The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-02-20 00:00:00

imperial. Parllama, HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAY. Lord COTTEN H AAM laid on the table a bill for the bet ter administratton of the law of debtor and creditor, which was read a first time. The LORD CHANCELLOR also laid on the table a bill relating to the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Court. The Earl of RIPON moved a vote of thanks to Sir Charles Napier and the army under his command at Scinde. The Earl of AUCKLAND seconded the motion. The Duke of WELLINGTON entirely concurred with the motion. Sir C. Napier possessed all the qualities of a soldier necessary for him to carry through great military operations ; he had displayed great gallantry, zeal, and science in all these operations. (Hear, hear.) His skill in conveying guns, heavy artillery, across the desert, and taking possession of it, had entirely cut off that retreat from his enemies, and thus he contributed much to his complete victory. The motion was then agreed to. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY. Mr. HUME gave notice, that if the motion relating to the Irish Catholic clergy was brought forward, he should move an address to her Majesty, to direct an inquiry to be made as to whether the Roman Catholic population in Ireland wai larger than the Protestants. (Hear, and laughter.) If so, the time he considered was come when the revenues ought to be taken from the Protestant church, care being taken to give compensation to the pre sent incumbents. Mr. FERRAND put the following question to the Secre tary of State for the borne department :—" That as Lord Chief Justice Denman hatideclared it to be the unanimous Opinion of the judges of tizti Court of Queen's Bench, ' that there are some cases in which it is necessary to break in upon an act of parliSinent, and upon that which may have existed from all time;' and has also declared that it is the mother who is the proper party to have the custody of ail her children under seven years of age, and that is not for the benefit of the mother but tor the pro tection of the children ;' and that he thinks that the judges ought to crush the first attempt to depart from that principle, and that it is of the highest importance that it should be considered the undoubted law of the land,' — whether the government intend to insert a clause in the new Poor-law Bill, for the purpose of prohibiting the se paration of mother and child, if they should become the inmates of a workhouse." Sir J. GRAHAM said the hon. member had quite mis taken the opinion which Lord Denman had given on the subject. As the law now stood, mothers might visit their children at all convenient hours, and it was not his inten tion to introduce any new clause on that point. Mr. FERRAND then gave notice that in committee on the bill he should introduce a clause. The Factories Bill was read a second time. Sir R. PEEL, in rising to propose the thanks of the House to Sir C. Napier, and the officers and men parti cipatingin the late military operations in Sinde, observed that the objects and policy of the war were not here in discussion. For the instructio ns g i ven t o Si r C. N ap i er , the civil power, and not the Genera!, was responsible. The Right Hon. Bart. then entered into details of the battles of Meeanee and Hyderabad ; in the former a British force of 2,000 was opposed to 22,000 of the enemy, and in the latter the relative numbers were 5,000 to 20,000. The chicf glory, however, where all were glorious, belonged to the Commander—one of three bro thers who had ingrafted on the stem of an ancient family the distinction of personal nobility. Throughout the Peninsular war there were no officers more prodigal of their blood than those brothers : and the leader of one of the most recent and brilliant of our naval achievements also bore the name of Napier. The Right Hon. Bart. illustrated the value of Sir C. Napier's success by exam ples of the active and perfidious character of the Ameers and by the operations of Sir John (now Lord) Keane against those formidable chiefs. The military skill of Sir C. Napier was not his hightst praise ; still greater applanse was due to the moral courage with which be acted on his own judgment against urgent advice, and hazarded his own life and his own reputation. For such exploits he thought the House would be unanimous in their thanks. He then adverted to the loss of those brave men whose deaths were commemorated in Sir C. Napier's despatches ; and expressed a hope that such a record of their gallantry would afford some consolation to their surviving families. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL.—After the eloquent language in which the Right Hon. Gentleman has moved ',he thanks of this House and the country to Sir Charles Napier and the gallant army under his command in Sinde, I shall content myself with at once seconding the motion.