The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-09-24 00:00:00

ELECTIOI On Tuesday last Lord St stituents for it presentatives of having been vacated t eared before his eon tieeted one of the re northern division of this county, the seal ishiP's acceptance of the offict lead, proposed, anc )nded Lord Stanley of Secretary of State for the Cc William 'Townie Pudsey Dawso Two persons Esq., of Town to re-enact the absurd fare of obtruding the notorious Acland before the electors ; bu as our readers have already bad more than enough of _tl.li. individuals line of conduct, we shall tal unbecom an to c no notice of h serve, that afte addressing the electors, he refused to go to the poll, of course because he possesses not the requisite qualification. We shall perform the more agreeable task of presenting the prin cipal portions of Lord Stanley's excellent speech. After making some deservedly sarcastic allusions to Mr. Acland's appea;ance at Tamworth and Lancaster, his lord- ship proceeded as follows:—Gentlemen. is it necessary for me—if it be, lam willing to do so—to go back to somewhat of the history of my political life for the last few years? I was, as my honourable friend has told you, a member of the administration of Earl Grey ; and, as a member of that ad ministration, I had the honour of supporting the measure of parliamentary reform, and of bringing forward, successfully bringing forward, the great measure of the emancipation of the negroes in the West Indies. (Hear, and a cry of " Ay, £20,000,000.") As a member of Earl Grey's administra tion, I cordially supported those reforms in our institutions which I believed to be called for by the circumstances of the times ; I was zealous in removing those abuses which time had introduced into those institutions ; but I was zealous in removing those abuses, because I believed then, as I believe now, that the removal of abuses is the best principle of con servatism for the institutions themselves. But, gentlemen, towards the close of the administration of Earl Grey, a ques tion was introduced to the notice of parliament, which, in my view, tended to the subversion of one of those institu tions which I was most bound to cherish and support—l allude to that measure by which it was intended to convert to secular purposes the revenues of the established church. (Hear, hisses, cheers, and a cry of " Oh, the church.") Gentlemen, if there are those among you who are disposed to undervalue and depreciate the inestimable advantages of an established church—(hisses)—with those persons, upon that subject, I have no communion of feeling; I cannot expect their support ; and I shall not be deterr e d, either by their opposition or by their taunts, from stating the respect and reverence in which I hold that institution. (Cheers.) Gen tlemen, believing that in that measure I saw danger and not reform to the institutions of the country, I declared that my concurrence in that measure was impossible ; that, under such circumstances, I could not blink my opinion and remain a member of a cabinet supporting a measure of which I dis approved ; and at once, and without hesitation, I abandoned office, I abandoned place, I abandoned high power then, and the prospect of a higher power for the future, but I aban- _stance, because I abandoned all hear, and cheers.) And, gentler en, opinion ; that was no principle **- and upon a temporary view of the It was a question long since foreseen • it was a question upon which it had long been known th at a difference of opinion might be created amongst thbse who, upon other measures were acting together ; and I have bad, within the last week, a singular testimony to the accuracy of my statement in this respect—one which will show, from undoubted testimony, that so long ago as the year 1825, I foresaw precisely what was likely to occur ; and I declared the course which it was my intention to pursue in that event. You will allow me perhaps to read this to you. This book [his lordship held one in his hand] has been put into my hands within the course of a very few days ; and I shall take the liberty', as it is written in French, of translat ing what lam going to read. (" No," " yes.) This book was written by a person of very liberal opinions in France, entertaining upon political questions opinions widely differ ent from me ; a person filling a very prominent station in the French legislature, but who accidentally was over in this country ; and I had the satisfaction to receive him in this country, as a foreigner travelling here, in 1826. Here is a statement which this gentleman makes in writing an article upon the state of parties in this country at this moment. Gentlemen, even since I have been here I have heard the words " turncoat" and " apostate" applied to me, and I heard them with perfect unconcern, because I was satisfied that they were quite unmerited. But here is the statement of that gentleman—M. Duvergier D'Hauranne, one of the French Chamber, a strong supporter of the government of M. Thiess, an ultra-liberal in his opinions; and this is an article which appeared two months ago upon the state of par ties in England at the present time. " I know," he says, " with respect to this point, and can relate, a fact which is at once curious and which will prove that the supposed epos tacy of Lord Stanley is the fruit of a long and persevering conviction. In 1826, when he was an eager whig, I made his acquaintance at Preston ; and after the election I spent some days with him at Lord Derby's. Amongst the num ber of subjects of our conversation was exactly this one of the temporal property of the church, of its nature, and of its destination. I had upon this point the ideas which were entertained in France, and I was surprised to find them combatted with some eagerness by Lord Stanley. I said to him, " You will be wrong to expect to keep office on this point • you will fi nd that the whigs, and more especially Mr. Brougham, your principal parliamentary supporter, seems to have very different views upon it, and should not be sur prised if some day or other they were to consent to the alter ation which appears to you so unjust. What would you do in that case ? Lord Stanley answered me immediately, ' I would separate from the whigs—(hear)—on many points I know how to make sacrifices to my party , on that one I never could make them.' To say the truth," continues this gentleman, " I did not take very seriously the peremptory answer of Lord Stanley, as it was soon forgotten. But how was it possible not to recal it to my recollection when seaen years afterwards I saw him precisely upon the very question upon which we were then conversing, do precisely that which he told rise he should do ? " (Applause.) Gentlemen, if there are those, either here or elsewhere, who could for a moment suppose that my conduct in 1834 was the result of a change of opinion (although an honest change of opinion no man need be ashamed of,) I can appeal with confidence to this declaration from an unsuspected witness that my views in 1834 were those of 1826, and that which in a possible case 1 had declared would be my course, was my course when the case arose, even amongst circumstances most painful to my own feelings. (Loud cheers, and cries of hear, hear.) His lordship, after alluding in feeling terms to the distresses in the country, spoke on the subject of the corn laws as fol lows .—I should deceive you if I said that I thought an alteration the corn laws—whether that measure be desira ble or be not—was the mode, the only mode, or the most efficient mode, Of removing those distresses ; for, in my conscience, I cannot believe that those distresses are to be traced in any main degree—indeed, in a very slight degree only, if any—to the operation of the corn-laws in their pre sent state. (Oh'.) I attribute those distresses to very different causes. The advocates of an alteration in the corn laws contend that if you will only admit foreign corn from all countries, the result of that will be an immense increase of your manufacturing industry ; a consequent great improve ment in the condition of the manufacturers ; and, consequent upon that improvement in the condition of the manufactu rers, an improvement in the condition of those who labour for them. lam afraid, if that measure could be carried to the full extent, the labouring population of this country would find themselves grievously disappointed in the result. I will tell you frankly to what I attribute mainly the distresses in which the labouring classes arc seriously involved. Are we told that the exports of manufactured goods have sus tained a diminution or not ? I know that Mr. Acland will not venture to say that they have. I know that Mr. Acland will tell you that, from 1831 to 1841, the exports of our cot ton manufactures have nearly if not quite doubled—(hear) — that an enormous extension, an immense increase of goods, has been taken up by the markets of the world. Now, gen tlemen, permit me to observe to you that, from the period of 1831 down to the period of 1841, at which I speak, these same corn-laws hive been in operation ; through all the fluc tuations of manufacturing and commercial prosperity, the same laws, without alteration and without exception, have been in operation ; and if the distress which is now felt be attributable to the corn-laws, I ask you why that distress has not been uniformly and systematically felt from 1831 down to the present time? Has that been the case ? Why, it is notorious to all that the years 1834, 1835, and 1836 were years of great, and, I would venture to say, of extravagant manufacturing prosperity. And what was the result of that great prosperity ? Why, in the year 1836, I think it was, the poor-law commissioners published an account, that,,at that moment, In the town of Manchester and the neighbour hood, so great was the demand for labour, that, in addition to all the munufacturing establishments then in being, there wer - - mills and machinery to the value of three doped all without on principle. (Hear, that was no hastily form taken up for a momen circumstances V he times In progress ruing millions Sic. , , and that in the course of this and the fol lowing year, there would be a demand for 80,000 additional hands in the manufacturing district surrounding Manchester alone. (Hear.) There was this demand; a vast number of hands were invited to come into the town of Manchester; labour was abundant ; prosperity was