten in a cause so sacred as the vindication. of our common country. We should feel that the war was purely defensive on our part, and we should be unanimous. The news brought by the Westchester, Captain Per xis, certainly does not tend to disperse the cloud whit; hangs over this grave matter. The offensive repot agreed to by the committee in Congress raises a suspi cion in our mind that the XPLeod and boundary ques tions are, in fact, only used as pretexts for the display of a hostile spirit already in existence, and that there is a secret wish in certain quarters to pick a quarre with us. We trust such parties, however, may be disappointed At the meeting held yesterday on the subject of the import duties, the several resolutions were unanimously agreed to. It is quite right that such questions should be treated in such a way, and gratifying to perceive such a mode of procedure, as in this instance, realised. To be sure an attempt was made by a journeyman tailor named Duffle to introduce the subject of the corn laws. He was replied to by Mr. Rosson in a rather jesuitical style, but with more candour by Mr. Rath bone. He was, however, kept, or rather cowed, down by the influence of these " reformers;" nevertheless, as Mr. Moore observed, the compact under which many were induced to sign the requisition was practi cally broken. We are happy to be enabled to state that the family of the Rev. Mr. Webster, whose lives were lately placed in con siderable danger through the effects of arsenic, are now quite recovered. Nothing has yet transpired to fix susdicion on any party as connected with this mysterious affair.—lVor .ce.yter Journal. DREADFUL ACCIDENT AT ST. BRIDE'S CHURCH, LON DON.—A MAN BURIED ALIVE!—On Thursday afternoon, -about half-past two o'clock, the following dreadful and fatal accident occurred at St. Bride's Church, Fleet-street, to a young man, 22 years of age, named Henry Thompson, who was employed as assistant to Cox, the grave-digger of St. Bride's. It appears that the unfortunate young man was engaged in digging a very deep grave in the churchyard, and .had reached the depth of 17 feet, when suddenly the sides and a whole tier of coffins (the ground being very crowded), gave Way, burying the unfortunate man. An alarm being .given, every assistance was immediately rendered, and a num ber of men and policemen began to dig, but, notwithstanding every exertion, from the soft nature of the soil, which con tinually fell in, Ind the number of coffins to be removed, it sins nine o'clock before the body was extricated ; life was, of course, extinct. The unfortunate deceased was unmarried, wa,3 the sole support of an aged mother, and bore a very re spei Stable character --Morning Herald. N. GLANCE AT THE POLITICS OF THE WEEK (FROM OUR LONDON CORRESPONDENT.) [ring the present week the " shabby administration Ls been practising assiduously the " art of sinking" ; and is succeeded in finding a " lower deep" of infamy than the west which it has hitherto occupied. To be ankle-deep in ient for the ambition of most lovers of unclean but the government of Loril Melbourne is not con d with less than a total submersion. To rake in the t is stif gutter for stray morsels of culinary garbage, is an amuse ment proper to a certain domestic and unclean animal; but the Popish-radical brood of Downing-street must lie down and luxuriate in the " verdant mud," until, coated with its .earning impurities from the proboscis 'to the tail, they esent objects offensive alike to the eye, the touch, and the cell of all who love to breathe the fresh air of heaven- A magnificent majority of FIVE VOTES crowned the ardu ous labours of the ministerial whipper-in, after four nights' debate upon Lord Morpeth's " obstruction bill." To secure this mighty five, threats of dissolution, cajolery, promises of patronage and honours, were liberally showered down upon the ministerial benches ; and, even when secured, it was only a colourable majority afteiall. It was only a postponement of a certain conclusion—defeat, shameful, utter, and irreme diable. The bill was allowed, it is true, to progress to a second reading ; but distinctly upon the understanding, ex pressed by at least a dozen of its pro-tempore supporters, that the qualification clause—the lowering of the franchise, which is in fact its principle—might be altered in committee : and the sanction of the house to the whole bill, as presented by ministers, is therefore plainly in abeyance until such an alteration can be made ; and the retention of office in the meantime, by ministers, a direct and palpable usurpation, perpetrated in defiance of the known opinions of parliament as to the measure upon the passing of which they have risked the fate of the government. Well, indeed, might the tongue of the bantam minister — Lord John Russell—falter, and his cheeks assume all imagi nable colours, as they did. whilst on Monday night he mo destly proposed to the House of Commons to defer the com- mittee on the bill until—after Easter ! " I know, gentle men," was the spirit of his abject and contemptible appeal, " I know that this house will never sanction, in its present