— (Cheers.) Even those who may differ with the Right Hon. Bart. must yet feel bound to reader their tribute to the military skill, exa:ted courage, and perseverance, ex hibited by Sir Charles Napier. (Cheers.)" Looking at the age to which Sir Charles Napier had attained, it is, I consider, an eminent fortune in this country that he should have retained all the vigour and energy of a young man. There are few men of 20 or 30 who, while they could not exhibit the same military skill, would have shown the same energy and vigour. (Hear.) Sir H. HARDINGE vindicated and applauded the cause taken by Sir C. Napier in opposition to the advice given by Major Outram. His gallantry was well known before ; bis skill and the master-mind he had recently shown were now the subjects of just eulogium. Sir H. Hardinge men tioned some specific instances of Sir Charles Napier's judgment; and, moreover, of his humanity. Whatever fortune might befall him in the difficult regions of the East, at all events this country's honour and interest could never be placed in safer hands. Commodore Napier related several particulars of his relative's gallantry in earlier life. He added some details of the late Indian battles. There might have been no declara tion of war; but there had been an attack by the Ameers on our Residency ; besides, declarations of war were out of fashion; we had been fighting the Chinese these four or five years without any such declaration. Gentlemen talked about tempting future officers by votes of thanks ; but he did not believe there would be many amateurs in a great hurry to lead 2,000 men against 20,000. Lord PALMERSTON gave his cordial support to the pro posed vote of thanks. He would not inquire into any of the questions of policy. He saw a brilliant victory by British troops, almost without precedent for the disparity of the conflicting forces. The House divided. The numbers were— For the motion Against it Majority —155 Mr. CHRISTIE moved for a select committee to con sider the subjects of admission of strangers and publica tion of debates. The rules on these points, he said, were antiquated, and now in practice disregarded. The House was at this day hampered by its own regulations, so widely inconsistent with its practice. He exhorted the House to sanction the publication of reports in general, and to punish only where the permission should be abused. He entered into an historical review of the existing orders, which appeared to have had their origin in the struggles of the house with the Crown. With respect to the presence of strangers, he wished to see it allowed ; but he would still leave to every Member the right of requir ing the house to be cleared. It had been thought that if the House permitted reports, it ought to have its own reporters; but experience had shown that open competi tion was the best security for faithful reporting. After a long discussion the House divided— For the motion Against it Majority against it —47 Mr. PAKINGTON said, the subject of his bill (" to define and regulate the periods for holding quarter sessions in cities and boroughs ") involved the administration of jus tice, and the manner in which certain powers conferred by the Municipal Act had been exercised by the Learned Gentleman the Recorder of Worcester. He did not therefore press it upon the House at that hour, but would postpone it for the 22d inst. Mr. HAWES said he was ready to d e f en d hi s l earne d friend's conduct, which was thus, it appe are d ques ti one d. Mr. PAKINGTON disclaimed any design of a tt em pti ng an y i m p u tations beyond certain statements absolutely requisite to show the necessity for his measure. The hon. member then obtained leave to bring in a bill, the object of which, he said, was to assimilate, as much as possible, the law with respect to the election of county coroners to that affecting the election of coroners in cities and boroughs. The other orders were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. . IG4 HOUSE OF LORDS..-TUESDAY. The Marquis of NORMANRY called the attention of the Louse to the present state of Ireland, and the cause of ex isting distress in that country. Proofs of the necessity for inquiring into the state of Ireland were abundant, not only in petitions to their lords but in the present aspect of that country, though he sincerely said he had no alarm for an outbreak in Ireland. He conceived that if her Majesty's government considered that the repeal agitation was illegal, they ought to have resorted to a remedial measure much sooner than they did. The conduct of go vernment up to the latest moment gave the advocates of repeal cause to think that ministers would strike if they dared. He believed that no one vindicated the govern ment for their proceedings with respect to that meeting, it was conduct unexampled in the history of any Govern ment. Lord WH ARNCLIFFE, on behalf of the government, de fended equally the apparent impunity which it had award ed to the previous meetings, and the suppression of that at Clontarf, which, he contended, was essentially distin guished from all that had preceded it by the ostentation of military array. He excused the tardiness in the issue of the proclamation prohibiting the meeting ; and, passing to the state trials, disclaimed for the law officers of the crown any share in the omission of the names from the jury lists. After alluding to the landlord and tenant com mission, and the question of franchise, he proceeded to say that an additional grant would be proposed for the purpose of education, and the