supposed to have no end ; manufacturing exports were increased with a rapidity unknown and unheard of before ; the markets of the world were glutted with your produce, which you were compelled to sell upon low terms, in order to meet, not only the com petition of the foreigner, but also that new competition which you had established amongst yourselves. To add to your misfortune, joint-stock banks and country' banks gave large and unusual facilities in the way of discounts ; large sums of factitious capital were advanced to manufacturers who had no capital of their own to set out upon ; these men were tempted by the facilities of obtaining credit, to enter into a race of competition with men of real capital, and that in creased the unnatural demand for manufacturing labour. The fever passed away, ruining a large proportion of those who had so unwisely embarked in those speculations; but ruining also, and dragging down in their fall, a vast propor tion of the manufacturing labourers, whom, having called into employment, they subsequently found that their own over-trading compelled them to discard, and to own resources. You have glutted every aorta with your goodg. You have been run ning a ruinous race of competition with each other, which has diminished and lowered, almost to nothing, your own profits. You began then to find that you had embarked your capital in a ruinous speculation ; you began to work short hours, and to close this mill after the other ; and the result of this was, not only the loss of your capital, but, bear in mind also, that it is throwing out of their means of daily employment, and their means of earning an honest livelihood, thousands of persons, who swell the market of labour, and who, therefore, in that ruinous competition to which they are now driven, are working at wages which are incapable of maintaining life with health and comfort, as the labouring classes ought to have them maintained. Mr. Acland contends for a total and entire repeal of the corn-laws, as I apprehend— [Mr. AcLAND certainly]—if he contend for an unlimited introduction of foreign forn crom wheresoever, whensoever, and howsoever to be obtained, he contends, at all events, for that which no statesman—no man of practical experience, be he whig, tory, or radical, charged with the administration of the affairs of this country—has ever ventured to entertain, and has not condemned as a vicious and impracticable spe culation. And, with all respect for the authority of Mr. Acland, I must say that I look to the unanimous consent of such men as Mr. Canning, Mr. Huskisson, Lord Grey, and that of all the leading men on both sides of the House of Commons—of both sides of both houses—who have had to do with the administration of public affairs, as more weighty even than the authority of Mr. Acland and the Corn-Law League. Gentlemen, my belief is that, if the introduction of foreign corn produced the effect which is anticipated by the Corn-Law League—that i s t o say, if itmaterially and largely diminished the price of corn in this country, the consequence of that would be the ruin of the agricultural co un try, the necessity of adoPting s a less t expen- • Intific system of agriculture —a yisoemedwhich , ny fewer hands than are em `he first place, ruinous to thelTndrord now,,d nous to the farmer (laughter) hut lastly, l ay, more ccrtainly,ruinous to the anal ', would he thrown out of employmeilt.. "thing just now about the hand oom weave, —in 1826, I think it was, when . , Preston—that in th at year a- I had the honour of situ ., of there was a loud clamour in consequence lung d which the hand-loom weavers wer e pe ;a e t the a i d isc di has ese in p h , stress enen , doubt, that distress was and has been, a nd great the patience with which they have borne their privation s . But what was the favourite remedy wea vers said then, then employment proposed of ma chinery. Why, a prohibition, or a prohibitory tax, on the In Well, I recollect the hand -l oo m We arc driven out of the market cl gy the competition of those power-looms. If you will only put a tax up on ma chinery, the manufacturers must employ us ag ai n, and we a shall he restored to the prosperity "which this un happ y duction of machinery has deprived us of for intro the present. the Now, does any man, acquainted with the working _of re am manufacturing system of the country—does any than d interes' stve and a would emp;o) which would in the next p cultural labour( Some one tint a atviauai in his enses, would recommend a tax or a prohibition on that ma chinery which is the source and the very gound-work of our national prosperity? And yet, no doubt, it was quite true, that the introduction of machinery did supplant a vast num ber of hand-loom weavers; that, at the present moment, a vast proportion of that unhappy class are only half employe.:, and a vast proportion wholly unemployed. Gentlemen, the result of an alteration of the laws with respect to the price of corn would have no effect whatever upon the hand-loom weavers who come into competition iitli - m - a .. cllle - ry - ; even if there was any trifling increase in the amount of labour demanded from the hand-loom weavers, such is the superabundance of labour in the market, such are the multi tudes who are only half employed, and of those who are wholly unemployed, that their competition for employment would necessarily and naturally tend to keep down to its necessarily low level the price by which their labour is re munerated in the market. Now, with respect to the national debt and the introduction of machinery, I have been told, over and over again, in former times, that they were the great sources of na ti ona l di s t ress; an d now we are told that it is the undue preponderance given to the agricultural inter est. But, rely upon it, that you cannot injure one of those great interests —that you cannot effect that which Mr. Acland and his friends desire to effect—namely, such as lowering the price of corn as to throw out of cultivation a very large proportion of the wheat lands of this country—if that be effected by the total removal of the restrictions or duties on foreign corn—without at the same time entailing upon this country and the labouring classes most serious, grievous, and irretrievable evils. As, between Mr. Acland and me, there may he this difference ; but between the late admi nistration and myself, there is no question whatever of the removal of the restrictions on foreign corn. It is universally admitted by all men who have had anything to do with the con duct of public business, that some protection is necessary to be given in the shape of duty to the agricultural interests of this country against the unlimited importation of foreign corn; and the question between us and the late government was, in what manner and to what extent shall this protection be given ? Shall it be by the uniform duty of 8s per quarter, which was their proposal, or by a duty fluctuating in amount according as the price of corn may rse or fall in this country ; and thereby tending, as I believe, to maintain at the same time comparative cheapness and comparative steadiness of prices ? Why, if the 8s duty bad been taken at this moment, I should like to know what advantage had been gained. Un der the present system, a large quantity of corn is annually brought into this country ; and the greater the demand for corn in this country in consequence of the increase of price, the greater is the supply which it draws from the continent of Europe. The supply is always found to be at hand to meet the demand. The very increase of price which affects the reduction of duty throws out the temptation, and affords the facility for that foreign corn, the importation of which is to counteract the undue rise of prices at home. And, prac tically speaking, you may do what you please, you cannot legislate for the seasons, and you cannot make that fixed and certain in price which God and nature have declared shall be unfixed and uncertain in its abundance and supply. You may calculate to a nicety how much a given mill or a given amount of machinery shall produce of cotton, woollens, or manufactured goods of any desciption ; you can announce to a certainty what shall be the expense of production of a cer tain portion of manufactured goods ; and you may, therefore, with a certainty, fix the amount of duty which, being im posed upon the production of foreign goods of a like kind, shall give a fair and reasonable protection to the manufac turing interests of this country. But, with respect to corn, you can do no such thing. (Hear, hear.) After agricultural labour is over, the issue is uncertain, the amount of return is doubtful, and the farmer cannot tell before harvest what shall be the amount of supply with which Providence may favour him ; he cannot tell what amount of remuneration shall be given for the labour he has expended upon the soil ; and it is, therefore; to meet these fluctuations at home, to meet this uncertainty, and to protect at once the farmer and the community, that the fluctuating scale of duties is intro duced, and with a view to regulate and control, as far as it can be controlled, the amount of the price of corn. And at this very moment, the duty of 8s being imposed, you would not have had brought into this market the amount which, within the last few weeks, has been brought in of foreign corn. Just when the home prices are raised, and the supply of the home growers is so short and scanty in the market, by the fluctuating scale you have obtained at a duty of is 1,500,000 quarters of wheat; which, according to the 8s plan, must have been introduced at a payment of Bs. duty, and conse quently, could not- have been introduced without a corres ponding rise in price at home. Now, I say that I believe that the corn-laws have had the effect of producing compara tive steadiness of price. Ido not mean to say that the price has been steady or unvarying ; it is impossible that it should be so ; but this I say, that, under the operation of the ex isting corn-laws, there have been less fluctuations in the price of corn in this country than there have been in the price of corn, with the exception of Belgium, in any country in Europe. But I see a note is being taken ; and the answer will be, " Yes, to be sure, because the effect of your corn laws is to derange the supplies, and to affect the supplies all over the world." Now, then, I ask you does that apply to America? I will tell you how it is in America, because official returns have been furnished by the last government with respect to the price of corn in America ; and I find, upon reference to this table, the result to have been that, in the course of the last four or five years, the fluctuations in the American market have been considerably greater ; nay, that the price of corn at times has been considerably higher in the markets of New York and Philadelphia than in the markets of Liverpool and London. 