The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-08-23 00:00:00

LIVERPOOL CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION. TO THE ELECTORS OF LIVERPOOL. ALL Persons whose names have been omitted from the LISTS of PERSONS QUALIFIED to VOTE for MEMBERS, for the Borough of Liverpool, p u blished .on the last day of July in this year, by the respective Overseeriof the Parish of Liverpool, and of the Townships of Kirk e, Ever ton. West Derby. and Toxteth-park, and who are e titled to be included in the said lists ; and all persons in the• aid lists, who have legal grounds for objecting to the names o titer persons re maining therein, may obtain information as to he means to be adopted for bringing their claims and o bjections before the Re visitig Barrister, by application at the Office of this Association, No. 1, Harringtou-chambers, North J o hn-street. By order..-,_ JOIIN P ENINGTON, Secretary: CHICORY. Q NIUE! YOUNGER, for the information o f e Dealers and 1.77 , Traders , in the above article, begs to state at the Customs' Duty is now fixed by the Government at . perionfr the Raw Root, and 565. per cwt. Roasted or G ound. He' ow prepared to supply it either in the Raw, oasted, or Ground state, at prices according to quantity. hicory having been known for years, and obtained an immense consumption on the Continent, in consequence of its wholesome character, will now become an established commodity in this country, and be ex tensively used with Coffee. As an evidence, the consumption during the last year has greatly increased.—Letters must be post-paid, No. 8, Great Tower-street, London. ECONOMICAL CLOTHING ESTABLISHMENT, Nos. 106 AND 107, Sr. JAMES'S-ATItEET, (Opposite St. Vincent-street. ) T HAGUE having completed his STOCK for the Summer Season, respectfully invites the Public to visit his Esta blishment. where they will have an opportunity of seeing and giving their orders from one of the newest and most extensive Stocks in Liverpool, at the following unequalled Ow Prices : £ s d. £s. d. Gentlemen's Superfine Dress Coats 0 to 3 3 0 Ditto „ Frock. Ditto 20..3 15 0 Ditto Cassimere Trousers. l6 0.. 1 6 0 Ditto West of England Ditto. 1 4 0..1 10 0 Ditto White Drill Ditt0...... 06 0 010 6 Ditto Moleskin and Canton Ditto. 0 7 6..0 10 6 Ditto Valencia Vests. (,) 5 0 010 0 Ditto Fashionable Chalies Ditto 0.9 0 012 0 Ditt o Silk Velvet Ditto An endless variety of Fancy Striped and Checked Cantoons, Buckskins &c.. for Trousers from 10s. to 16s. uer Pair. Ertourance Notice. Empowered by Ac t of Parliament. TIE HOPE LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, /slaw BRIDGE-STREET, LONDON. Established 1807. Capital—One Million. ROBERT WILLIAMS, Esq., Choirnian. JOHN RAMSBOTTO tit, Esq. and Deptity Chair Man. • ADVANTAGES OFFERED TO ASSUR ES. I.—Guarantee from all responsibilaty. 2.—Participation in profits to the extent wo-thirds, by way of Bonus. 3.—Bonus added to the Sum assured, or a plied in reduction of future premiums. 4.—Premium; may be paid by annual payments for a limited number of years, or by annual payments during the whole term of life. s.—Permission to pass (in steam-boats and decked vessels) to and from any continental port between the Texel and Brest, inclusive. 6.—No entrance money, admission fee, or other official charge. 7,—Claims paid in Three Months ` after proof of death. ILLIAM BURY. Sec. Agent for Liverpool, Mr. THOMAS TINLEY, Ship and Share Broker, 106, Otd Hall-street. Medical Officer, ROBERT BICKERSTETH, Esq., Surgeon, Rodney-street. Vublic 13obito. -------- MARYPORT AND CARLISLE RAILWAY. CAPITAL, £200,000, IN SHARES" £5O EACH. Drpo'it £:), per Sh . ENGINEER, GEORGE STEPHENSON, Esq. T is proposed by the p resent line (extending about twenty " ir - eight miles) to unite the flourishing . Town of Carlisle with the seaport Town of Ma r yp ort, and to - form with the Railway now in progress between Newcastle and Carlisle. a direct, safe, and speedy communication across the Island, uniting the Ger man Ocean with the Irish Sea. The proposed Line has been carefu I surveyed under the direction of Mr. Stephenson, who has I de a most favourable report of the capabilities of the country and the advantages to be derived from the proposed Railway. Applications for Shares addressed to the Committee, and for Prospectuses, to be made to Mr. Trsorr, Solicitor, Maryport, Mr. LawsoN, Solicitor, Wigton; Messrs. SwART and SIMI.- sow, 13, Birchin-lane, Lombard-street; Mr. Jos. THOMPSON, 7, Old Change; Mr. E. H. BROWN, Share-broker, 12, Angel court, Throgrnorton-street, and at the Office of Messrs. AD LINGTON, GREGORY, FAULKNER, and FOLLETT, Solicitors, Bedford-row, London; Mr. ANDREW M'EWAN, Accountant, 75, Miller-street, Glasgow; Mr. THEOBALD BUSHELL, Share Broker, Belfast; Mr. JONATHAN DREWRY, Share Broker, Newcastle; Messrs. PEET and HOBSON, Share Brokers, Man chester, and to THOMA N, Share Broker, 13, Chapel-street, Liverpool. N COMPANY. N 6,000 OF £5O EACH. 'TORS. Mark Philips, Esq., M.P. William Rathbnne, Esq. Russell Scott, Esq. H. Milnes Thornton, Esq. ITARTEG IRO CAPITAL E:30(.),000, 11 DIREC Emperial Varliamcnt. HOUSE OF LORDS.--WEDNESDAY, ROYAL ASSENT. The Lord Chancellor, The Earl of Shafteihurv, and Vis count Duncannon, cave the Royal Assent, as lords commis sioners, to 14 bills, the Speaker and the members of the com mons having been previously summoned to the bar to hear the commission read and witness the proceedings. RAILROADS. The Marquis of LANSDOWN e having moved the order of the .clay for taking into consideration certain resolutions regarding railroads, said that these were the result of the inquiries of noble lords who had well considered the subject. One of the objects was, that a committee should be appointed to see, on any bill being proposed, that the regulations laid down were complied with ; and another was. that a more perfect form of ,notice should be given on the introduction of a railroad bill, in order to ascertain how far.the proposed bill was practicable;or not. He then moved the adoption of these as standing orders. Agreed to. The convictions bill was brought up by Mr. Bernal and others from the Commons, and read a first time.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-\VEDNESDAY The Speaker appeared in the house at a quarter before four o'clock, and soon afterwards the Usher of the' Black Rod (Sir A. Clifford) summoned the Commons to attend in the House of Lords, to hear the royal assent given by commission to sundry bills—(see Lords). HOUSE OF LORDS. Mr. RUTHVEN presented a petition from St. Ann's, Dublin, stating that the public business would be greatly facilitated in the House of Lords if the bishops had not seats there, and', praying the house to take into its consideration some measure by which the bishops might be expelled from the House of Lords. He moved that the petition be laid on the table. Mr. A. TREVOR (haring required the prayer to be distinctly read) said that he should oppose the petition being laid on the table. It prayed that the bishops might be expelled from the House of Lords, and he submitted that that was not language its which petitions presented to that house ought .to be couched. Lord J. RUSSELL wished to hear the opinion of the chair, as to whether the petition ought to be received or not. The SPEAKER considered the petition contained language contrary to the forms and usages of the house, and such as would-prevent it being received by the house. Mr. RUTHVEN withdrew the petition, and said that he would take care that the language was amended. At the same time he believed that such petitions had been received by the house. Mr. M. PHILLIPS presented a petition from the cotton and woollen manufacturerS of Manchester and Salford, praying for the repeal of the duties on cotton. He gave notice that lie would; :early in the next session, move for the entire repeal of the duty on raw cotton. Mr. Flt ME was - understood to state that the duty might have been taken off long ago, but was continued yet. Mr. RuatNsoN made some remark, but we could not collect its purport. 1 etition ordered to lie on the table. _ _ Lord J. RUSSELL (there being a notice on the subject) said that perhaps he could render Mr. T. Attwood's motion unne cessary, by stating that, agreeably to the Order sent out by him, in pursuance of his Majesty's commands, all the men trans ported to New South Wales in 1831 and 1832, from certain agricultural counties, for rioting, &e., to the number of 2-16, had been pardoned; that 15 only were detained, and they were continued in consequence of offences committed by them in the colonies. BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS. On the motion that the bribery at elections bill be read a third time, Mr. A. TREVOR opposed the motion, and moved that the bill be read a third time that day three mouths. Colonel SIBTHORP seconded the motion . The house then divided. For the third reading, 50; for the amendment, 1; majority, 49. The bill was then read a third time. On our return to the gallery, we found, Colonel StaTHoat• moving a clause to prevent bribery on the part of the govern ment by giving, as the hon. member stated, some comfortable situation. _ _ . The CH A NCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that this clause was already included in the bill. The introduction of the clause would only create doubt and uncertainty. Mr. A. TR F.VO R said that if his hon. friend divided the house he should support him, as he was used to be in a small minority. The house then divided. For the clause, 2; against it 45; majority, 43. Mr. TREVOR then moved the omission of the clause which in flicted perpetual incapacity to fill any office, benefice, or place, under government, on any voter found guilty of bribery. Sir. F. TRENCH seconded the motion. The house then divided. For the motion, 3; against it, 38; majority, 35. The bill was then passed. Adjourned at seven o'clock, till Friday. HOUSE OF LORDS.