obstructions which now prevented the appropriation of money to provid e h ouses and glebes for the Roman Catholic priesthood would be removed. He objected strongly to any proposal which might endanger the stability of the established church in Ireland, treating as chimerical the notion of placing the two churches upon an equality ; and concluded by expli citly declaring the determination of the ministry to pre serve the union inviolate, and uphold the supremacy of the law. Lord RODEN compared the Irish administration of Lord De Grey with that of the Marquis of Normanby ver y much to the advantage of the former, and found prece dents for many of the subjects of complaint the n o bl e Marquis had stated in the history of his own career as Lord Lieutenant. Lord DEVON, the Marquis of WESTMEATH, Lord HA WARDEN, and Lord BEAUMONT, also addressed the house; and the debate was finally adjourned until Thurs day. The house then rose. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-TUESDAY. Lord J. RUSSELL rose, amidst loud cheers from the opposition benches, to move a committee of the whole house to take into consideration the present state of Ire land. Notwithstanding the fallacious return which had been made, was it not a notorious fact that Ireland was now filled with armed troops. (Hear, hear.) Barracks were fortified. (Hear, hear.) And only on that day they were informed that a regiment of soldiers had been drawn up in front of the Lord Lieutenant's house in the Phoe nix Park. (Hear, hear.) It seemed as if her Majesty's Government were afraid of a civil war. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") Ireland, it was true, was occupied, but it was not governed. It was notorious that at the present day the Government of Ireland was a Government of force. (Hear.) The noble lord then alluded to the various state ments which had been made respecting the state of that country, and contended that inquiry was absolutely ne cessary. Alluding to Mr. O'Connell, his lordship said —the man who had taken the greatest interest in the welfare of Ireland had been found guilty. He did not see anything in that fact to guarantee the safety and peace of that country. (Hear, hear.) Ireland could not be governed by such means. He had been led to investigate the whole of the circumstances in relation with Ireland since the time of the Union. He would take it for granted that all who heard him were anxious to maintain the Imperial Parliament, but then he must inquire whether all the engagements made with Ireland at the time of the union had been fulfilled ? If they had not, he must call upon the House to go with him into committee, to make a full and searching inquiry on the subject. (Hear.) The noble lord then adverted to addresses presented to George 111., relating to the union of England and Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He wished that every benefit which the British Constitntion gave should be extended to Ireland; that there should be equal rights and equal liberties — (hear);—but that unfortunately he could not consider to be the case. After some further remarks the noble lord said his first complaint was, that up to the year 1835, from the period of the union, there had been no impar tiality in the administration of justice. The Irish had not had the benefit of equal justice with the people of this country, and that was his first objection. (Hear.) The next question was that relating to the franchise. (Hear.) Lord Morpeth, when secretary of Ireland, was anxious to extend the franchise, and no minister ever had the in terests of that country more at heart than his noble friend, but every attempt to extend the franchise had been inva riably opposed. The noble lord then referred to the pas sing of the Catholic Relief Bill, the objects of which he contended would have been virtually defeated if the pre sent administration had been in office since the time of its passing into a law. (Hear, hear.) Ministers said they had measures to bring forward on the state of Ire land ; but after considering their past policy, he had no faith in them. (Hear.) He therefore asked the House to go into committee, and fully inquire into the whole state of Ireland. He considered Roman Catholics ought to have a fair share of patronage, and they ought not to be passed by when offices become vacant. The noble lord proceeded to advert at great length, and in warm terms, to the repeal meetings, the state trials, the constitution of the jury, which he said would deprive the proceeding of the effect of a genuine trial, as the Irish people would consider the jury a packed one. He concluded his pro tracted address by recommending a conciliatory policy towards Ireland, and the application of the ecclesiastical endowments to the religious education of all classes. Mr. Wyse seconded the motion. Sir JAMES GRAHAM observed upon the error of sup posing that the repeal meetings had begun only since the accession of the present government; and enumerated the various repeal meetings in 1840 and 1841, each amounting to 60,000, two to 100,000, and one, at Kilken ny, to 200,000. At several of these meetings Mr. O'Con nell's addresses had gone quite as far as at any of the meetings at the time of the present ministry. The