shape, so unheard of a violation of the faith of parliament as this bill constitutes. But look pt our position. It you ex punge, or interfere with, the £5 rating clause, you bring down upon our miserable heads the indignation of the mem ber for all Ireland, and the lash of his tail; if you touch that clause, you crush the rising hopes of the revolutionary fac tion in Great Britain, whose representatives we have thus bought to our aid. Denude us of these two sources of strength, and what are we in this house? A ' miserable mi nority,' powerless and characterless ! Allow us, therefore, to throw you a sop to stay your stomachs until after Easter. We will give you cartloads of blue books to read—oceans of evidence and information prepared by the industry of our poor-law commissioners; but do—do let us have tie forty two days between this and the 23rd of April to provide for our Irish allies, and the endless variety of cousins, second cousins, brothers and wives' brothers, who claim kin to men in office,—in order that, when we go hence, it may not be said of us that we were a thoughtless race and of ungrateful blood !" Such, in effect, was the language of this small morsel of umanity ; and I need scarcely say that in London—and, I oubt not, in the country as well—it has excited amongst all lasses only one feeling, that of utter and uncontrollable ligust. No sense of mere shame, it is evident—no motives uch as those which induce to the actions of honourable men -will drive away the brood of carrion birds who have fas tened their talpns in the vitals of the country. No pressure, except one from without, or from behind, will drive Lord Melbourne and his crew of ,incapables from the seats of go• vernment ; and it may become a question for consideration, some of these days, whether it may not be necessary for the conservative party to resort, as the last alternative, to mea sures of obstruction, similar to those by which Lord Stan• ley's bill was attacked in the past, and as it no doubt will b( atacked in the present, session. The debate on Tuesday night, on the motion of the mem )er for Kilmarnock, and especially the lucid statements )rought before the house by the honourable mover himself, save made an impression upon the public mind (with respect to the abuses of the national bounty which exist in the Col lege of Maynooth, if not also to the policy of the grant itself,) which will now, I am convinced, be difficult to gloss over by the same " ad captandum" arguments with which the sub ject has been hitherto met. It is true—and it is to be re gretted—that the countenance afforded to the hon. member by. the leaders of the conservative party in the house was but scanty ; yet it must be borne in mind that the opposition offered to it was equally feeble. Most gladly would govern ment and " the tail" have got rid of the proposed bill alto gether—had they dared to make the attempt; but it is a gratifying fact, which I would impress upon your notice, that not only were they afraid to attempt a direct opposition, but that, had they done so, they would have been signally defeated. The speech of Lord Morpeth, in reply to Mr. Colquboun, was perhaps one of the most extraordinary pieces of imperti nence ever uttered within the walls of the House of Com mons, and may fairly be said to constitute another ministe rial step in the downward march to infamy. Amidst a hete rogeneous mass of prate about " exploded doctrines," " un just charges," " illiberality," and other fluent nothings, his lordship announced to the house, as a discovery of his own, that " so long as the doctrines taught at Maynooth were those entertained and authorised by the Roman Catholic church, parliament had no right to interfere." Yet not five minutes before asserting this proposition, he had ridiculed the notion that the " exploded doctrines " in question, as to divided allegiance, &c., were entertained by the Roman Ca tholics of this country or of Ireland ; and had pointed to the hands of Mr. O'Connell, uplifted in pious horror during the address of the hon. member for Kilmarnock, as evidence of their being discountenanced. On his lordship's own shew log, then, here is a case for inquiry at least—a case which, I imagine, it will not be easy to get rid of. The doctrines taught at Maynooth are not those which are professed to be entertained by the Roman Catholic church of the present day; and parliament may, therefore, justly and properly in stitute an inquiry upon the subject. I will not trust myself to do more than allude to the com parison, very gratuitously introduced into his lordship's speech, between the chastity of the women of Ireland and that of our own countrywomen—to the disparagement of the latter. The people of England have not forgotten the odious calumny which was on a former occasion attempted to be fastened upon the character of the matrons and daughters of their land, by the foul tongue of a foul traitor: and the re petition of a similar slander from the lips of a cabinet mi nister, affords a striking proof of the degrading state of slavery in which the present government is held by that same traitor, who thus compels his