-THURSDAY. MINISTERIAL MEASCRES OF THE SESSION. The order of the day - having been read for the following notice of motion, which runs in these words in the minutes:— " Lord Lyndhurst—to move for a return of the number of public bills originated in this house during the present session, distinguishing how many passed with and how many without amendments, and - bow many were withdrawn or rejected, eitherJiere or in the House of Commons, distinguishing the number in each house. And also a return of the number of public bills originated during the present session in the House of Commons, distinguishing how many passed with and how many without amendment, and how many were withdrawn either by the House of Commons or this house, distinguishing the number in each house. Lord LYNDHURST rose and said :—ln calling your lordships' attention to the subject of which 1 have given notice, I feel I shall be called to request your indulgence for a short time in consequence of the attack which has been made upon me and other noble lords—an attack made by one of his majesty's mi nisters—l allude to the noble baron opposite, (Lord Holland;) which attack had been repeated. (Hear.) The noble baron has charged •your lordships, and me in particular, with having miscouducted myself iu the discharge of my parliamentary duties. The noble baron has charged me with haying " muti fated" the bills—l use the expression of the noble baron—which his majesty's government had sent up from the other house of parliament. (Hear.) He stated in distinct terms that the course which I have pursued is such as will tend to awaken the public feeling against this house, and , prevent its prOceedings being received with respect—nay, he went further, and used a stronger term, and said that this course was calculated to ex eitd disgust. Such was the nature of the noble lord's attack. Now, if that charge had been confined to that house I should have remained silent, because your lordships have been spectators of what has transpired, and have heard whatrwas stated; but it was obvious that the charge was introduced to take a larger and a wider range, and, therefore, I feel myself called upon to rise in justification of my conduct, and I am fully impressed with the belief that I shall be able to completely justify myself in the course which I have taken. ( Hear.) It does appear to me, 1 must confess, that noble lords sitting on this side of the house have been most mild and forbearing to wards his Majesty's ministers, throughout the whole session. We have made no motion for papers. We have brought for ward no resolutions for censure—the usual weapons engaged by those who are in opposition to the government. The course which noble lords on this side the house, on which I am now addressing your lordships, have throughout the session ob served, was defensive. When a bill has been laid upon your lordships' table which either originated in this or in the other House of Parliament, we have attended to it, applying our minds to it with vigour, with attention, and with iudustry. If the bill appeared to us an improper one, and one which ought not to pass, we have rejected it; but it' the bill was such as, by alteration, ought to receive the sanction of the house, your lordships introduced into it provisions you thought it ought to possess, answering that object. My lo'rds, lam justified there fore in saying, that during the whole of the session the course which my noble friends and myself have adopted has been purely defensive; and I will maintain that we have exercised the utmost moderation towards his Majesty's government. It is impossible to enter into a consideration, however general, of the measures which have been brought forward, without allud ing to his Majesty's speech from the throne at the commence ment of the session—without contrasting the brilliant anticipa tions contained in that speech with the actual results. It is im possible not to contrast the high and lofty situation in which the government was placed at that period with, what I must be permitted to term it, the humble condition in which they are now placed. What was said of an ancient predecessor of the made viscount (by our immortal poet) when he held the ,office of a first minister of the crown, in his political career, may be applied with great propriety to the noble viscount opposite, when we compare his po.li ion at the opening of the session with his position now. As was said of the noble viscount's prede cessor— _ George Kenrick, Esq. Johu Laurence, Esq. John Mitchell, Jun., Esq. J. R. Manderson, Neahans, Esq. AUDITORS. John Labouchere, Esq. l Philip Cazenoye, Esq. Rposetras.—Me4sis. 'Williams. Deacon, Labouchere, and Cu. SOLICITORS.-•-:%lessrs. J. and S. Pearce, Phillips, and Bolger. A N opportunity having presented itself of negotiating with .the Proprietors of the Varteg Iron Works, near Puna pool, in 'Monmouthshire, for the . purchase of those Works on terms which are calculated to vteld a highly remunerative re turn. and a careful and deliberate survey and examination having been made by persons of the highest competency, an agreement has been entered into for the purchase, contingent upon a Joint Stock Company being formed for the purpose of carrying on the concern. The terms of the purchase are grounded not upon the existing high prices of Iron, but upon those which may be expected on an average of years. The Works are at the present time in active and profitable operation, producing at the rate of about KIM tons of Iron yearly, a large proportion of which is manufactured upon the premises into wrought Iron Rails and Bars. There are five Furnaces in blast, and there is engine power capable of work ing an'additional nutaber. The Works at present give employ ment to about 1,500 persons. The distance from Newport (the Shipping Port) is under 14 miles by easy railway and water carriage, and it will appear by the register of the Monmouth shire and Glamorganshire Canals, that there are but four Works in South Vales which equal the Varteg in the amount of produce. A part of the Estate is Freehold, and the remainder held, on Lease at moderate Rents. For the purpose of 'raising a pital for the payment of the purchase money and carrying o the Works, it is proposed to c reate 6,000 Shares of £5O each, u p on which £lO per Share will he paid as a Deposit; and, as the agreement hinds the Vendors to accept the consideration money by easy instalments, the subsequent Calls upon the Shares will be limited to £5 each Call, and an interval of at least three months will elapse be t Ween each. It is not expected that more than £35 per Share will be ultimately called for. The Company will take the profits of' the concern from the 30th ultimo, and, as the Dividends will be made half yearly, the first Dividend will he . paid the month of January next. The previous Proprietors of the Estate will hold a large in terest in the Company, and will continue to take an active shale in its management The Company will be regulated by a Deed of Settlement, Which will be forthwith prepared by the Directors under legal advice, and which the Shareholders will be required to execute upon notice for that purpose under penalty of forfeiture of their Shares. The Deed will contain such clauses and covenants as are usually inserted in Deeds of Settlement of this nature, and Will fix the number and qualifications of the Directors and Auditors, the periods of holding General Meetings, the right of voting, and such other points as are nut adverted to in this Prospectus, all of which are to be in the discretion of the Directors. Applications for Shares may be made (post-paid) to the Se cretary, at the Office of the Company, No. 29, St. Swithin's lane, Loinhard-street ; Mr. 11 Dawson, Exchange alley; 11r. THOMAS CoGt.nri, Exchange-street East; and Mr. Samt LLWorms, Jun. , I n di a .b„Rdi nr , Liverpool. London, 25 th July, 136. WM. PULFORD, Secretary. • •• His promises were, as he then was, mighty: But his performance, as he is now, nothing." I have said, my lords, that, reviewing what has passed during the present session, it will be necessary to recur to the King's Speech which was pronounced from the throne at the opening of the session. My lords, one of the subjects to which your at tention was called; and with respect to which great expectations were entertained, on the part of many who belong to the pro fession to which I have the honour to belong, was extensive re forms in the law, particularly reform in the Courtof Chancery. No sooner was the announcement made than the most eager ex pectation was excited. Yet week alter week, month after month passed before- a hill-was -- brought for tvard';' ar last a bill was introduced by my noble and learned friend; but I have too much respect fur his understanding, too high. a sense of his legal knowledge, to believe that he was the author of that bill. I believe it must have been forced upon him—l .believe it was' prepared by some other person ; but the measure was pro duced; and there it lies stilt-born upon your lordships' table. It met with no support from any party, either whig or radical; neither, on the part of the public press, whether in the pay of government, or supporting what was called the opposition, • was a word spoken in its favour. Not a single voice was raised in its favour; even noble lords on the other side of the house disregarded it, and for a bill so introduced, a more scanty attendance was never presented. But, my lords, I piss by —requiescat in pace. 1 will not disturb its ashes—(a laugh) 1 come now my lords, to to the bill for the Ecclesiastical Courts ; and I beg to state, as your lordships are aware, that when my noble friend, the noble duke, took office, a commission was issued to take that subject into consideration. That commis sion made a report, drawn up by Dr Lushington, distinguished fur its learning. That report was handed to our successors when they came into office. My noble and learned friend on the woolsack had his attention Called to the importance of the sub ject before the bill was introduced. It was at length brought up. • ft was referred to a committee up stairs; and, after touch inquiry, the report, in which we all concurred, was presented and laid upon your lordships' table ; and from that time to the present it has slumbemed in peace. No attempt has been made by any minister of the Crown to carry the bill further. It has been said, or stated to have been said, that your lordships' house was a dormitory. I have too much respect for the cir cumspection and good sense of the right hon. gentleman who is supposed to have uttered such an expression to believe hint