power of common jurors was one which must exist, and be ex ercised by the Crown, or justice could not be obtained. With respect to the strike of the Roman Catholics from the jury, be greatly regretted that a body whom he so much respected as the English Roman Catholics should have treated this as an affront to their religion, when, in truth, the objections were only political. The object of the government had been not to get a single conviction, or to get convictions upon single speeches or paragraphs, but to get the whole case before the public, and to convict those who constituted the head and front of the offence; and this object had been obtained under the direction of an unanimous bench. He next came to the circumstan ces of the proclamation of the 29th of September. The announcement of the Clontarf meeting had been full of military phrases, which was a new feature. The noble lord said that the Government occupied Ireland by mili tary force. Certainly, because an intent had been dis played of wresting Ireland from this country by physical force. All that had been proposed on the subject of ten ure was comprised in the scope of the commission already issued. On the subject of education, it was intended to propose in the estimates an additional grant. With re spect to the elective franchise, he explained the way in which the number of electors in the Irish counties had diminished, and stated that the proposed increase of that number was intended by way of compensation for the degree so occasioned. Then there was the great subject of religion, and the noble lord would be satisfied with nothing but equality. It must be a postponed equality however ; for the noble lord admitted that the life interests of the existing Protestant clergy were to be respected. But, in truth, he would consent to no inroads on the Protestant Church ; the State had made its choice at the time of the Reformation, and that choice would not, he believed, be rescinded by the attacks of the conspirators at the Conciliation-hall. He concluded by calling on the House to negative the motion by a decisive majority. • The debate was then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY. Mr. L. BRUGES took the oaths and his seat for the bo rough of Devizes. Lord G. SOMERSET brought up the report of the Com mittee of Elections, and stated that the Committee had appointed the 4th of March to try the petitions against the returns for Durham and Athlone. Mr. JAMES WORTLEY moved the second reading of a bill to discontinue, and for the future to prevent, certain actions on the statutes against gaming. He shortly stated the history of the law on this subject, and explained the object of the present bill, which was to protect several defendants who had been sued for penalties on account of racing bets, which had been laid by them without the least conception that they were liable to these conse quences under an obsolete act of Queen Anne. So little did lawyers in general consider betting on a horse-race to be illegal, that of late years there had been a lottery for the Derby among the bar at Westminster. No man read ing that act by itself, would have imagined that there could be any illegality in such betting. The sums now sought against some Individuals were of very large amount ; in one instance no less than £BO,OOO, and in all near half a million. Two persons had got up those ac tions—Charles Russell, an informer, and James Russell, an attorney ; and so little good faith had been shown in I this affair, that the attorney had contrived to get an opi nion from an eminent counsel as to the probable strength of the defence, by calling upon him and representing him self as attorney for one of the defendants! Such a per son could not be actuated by any zeal for public morality ; his object could only be his own lucre; and accordingly he had brought no actions against any but those who could pay well. The fault was in some measure with the legislature itself, which had left the law on this subject in a state so disgracefully confused, that even a lawyer could not, without the utmost difficulty, extract the result of its meaning. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL explained that this bill did not preclude fresh "actions after three months, so that it was in truth but a suspension, and the word suspend might easily be introduced in committee. He would not now go into the cases of hardships on the poor under other obsolete acts, but he would gladly assist the honourable member for Manchester to amend any legislation, obso lete or not, that inflicted hardship on the poor. here actions were brought for penalties under acts which had slept or been misunderstood, it had become a principle of legislation to relieve the defendants. There were great doubts and the opinions of great lawyers were much di vided on the question, whether these bets were illegal or not. His own opinion inclined to a concurrence with an argument used by Colonel Peel, that as betting per se was not illegal, and as horse racing per se was not illegal, betting on a horse-race could not be illegal. But would the house wish that people should be forced to risk £500,000 on a doubtful question of law? Mr. CRAVEN BERKELEY supported the bill. He in tended, if