abject tools to adopt his very obscenities ! His lordship, however, may safely be left to receive his reward from the hands of the wives and maidens of the West Riding, on the next occasion of his presenting his graceful person to their notice ; when, unless the York shire character has deteriorated of late years, he is not un likely to be greeted with a shower of rotten eggs, if nothing more fitted for the purpose is within reach. The ministerial patronage of Popery is not, it appears, confined to the mother country, but is also rife in our colo nies. On Thursday evening a petition was presented to the House of Lords by the Bishop of Exeter, from a number of the inhabitants of Upper and Lower Canada, praying their lordships to withhold their assent from an ordinance in coun cil procured by the personal interference and exertions of her Majesty's present Governor-General in Canada, for the in corporation and endowment of a monastic institution, under the title of the " Seminary of St. Sulplice"—in direct vio lation of the act of union of last session, and of the great principles of the Reformation. I need scarcely direct your attention to the able and luminous speech of the right rev. prelate, by whom the prayer of the petition was supported, and the nefarious project which it denounced, laid bare and exposed to the observation of the country. It cannot, how ever, be other than highly gratifying to every lover of our Protestant constitution, to notice as the foremost to raise his voice upon this question, the Duke of Wellington. " The first circumstance," observed his grace. " which attracted my attention on presenting this ordinance, was the striking violation which it contained of the act of last year, and of the established constitution of our country. This is, I believe, the first direct breach which will have been effected in the principles of the Reformation ; and your lordships and the country owe a debt of deep gratitude to the rev. prelate for bringing the subject under your notice." There are few in deed who will not echo this sentiment of the noble duke, and who will not rejoice to see him occupying once more his posi tion in the van of the established Protestant constitution of the realm. Upon the whole the proceedings of the week have been of a damaging character to the hopes and projects of the Romish faction. The attention of the legislature, and, I may add, of the influential portion of the press, is becoming daily more attracted to the workings of this subtle enemy of the liberties of mankind ; and it is not difficult to foresee the approach of a period when a pseudo liberalism will no longer be able to mask its designs from the full view of the people of Great Britain. " What is to be the issue of the present ruffianly temper of the people of the United States toward England ?"—Aye, what indeed !—is the question which is occupying the atten tion of all classes of the British people, and which you will perceive has been met in a noble spirit by the Conservative party in the House of Commons, during the debate upon the A judicial murder, or failing this, a more summary revenge from the hands of an infuriated and lawless mob, there is little reason to doubt has been already, or will be, committed upon the person of a British subject ; and the result—the admitted result —must be a declaration of war by this country against the government of the United States. Upon a thread depends the issue ; and who, I ask, can fore see its terrible conclusion ? Yet with such a state of things staring us in the face, we are blessed (!) with a government which, for the sake of the hollow support which it receives from this revolutionary faction—the sympathisers —of the House of Commons and the country, proposes to reduce in stead of augmenting the number, and increasing the efficiency of our military establishments ! But such a policy is not to be wondered at when we remember that the party of which army estimates that government is composed, is the:same which gloated over the disasters of their country at the commencement of the revolutionary wars—which on every occasion endeavoured to throw impediments in the way of those, by whom the energies of the country were directed to the defence of its institutions ; and whose CHIEF even dared to insult the principle of mo narchy and of human nature itself, by presenting himself within the walls of the House of Commons, clad in gala attire, on the day immortalised in the history of national crime, as that on which the monarch of France—the unfor tunate Louis the 16th—was guillotined amidst thy' demoniac shouts of the blood-stained mob of Paris ! That a govern ment composed of such a faction, allied with Popery, infi delity, and treason, should designedly and deliberately weaken the arm of England, at the moment when she is menaced with hostilities, is, I repeat, little to be wondered at; but whenever and wherever the first blow may be struck, there is still spirit and loyalty, and the love of fatherland, su f ficient in the bosom of the great mass of the people to hurl indignantly from their usurped seats those mercenary ministers who would betray THE NATIONAL INTERESTS. AND ENDANGER THE NATIONAL SAFETY, to secure for themselves the approbation of a mob, and a few weeks or months additional place and pay! London, Saturday evening. TO THE CONSTITUENCIES OF PROTESTANT ENGLAND.