1 will not trouble you with going through the figures. Mr. BROOKS.—l'admit that to be the case, once, my lord. Lord STANLEY.—Very well. First of all, then, I tell you that, under the present fluctuating duties, we have a greater steadiness of price than in any market in Europe. The answer to that is the result of the corn-laws, which creates an uncertain demand in all the countries in Europe. I then come to the United States of America, from which we have not imported one quarter, nor from which could we import one single quarter, at least except in very extraordinary harvests; and I have it admitted by my opponent that' he fluctuations have been greater, and the prices higher, in America. I do hold it most unwise to depart from that sound and wholesome principle which has been the leading object of the existing corn-laws, namely, to uphold such a permanent and fixed price of corn at home as may enable us, not in• years and upon all occasions, to supply the fair 804 114 wants-of population at a reasonable price, but which shall enable a la a proportion of the lands of this country to be cultivated with a profit, and furnish a supply of corn, in some years adequate, in most years nearly , so, to the wants of the population of this country, and, at the same time, not prohibiting the importation of foreign corn, but so re gulating it that, according to the law, every necessity for it here should produce its importation from abroad : and I find that, under this law, we had imported last year 2,500,000 quarters of corn. It is well known that the last two or three harvests have been defective ; and, conse quently, we have been obliged to rely on foreign supplies. Has that reliance been disappointed ? In the course of the year before, we introduced, I think, 2,100,000 quarters. Now inquiries have been made, and I dare say Mr. Acland and his friends are familiar with all these figum. I dare say they would no pretend to give instruction on this subject unless they h carefully examined the facts and figures ; A v unless they kne what was the state of things in the market of the world; and perhaps they will tell us what they antici pate will be the result of the system they propound. But I have here a correspondence which took place relative to the price at which foreign corn can be imported into England ; and this was presented to both houses of parliament, by com a mand of her Majesty, under the late administration. It is a return furnished by the British consols from all the principal ports of Europe, and, indeed, of the world ; and from it I find that, under a moderate fixed duty, it was to be expected that there might be introduced, upon the average, 2,222,000 quarters of foreign wheat annually. What has been the result of our present system ? That supply we have obtained whenever we wanted it. Whenever that corn has been cheaper than at home, that corn has not been poured in at the moment to inundate us with an unwonted supply. Whence do we draw our corn ? Chiefly from the markets of Germany and Russia. Let us hear a word from Russia. From Russia the consul tells you that, in average years, the export from Petersburg would be from 175,000 to 210,000 imperial quarters, and the price free on board at Petersburg 395. Id. per quarter; with freight and charges about 4s. 6d. more, making the import price here about 455., without any duty at all. That is the ordinary state of things ; and that is the amount which, in common years, might be calculated upon at Petersburg. But now come a very great year, and corn is low here—it is down at 395. in England ; and what happens ? There is at the same time a very prosperous har vest in Russia, and we are told that, in one year, one single province in Russia sent down to Petersburg 38 millions of quarters of corn. The average supply which can IT afforded is about 200,000 quarters ; but in one year, from one province, there was sent down to Petersburg 38 millions of quarters of corn. What was the price of that in the market ? Why, it was sold in the market of Petersburg in that year at the price.of 13s. the imperial quarter. (Hear). The average and ordinary price there is 395. ; but in that year, owing only to the large supply, the price was 13s. Under a fixed duty of Bs., or under no duty at all, the British grower never could be guaranteed against such an importation at the time wheat is selling here at 395. ; and when, in consequence of this enormous influx, he has been led to abandon the cultivation of wheat altogether, then comes a reverse, and the-following year, wheat coming to an average price of 395. instead of 13s. at Petersburg, and instead of 38 million quarters, 200,000 quarters is the whole supply upon which this country has to depend from Petersburg. Now there is the effect of the fixed duty--:(applause)—and there, but to a greater and more ruin ous extent, is the effect of no duty at all—that in one year you have corn imported at a price which renders it impos sible to cultivate it with profit in this country, and when, by an enormous admission at that price some year, you have discouraged, disheartened, and ruined the farmer—then comes a short supply in the markets of the world, and prices rise to what may then be called starvation prices in this coun try. (Hear.) It is assumed that, if you admit foreign corn under all circumstances, you must have an unlimited free export for the produce of your manufacturing industry. That is assumed as a fact ; but it is not a fact ; for the policy of other countries interferes with the ordinary interchange of different commodities. It is the policy of Germany, of Rus sia, and of France to maintain their own manufactures, and to impose protective duties upon them, as against your labour and manufacturing industry. It is nonsense to tell me that you have set me the example by your restrictive system. The question is, whether this principle does prevail in France, Germany, and Russia, and whether they are determined to maintain a protection for their own manufactures as against the manufacturing industry of this country. If they are, it is no use to say your manufactures might go out cheaper, or might go out 'at all, if other countries agree that they ' will not introduce them into their markets. Now, the late government was negociating a treaty with France. France was anxiouttkat we should import, not her grain, for she does not exportit, at least very little, but the brandies and wines of France. She expressed herself very willing to re .ceive, in return, as much produce of our manufacturing in dustry. But when the question was asked as to British cotton goods, she declined. " No ; it is just exactly those which we are not prepared to introduce, and it does not suit our policy that we should take them.; and, though you may take our brandies and wines, our policy says that cotton shall not be introduced into France upon a corresponding reduction of duties." Why, the case is the same in Germany. Some years ago, fifteen or sixteen years since, there was a large reduction in the importation duties on foreign wool. The principal portion of that wool came from Germany ; and its importation was for the benefit of our own manufactures, though it was complained of by our wool growers, but we did largely assist the introduction of foreign wool into this country. What was the result? That the Germans took more of our manufactures? Not at all. The export of our manufactures has fallen off in consequence of her wool being infinitely more important;to Germany than her corn ; and at this moment the amount of our imports from Germany con siderably exceeds the amount of our exports to Germany. Have there been any indications that Russia will take our manufactures, our manufactured goods, upon the unrestrict ed introduction of her corn into this country ? I know of none such. I am quite aware that Dr. Bowring has published his reports on this subject ; and in them he states that, when he talked of the introduction of manufactured goods, he was favour of th constantly met with, " Why don't you introduce our corn ?" and he says, " I felt myself answered." No doubt it was an easy answer to give to a gentleman who they knew was in for it server to Policy of allowing the introduction of foreign corn into served into their r--, d; no doubt they thought it very conclusive; ot9P his mouth and to prevent his inquiring .knowout Lhe see that a a Z a llsPosition to receive our manufactures. I Tuscany. B o t d o T h rtlon of corn might be imported from No ey ‘ r_nake any complaint that corn was not introduced? Y do make one complaint, as to which I don't Tuscans say, they should tve— t the ladies may say, but the mercial regulations between perfectly satisfied with the com mis country and Tuscany if we could only take off the very heavy duty on the importati ,f straw bonnets. (Laugbter.) Now, therefore, I don't thi that you must assume that the unlimited importation of foreign corn will produce an unlimited consumption of British manufactures. But even if it did, lam afraid, looking again to the distresses which are suffered by the manufacturing community, 1 am afraid that such is tle power, the elasticity, the capability of production in this country, such is the enterprise, and such the competition, I am afraid that, do what you please, legislate as you will, it is an inseparable con • dition from a great commercial country, that there should be a periodical fluctuation, that there should be periodical pe riods of 'prosperity, and periodical periods of distress; for the produce of prosperity leads to over ; over-trading leads to exhaustion, exhaustion leads to a cessation of the de mand for labour, and a cessation of the demand for labour leads to necessarily urgent and most painful distress upon the part of the labouring community. (Hear.) Aud there is another point which we must not overlook. It is a most se rious and embarrassing question ; I mean, not only the in t roduction of machinery, as superseding manual