it should go into committee, to propose some extensions in favour of the sports of the poor. The house divided— - For the second reading Against it .. —B7 The adjourned debate on Ireland was then resumed, and after Lord Leveson, Mr. B. Cochrane, Lord Cle ments, and Mr. Young had spoken, Sir. G. GREY said, whatever difference of opinion might exist on some of the topics which had been introduced into this debate—he thought there was one point on which the house was agreed—he meant the importance of the crisis at which the motion of his noble friend was sub mitted to the consideration of the house. It had not been denied by the right hon. baronet the Secretary of State, or by any hon. gentleman who had addressed the house in the debate, that wide-spread excitement and disaffection existed amongst the great bulk of the population in Ire land. It had not been denied that Ireland was at that moment held by military occupation—(hear, hear) ;—a n d indeed, if any difference of opinion existed on that point, he should think the question had been settled by the right hon. baronet the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, who had stated distinctly and in emphatic terms, that such was the risk in that portion of her Ma jesty's dominions—such the emergency of affairs there, that a military occupation was rendered necessary, to prevent the attempt to wrest that country by force from the authority of the British crown. Under those circum cumstances, his noble friend moved, not for a committee to inquire into the state of the country, but adopted the constitutional mode of asking the house to resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, in which the state of Ireland might be fully considered; and in taking that step his noble friend declared to the house his opinion upon the errors that had been committed by the present go vernment with respect to Irish affairs. It became the house, before the motion was disposed of, to inquire on what grounds the government invited them to reject the motion. The hon. gentleman who bad just sat down said the loyal population of the country looked to the army for safety. (Cheers.) As to the measure the government contemplate—as to the course of policy they intended to lay before the house, that was to be determined by others, he (Sir G. Grey) however asked the house whether they thought the policy the government intended pursuing, in connexion with the policy hitherto pursued, was calculated to gain the affections of the people of Ireland, affections which were alienated from the Imperial Parliament and the government of the country—whetter, in fact, it was calculated to detach one man from the ranks of the repeal agitation•? (Cheers.) Ireland, it was admitted, was oc cupied by a military force. Within the last few months 7,000 men had been added to the rank and file in that country, to say nothing of the naval force which had been stationed off her shores. He would now address hiensel. to the main points of Sir J. Graham's speech on the pre ceding night. As to the striking of the jury he admitted that the Crown Solicitor could not have avoided what he did. But what an inference did the state of the facts pre sent? Why, that in a metropolis, where a large majority of the people were Roman Catholics, not one Roman Catholic could be found to act upon a jury—that is to say, that the indictment was not against these particular tra versers, hut against the whole Roman Catholic people? The right lion. gentleman ridiculed the consultations of the government antecedent to the proclamation against the Clontarf meeting, and congratulated them on their es cape from the fearful risk they had incurred by their de lays. He would now come to the principles of their fu ture policy. The proposed enlargement of the franchise, the appointment of the landlords' and tenants' commis sion, the proposed grant for education—all these were commendable steps ; but were they all adequate to this great crisis ? What hope had Sir J. Graham's speech hold out of any redress to the great grievance endured by Irish people in the exclusive establishment of the protes tant church? It was difficult, no doubt, to point out the precise remedy ; but there was greater difficulty still in leaving such a subject untouched. Insuperable difficul ties had been said to stand in the way of emancipation, but they had been overcome; and so, by a vigorous co operation of the leading men on both sides in parliament, might be solved the difficulties of the church question. The Roman Catholics might be unreasonable in some of their views; but we had to deal with men as we found them; and in truth the union could not be said to be an equal one, when the English and Scotch majorities bad their church establishment, which was yet denied to the majority of Ireland. What hopes could the Irish Catho lics entertain from the present ministry, when they re membered how its members had acted and spoken in op position—when their words, now smooth as oil, had been sharper than swords? The difficulties they had now to struggle with were the just retribution for the injustice they had done to Ireland, when they made it the battle field for over-throwing the late administration. Lord ELIOT, after stating