-LETTER I " Infandum, Regina, Jubes renovarc dolorcm." '-VIRG FELLON4 PROTESTANTS, For a period of nearly twelve years we have been contented to stand by, calm and tacit spectators of the progressive en croachments which a hostile principle, unchained by the fatal credulity of the legislature, has been directing against the constitution and the Protestantism of the empire. Clinging to the faith which, in the fearful crisis of 1829, we were will ing to repose in the integrity of the British parliament—re lying upon the unsullied honour of that great statesman, who then emphatically assured us that, if the measure of eman cipation should be attended with results dangerous to the established religion of the empire, RE " would le the fore most to come down to parliament and propose a measure for its repeal"—we have passively and patiently watched the rising of the waters of Popery throughout the land, sap- ng at first, by their insidious action, the foundations of our koly church—weakening her bulwarks and polluting her altar-stones—until at length the " surging flood" threatens to break down its feeble banks, to sweep away in its resist- ,ess course the landmarks of soeiety, and to engulf alike the religion, the property, and the liberties of the British people. For twelve years, I repeat, we have passively contemplated the growth of this giant power ; and if the time has, now come when the same unresisting course is no longer open to us ; if the crisis has arrived when forbearance becomes cow ardice—nay, guilt ; when the Protestants of England are compelled, in defence of their own liberties—in vindication f the church and the faith of their fathers—to " set their ,attle in array" against the legions Of Antichrist, to take up he weapons of constitutional agitation, and to thunder in he ears of the advancing enemy their stern resolve, " Thus far shalt thou go, and no further :" who can deny their right to turn round to the legislature, and to point as their justifi cation—when seeking a return to the " ancient ways" of the constitution by a reversal of the fatal concession of 1829—t0 'lie violation, by Popery, of every pledge upon the faith of which that measure was conceded l Who can deny their right to advance to the THRONE ITSELF, and, laying before the footstool of the Sovereign the iniqnitous bill of Lord Morpeth, to exclaim, in vindication of the course of agita tion which must inevitably be the result of its passing into a law—which may Heaven avert !—" We sought not this agi tation ; our hands have not lighted this flame ; ' Infandum, Regina, Jubes renovare dolorem ' " ? . No man, assuredly, will be bold enough to deny the perfect right of the Protestants of this great empire to call upon parliament to reconsider any measure, the working of which is found to be dangerous to the constitution. No man will be hardy enough to deny their right to insist upon the com plete fulfilment of each and every of the conditions upon which such measure was conceded, or to demand the aboli tion of the measure as the alternative of their non-fulfilment. It is notoriously the fact that the Roman Catholic Relief Bill of 1829 was hedged round with conditions, to be ob served on the part of the Roman catholic priesthood and laity, of which hitherto not one solitary condition has been adhered to, in .spirit or in semblance. The titular designa tions of the Roman catholic hierarchy were to be laid aside. Has that been done, I ask ? No ! On the contrary, those very designations have been paraded in petitions addressed to the legislature and to the throne itself. The rights and the integrity of the " Established Church of Great Britain and Ireland" were to be respected and held inviolate. Has this condition, secured by the exaction of a solemn oath, been adhered to ? No ! That oath has been trampled upon like chaff. The emissaries of popery in Parliament have treated the condition and the oath alike with derision. The Romish priesthood have laughed them to scorn. The rights and property of the church have been the objects of fierce assault, from popish mobs, led on by priestly agitators, out of doors ; and from popish members, encouragerlL-4o their shame and infamy be it recorded !