capable of saying such a thing of your lordships' house. (Il ear.) I conic now, my lords, to notice the Stannaries bill; hut I will not repeat the objections which existed to one part of that bill, they have been so ably, and so forcibly urged by my noble and learned friend, the Master of the Rolls (Lord Langdale), when the bill was discussed. Bur there is one point to which I must beg to refer, that which has relation to the appointment of a judge under the bill. Against that clause my noble and learned friend applied all the powers of his argument. ( Hear.) Ilia opposition was principally directed to that clause. But, my lords, the opposition was all in vain. Let me here call your lordship? attention to the rene itutional question involved in it. By the act of Settlement the in :ependence of the judges was established; that guherviency t, the ministry, that pliancy to yield to the wishes of tile curt, which had for a long period been a disgrace to the bench, and which had so baneful an effect on the . administration of justice, no longer existed. Since that period, justice had flowed on in an even and straightfor ward course. The judges of the land had been, freed from any suspicion ; they had acted most independently, to the en tire satisfaction of the country. The principle was again re cognised at the accession of his Majesty George 111. By en MANCHESTER LW AY AND ES HIRE CHESHIRE JUNCTION RAIPANY. Al' a PUBLIC MEETING, most numerou s l y a nd respect a bly attended, of the Bankers, Merch a nts, Man u f ac t urers and Traders of the Borough of Manchesrer, held at the Manor Mire Room, Bro'wn:Street; on th - e (7th day of Aiwa, 1836, - tit 11 o'clock in the forenn >n ; JAMES BU RI% Esq., in the Chair; The Requisition to the Boroughreeve and Constables, signed by 376 of th, leading firms in Manchester, the answe r of the Authorities thereto, and the advertisement by which th e meet ing was irony med, having bees severally read:— The fallowing Resolutions were adopted: — On the motion of J. C. Harter, Es Potter, Esq. ; That Manchester is deeply iuteres d in securing to itself a the earliest passible.period, and c temporaneously so far - as may be with other districts, the t refit of widely-diffused rail way c ommunication, and that an communication will be en hanced in value to the merchants and tradesmen of the district in proportion to the cheapness with which the various lines may fie executed and their freedom from engineering difficulties, .and to the combination iu consequence of economy of transit with speed and security. On the motion of Aaron Lees, Esq., seconded by Robert Christie, Esq.,— That it appears to this meeting that by the construction of only thirty miles of railway at an estimated cost of £510,000 (which corn the merchants and manufacturers of the district, have undertaken to contribute), a railway with peculiar engi neering excellencies, capable of very speedy construction and commencing in a most convenient and central district of the town, may be made to connect Manchester with Cheshire and North Wales, with Wolverliempton and thence with the West of England, with Birmingham as the centre of an extensive district, and with London. On the motion of George Hall, Esq., seconded by Henry • Forth, Esq.,— t this undertaking is 'of essential importance to the mer `,...4r.tilecommiinity of Lancashire, and that this meet in g the; e e inisls.that the recent failure of the promoters in their ap ti: it Atip. " n ‘ _ o .cor an Act will not defer them from again seeking and •to Pediobtaiiiin • a le HslaFve sanction for their inea- On the 'Frost7 E motion of John H u nter, Esq., seconded by' J. That, with a w • this „meetin g , t h e ye . ex,enoeu publicity to the opinions .olotions be advertised iu the leading Londoq•and prtivincial journals. t. • • AMRS BURT. Chairman. left the havia gyhai r , an d R o b er t B ar b our , pag,sq„ . .l.aving bingee called theret o , Sed by the me n etine— the following resolution was Es:t ra .: n s , econd seconded S P. P. the motion of \Viiliam Hall, Hitchcock, Esq.,— lue and are That the thanks of this meeting are hereby given to James Burt, Esq., fur his kilau:',..i.,s:ij(ntiitiagkit'lliWe the chair, and for his courtesy and efficiency i tt .business of this important meeting. ROBERT BARBOUR. seconded by Thomas THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. act which passed at that period, on the demise of the Crown, he one branch of the parliament is rejected by the other. There patent for the appointment of the judges was not required to t'de was a time, my losds, when a ministry so circumstanced would renew e d. Ido not believe, front that period till the present, that have felt that it had but one course left to pursue ; but that, my any attempt was ever made which should have the effect of abro- : lulls, is an antiquated doctrine. and out of repute amongst those gating that principle. Until the present moment Ido not ,to whom I refer ; for, my lords, the noble viscount has mere than believe that principle has ever been attempted to be set aside: once declared to us that, in spite of mutiny amongst his crew— This is the first experiment. From what source did the op- in spite of storms and tempests, defying alike the elements and position to the principle come ? Who was it that disapproved man, he will stick to his vessel as long as a plank of it re of this eonstitutional principle? Ir ) uur lordships had not heard mains afloat. I admire, my lords, the courage, I admire the it with your own ears you would not have credited that it could spirit which animates the noble viscount ; but let me whisper come from the quarter it did. It will out be credited in the to him one particle of advice, which is, to get: his vessel into still House of CoMmoits—it will not be credited in the country—it water with as little delay as possible. will not be credited by the ardent population, that the noble " —Vnrtiter occupa baton who combated the argument of my noble and teamed I Port um." frierid—that noble baron to whom we have been iu the habit of i Let the noble lord look around him— looking tip as the concentration of whig liberality and constitu- 16 tartlet principles—it will not be credited, I say, that the noble Nudum remigio latus, baron should step forward to vindicate that clause in the bill to Et malus celeriseiueius Africo, which we all objected., True, it is, that he did it in au wader- Antennmque gement : ac sine funibus tune of voice, not audible, 1 believe, below the bar—not audi- Vix ourare cerium ble, I believe, above the bar (in the gallery); but your lord- Possiut iinperiosius ships heard it. He did it, however, with much skill and ability; lEquor ? non tibi aunt integre linrea : and had he lived in Greece in the olden time he would have. Non Di, quos iterum pressa votes mato." ranked high among her sophists. It was for the Chancellor of i I feel, my lords, how impossible it is not to admire and commi the Duchy of Cornwa.l to urge the necessity of the adoption of I serate the face of a great man struggling with the storms of fate, a clause in that hill, upou which the appointment of the judges but that pity, that admiration, do not animate me, whilst I look rests, having such a principle as t have stated. So much, then, at the spectacle afforded by the noble viscount. No, my lords, for this part of the speech deli% ered from the throne, as regards i if I have a feeling upon this subject, it is one of consolation and these bills. There is, as far as the Court of Chancery is con- gratulation in the hope and the belief that the noble viscount, cerned, a miserable abortion ; and as regards the ecclesiastical whutever may be his disposition, has not acquired the requisite courts bill, with the amendments made iii the measure, and, as geewth of locks to entitle him to rank as a Nazarite, or to endow far as ministers were parties to the bill in its original shape, j him with power sufficient to pull down the ancient edifice, to the there was an abandonment of it. I come now, my lords, to the I pillars of which he has bound himself. The noble baron then next prominent point in the speech from the throne—l mean concluded (amidst loud cheers) by moving for the returns speci that which has reference St the municipal corporations of Ire- died in the earl y p ortion of his speech. land. Upon that subject, however, Ido not mean to detain Lord Hoeee ND said, that as it was some unlucky expression your lordships many moments. We have heard it over and over of his on th e stanuaries bill which had served as the peg on again stated that our opposition was factious. 1 beg to deny ,which the noble and learned lord who had just sat down hail that. We said that the corporations were administered by the contrived to hang his elaborate, and sarcastic, and amusing protestants, and by the protestauts alone. On that ground we speech, he would claim the indulgence of their lordships for a thought something ought to be done. What was the change short time. The noble and learned lord had, however, bestowed sought by the bill ? The object of it was to place exclusively a very disproportionate part of his speech on the subject on lute) the hands of the catholics what bad been exclusively in the which he had professed to make it. He (Lord Holland) would hands of the protestants. It was merely the exchange of power not dwell on those parts of the remarks which were personal to from one party to another; and when they heard, what was himself, nor would he offer anything in objection which had pretty loudly proclaimed, that the measure was iutended to give really little or nothing to do with most of the subjects which greater strength to the agitators in Ireland , he an d his noble the noble and learned had discussed—neither would he trouble friends at once said, "We are ready to put an end to the evil their lordships with any remarks on the stringency of the noble originally complained of, but we will not consent to give birth and learned lord's observations as related to the conduct of the to a still greater evil, by adopting this measure." Acting present government. He was not sophist enough to be able to on that principle, and on that principle alone, he h a d take the edge off the speech of the: noble and learned lord. proposed a motion fur the abolition of those co rporations.