labour, but the extent to which the labour of children is substituted for the labour of adults. Now, recollect what the consequence of this is. The labouring man finds out that his child, at a very early age, is able to earn something to eke out his own wristched wages; and this feeling of self-interest we can hardly condemn, at all events we cannot wonder at it. He subjects his wife at an early period to labour, I am afraid too often to suffering, or at least to intense labour in the manu facturing department—for which, indeed, the delicacy of touch of children, and their fingers, are better suited than the labour of adults—but what happens ? The child is em ployed ' • he grows up to b e a man ; an d th en it i s f oun d th a t a much larger proportion of goods is produced and exported than can be taken up, and the markets of the world are glutted, and prices fall ; and the adult pays dearly for the advantages which have been gained by the substitution of machinery and the introduction of the labour of the child. His lordship, after thanking his audience for their patient attention to his arguments, concluded by saying that his greatest pleasure in accepting office was to promote the wel fare and happiness of his country. His lordship was shortly afterwarils declared duly elected. LONDON MONEY MARKET, (From Yesterday's Morning Heral d. The stock people seem yet hardly to have recovered the surprise into which thrown, first by the unexpected an nouncement in the Herald on Monday of the French loan, and secondly by the funding operation of the treasury which made its appearance on the market yesterday. The dealers were extremely quiescent, as if ruminating and rather trou bled how to make up 'their minds on these new phases in affairs. Meanwhile they seem disposed to lie on their oars, for little, if any, business was transacted in the funds to-day. and the quotations remain as before, excepting the exchequer bills have improved Is. premium. Although opinions differ among the lesser people as to the merits of the new funding operation, yet it is plain to be seen that It is finding favour with the large capitalists and money corporations, of which this feeling the way in theexchequer market may be taken as one proof. The accumulations of some of the assurance and other money corporations, as well as of trust moneys, in , times of depression like the present are more difficult to deal with in the way . ?f satisfactory investment than on ordinary occasions, because a large portion of the floating capital of bankers and money-dealers usually finding employment in discounts and for other commercial purposes, from whence withdrawn when confidence becomes impaired by trading disaster, is then brought into competition for tempo rary or permanent investment with the periodically recurring accumulations under the heads referred to. As the home funds are the chief if not the only object of recourse in such cases for all parties, it follows that with such competition the prices are easily acted upon, and rise susceptibly even with purchases of but small consideration, more especially when such purchases are made for account of parties known to have large disposable funds, and not unreasonably be lieved therefore to be meditating gradually further invest ments on a proportionate scale. This susceptibility of the market toward a rise, with the large amounts of money waiting opportunity for investment, may be exemplified by those operations in the reverse sense of sales of several hun dred thousand pounds' worth of stock lately effected on ac count of the Equitable-Office, and which, carried on from day to day, scarcely affected the market to the extent of per cent. decline at the moment, whilst its buoyancy was such, and such the quantity of floating unemployed capital, that even from that slight momentary depression it recovered immediately afterwards. In the case of the Equitable referred to, the stock was sold for the purpose of completing a loan on mortgage contracted with the city and connected with the rebuilding of the Exchange. It is rarely, however, that public corporations or trustees will embark their funds in mortgages, because not only are they difficult of recovery and realisation when wanted, but also mortgages are almost , always embarrassed by various risks of title and other com plications, even where the title may be unimpeachable. These are some of the causes which will account for the fa vour with which this funding operation is being,viewed by the monied interests. Here there is a determinate rate of price at which they may invest, and which cannot be raised upon them as in the case of purchases made in the open market. In that market it Would not be possible to pur. chase half a million of money without creating a rise of prices to the extent perhaps of two per cent., but certainly of above one per cent. LONDON TRADE REPORT AND CITY INTELLIGENCE, Wednesday Evening. TEA.—The market remains as yesterday ; Company's con gou, Is. 9id. to ls. 91d. per pound money. SUGAR.-400:hhds. were sold in the raw market without change in price. 211 cases and 143 boxes and barrels Brazil sold ; brown and yellow at 13s. 6d. to 195., and white, 225. to 245. COFFEE.-100 tierces and barrels of West India, chiefly Jamaica, were partly sold, fetching from 50s. to 119 s. 6d. ; 1,200 bags of East India were offered, and about, half sold; Havannah description (vie the Cape), good ordinary, 455. to 47s ; Java, ditto, 50s. ; and 50 bags Mocha were taken in at 955. RICE.-3,374 bags Bengal were offered, of which the sound was taken in at lls. 6d. for middling dull white. PEPPER.—:IS3 bags white sold at sld. to 6',d. PEARL. SAGO.-800 bags were offered, which partly sold at 17s. to 255. for . good ordinary to fine. TIN.-773 slabs straits, partls sold at 70s. 6d. to 71s. Scarcely a bargain was made to-day in the English funds, which left off much the same as yesterday, Consols closing 89+ for money, and 894 to -1 for the account; New 34 per cents. reduced left off 984, and Exchequer-bills 13s. to ltis. premium. _ _ _ The foreign securities were equally passive. Spanish closed 214 to 4 ; Danish, 80 to 81 ; Brazilian, 671 to 681 ; Belgian, 1024 to 103/ ; Dutch, 21 per cents., 514 to 4; Colombian, 204 to 21; Mexican, 251 to 4 ; and Portuguese, 5 per cents., 30 to 4. Railway shares continue depressed. Birmingham, 65 to 67 premium; Great Western, 11 to 12 premium; ditto new, 4to premium ; South-Western, 501 to 513 per share ; Gosport, par to premium ; North Midland, 3G to 34 dis count ; ditto, New, 8 to 7 discount ; Eastern Counties, 153 to 15 discount; Brighton, 5-k to discount; Blackwall, 10 to per share ; and ditto new, 2 to 3 premium. THE FUNDING OF EXCHEQUER BILLS The Chancellor of the Exchequer having resolved upon funding £500,000 Exchequer bills, has returned the following answer to• parties who had applied to him respecting the pro posal : " Downing-street, Sept. 22, 1841. " Sir,-1 have had the honour of receiving your letter, in which you state that a doubt exists in the minds of many persons whether, under the proposal for funding Exchequer bills, of which notice has been given at the Bank, it will be competent to subscribers to make half the deposit in money; and to acquaint you that parties are at liberty to make half the deposit in money, if they should prefer that course; or if, after having made a deposit entirely in Exchequer bills, they should be disposed to pay the whole of any subsequent instalment in money, they will be at liberty to do so on the terms specified in the original notice, provided the whole amount of money paid does not exceed one-half of the whole sum subscribed for. " I am, sir, your most obedient servant, " HENRY GOULBTJRN." COURT CIRCULAR.-WEDNESDAY Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess and the Princess Augusta of Cambridge, arrived in town, yesterday evening, from tbeir residence at Kew. • A deputation from the~British snd Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, consisting of Messrs. Robert Forster, George Stacey, Henry Tuckett, Stafford Allen, G. W. Alexander, Richard Barrett, Josiah Conder, L. H. Lucas, Henry Christie, J. Cooper, Henry Sterry, William Ball, J. C. Lecesne, J. H. Tredgold, J. Scoble, G. Pilkington, R. J. Rouse, Rev. Mr. Holland, T. Wakley, M.P., Dr. Bowring, M.P., B. Hawes, M.P., William Allen, S. Harford, M.P., J. Beaumont, Rev. J. Carlile, J. Soul, John H. Laing, and George Allen, had an interview with Sir Robert Peel, yesterday, at his official residence in Downing -street. LordlWharncliffe bad an interview with Sir James Graham, yesterday, at the Home-office. Mr. Foitique, the Venezuelan minister, transacted busi ness, yesterday, at the Foreign-office. Baron de Nieumann, the Austrian minister, on a special mission, had an interview with Sir Robert Peel, yesterday, in Downing-street. The Marguis of Lansdowne has arrived in town, from Bowood Park, Wilts. WINDSOR COURT CIRCULAR.