—by professing Protestants within the walls of the British legislature. Ten bishoprics have been abolished in Ireland, and the incomes belonging to them alienated. One-fourth of the tithes of the Irish church has been swept away ; and we have been insultingly told in the House of Commons during the past week, and the threat was cheered by Protestant as well as by popish members, that the people of Ireland—that people who in 1829 sued to us with bated breath and cap in hand" for the simple boon of emancipation—would insist upon despoiling her of the remaining three-fourths—" would never be con tented whilst any part of the imposition lasted !" Not one of the securities then adopted by the legislature in 1829, to ward off from the national establishment the danger which was justly apprehended from the admission of Romish councils into the legislature, have been found effectual; and yet by the measure which has just- now, under the fostering care of her Majesty's government, received the sanction of a majority of the House of Commons, it is proposed to remove the last barrier which the bill of 1829 erected against the in roads of popery ; and to swamp the Protestant constituencies of Great Brilain, by admitting to the exercise of the fran chise the entire body of the democracy of popish Ireland. It is notorious—nay it is admitted—that the disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders in that country, was regarded by the supporters of the constitution as an indispensible accompa niment to the concession of the emancipation bill. Without that disfranchisement it is well known that his late Majesty George the Fourth would never have been prevailed upon to give his assent to the measure. Without such a security against the dictation of the priesthood in Ireland, it is well known that the House of Lords would never have been won to pass the bill. And yet now, when all other securities have been swept aside as useless--when all pledges, and even oaths have been broken like rotten threads—when the howl of the Romish wolf is at our doors, and his blood-stained foot has even troubled the waters from which the youth of Pro testant England derive the sustenance of life—when the cowled form of popery stalks insultingly through the land, and the mass-house and the nunnery rear their stately towers, mocking as they overshadow the moss-grown walls of the village church and the green graves of our fathers— we are calledupon to yield up the lasthope of Protestantism, which is built upon the fidelity of the respectable yeomanry and the gentry of Ireland—and to place our religion, our property, and our liberties in the hands of the fierce and law. less instruments of a tyrant priesthood—the spawn of May nooth—the children of the mother of abominations ! The constituencies which will be created by the bill of of Lord Morpeth are not, it is true, the identical constituen cies which were destroyed by the bill of 1829. The restora tion, openly, of the 40s. freeholders of Ireland would have been a step too bold—too glaringly dishonest —for even a whig ministry to adopt. But in spirit—in effect—the sub stitution of a £5 rating, as the qualification, for the present £lO franchise, is equivalent to the restoration of the free holders of 1829. The constituency which will spring up un der such a franchise—a constituency controlled by an over riding power in the person of the landlords, or by the still more stringent tyranny exercised by their priesthood—is pre. cisely that which it was sought by the bill of 1829 to replace by an independent and respectable yeomanry ; and in reality, therefore, the present bill contains an open and a direct abandonment of the whole spirit of the emancipation bill, and a glaring violation of the faith due from the British le gislature to the Protestants of the empire. By the passing of this measure the last legislative restraint of Popery will be removed ; and by the same event, then, ought Protestantism to be enabled to stand up erect and unshackled before par liament and before the country, and demand that measure of protection which the sovereign and the members of the legislature have sworn to render to her By the passing of this hill Popery will have attnned the full measure of her demands in 18 9 9, freed front the conditions upon which alone they;were - granted; and Protestantism will, at the same time, have no more faith to observe towards the legislature in respect to that compact ; but is free as the winds to adopt those measures which are the best calculated to replace her in that strong position from which she was driven in 1829. The conclusion, then, for which I would at present prepare the minds of the Protestants of Great Britain, is plainly and simply this :—A struggle . will in all pr o b a bilit y h ave t o b e decided by the constituencies,in which the question will be primarily the passing or the rejection of this bill. Prima rily, I repeat : such will be the object to be struggled for ; but in reality the question at issue will be this :—" Are the Protestants of England content to submit the pure faith, and the sacred institutions of their fathers, to be trampled under the feet of rampant Popery ; or will they take their stand now, and stand fast upon the rock of the constitution—abid ing by the principles established at the reformation—seeking no compromise, and permitting no compromise, but con tending for the truth, and for the whole truth?" This, I repeat, will be the real matter at issue. By the agitation of Lord Morpeth's bill the whole question of Roman Catholic emancipation must inevitably be re-opened. We shall be called upon to decide—not whether the parti cular step in the onward march of Popery shall be submitted sto—but whether Popery herself shall be driven back to her tarting place. We shall be called upon to consider whether,