— lie would not sae that it was illegal e he would not say it was Now let me come, my lords, to the third act of mutila- factious, he would not say it was full of sophisms, or that it dealt tion—l allude to the measure with respect to the stamps on largely in personal asperity; but he would say, in honest newspapers. When it was suggested to your lordships to throw homely English, that it was altogether a very queer proceeding out one ot' the clauses—a clause most objectionable, most unjust, - —queerly worded—queer in point of taste and in point of logic. and most inquisitorial—that suggestion was met by taunts and As to any thing that be might have said which called forth some by sarcasm on the part of the noble viscount. The proposition of the remarks of the noble and learned lord, he would only was originally met with invective and sarcasm. which the noble - observe, that if any thing which had fallen from him was con viscount knew so well bow to use; but when the storm had sub sidered in any degree offensive to any noble lord, he most sided, and when good humour and reason had assumed their willingly retracted it. He was disposed to give-noble lords op sway, the noble viscount himself brought forward a hill, with- posite full credit for conscientious feeling in the opposition out that inquisitorial clause, and he no longer painted with a which they had given to certain bills.. No doubt, noble lords broad pencil, and in dark colours, but he was pleased to be face- must have felt the duty a painful one under a sense of which tious on the occasion, and, in introducing the, bill, he described th e y were com p elled to re j ect the p ra y ers of the p eo p le . which it as an edilio expurgata of the former bill, waicu was sufficient had come embodied before them in hills from the legal repre to prove that the other had been forced upon the administration, sentatives of the people—the House of Commons ; but such a and which they had been compelled to drag through the mire, duty was not a fit subject of boast on the part of any noble lord. (Hear, hear.) The next topic in his Majesty's speech which I or matter on which he ought to rest his claim of fame. The beg leave to notice is, that which has reference to the noble and certain dliolrls a boast, dhad,h and bad ver, obtainedde his credit share forinthe it re question of tithes in Ireland, it being anticipated that it j ectiort of bills would tend "to establish harmony and peace iu that coun- with the country. He would nut enter into the feelings or try." We acquiesced in the spirit of that advice, and we speculate upon the object of the noble and learned lord's boast prepared a Bill to extinguish tithes iu Ireland : it went on this ground, but he should have thought that when the prayers further, fur it went to remove the inequality of some of the of the sister house cane before them and were rejected, the benefices in Ireland. That measure was, however, rejected by rejection would have been made with a sigh, and not with a his majesty's government, becauQe it did not recognise an ab- taunt or boast. At the beginning of the session he had ventured, street principle, to be exercised at some future period, for over- without meaning it offensively, to compare the noble and learn throwing the church of Ireland—(hear, hear). It was obvious ed lord to Titnotheus, hut now the noble and learned lord had that, as regarded the surplus, it would not for years be attended got so vain of his own music, that he must compare him to with any practical good. My lorde there is one other meas ure Alexander — of this description to which I will advert, and this is a bill res pecting charitable trusts. That bill we rejected on account of its vicious character and principles. By that bill the trustees would be rendered political partisans. That appeared to be its object. Nothing could be more vicious than that bill on ac count of its principle. Nay more, we rejected the bill on ano ther ground—it was this :it contained a proposition to alter the intention of charitable trusts, for nearly all this property was intended to be dealt with by members of the established church only. The bill would have handed those funds to be dealt with by dissenters. (Hear.) I think your lordships will be of opinion that nothing could :be more unwise than that charity funds of that description, particularly those relating to school foundations, should be administered by that class of persons. More than this, my lords, it has been publicly declared that their object was to re-model those schools, to form them more conformable to their own religious views-and notions. Now my lords, I have run through a few of those measures; I have stated the grounds and principles which induced us, or at least upon which I acted in the course taken. And when the noble baron appeals to the country, I beg to say that I join in the appeal—(Hear.) We looked, my lords, I say, to the great interests of the nation, and we have discharged our duty properly. It is our duty to discharge the trust given us as an indepeudent branch of the legislature • and we consider ourselves answerable for it. lam ready, and I believe I may say that your lordships are ready— , (Hear, hear.) We have not slumbered at our ease; we have not been led away by the allurements of pleasure; but we have discharged our duty faithfully and firmly; had we acted othei wise, we should have acted inconsistently with our interest, we being desirous of continuing the institutions of the country. There is another measure, my lords, to which I beg to call your lordships' attention by way of retrospect, but with another view, from those to which I have before adverted. There was a bill brought into this house by a most rev. prelate (the Archbishop of Canterbury) upon a subject of great delicacy and of c onsiderable consequence—tire bill to prevent pluralities in the church. Many persons have directed their attention to this subject—many have attempted to deal with it, but have failed in the attempt to carry it forward. I believe, my lords, it will pe admitted that the bill in question was the best ever offered for the consideration of parliament. It was suppertect e as your lordships know, by the ministers of the crown in this house, as it was their dulyso to do.: It was supported also in the oilier house of parliament by !he ministers of the crown; but a party in that house, supporting the measures of the government, interposed and said, " hat they could no longer give ministers their support if they con sented to puss that bill." Some struggle was made by his Majesty's ministers who had sanctioned the measure up to that period—a measure of so much importance in their own estima tion—but at length they yielded to the dictation, and it was abandoned. My lords, there is another measure to which I re quest your attention, a measure under the sanction of ministers, to carry into effect the fourth report of the church commis sioners—a commission and report to which the ministers them selves had their names attached. The report bore the signa tures of the noble Viscount, of the President of the Council, and of the noble Lord, the leader of the House of Cammons, and other members of the cabinet. An important measure of church regulation founded on that report was produced; that bill was brought into the other house of parliament. It was brought forward in that house, and there was presently a mutiny in the camp of the noble lord, and it became necessary to endeavour to satisfy the mutineers. A conference was held in Dowuing street, or somewhere its its neighbourhood, but it had not been conducted in that low-toned, well-bred whisper, which had so con. spicuously marked a certain free conference which had been held with the managers of your lordship's house; for ministers iu the former named conference were told in a high-toned voice, and in an authoritative warmer, that they must abandon that measure. That important measure was abandoned, and his Majesty's ministers were effectually dictated to by that section of the house of Commons thiit supported them. (Hear.) Is this all, my lords? No. A bill had been introduc4, and passed the other house, relating to the registration ofillrbters. Vt'hat is the history of that till ? It was urged in committee even by the members of, his Majesty's government in its original form, but after a long inquiry, some clauses were drawn up by Lord John Russell, the Attorney-General, and the Solicitor- General. The measure e as produced, was an excellent one, with one or two exceptions, and it ought to have passed into a law. What was the result? The bill was opposed—it was new modelled—all the regulations were altered—and, instead, some clauses affecting the right to voting, as contained in the reform bill, were introduced. In this mutilated form—fur I must adopt the phraseology of the noble baron on this occasion— the bill was brought up to your lordship's house. My noble friend near ins, with his vigorous mind, altered it, and the result wets to restore the bill to its original and best shape. For doing this, 1 beg to ask are we not - entitled to the gratitude of the noble viscount, instead of being subjected to his sarcasm and invective, which he knows so well the use of? (Hear, hear.) The result was that my noble friend did mutilate the bill—to repeat the phrase of the noble baron—by depriving it of all those objectionable clauses, and restoring it to its original state. Can the country be too grateful—can your lordships collec tively be too grateful, to these eminent, these self-sacrificing statesmen, who, under the circumstances" which I have feebly, pictured forth to your lordships, still condescend to hold the reins of a government, trampled on as they were 'by} our preponderance and ascendancy ? (Cheers from Lord Lans downe.) And now, my lords, although I admit that lam about to touch upon a subject not directly relevant to the matters which we have been discussing, yet under the circumstances in which we now stand, perhaps you will overlook this irrelevancy, and permit me to draw your attention to the state of our fbreign relations, and the policy by which those relations have of late been governed. Let me, therefore, ask your lordships whether the decayed and