-WEDNESDAY This morning her Majesty and his Royal Highness Prince Albert took their-usual ride to Adelaide Lodge. Afterward - 1 the Prince rode into the park on horseback to see theheagles hunt. His royal highness was attended by Sir Edward Bowater and Col. Wemyss. About five o'clock this afternoon his royal highness drove the Queen out in the park in a pony phaeton, attended by Lady Portman, the Hon. Misses Paget and Lister, and Admiral Sir Robert Otway, in a carriage and four, and followed by General Bowater, Viscount Sydney, and Colonel Wemyss, on horseback. The royal party passed through the town, entered the park at Hudson s-gate, and returned to the castle by the new road and Park-street. The Princess Royal took a carriage airing, and passed through Thames-street, Eton, and Slough. The Earl and Countess Rosslyn took their departure from the castle this morning. At eleven o'clock this morning the engineer of the London Steam-carriage Company was again to exhibit one of the car riages to his . Royal Highness Prin ce Alb ert ; b ut, i n conse quence of h is not being punctual to th e appo i nte d h our, the Prince declined seeing it, and gave orders that it should not be admitted into the Long Walk. In then proceeded along the London-road, but broke down before it had reached as far as Frogmore Lodge. We have learned the following further particulars of the late unfortunate duel which took place at the Lucca Baths, from a source on which we can place every reliance :—" The origin of the misunderstanding between Dr. Crooke awl Mr. Plowden appears to have been of long standing, but the im mediate cause of the duel occurred at a ball given by the bachelors at the Lucca Baths, where Mr. Plowden was in conversation with a lady. when Dr. Crooke came up and offered him a gross insult. Mr. Plowden requested his friend, Mr. —, to ask for an apology from Dr. Crooke, which being refused, left Mr. Plowden no alternative except that of requesting an early meeting to be appointed. It was agreed that the parties should proceed , at the termi nat i on o f t h e ball, across the Modenese frontier. The princ i palsg si w the fire of Mr. Plowden taking an unfortunate e ff ect. T he placed Crooke's t 12 5e second. The T h distance, e parties nd fired d d upo naalo s a t simult aneous l y , given ' signal by parties shook hands, Dr. Crooke making use of th e wor d s ' I forgive you, y ou have acted rightly. Mr. Pl ow d en and his second then left the ground and returned to Lncca. Dr. Crooke, who was surrounded by several of •hls friends, who had accompanied him to the ground, was conveyed back to the Lucca states, where he lingered until the evening follow ing. When the melancholy circumstance was made known to the Duke of Lucca, who entertained a strong feeling of friendship to Dr. Crooke, be observed to those about him, that Mr. Plowden was forced into the unfortunate affair, adding, If you drive me into a corner, what can Ido but defend myself.' "—Times. rtfiEitTalt-ROYAI, LIVER POOl Under the Hanagenzent of Mr. CLARKE, Sole Lessee, THE PERFORMANCES DURING THE SUMMER SEASON WILL. COMMENCE AT HALF-PAST SEVEN.--DOORS TO BE OPENED AT SEVEN. Under the Patronage of Lord G. BENTINCK, Sir R. TV. BULKELEI, Bart., and Lord STANLEY, Stewards (f the Races. For the BENEFIT of Miss ELLEN TREE, And the Last Night of the Engagement of Miss ELLEN TREE and Mr. ANDERSON. Fifth Night of Mr. MACKAY and PAUL BEDFORD. Fir HIS present FRIDAY, Sept. 24, 1841, w ill b e domed the Comedy of MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTIILXG. Beatrice Benedick Mr. Andersyft. Dogberray Mtjklackay. Leonato (on this occasoin)....f. Mr. Stuart. Hero Miss Cleaver. - At the end of the Play, A PAS DE DEUX, by Master and Miss C. Webster. To conclude with a Tragic Play, founded on a popular tale of Sir Walter Scott's, dramatised by J. W. Caleraft, Esq., called the BRIDE OF LAMMERMOOR. Lucy Ashton Miss Ellen Tree. Edgar of Ravenswood .. Mr. Anderson. Caleb Balderstone Mr. Mackay. Captain Craigengelt Mr. Paul Bedford. On MONDAY next, for the BENEFIT of Mr. PAUL BEDFORD, will be repeated the Musical Play of ROB ROY. Francis Osbaldistone, Mr. Frazer; Bailie Nicol Jarvie, Mr. Mackay ; Major Galbraith, Mr. Paul Bedford ; Rob Roy, Mr. Stuart ; Rashleigh Osbaldistone, Mr. Gray ; Diana Vernon, Miss E. Homier ; Helen M`Gregor, Miss Cleaver.—To conclude with the popular Drama of JACK SHEPPARD. Blueskin, Mr. Paul Bedford. TO CORRESPONDENTS. Will any one do us the favour to give us the name of the un feeling blackguard who sent us a statement respecting the marriage of Mr. Baker to Miss Syers ? We have given up the manuscript, and hope it will he traced to its author, upon whom a few weeks walk on the treadmill would not be thrown away. The signature and address of the person authenticating the marriage turn out to be a forgery. We are surprised that " the compositors" in the office of a contemporary should imagine we would . liand down to posterity the report of a festive meeting of a private nature, except upon the usual terms. Had the matter been of the slightest.' interest to the public, we should have been happy to have attended to the request. We will thank the manager of the Conservative News Room at Preston to make inquiry at the Post-office there, as we feel assured the fault is not at this office. !fir iltberpoot A)tanbarb. FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 24, 1841 The evidence of Captain Hamilton, taken before the Immigration Society of Trinidad, establishes the prac ticability of obtaining labourers from Sierra Leone for our West India Colonies, in a manner wholly free from objection. Mr. Hamilton was himself employed to conduct the first attempt of this nature, and had the good fortune to execute his commission most com pletely and sutcessfully. In a very short time after arriving at Sierra Leone, he was enabled to make up the number of emigrants he wished to obtain ; no deceptions inducements whatever were held out to them, and the act of their embarkation was as perfectly voluntary as any act could be. The voyage to Trini dad was pleasantly performed in the short space of thirty days, and but one human being perished on the way—an infant under twelve months old. Captain Hamilton remained on the island for some time after their arrival, and visited all the estates where the immigrants became located. He questioned them as to the condition in which they found themselves, and they all expressed themselves perfectly contented with their lot. Before leaving Sierra Leone, lie pledged himself publicly to pay the passages of six persons back to report as to the actual state of affairs in Trini dad; but on applying to them, lie found that not six persons were disposed to return, unless they were paid Trinidad wages during their absence. We cannot conceive any thing more conclusive as to the desirable ness of the move, so far as the people themselves are concerned, than such evidence as this. There arc no horrors in this middle passage ; it is undertaken freely. and it is undertaken with the certainty of ameliorating the condition of the people. The witness states, that ten thousand persons could be immediately removed with the greatest advantage to themselves, and to those they would leave behind—because, in the West Indies, they can have better wages ; and becauie, in Sierra Leone, the labour market is over-stocked. Ten thousand, however, being but a fraction of the number of labourers that would be required by Trini dad, Guiana, and Jamaica, he is asked concerning any other sources from which they could be procured on the coast. To this he replies, that lie would anticipate "a stream of immigration from the interior to Sierra Leone, in consequence of the rise of wages that would take place there ; so that, notwithstanding a continued and regular emigration of labourers from thence to the West Indies, the population of Sierra Leone would be kept up or gradually increased." With regard to procuring labourers from any other part of the African coast, Captain Hamilton has some scruples : he says, that excepting the Kroomen, few of the natives are perfectly free and independent, and that their removal could never be effected without first purchasing the consent of the native chiefs." On this point he is pressed closely, and is at length obliged to acknowledge that his objections " partake more of sentiment than reason." We respect such feelings, however, as they are plainly an error, if at all such, on the right side, and proceed from an extreme anxiety to avoid even the appearance of evil when the abomina ble slave traffic dogs us at every side. The question raised is, however, substantially this—viz., whether one may not purchase a slave for the purpose of setting him at liberty ? Now, we do not see any objection to such an act. That started by Mr. Hamilton is, that other countries would immediately claim the right to exercise the same privilege, and use it as a cloak to carry off the people into slavery. But we do not con ceive that they could claim any such privilege, unless slavery were first entirely abolished within their terri tories—as it is with us. The expense of obtaining the consent of a chief to make his subject or vassal a free man, Mr. H. estimates at thirty dollars, which is the ordinary price of a slave ; the passage to Trinidad would be thirty more, so that the whole cost of bringing over a labourer would be but sixty dollars. Now in Brazil and Cuba the price of a slave is estimated at 350 dollars, without taking into account certain expenses which make the amount really about 420 dollars. The Trinidad Com mittee therefore conceive that they would have a great advantage in obtaining free labourers on terms so com paratively advantageous ; they conceive that with such an advantage the planter of Cuba or Brazil could not compete with them—and that free labour would thus tend to drive the produce of slavery out of the market, and to extinguish slavery itself. The evidence is extremely interesting and important, and cannot fail to engage attention. It leaves not a doubt in our mind of the feasibility and perfectly un objectionable character of the plan of procuring free labourers at least from Sierra Leone. Captain Hamil ton concludes his testimony with the following very strong and satisfactory statement : " It was my original intention to have remained here some time, in order to judge of the condition and prospects of the emigrants I brought over, and of the desirableness, or other wise, of recommending a further emigration. But I already find that the people are so well off that I can be of no service to them ; and being fully convinced of the great advantages which the people of Sierra Leone will derive from removing to Trinidad, it is my intention to proceed immediately to re commend the same in London." Some license of speech should certainly be permit ted at present to our radical and dissenting contempo raries. They have met with very mortifying discomfi tures ; and there cannot be a safety valve of more ease in the working for themselves, and of more harmless ness to the community, than angry and spiteful words. Of course the clergy of the Established Church, who have been mainly instrumental in the late victories in Church and State, are the objects of the special hosti lity of " our esteemed." A remarkable instance of this appears in the revival by the Albion of an exploded calumny against the Rev. Fielding Ould. It is now nearly a twelvemonth since our contempo rary, stung, apparently, by the triumphant defence of the great scriptural doctrine of the Trinity contained in the series of sermons delivered in Mr. Ould's church, and anxious to cover a retreat by diverting the attention of his readers from the question -at issue to one- of mere personalities, attacked Mr. Ould on the charge of plagiary, and held him up to public scorn and contempt for having attempted to pass as his own arguments and even words derived almost verbatim from another. We put the slanderous scribe