withered side of Downing-street, such as I have • but-too-faithfully pourtrayed it,: is-sustained - et-revivified by the' vigorous shootings forth of the other section of it? The•whole question of our foreign policy is far too wide for immediate dis cussion, and for that, as well as for other stringent reasons, shall confine myself to one or two observations upon that part of it which is at the present moment so painfully prominent, herein imitating the prudent reserve, to which a noble duke (Wellington) near me has had recourse. I shall refrain from troubling your lordships with any general observations upon the result of the policy pursued towards the continental states by the government, further than simply asking those amongst you who are conversant with the condition of Europe, whether the acts of the noble viscount who rules the fortuues of the foreign office are such as to insure to Great Britain what she has hitherto always enjoyed—the respect and confidence of surrounding na tions? Will it for a moment be pretended that the European States hold.our government and our country in the sense re spect as formerly. or that our alliance is courted in the degree it. formerly was ? No. On the contrary, I fear that we are re garded now with aversion and contempt. Moreover, my lords, those principles of intervention which the government now seems to have adopted, in direct contradiction to their own out setting declarations—(hear)—have already cost the country be tween one and two millions of money; and let us look and see what we have obtained for that outlay. Can I describe the re sults as other than disgraceful, or the high hopes which were so vauntingly held out as having ended in anything but disap pointment and defeat? The wahine' honour has been compro mised, and her anus have been tarnish -d. (Ilear ) It is im possible, my lords, for us not to recollect that the unhappy ems try to which I allude was once the scene of one of the most glo rious struggles that ever took place. It is equally impossible to forget that in the fields of Spain was organieed and disciplined the army which, under the noble duke who sits near me, was so gloriously conducted from victory to victory—(cheers)—until it raised the military glory of Great Britain to a pitch of greatness to which no nation that ever existed can affui d a parallel. Does it not, my lords, now seem as if some malign demon had con spired with those whom I will not specifically name, to throw contempt upon our military exploits, and to tarnish the memory of the deeds to which 1 have referred? Has not the miserable buccaneering expedition which issued from this country, under the auspices and support of the government, contributed by its manccuvres and unhappy blunders to render the name of England hateful to her Spanish allies. and contempti ble to her Castilian foes? But , my lords, ami dst a ll these dis asters, the noble viscount holds on his course unmoved and un dismayed. The noble viscount herein reminds me of the poet's language, except that he reverses it in every point, inasmuch as ee is swelling with pride at the very moment when he is reeling and struggling with defeat. Your lordships have now for some, considerable period of time had before you the s pectacle of an administration so circumstanced between the wo houses of legislature, that they are totally unable to carry their new measures through either of them, for what is passed by --------- -"The King grew vain, "Fought all his battles o'er again, • "And thrice he routed all his foes, "And thrice he slew the slain." The noble and learned lord had recalled his achievements in the rejection of former bills to the recollection of their lord ships—he had vaunted, be had boasted of them, and for what object? Why, merely to take the opportunity of holding up to the public what he considered the pitiful situation of his (Lord Holland's) noble friends and colleagues, whose great fault after all was this—that they were disposedto go with the general feel ings and wishes of the people. Was that anew or an antiquated course on the part of the ministers of the country ? The ques tion was, .had his noble friend at the head of the government the confidence of the . people as expressed through their repre sentatives in the House of Commons ? If be had (and he be lieved of that there could be no doubt, he would advise him, so long as he p6ssessed that confidence, to disregard sarcasm and to despise invective. (" Hear, hear," from the ministerial side.) Was this a new or was it an antiquated notion, that a minister possessing the confidence of the House of Commons should continue in office whilethat confidence lasted? He believed it was not a new opinion, and, if he remembered right, there was a time when the noble and learned lord entertained the same opinion. (Hear, hear.) The noble and learned lord had boasted of the number of bills which he had contributed to reject. This reminded him of the boast made by a gentleman who had more wit than judg ment—he meant Boswell, the biographer of Johnson. That ge.n -; demur was a member of a club of which Johnson and other distm guished characters of the day were also members. So attached was Mr. Boswell to this club, that he made it the theme of his praise, and on one occasion he said that " if the individuals whose claims for admission had been blackballed were got together, they would form one of the very best clubs in Europe." In the same spirit the noble and learned lord took credit for the legisla tion of himself and his noble friends. He boasted that even the hills which they had rejected would have been sufficient to make a code for any legislative assembly in Europe. He (Lord Hol land) must say that some o f th e rejected bills had been admitted on all sides to be good, but they were lost in the efforts made to improve them. Some of them had not been opposed by any party in the house in which they had originated. He would not go through the whole detail of all those bills, the names of many of which he did not well recollect, but he repeated, that ho din not think it seemly in the noble and learned lord to claim credit for, or dwell on the merits of that house, in rejecting the voice of the people and throwing out bills, great. and small, Which had been sent up to them from the people's representatives. He (Lord Holland) did remember a time when the House of Com mons did not represent the opiniMas of the people of England, and he also remembered that even at that time their bills were treated with greater respect by their lordship's. The noble and learned lord, whose high notions of parliamentary consistency were so strict that he himself had never changed his opinion on any great subject, now felt no scruple in rejecting the opinions of the people. He greatly admired the talents of the noble and learned lord generally—he admired the exhibition of those ta lents which their lordships had that night witnessed, but he must say in the speech which the noble and learned lord had just delivered he had not shown judgment equal to his abilities. It might perhaps be considered impertinent conceit for any man to tell another what he would do were he placed in his situation, but he could not avoid telling the noble and learned lord that, in the present feverish state of the public mind, it was not wise or prudent to come down with a deliberate attack on the House of Commons, for, great as the talents of the noble and learned lord were, they only served to aggravate the offence by such an ill-judged use of them. It would tend to excite disgust and dis satisfaction in the minds of the people. When he used the word "disgust," he did not mean to excite it. No doubt the rejection of so many bills might create discontent, but much more would arise from the manner in which they were rejected, and he feared that the manner in which the rejection of some of the bills had been carried would not tend to alleviate the discon tent which the rejection itself was calculated to produce. Now, with respect to the last part of the noble and learned lord's speech, he owned that he could not see (and the noble and learned lord had not endeavoured to show) the relevancy of his remarks to the other subjects which he had noticed. The noble and learned lord seemed to think that the honour of the country had been let down by the present administration with respect to its foreign policy. He could not see in what way that had been done. If he looked to the east or to the west he saw no proofs of this letting down of the national character. But then the case of Spain was alluded to as au illustration, and the achieve ' ments of the noble duke (Wellington) were dwelt upon. He was unable to do justice in anything he could say to the tran scendent merits of the noble duke's achievements in that coun try, but he yielded to no man in his admiration of them. In what, however, let him ask, had the present government departed from the policy of the noble duke with respect to Spain ? Por tugal was now settled; to this he could claim the sanction of the noble duke, who had declared that he considered Portugal had been too much separated from this country. Portugal, he re peated, had been settled; but he took nocredit with the govern ment for that beyond the fact of their having adopted the mea sures which led to it. A noble lord, a friend of his, had said on the coining of the whigs into office, that if they kept peace in Europe for three months they would deserve to be considered the greatest statesmen in the country. They hail kept that peace for six years, and though he did not claim for it that credit which his noble friend to whom he alluded was disposed to give, yet he must say, in contradiction to the statement of the noble and learned lord, that there had been nothing in their foreign policy that had the tendency to let down the character of this country. He begged pardon for thus trespassing on the indul gence of their lordships, which he could assure them was not his intention when he rose to make a few remarks on some of the übservaktians whicb_had fallen from the noble. and learned lard,__ After a few words in explanation from Lord Lyndhurst, as to the opposition to the stannaries bill, and from Lord Holland in reply, more than the subject of which could not be collected in the gallery, Viscount MELBOURNE said, that after what he had heard of the speech of the noble and learned lord, he was most willing to say, that if the noble and learned lord could be content with a compliment as to mere ability, he was most ready to accord it to him. As to the mere ability he certainly did him only jus• tice in admitting that on the present as well as on many other occasions he had displayed talents of no ordivary character ; but something more than mere talent was necessary to consti tute the character of a great statesman. The noble and learn ed lord had compared lion (Viscount Melbourne) to a states. man alluded to by Shakspeare. Without entering into the aptness of the comparison, lie would be to remind the noble and learned lord of the description which bad been given of another statesman by the Earl of Bristol, who was also a right rev. prelate in that house. That right rev. lord, speaking of the statesman in question, said " the malignity of his practices had been greatly aggravated by those rare talents of which God bad given him the use, but of which the Devil directed the application." Nothing had struck him more in the speech of time noble and learned lord, than the extraordinary difference between the miserable motion with which he had concluded and the pompous speech with which it had been prefaced. He should have expected after such a speech a Motion calling upon their lordships to express their want of confidence in the pre sent government, but they heard nothing of the kind. The noble and learned lord was anxious on this occasion to have what he refused to the counsel of prisoners—the last word, but he was so because he felt sore at the effect of the first word which they, the government, had with the public. Credit was taken by the noble and learned lord for the forbearance of him self and his noble friends during the season. Was it from for. bearance that they had not proposed a vote of censure on mi nisters? Was it from an unwillingness to take office, or from a distrust. in themselves, as being unable to carry on the go vernment of the country, that they abstained from any such motion? They said they were anxious to appeal to the people. If so, why not move an address to the crown to get aid of the present ministry? and the probability was, that such an ad dress would be followed by consequences which would render that appeal necessary. Such a course would have been per fectly consistent with the opinions which noble lords opposite had expressed; but they knew well they hind not the support of the country—they knew that the country was against them, and they dared not take those steps which would put them in pos session of the means of making an appeal to the opinions of the people. If they thought they could have ventured it with safety, that appeal would have been made long ago. It was not his intention to follow the noble and learned lord into the details of thOse measures which had been introduced by government, but they were such as on all occasions he should be prepared to jusey. The noble and learned lard iu his comparison of him (Viscount Melbourne) with the statesman alluded to by Shaks peare, had said that "my promises were mighty as I was then, but that my performance was as I am now—nothing." I Let him tell the uobte and learned lord and his, Menus that the AUGUST 23, 18:i6. ner in which the bills referred to had been disposed of. The noble baron said that the Stannaiies hilt was a most unconsti tutional measure, and expressed his tistonistimtit that whi;4 should support a measure which inane j ai. ;: t! !Tram- a bl e with out an address t o th e crown f rom h alo houses of parliament. Why did not his noble and learned friend caution the house when the bill was under discussion ? The noble lord, in al luding to another bill for the better administration of justice in the Court of Chancery, complained of the late period of the ses; sion at which it was brought forward. That was not the objec tion urged when the bill was before the house. His noble and learned friend found ample time to get rid of the bill, and he had ample time to make what improvements in it he thought fit. T hers was, undoubtedly-, a great evil in the denial of justice to those of his Majesty's subjects who had occasion to resort to the Court of Chancery for redress; and it was admitted on all hands that at present there was not sufficient provision for the admi nistration of justice in that court. He should have expected the co-operation of his noble and learned friend in devising some means of remedy, instead of his Opposition to it as a measure of great and acknowledged evil. There was another bill which formed a part of that measure, though it had nut been alluded to by his noble and learned friend—namely, the measure for im proving the adniinistration of justice in that house. He had never heard an opinion expressed by any one that the course of administering justice in that house was such as the public or their lordships could wish it to be. The plan which he had proposed was a safe plan, and one calculated to produce a very great benefit, though it might not have hem perfect plan. Yet that bill had been rejected, if not at the direct instance of his noble and learned friend, certainly with his co-operation. There was anather bill which had been made the subject of a charge against his Majesty's miiii,sters—a bill ou a subject of very' great importance, and one also of very great difficulty—namely, the bill for consolidating the Ecclesiastical Courts. Bit it was an absolutely essential preliminary to the passing of that mea sure that two other bills should be passed—namoly, the church discipline bill, and the bill relating to the execution of wills. He had been informed that it was quite impossible, unless the execution of wills irill were passed, that the Ecclesiastical Courts promises he had made were in his own power—the performance, or rather the hiwirance of the performance of these premises was theirs. Mau) , of the bills which they had opposed had not been opposed by those who might be said to represent theta in the other house—(" No, no," from the opposition benches.) He (Viscount Melbourne) said yes. There were some of them the principle of which had been admitted, and there was little or no opposition to the details. There were the registration bill, the post-office bill, and the Roman Catholic marriages bill (which measure went to remedy a great grievance.) These, he contended, met no opposition in the other house from the friends of noble lords opposite. Then he must say, that either their representatives in the commons did not bring forward an oppo sition to those measures on the ground of the unpopularity of such opposition, (IT in the confidence that the measures would be rejected by their lordships (a ground of proceeding which, let him tell them, would produce consequences the most dan gerous) or their friends in the Commons differed from them as to those ntaasures. Ile would say, then, that they stood alone in their opposition to the wishes of the people, as expressed by their representatives in the other House of Parliament. In saying this, he had no wish to lessen the weight and importance of any branch of the legislature. God knows that, in times like these, they stood in need of all the influence they could get ou the side of government. But let him predict to their lord ships, that they would not add to their respectability or their influence in the country. by the course they had pursued in the rejection of those measures. As to the other bills he would say that the Post-office was a good measure; so was that relating to newspaper stamps, and that part of it which related to the registration of proprietors. He owned that he was surprised at the rejection of that clause, considering the opinions which some individuals had held with respect to it on fortner occa sions. He would contend that that clause by which all pro prietors were to be registered could have tended to make the press much more respectable, though he meant to make me com plaint against it as it was. What was to be deduced from the conduct of the Commons, except that they were not so blind, so rash, so reckless, as their lordships? (Murmurs.) What inference was to be drawn from the conduct of the Commons, but that they had more regard for the public good, and were ready, for that purpose, to snake sacrifices which their lordships refused to make ? The noble baron had adverted to the bills for the reformation of the church, which, frosts the lateness of the session, and, as he would distinctly admit, from the unex pected opposition which sprung up to them, the government was not able to carry into effect during the present session. He regretted that circumstance—he thought the hills would have settled many questions of a troublesome character, and effected many useful reforms. But was there anything particular—was there anything that ought to degrade a minister in the fact of his being obliged to give up or to defer to another session mea sures which he was anxious to carry ? Such an event had hap pened to the proudest and most powerful minister who had ever existed in this country. It would be easy to produce from the records of history an example of a minister, perhaps the most. powerful who ever existed in England, being obliged to deter measures inure important than those which had been referred to—for instance, the act of union. The noble baron had ad verted in general terms to the foreign policy of the government. Seeing that the noble baron did not intend to bring any specific charge against the government under that head, or to-invite a public discussion on the subject, he would have better consulted the dignity of the country, which he was so anxious to promote, by abstaining from general condemnation, and from stating that ministers had degraded the national character throughout Europe. Those were words often used in debate, and had very little signification ; but the high station and character of the noble baron ought to have prevented him front employing them so lightly, unsupported by anything like argument.