to silence at the time by quoting the following eaudid and manly avowal from the preface to Mr. Ould's sermon " It is scarcely to be expectel that, on such a subject, much original matter should now he elicited. The praise of originality was not, however, the author's object, but rather usefulness and edification. Ile has accordingly availed him self freely of the labours of those who have gone before him in the controversy, not only in the adoption of their argu ments, but frequently of their words ; and being aware how eagerly advantage is taken of definitions and forms of ex pression by those whose tenets are here impugned, he has preferred rather to clothe himself in the verbal armour of the tried veterans in this contest, than trust himself in the weaker panoply of his own providing." Mr. Ould made no pretence to originality in the ser mon in question ; nay, he disclaims the attempt to be original in either thought or word, plainly, boldly, em phatically. Having taken this course, and having thus proclaimed-it in his preface, no reader of common can dour could accuse him of any affectation of author ship on the occasion, or any unfairness of plagiarism. There are readers, however, and writers too, who, in words, boast loudly their love of truth, while they ma nifest, practically, their hatred of candour. Such were our contemporaries, who, after circulating the slander, evinced too great a respect for the fairness and good feeling of their readers, and too little a regard for their own fairness and good feeling, to insert the above passage from Mr. Ould's preface. Conscious, however, of its effect in our columns, they desisted from the base attempt to fasten upon the reverend gentleman the charge of literary dishonesty. Truly they must be at a loss for a subject for vitu peration, when they have recourse to a revival of this charge now. The Albion has lately reiterated the ma lignant slander in a series of articles, in which instances are given of Mr. Ould having done precisely what he himself tells his readers in his preface he intended to do. He said he would adopt the arguments of others, and frequently their words; and because in the in stance of Andrew Fuller's able pamphlet, (which the Unitarians cannot answer,) he has done what he said he would do, the Albion and its coadjutors of the Liberal (!) press of this town have attacked the reve rend gentleman as guilty of what a convenient corre spondent calls a " literary larceny." Our readers will not be surprised to learn, that the articles in the Albion which we refer to, are filled with a vulgar levity of expression, as disgusting as the dis regard of truth, candour, and fair dealing, we have now exposed, is disgraceful. Thus, after pointing out a few instances in which Mr. Ould adopted the language, or nearly so, of Mr. Fuller, our contemporary says—" From the foregoing joint-stock premises, the lean-cheeked sectary and the smug episcopalian thus beautifully harmonise in draw ing a conclusion." And again—" Mr. Ould chimes melodiously in with the defunct Dipper in the follow ing manner." And again—" The sharp-nosed theolo gical hounds thus proceed to run as a couple." We cannot characterise such language, on such a subject, without submitting to the defilement of imi tating its scurrility. We therefore content ourselves with remarking, that it is not from attacks of this sort our clergy need fear any loss of their well-earned re putation. Mr. Ould, in opening the course of sermons to be preached in his church, had assigned to him a branch of the subject which had already been treated by a master; and esteeming usefulness and edification to his readers, rather than the reputation of originality to himself, he availed himself of the labours of his prede cessors in the controversy, and openly avowed in his preface, once for all, that he had done so. With re gard to Mr. Fuller's tract, we adopt gravely what the Albion has written with an ironical sneer in the follow ing terms :—" In thus reviving the sentiments of this obsolete publication, and in reviving them as they were originally enunciated, Mr. Ould has done good service to the religious part of the community." He has ; and we would recommend the Albion scribe and his coadjutors no longer to exhibit their own weakness by evading the arguments, and their own wickedness by assailing the individual, but at once to grapple with the substance of Fuller's tract, as adopted by Mr. Ould ; and if they cannot refute it, to give up their Unitarianism, and seek admission into the Chris tian Church. In the meantime we call upon them, as a matter of common honesty, to give to their readers the passage from Mr. Ould's preface which we have quoted above : but we prophesy that they will be so uncommonly honest as not to do so, because by doing so they would at once expose themselves; and entirely vindicate Mr. Ould from all the sneers and sarcasms by which they have been endeavouring to injure him. Those who suffer from thieves are naturally un willing to suspect members of their own household, and require strong evidence to convince them of their guilt. Nevertheless, it does not unfrequently happen that much time is thrown away in seeking abroad for the depredators—Land that when justice is near to over take them, the spoliated parties begin to look at home. Something analagous to this, we fear, will be discovered to have happened in the care of the piratical trade in slaves, which, in spite of all that England has done to prevent it, has been known still to go on, and, in some unaccountable way, to flourish. Spaniards and Por tuguese, or their descendants, we thought, showed an unwonted degree of energy in defeating all our labours, and the cause seemed nearly desperate, when the dis covery was made, or is at least alleged to have been made, that chief among these pirates, and busiest amongst this flesh-dealing, thievish horde, are some of our own energetic children—British subjects —mer chants, capitalists, artisans, and officers both of the army and navy ! We can scarcely doubt the reality of this discovery. It is very unlikely that the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti• Slavery Society, who profess to have made it, could be altogether deluded on the subject; still more absurd would it be to sup pose that they had invented such a romance. They have made their representation to parliament by the hands of Lord Brougham, and they pray that its truth may be inquired into by a committee of the house of parliament to which his lordship belongs. Disgraceful as are the facts to men having the pri vilege to be called British subjects, there is no air of improbability on the face of the statement which would lead us to doubt it. It is certain that there are various mining companies in this country, with large capitals at their disposal, who carry on their operations in Brazil, and in Cuba, and nearly so, that, in the words of the Society's petition, " their mines are worked by slaves." Here, then, there is ground laid for the charge—and the matter of inducement, as the lawyers call it, is strong. British companies work mines in slave-holding countries, and employ slaves themselves on their works. What, then, suppose that they had obtained these slaves, in the first instance, by purchase in the country ; their first purchases, like other tools, would wear out, and must he renewed ; or, in other words, British subjects, by entering into such specu lations, have put themselves upon a level with, and in the condition of, Brazilians and Cubans, with respect to labour, and those morals which regard not slavery —slavery either in its origin or its continuance—as a crime. The next question, then, is, have the parties subjected themselves to the penalties of the sth George IV., which makes the act of dealing in African slaves a transportable felony ? It seems doubtful that they would do so, by the mere act of purchasing slaves born in the country, or im ported previous to the passing of the act; but with regard to newly-imported slaves, Lord Brougham says that no doubt can exist that the penalty of trans portation for life would be incurred by such a transac tion. But the charge against British subjects by no means stops at this point ; on the contrary, it goes on till it involves them in this odious traffic in all its most appalling forms; it casts upon them the broad impu tation of slave-dealing, of sending to Africa for fresh cargoes, and of. course with all the incidents which might be expected when that contraband and detesta ble traffic is unequivocally embarked in. It is lamentable to think that there are Englishmen capable of so disgracing their country—lamentable to consider the number whom the one leading, guilty act involves in its criminality. If the allegations of the Society's petition be correct, " officers of the army and navy, and functionaries in the civil service, have been the agents employed in the purchase of slaves on account of these companies"—" banks have been es tablished " to facilitate their operations_" goods are manufactured in this country, in enormous quantities, and form a considerable branch of the export trade to Brazil and Cuba, and the western coast of Africa, which are employed exclusively in the African slave trade in barter for human beings "—and still more, " vessels have been built i❑ this country specially for the slave-trade, and covertly prepared for that nefarious traffic in British harbours." These are serious, griev ous charges, which call loudly for inquiry. Such in quiry may lead to the condemnation of parties who cannot be reached by law, but it may lead also to the condemnation of many whom the law of opinion will not fail to stigmatise with the most galling opprobrium. The Society prays that the provisions of the act of Geo. IV. may be extended, " so as effectually to pre vent British subjects from holding and purchasing slaves in foreign countries, under any pretence what ever." Here lays the fountain of the mischief : if this. practice can be prevented, all the others; which are no more than consequences,'or 'incidents, will fall to the ground. No time, we trust, will be lost in following up this inquiry in .the next Session of Parliament. The honour of the country is deeply concerned in its prosecution. " Attempt to assassinate Lord Howick !" Such, reader, is the awful announcement which is just now travelling in large letters through the columns of the Whig journals. The son of Earl Grey