— He could only say that if tha noble baron entertained the opinion which he had expressed, it appeared to hint that the noble baron had deserted his duty by not adopting more decisive measures than those he had taken on the present occasion. " I," continued the noble viscount, " have no am bition nor love of office; but I say I think it is for the well being of the country that I should bold office at present, and hold it I will till I am removed." (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Duke of WELLINGTON.—The noble viscount opposite has lately been in the habit of employing harsh language and sarcasms towards your lordships, and yet he affects the greatest surprise that my noble and learned friend, having a motion to make upon a subject respecting which he required information, should have taken the opportunity of making some observations iu reply to those sarcasms, and should endeavour to defend his own conduct and that of other noble lords with whom he acts. (Hear, hear.) The noble viscount and the noble baron oppo site appear to have totally forgotten the harsh terms which they have used towards my noble and learned friend. (Hear, hear.) What is the object of my noble and learned friend's motion, as connected with his speech ? The object of the motion is to show the state of legislation as it stands between the houses of parliament; and in the course of his speech my noble friend very properly defended himself and his own conduct with re spect. to various measures which have been brought under the consideration of this house d ur i ng the present session. My noble friend also ref erre d t o th e announcement contained in the King's speech at the commencement of the session ' and coutrasted it with the result, as exem plified in the severalmea sures brought forward in this and the other house of parliament. My noble and .learned friend has with great ability (cheers) shown the measures which have been brought forward in pur suance of the announcement in the King's speech—he has shown what measures have never been brought forward, although pro mised; what subjects have never been adverted to at all by the government; and finally, he has shown what has been the fate of those measures which have been introduced by govern ment, not only in this house, but in the other house of parlia ment, in which we are given to understand that the influeni% of government is paramount. (Cheers.) That was the purpose and object of my noble and learned friend, and for that lie has been used in the manner he has been just now by the noble viscount, and some time since by the noble baron. (Hear, hear.) I must say, in support of my noble and learned friend, that the conduct of those noble lords who have acted on this side of the house throughout the present session of parliament, has been marked with the utmost moderation and forbearance. For my own part, I believe that I was not inure than twice in the house till after the Easter holydays, After the day when the address to his majesty was voted, I was never in the house, nor said a word In opposition to the government, 6111 endea voured to prevail upon the noble viscount to postpone the con sideration of the corporations act amendment bill until after Easter. Until then I never spoke a word in this house. Since that period, it is true, I have taken part in the discussions on various measures brought under the consideration of the house, and I have certainly given my vote in opposition to those mea sures brought forward by his majesty's government; but I must at the Caine time say that I have always given my reasons for my vote upon those occasions in moderate terms; and, though those reasons may not have appeared very good to noble lords opposite, I have acted according to the best of my opinion, and in a way which 1 thought most beneficial to the public interests. (Loud cheering.) The noble viscount has been pleased to taunt us with not having come forward with addresses to the King, calling upon his Majesty to remove the noble viscount and his present colleagues from office. Why, if we look at the manner in which the present government was appointed— (cheers)—if we look at the history of that transaction, of little more than twelve months' standing, I believe we shall find suf ficient reason for not taking that step, (Hear, hear.) The noble viscount knows well on what ground he stands in his Majesty's service—(continued cheering), and he might as well have avoided taunting us with not having come forward with addresses, beseeching his Majesty to remove him and his col leagues from office. (Cheers.) What I would recommend to the noble viscount is, that he should consider himself, not as a minister of a democratic body in another place, but as the minister of a king in a limited monarchy of great extent, hav ing a great population, with various interests, and that he should concoct the measures which he thinks proper to bring forward for the consideration of parliament, and, above all, those which he announces in the speech to be delivered from 'the throne by the crown , in such a manner as would suit the interests of all—(cheers) —in such a manner as would meet with the good will of all , and not of one particu lar party in one particular place. ( Loud and almost general cheering.) If the noble viscount will follow that course for seine time, lie will ex perience no difficulty in this house ; but, on the contrary, will find that this house will afford him every facility in forwarding his measures. (Hear, hear.) 1 wish the noble viscount to recollect one cacumstance in reference to the measures which he recommends with regard to one particular subject-1 mean the Church of England, whether established in England or Ireland. Let the noble viscount recollect that the avowed policy of this country—a policy followed for 300 years—has been to maintain inviolate, if possible, the Church of England. (Cheers.) Let him recollect that we are called here to consult particularly for the good of the Church, and when he brings forward measures relating to that subject—particularly these which he and the noble baron have been pleased to discuss just now—let the noble viscount, I say, recollect that those mea sures are . to he considered in this assembly with a view to the maintenance of the Church according to the old policy of the country. The maintenance of the Church of England was not only the old policy of this country—it is not only the policy of three hundred years' standing, but it is the policy upon which this and the other house of parliament acted no longer than eight or nine years ago, when they revised the safeguards by which the Church up to that time had been defended. (Cheers.) If the noble viscount will bear these great land-marks in view— if lie will pay attention to the points which I have suggested in the measures which lie concocts and brings forward, he will find that this house will support him probably with more real even than that house on which lie so much relies. (Cheers.) There is oise topic which I have purposely avoided throughout this session—one which 1 have purposely stayed away from this house to avoid the discussion of-1 mean the foreign policy of the Government; and I will not be induced, by any thing that has passed in this debate, to enter much at large into that sub. ject now. The noble baron opposite has /Stated, that when 1 was in office I followed the course of policy which may pre decessor had pursued. I beg to state that I found a treaty existing. (Cheers.) I know that it has not always been the practice for a British minister to execute the articles of a treaty which has descended to him; but I considered it to be my duty to carry the treaty which I found existing into execu tion. (Cheers ) I went further; I took the opportunity, with the consent of the party with whom we were in alliance-1 took the first step towards, at least, humanizing the war in Spain, if not of ultimately bringing the parties to something like re conciliation. (Hear, hear.) I lament exceedingly, not only for the sake of hu man ity, b u t on a ccount of the interest which I really and sincerely feel for the country . in which I served so long, (great cheering,) that the noble viscount's government should have departed from the principle of the arrangement which was entered into under my direction. (Hear, hear.) I lament that the noble viscount's government has encencouraged-- I do not mean to say that they have beets patties to it—any ac tive interference in the hostilities now being carried on in Spain. (Hear, hear.) 1 have said this. before in this house. I will not say' any thing further now; I will not advert to other measures which the noble viscount's government has adopted, because it is my sincere wish not to invol ve the house in a dis cussion on this subject, which can answer no purpose,. and, answering no purpose, can produce nothing but mischief. I rose to support my noble and learned frien d in the course which he found it necessary to take in his own justification, and with a view to the very motion he has brought forward; and, haying done so, I will now sit down, thanking your lordships . for the patience with which you have heard me. (Much cheering.) The Louis CHANCELLOR said that the speech of the noble duke differed tote ccelo from that of his noble and learned friend. He was not surprised at the noble duke's tone, because it was in accordance with the temperance which a lwa y s characterizedi him in discussing questions in that house ( Hear, hear.) I be noble duke said that lie rose to support his noble and learned friend in the course which lie had pursued, but he must say that this was one of the few occasions in his life in which success had not attended his efforts. His noble and learned friend said that the present ministry was disgraced , an I that it was not entitled to respect either at home or abroad. The noble duke, on the other hand, said that he did not wish to see the noble viscount removed from the had of the government , which he could not have said if he thought the governmentwas deserving of the reprobaticn whish his noble and learned friend had cast upon it. If his noble and learned friend wished to raise a discussion with respect to the i arhamentary conduct of members of that house, he thought it would have been more convenient to wait unto the is farinst ion for which be snored wll9 iu the hands of then lottdships, in