shot at, or at tempted to be shot at, in the streets of the Whig-ridden borough of Sunderland ! Awful ! Monstrous ! Hor rible true. Thank Heaven that we are enabled to keep down our indignation by those two qualifying monosyllables ! But how and when, we may be asked, was this atro cious crime attempted ? We must explain. At the close of the Sunderland election his lordship, in that amiable mood for which he is distinguished, was en joying, it appears, the pleasure of being borne in state through the streets of the borough for which he had just been returned as the representative, escorted by a mob of colliers, lumpers, and such savoury people, and accompanied by his lady, Sir Hedivorth William son, and others of his friends, when " a miscreant in human form," whose windows the followers of the noble lord were amusing themselves by smashing, was observed to point a gun from an upstairs room in so unsafe and dangerous a manner that the policeman who saw it forthwith took to his heels, Lord Howick himself turned very pale, and cried "A gun !" whilst Sir lledworth Williamson, very valiantly, drew down Lady Howick into the body of the carriage in which they were seated together, and—fell over her ! So far, however, nothing horrific had resulted,—no thing beyond the serious fright of the policeman, the viscount, and the baronet. But the "miscreant" was not, it seems, satisfied with the enormity of displaying a gun to deter a disorderly "liberal" mob, headed by a policeman, a viscount, and a magistrate, from de stroying his property ; but is actually suspected of hav ing pulled the trigger ! A flash there certainly was ; in this both peer, policeman, and baronet agree ; but none of them, unfortunately, can swear distinctly whe ther the flash in question issued from the gun or from a pipe of tobacco which the " miscreant" had in his mouth ! We say it is unfortunate that this circum stance cannot be ascertained, because its elucidation would afford the only evidence required to convince a jury of the murderous intent of the ruffian in whose. hands the weapon was seen ; for it has been ascer tained, beyond question, that the gun was not only charged with powder, but that it actually contained a ball—of chewed paper ! We need scarcely add that, before a Sunderland bench of magistrates, the perpetrator, or supposed per petrator of such an enormity as that of attempting to fire a blank cartridge, or knocking the ashes from his pipe over the heads of a riotous mob, whilst engaged, under distinguished patronage, in the patriotic task of demolishing Tory windows, was committed for it, alr although subsequently released on heavy bail. We need scarcely remark, either, that those legal function aries who were aiding and assisting, by their presence, the demolition in question, were not committed for trial, and will not be called upon to make good the property destroyed. Whig peers and baronets in Northumberland or Durham may not only " do what they like with their own,". but with the goods and chattels of others as well. Happy Sunderland !we say.. " CHEAP BREAD " MEANS " CHEAP LABOUR." There is something strongly corroborative of all which we have ever asserted with respect to the objects of the corn-law abolitionists, in the attempt which is now making to precipi tate the decision of the great question of the corn laws. If the manufacturer looked only or mainly to the opening of foreign markets—to the reduction of the tariffs of foreign countries in favour of British manufactured goods—as the result of a free trade in corn, obviously his first anxiety would be that nezociation to effect this desirable object should be entered upon. Markets, however, we have ever maintained, or at least such markets as can be gained to us by the mere concession of the power to import foreign core into Great Britain, are not the real objects for which the anti-corn-law league are agitating. Cheap labour it is,which the manufacturer is in search of—cheap labour; which will enable him to inundate every market of the world with cheap goods—cheap labour, which will at once contribute to raise the value of his deteriorated machinery, and which will once more restore to him his pre-eminence over the manu facturers of every other nation. The attempt to compel a settlement of the corn laws by clamour out of doors, and by factious opposition in parliament, without at the same time seeking, or allowing to the government of Sir Robert Peel the opportunity of seeking, any relaxation of the continental tariffs—any additional privileges in those foreign markets whoie corn we are urged to purchase—is to us satisfactory evidence of the fact, that the cry for " markets " is only subsiding to the cry for " low wages " and " cheapness c f production." That this is the fact, too, may be gathered from other and striking indications. Amidst all the diatribes of the manu 'facturing agitators, not a word is allowed to escape which would favour the inference that an extension of our com merce in foreign markets can be derived from any other source than the adoption of a free-trade policy with respect to articles of consumption amongst the manufacturing popu lation. Market after market has been closed upon our mer chants, by the blundering and inefficient policy of whip le gislators ; yet we hear not a word of complaint against the policy which has thus crippled our commerce. Our goods are virtually excluded from at least half-a-dozen important foreign countries—from Spain and Portugal —from a large portion of the coast of Africa—from China and other mar kets ; yet we hear not a word of any sincere desire to seek for readmission , into these. We hear of nothing, in fact, but the markets of the corn-growing countries ; and these even are put forward, not as being in themselves of any overwhelming value to the manufacturing interest, but as a cloak to the real object in view, which is " low wages to the manufacturing population." We admit all that is urged by the advocates of a prompt settlement of the corn question, with respect to the wretched condition of the manufacturing population and their misera ble prospects during the approaching winter. We know that agitation will spare no exertion to render that condition in supportable, and to goad the suffering poor into frenzied excesses. But we cannot by any means admit that the ex istence of such misery, or the contemplation of its too pro bable results, should impel any statesman to rush upon a hasty and undigested settlement of the corn-laws or any other laws. What legislation in conservative hands can do, in the judicious exercise of its power to give an impulse to commerce, the government of Sir Robert Peel will do. But, upon the corn-law-repealer's own shewing, that impulse can only be given, through the medium of a free trade in corn, by the aid of negociation with the governments of fo reign countries. By the mere repeal of the corn laws we derive no relaxation in the tariffs of foreign states ; and we should therefore, by hasty measures, be only throwing out of our hands the power of compelling a return for the sacri fice which we are called upon to make. Conservatism is manifestly not in fault that nothing is done in the present session to relieve the embarrassments into which whig mismanagement has thrown every great in terest throughout the country. Whether whig adhesion to office, for four months after their power to legislate for the community had ceased, is blameable, we leave to the com munity itself to declare. Lord John Russell can see in September the importance of adopting measures for the re lief of the labouring classes, immediately. Pity that his lordship was blind to this pressing necessity during the four months which intervened between the rejection of his budget in April, and the day on which he reluctantly bid adieu to Downing-street and the Horne-office ! THE LIVERPOOL TIMES AND LORD SANDON, Our contemporary, the Liverpool Times, appears bent upon annihilating our noble representative Lord Sandon, a feat, for the performance of which we doubt not that the gentleman of the anti-corn-law leaugue would hold him in honoured remembrance. His lordship is afflicted, it seems, with a strange and most inconvenienthabit of uttering truths, and, what is more, facts, in opposition to the vapid fictions and impertinence which compose the staple of anti-corn -law diatribes ; and the public, with a perverseness which is ex traordinary, has manifested a disposition to place at least as much reliance upon his lordship's facts as upon the mere assertions of the whole tribe of free traders, even although the question in dispute May be one of a commercial nature. On several recent occalons the facts in question have broken very unseasonably upon the state of delusion into which agi tation, and the constant iteration of the monosyllable " Corn," was fast hurrying the public mind ; and as a very natural consequence, his lordship has become, in the eyes of the unprincipled marauders who seel to abuse the nation's confidence, an object of bitter and unrelenting hatred. We have reason to - know that the few words uttered by his lordship on Friday night, in the House of Commons, were more than ordinarily embarrassing to the party of which the eloquent Mr. Cobde❑ is the head, and of which our contem porary seems disposed to become the organ. It is a notori ous fact, of which his lordship reminded the house, that " overproduction is the cause to which, in private, the ma nufacturers of Lancashire attribute the greatest portion of their present embarrassments, whilst in public they attribute the whole of them to the operation of the corn-laws ;" and it must have been galling enough to the actors in parliament upon the occasion in question, and wht-n in the very midst of their pathetic, to have their masks removed, their stage dresses stripped oft', and to be exhibited " in pulls naturali bus" to the gaze of a discerning people. Lord Sandon com mitted this piece of cruelty, and for so doing he is visited with the wrath of the Liverpool Times, and is entitled to the thanks, and will receive them too, of the bulk of his constituents. Though angry, however, and well inclined to throw dirt upon the well-earned reputation of Lord Sandon, our con temporary is scarcely warranted in misrepresenting his lord ship by putting assertions into his mouth which he never, we dare say, dreamt of uttering. His lordship never attributed the embarrassments of the manufacturing interests