order that they isoglit /et vs known the man bill could he carried into operation with a beneficial effect; yet that bill, which was not under his charge, their lordships had not thought fit to pass, nor the other bill relating to the disci pline of the church. Under these circumstances he trusted that he should stand exonerated from all the responsibility of not having brought to a conclusion the ecclesiastical courts bill. He had now gone through all the charges which had been urged by his noble and learned friend—all the counts of the indictment which his noble and learned friend had thought fit to lay against himself personally, and against his Majesty's govetninent; and he trusted he had satisfactorily explained to their lordships why the several measures in question had not been carried into effect. As for the motion of his noble and learned friend, be felt not the slightest objection to it; he thought it proper that the coun try should know, and In the most authentic manner, what bills had been proposed, and how they had been disposed of. What inference his noble and learned friend meant to draw flora[ the return, it was impossible for him to say; but he was certainly willing and desirous that the country should know what was the history of the bills which had been introduced, and why they had not become the law of the land. Lord LytinuutisT made a remark, the purport of which we understood to be that the bills alluded to by his noble and learned friend, as measures the passing of which was an essential pre liminary to the passing of the Ecclesiastical Courts bill, had been already twice passed by their lordships. The Marquis of NVE;TMEATH rejoiced that the task of bring ing this subject before the house had fallen to the noble and learned lord, and said that no reproach could be urged against him by noble lords opposite for so doing, unless indeed on the score of the ability which he had displayed in the exercise of his great talents upon this occasion. The motion was then agreed to. The remaining bills on the orders were then forwarded a stage. The municipal elections hill—a measure deferred from a for mer evening —was resisted by Lord LYNDHURST, who moved. as an amendment, that it be further sionsidered that day three months. The amendment was carried by 30 to 14; the bill is now consequently lost by a majority of 16 against it.—Adjourned. PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.-SATURDAY. This being the day appointed for proroguing parliament, his Majesty went in state from St. James's Palace to the House of Lords. The state carriage was drawn by eight cream-coloured horses, and preceded by marshahnen, two-and-two, and a party of the Yeomen of the Guard, in their splendid coronation liveries. Several regiments of the Life and Foot Guards lined the road through which the royal procession passed. Notwith standing the unfavourable state of the weather, a great crowd had collected to witness this brilliant spectacle. His Majesty wore the dress of an admiral, and was loudly cheered on his go ing to the house and on his return. HOUSE OF LORDS. Shortly after twelve o'clock the doors were thrown open to those who had obtained tickets of admission from the Lord Chamberlain. The gallery was instantly filled, and in the body of the house there were a great number of peeresses and ladies in full court dresses. . . At half-past one o'clock, the Lord Chancellor entered the house, when prayers were read by the bishop of Ely. The at tendance of peers was not numerous, but those present were at tired in their state robes. The benches appropriated to the foreign ambassadors and ministers, were nearly filled, most of those distinguished personages being present. Shortly after two o'clock, his Majesty, attended by Lord Melbourne bearing the sword of state, Earl of Shaftesbury bear ing the cap of maintenance, and the other great officers of state and the household, entered the house and took his seat on the throne. The peers and peeresses, who also rose when the King entered the house, were desired by his majesty to be seated. His Majesty then directed Sir Augustus Clifford, Usher of the Black Rod, to summon the commons to hear the royal speech on the prorogation of parliament. In a few minutes, the speaker, accompanied by a number of members, appeared at the bar. His Majesty having given his royal assent to the consolidat ed fund bill, the list of voters bill, the Kingstown Harbour bill, the public works (Ireland) bill, the copyright bill, and several other bills, The Speaker addressed his Majesty in a speech of some length, recapitulating the business of the session,•and assuring his Majesty of the devoted loyalty of his faithful commona.r • His Majesty then, in a firm and audible voice, delivered the following most gracious speech : " MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " The state of the public business enables me at length to re- lieve you from further attendance in parliament; and, infer minating your labours, I have again to acknowledge the zeal with which you have applied yourselves to the public business, and the attention which you have bestowed upon the important subjects which I brought under your consideration at the open- ing of the session. " The assurances of friendly disposition which I receive front all foreign powers enable use to congratulate you upon the prospect that peace will continue undisturbed. " I lament deeply thet the internal state of Spain renders that country the only exception to the general tranquillity which prevails in the rest of Europe; and I regret that the hopes which have been entertained of the termination of the civil war have not hitherto been realized. " In fulfilment of the engagements which I contracted by the treaty of quadruple alliance, I have afforded the Queen of Spain the co-operation of a part of my naval force, and I con tinue to look with unabated solicitude to the restoration of that internal peace in Spain, which was one of the main objects of the quadruple treaty, and which is so essential to the interests of all Europe. " I am happy to be able to inform you that my endeavours to remove the misunderstanding which had arisen between France and the United States have been crowned with complete sucT cess. The good offices which for that purpose I tendered to the two governments were accepted by both in the most pacific and conciliatory spirit, and the relations of friendship have bees re-established between them in a manner satisfactory and honourable to both parties. " I trust that this circumstance will tend to draw still closer the tics which connect this country with two great and friendly nations, with which they have so many important relations ill common. " I have regarded with interest your deliberations upon the reports of the commission appointed to consider the state of the dioceses in England and Wales, and I have cheerfully give ° my assent to the measures which have been presonted to me fo r carrying into effect some of their most important recommett datious. " It is with no ordinary satisfaction that I have learned that you have with great labour brought to maturity enactments upon the difficult subject of tithe in England and Wales, whic h will, I trust prove in their operation equitable to all the interest° concerned, and generally beneficial in their results. "The passing of the acts for civil registration and for mar' riages in England has afforded me much satisfaction. Their provisions have been framed upon those large principles of three ligious freedom which, with a due regard to the welfare of established church in thia , country, I have always been desirous of maintaining and promoting; and they will also conduce to the greater certainty of tithes, and to the stability of property. " It has been to me a source of the most lively gratificati on to observe the tranquillity which has prevailed, and the diminu tion of crime which has lately taken place in Ireland. I trust that perseverance iu a just and impartial system of government. will encourage this good disposition, and enable the c ountry t° develops her great resources. "GENTLEMEN OP THE HOUSE or Comtdota, ted " I thank you for the liberality with whichau have c° not only the ordinary supplies of the year, bur the additione sums required to provide for an increase in my noval force. /1 " I am also gratified to perceive that you have mad e p ro sion tor the full amount of compensation awarded to the ownere of slaves iu my colonial possessions, and that the obligation' entered into by the legislature have thus been strictly fulOiled. "The. increased productiveness of the public revenue has " 11 3 - 1 bled you to meet these charges, and at the same time to reP e o or reduce taxes of which some were injurimis in their eff ec s , upon my people, and others unequal in their pressure, s . rious parts of my dominions abroad. —ace The present condition of manufactures and cocaw,icit, affords a subject of congratulation, provided the activity " prevails be guided by that caution and prudence whic h elPer euce has proved to be necessary to stable prosperity. " MY LORDS AND GENTI,EMEN, " The advanced period of the year, and the length of during tender which you have been engaged in public affairs, r.... You you desirous of returning to your respective coun ou will there resume those duties which are in importance in, ferior only to your legislative functions, and your influenc°la.ty,. example will greatly conduce to the maintenance of trancle ll u l osd the encouragement of industry, and the confirmation of 1 .", 10 , moral and religious habits and principles which are essentiel the well eing of every community." The pa b rliament was then prorogued to the usual perieath'n His Majesty rose and bowed to the p eerp, and rettift..l James's Palace in the same state. Mr. Coda, the lute Town Clerk of Hull, under th e poration, has put in a claim of MO a r r for OOP"' for the WO of his situattou. Writte and Fa Said son, 1,( We with fo ►nthei friends In d preven Asir tiln in Dlinisti of Que Live Adams PUL M orthe to give The Coluna u a hop e Pers irrtrned Parts mouthi 41 FOUrpe a Wrap Thar and w il THi Price - - Adve quested Warded ..•••••••• M 1,14, these Eiffith Lond for tI. 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