of the whole kingdom to the misconduct of the "Lancashire ma nufacturers." He never attributed the whole of that em barrassment to " overproduction" alone. On the contrary, his lordship has always maintained that it could be attributed to no one cause as the free traders would have us believe ; but that it is the result of a variety of concurrent causes, amongst which the madness—the " sacra auri fames"—of the manufacturing interest itself is the principal, and amongst which he does not account the operation of the corn-laws at all. Our contemporary, on the contrary, indulges us with a long string of evils which he attribute's to the operation of the corn-laws, primarily, acting, however, through the de ranged state of the currency. The present condition of the manufacturing interests throughout Great Britain, he main tains, has three years been coming upon them, and is the result of 1/tree successive bad harvests, accompanied by large importations of Foreig - t-corn, paid for in gold. We are far from underrating the pressure upon our commerce which has been the result of the large importations of Foreign corn which have unfortunately been required by country du ring the past three years. The necessity to ase Foreign corn has drained us of our gold; it has decreased the con sumption of our goods in the home market; and has not in creased the inclination of the Foreign corn grower to pur chase from us. And what is more, we defy our contempo rary, or any other anti-corn-law advocate, to show satisfac torily that the importation of Foreign corn, under any system of corn-laws, will ever be attended by any other results. To the bad harvests of the past three years we ourselves are quite prepared to attribute a portion of our commercial dis tress ; but we must protest that bad harvests and the corn laws are not synonymous terms. But has our contemporary vindicated the conduct of the manufacturing body from the imputation of misconduct or want of prudence, charged upon them by Lord Sandon ? Not at all ; but, if possible, he has even made it stand out in more prominent colours. For three years the elements of distress have been gathering over their heads. For three years the crisis which we now feel has been sensibly approach ing. And what, we ask, have been the precautions taken to ward off its disastrous effects? Has production been de creased during those three years or any of them ? Has the manufacturer exercised greater discretion in his credits or his investments ? Have the joint stock banks prepared them selves to meet the coming storm ? Has the private trader drawn his capital within an available reach for his threatened Nothing of this kind has been done. No precautions of any description have been adopted. Produc tion has gone on, and in 1840 even surpassed that of all former years ; and we are pow experiencing the result of this mingled avarice, blindness, and folly, and not, most as suredly, of the corn-laws or any other laws. We suspect that our contemporary, notwithstanding his asseverations, is a little conscious of the truth of Lord San don's position, from his anxiety to separate the case of the woollen and other manufacturers from that of the gentlemen of Lancashire. These traders at least, he urges, have not been over-producing. Possibly it may be so ; but is it indispensible, for all that, that the corn-laws are in fault ? We can ourselves discover many fertile causes of the distress which these trades are enduring, very remote indeed from the cause which our contemporary would have us attribute it to. Tile three deficient harvests of which our contempo rary speaks may furnish one very prominent cause. The stoppage of varicus foreign markets by whig ministerial blundering, another. But more than all, perhaps, it may be traced to the revulsion caused by over-trading in one branch of commerce, extending tiirougti the entire. conatnuntty. Our whole commercial fabric has received a shock, in which the most unollending timbers must submit to partake. Our contemporary winds up his most inconsequencial article, in which we must confess that the " willingness to strike" is displayed out of all proportion to the " ability to wound," by imputing to Lord Sandon the intention of in sulting the manufacturing interest by attacking the personal character of its members. We cannot ourselves discover that anything at all resembling such an attack has ever fallen from his lordship's lips. But would it be unreasonable, we ask, if, some day or other, these gentlemen should provoke retaliatory language ? Their orators and organs are not usually very refined in their use of epithets or assertions, or very scrupulous against whom they are directed ; and had even Lord Sandon, on Friday, been more severe in manner or in language than he really was, we could scarcely blame him, although we might be sorry to see him or any gentleman stoop from his position to measure scurrilities with such au opponent as Mr. Richard Cobden. emergencies LOCAL NEWS. We are informed that a public prayer meeting is intended to be held to-morrow morning, being the Jewish Day of Atonement, at the Institution-house, Slater-street, at eight o'clock. Several clergymen are expected to attend. LIVER THEATRE.—The Wizard of the North continues to attract very numerous audiences. He is really a surprising personage. IMPORT OF WHEAT AND FLOUR.—Between the sth and the ll th instant, there was imported to Liverpool, London, and other ports, 119,223 quarters of wheat ; 16,033 sacks, and 9,469 barrels of flour. Total this year, 1,429,342 quarters of wheat, 419,101 sacks, and 303,085 barrels of flour. BANCKS AND Co.'s BANKRUPTCY.—We understand that the probable amount of the liabilities of this estate is estimated at £BO,OOO, of which £20,000 have been proved by the Bank of Manchester. The assets are said to amount to £23,700, besides doubtful debts, so that the estate at present shows the probability of a dividend of 4s. or ss. in the pound. BIRKENHEAD AND CHESTER RAILWAY.—On the 27th ult., the directors of the railway advertised for a person to fill the office of station-keeper at Birkenhead, at a salary of £lOO per annum. The applications were to be sent in by the 11th September. Short as was the interval, and low the salary, there were about four thousand applicants for the situation. POISONOUS CATSUP—The public should be upon their guard against the catsup hawked about the streets, much of which is coloured by copper, in order to give it the green hue desired by purchasers. Where this sophistication exists it can readily be detected, by adding a few drops of liquid ammonia to the suspected liquor, which, in case of any cop per being present, immediately becomes blue. COURAGE AND HUMANITY.—On Friday last two children were rescued from drowning by the intrepidity and presence of mind of an individual of the name of Richard Kirkham, residing in Upper Grafton-street, Toxteth-park. A girl of the age of 14, having in her arms an infant, aged 10 months, was standing on the edge of the pier, at the Potteries, when her foot slipped, and she was precipitated the height of about ten feet into the water, the tide being at the time at its height. Kirkham, who was standing near, was aroused by the screams, and, though one hand was disabled by a previous injury, im mediately plunged in, and, by active swimming, brought out the elder child, and supported the infant until it was seized by the boat-hook of a vessel lying near. ST. SILAS' CHURCH, PEMBROKE-PLACE.—This church will be opened for divine worship on Wednesday next, when a sermon will be preached in the morning by the Rev. Hugh M'Neile, and another in the evening by the Rev. Mr. Cor deaux, the newly-appointed incumbent. We believe the latter gentleman will preach at St. Jude's on Sunday evening. We understand that Sir Joshua Walmsley, the late mayor of Liverpool, has taken from the Earl of Lichfield, Ranton Abbey, in this county, with its extensive manor, which for game, is considered the best stocked of any in England ; and that Sir Joshua will take up his residence there in a short time.—Staffordshire Advertiser. CAUTION TO TOBACCONISTS.-At the police -court yester day, an information was laid by one of the Inspectors of Police against a person named Harrison, who keeps a tobac conist's shop in Scotland-place, for " trading" on Sunday. Informant stated that he saw the door of the shop open, and observed several persons purchase and pay for small quanti ties of tobacco. A female, the wife of the tenant, appeared to answer the information. She said that there was but the shop and a small back room ; that they h a d b een there for two years, and never knew that it was an offence ; that the door only (the sole entrance to the place) was open ; and that there were much larger shops open in Byrom-street, Para dise-street, and elsewhere, with their windows open on Sun day, that were unmolested, She added that they never opened during church time ; that most of the druggists and all the publicans also sold tobacco, and that she considered it hard that their little place, in which they had difficultyjn making a living, should be first selected.—Mr. Rushton said that the Inspector would do well to consider what she had stated, and lay informations against all or none . Th e case, b e ing proved, he had no resort but to inflict t h e The information was laid un d er an old law of Char l e s fi ho n ‘ e v . eve T r h , 11. yet extant, and he had no power to mitigate. She was then tined ss. for unlawfully trading on the Sabbath. ROBBERY BY A DRAPER'S ASSISTANT.—On Wednesday, at the Police-court, William Britten Bradbury, a respect ably-dressed, and good-looking young man was committed for trial at the sessions, on a charge of having plundered fifteen of the assistants at Messrs. Jeffery and Morrish's shop, in Church-street, of various articles of clothing, which he had discovered in their respective bed-rooms. The prisoner had been in the service of Messrs. - Jeffery "I d Morrish as shopman up to the 13th instant, on which day the articles were stol en , as they were all safe on the morn i n g of that day, but were all missing when search was made for them in the evening. The prisoner was apprehended in Lon don, and was th en b rought to Liverpool, and the con t e nts of a bag which he had with him sbewn to the several young men at Jeffery and Morrish's, who respectively claimed th em s, as their pr operty. The b ag contained wa i s t coa ts, towel shirts, are.