that the force now in Ireland was sufficient for the maintenance of tranquility, observed that Sir G. Grey could haidly suppose the state of that kingdom to be worse now than it was when he supported the Coercion Bill of the whig party. Lord Eliot vindicated the striking of the jury, and denied that an objection to an individual on the score of his political or personal bias was any imputation upon his integrity. He read a pas sage from the speech of the Irish Solicitor-General, illus trative of the law upon the subject of the repeal meetings, mid an extract from the letter of a whig lord-lieutenant of an Irish northern county to the Irish government, calling for military protection ; and observed that the conduct of the Protestants in the north was deserving of the highest gratitude, for the obedience to the law, and for the firm forbearance which it exhibited. He stated the particu lars of those consultations of government which Sir G. Grey had so jocularly treated ; and assured the house that the risk to which Sir G. Grey had alluded was not incur red at all, for that by day-break the whole of the ground appointed for the Clontarf meeting was occupied by a military force so overwhelming as to preclude every chance of a conflict. The motion was for a committee of the whole house, but nothing, except indeed an increase of stipendiary magistrates, had been suggested as a re medy to be considered in that committee. The state of the church had been canvassed, but no feasible mode of dealing with it had been proposed. Indeed, it was clear that nothing short of its utter subversion would satisfy the agitators ; and that was a consummation to which he was sure that parliament would not consent. He defended the government against the charge of having, in their pro fessional promotions, unjustly slighted the Roman Ca tholic portion of the bar. He would not employ hyper bolical expressions of attachment to Ireland, but he could truly say, that it was an attachment which be had al ways felt, and which his official connexion with the coun try had strengthened. _ _ _ 'The debate was adjourned at half-past twelve o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS-THURSDAY. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from Chi chester against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor. Lord STOURTON postponed his motion regarding the construction of the Roman Catholic oath. _ _ The Bishop of EXETER gave notice that he would, to morrow, call attention to the subject of administering spiritual relief to the poor in workhouses. Earl FORTESCUE then commenced the adjourned de bate on the state of Ireland. The noble lord at great length defended the appointments of stipendiary magis trates made by him while he was Lord Lieutenant. The Earl of Haddington, Lord Monteagle, the Earl of Ripon, the Marquis of Normanby, addressed the house, THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. FRACAS EXTRAORDINARY. Lord BROUGF4lllad;eTiediot;;ljOianment which was moved by Lord Campbell, who, however, had not ad dressed the house, of which he was far from complaining --(roars of laughter)—but who had said that the noble marquis near him (Lansdowne) wished to speak, and yet he had not done so that night. Lord CAMPBELL rose, and in an animated reply turned the laugh against Lord Brougham, whom he charged with having changed his principles, and intimated that this was the only debate in his memory in which the noble and learned lord had not spoken, not once, but seven times. for he was most irregular in all his proceedings. Lord Bain/ on am, in a state of considerable excitement, charged Lord Campbell with gross ignorance of the forms of the house, denied that he was ever irregular, or had changed any of his principles, and said he would give Lord Campbell the opportunity of proving the vile and false calumny if he could. Lord CAMPBELL, also excited, said if his noble and learned friend, if he would still permit him to call him so, would give him the opportunity he would not shrink from the challenge. One thing was certain, either the noble lords on the ministerial benches or his noble and learned friend had changed their principles, for they were now in unison ; and he believed he could easily shew that the change was on the part of his noble and learned friend. After this most exciting scene had occupied some twenty minutes, their lordships divided, and a motion of the Marquis of Normanby was defeated by a majority of 175 to 78. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-THURSDAY. The adjourned debate on Ireland was resumed by Mr. Ross ; and after Mr. Borthwick, Sir H. W. Barron, Mr. G. Repton, and Mr. M. 0. Ferrall had spoken, Mr. SHAW (the Recorder of Dublin) rose to explain the circumstances of the omission of a part of the jury list in h s office. It had been said that 65 names had been omitted, of which 35 were those of Catholics ; whereas the whole number omitted was really but 24 ; and this omission took place in a transfer, embracing several thou sand names. The lists were first arranged according to parishes, the Recorder marking the names of the persons found by him to be qualified as special jurors, and there ended his judicial duty; the remaining business, which was that of consolidating all the parish lists (20 in num ber) into one general panel, was to be executed by the registrar. There were 741 names marked, which were taken down upon separate sheets according to classes. One sheet of 15 marked names had slipped in among some blank sheets which lay on tha same table, and had been overlooked ' • four more marked names were accidentally omitted in the transfer, and, in the cases of five others, the marks had been mistaken, and the names erroneously carried to the panel of common juries. This accident bad been the subject of great regret to himself, and, as the High Sheriff had the power to correct the omission, he had requested that officer, but without success, to make the amendment ; and, moreover, as soon as the extent of the error was known, he had caused notice of it to be given to the solicitors on both sides. He believed that of the 15 on one list, the majority were Roman Catholics, and that of the other nine a majority were Protestants ; but these small numbers could hardly have bad much effect on a panel of between 700 and 800 special jurors ; and he would add, that the registrar who had made the mistake was himself a Roman Catholic. He then ad dressed himself to the general question. Lord J. Russell, in dealing with the church, had shown himself willing to wound, yet was not able to see where he could safely strike; but happily it was now unnecessary to attemp the defence of the establishment, since the secretary for the Home Department had declared the firm determina tion of the government to support it, on the broad ground of religious truth, of the reformation, and of the union. Peace was the professed object on all sides : but it would be quite unattainable if attempts were to be constantly made at disturbing questions which had been properly considered to be settled. When the Roman Catholics were admitted to equal privileges, there, was certainly a distinct understanding that the Protestant church should remain undisturbed. He defended the judicial appoint ments, and concluded by deprecating acrimony, and re commending a common consent for great common ob jects. Lord HOWICK declaimed against the principle of a go vernment which he represented - as founding itself, not upon affection, but upon force. All might remain quiet enough while peace should last, but if war were to break out, the state of Ireland would be a fearful one. The late proceedings might remove the external signs of discon tent, but would not cure the reality of it. The remedies held out by ministers were few and insufficient. A regis tration bill would be useful as removing a present wrong, but unless accompanied with other measures, it would but give to the Irish people new weapons for conquering fur • ther rights. The landlord and tenant commission might produce some benefit ; but a small measure introduced forthwith would have done more good than one much larger deferred to a distant season. The evils of Ireland were not imputable solely to the pressure of distress, but, in a great degree, to the rankling sense of wrong; there fore, even a liberal expenditure on public works, and an extensive system of colonization, beneficial as such mea sures would have been, would not have quieted Ireland , without something done to remove the feeling of injustice begotten by your treatment of the Roman Catholic reli gion. It was your duty to redress this grievance ; the union was no ba r t o suc h re d ress, f or sure ly the Irish par liament, which p asse d t h at un i on, w hi c h was the most corrupt legislature on recor d , an d w hi c h i n no respect re presented the Irish people, had no right or power to tie the hands of future parliaments for ever. The arguments that the Irish church, though not the church of the ma jority of the Irish, is yet the church of the majority of the united empire, was a futile one, and was sufficiently answered by reference to the establishment in Scotland. If Ireland had conquered England, would England on such arguments have submitted to the - alienation of her Protestant church? and must not the Irish people, in the existing case, feel what in the case supposed would be felt by the English? H e protested against the ground taken of religious truth. To say that the Protestant religion was the only true one, was to tell the Roman G;tholics, who now sate equal with ourselves in the parliaments of Bri ;sin, that their religion was false. What right had any man to assert this of the ancient religion of almost all Europe? The time had been when compromise would have sufficed; but that time was past. There were several courses before you. You might establish the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland, as the Presbyterian religion was established in Scotland ; or you might abolish all establishments and bestow the church endowments on general education ; or you might employ them in making a proportionate provision for all religions. It was not for trim now to pronounce which of these courses might be best. The difficulty, however, met the government every where, even in the recent convictions. Mr. Burke had said he knew not how to draw an indictment against a whole people. The government had solved that problem, and he wished them joy of their success. How could the institutions of a free government, its juries, its elections, whose very object was to give effect to the will of the peo ple, be administered against the people's will? To conti nue the attempt would only mar all contemplated good ; even education would become an evil, as aggravating the people's knowledge of their wrongs, and increasing their means of resistance. He concluded by disclaiming all party views in his support of the present motion. Captain BERNAL then moved an adjournment, which, after a little discussion, was agreed to. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-FRIDAY. Mr. E. VILLIERS presented a petition from Liverpool, praying that no increase may be made to the military es tablishment of the country, and praying the house to re fuse the supplies until a reduction in the military force took place. The debate on Ireland was resumed by Capt. Bernal. who was followed by Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Ward. Captain Conolly, Mr. Sergeant Murphy, and Mr. C. Buller. Lord STANLEY gave credit to Lord John Russell for the clever and convenient form in which he had shaped his motion—a form which would enable the agitators to say, a committee of inquiry was all that Ireland asked, and even that the British Parliament refused her. If it were a truth, which, however, he had himself too high an opinion of the Irish nation's loyalty to admit, that they were what Mr. Buller represented them, a revolted peo ple, what a responsibility was now undertaken by men who having been, and hoping to be again, the servants of the Crown, were then endeavouring to excite an already mad dened people And, after all the censures thus levelled against the Government, he demanded to know what law they had strained, what new powers they had asked? None. They had convicted the Repeal leader by the regular process of the existing law. And he showed from official accounts that the military force which they were so loudly condemned for maintaining in Ireland, had, du ring their administration, been lower on an average by upwards of 2,000 men than during the time of the late administration. But in 1843 there began a for midable and unexampled system of agitation by a display of physical force ; and the government would have deserved impeachment if they had neglected to meet that display by a military force, which, thank God, had been adequate to overawe even an attempt at disturbance; but even this military force had not been so great as that which the late Government had stationed in Ireland during the year 1833. The noble lord then shortly stated the defences made on former nights by Sir J. Graham and Mr. Shaw of the consultations in England before the proclamation, of the omission of twenty-four names from the Recorder's lists, and of the strike of the Roman Catholics from the jury—reading on the last point, amid prodigious cheering, an affioavit from the professional gentleman by whom the jury had been struck, which exactly verified the statement of Sir James Graham. Ile rebuked Mr. Serjeant Murphy for having availed himself of his parliamentary privilege to assail the Lord Chief Justice, and directed the attention of the house to the great carefulness and discrimination evinced by the jury. Having justified his own consistency in proposing an in crease of county voters, notwithstanding his conduct upon the Irish Registration Bills, he proceeded to the church. The grievance was not the excess nor the abuses of that church, but its existence; and the noble lord took up that question at this season of excitement, although he knew that if he himself were in office to-morrow he durst not—he could not—nay, he would not, attempt the revo lution which those around him demanded. But he talked about some appropriation of the church property. In what proportions ? According to numbers ? Why, on that principle, as the Roman Catho lics were seven-eighths of the people, the noble lord, call ing himself a friend of the Protestant church, would at once take from it seven-eighths of its property. But, in truth, all those questions about the amounts and the modes were mere trifling ; the real question had come to be simply—" Will you destroy the Protestant church ?" He insisted on the Act of Union, and on the pledges given for the maintenance of the church at the time of, and at many different times since, that union ; and he referred to a variety of declarations and undertakings, from the days of Mr. Grattan downward, including the most solemn, disclaimers from Roman Catholic bodies and leaders of any intention or desire to interfere with the Protestant church. He must now, without design to give offence to Roman Catholic members, read the terms of the oath taken by them on entering the house, and intended by the Legislature expressly as a security for the Protestant church. Having read it with great earnestness and amid a profound silence, he appealed to every Roman Catholic gentleman well to examine his own con science before he gave a vote against that church. What was it that the Catholics now ask? They tell you that they will not take your church endow ment in connexion with the state nor any other pro. vision which the state can make for them ; and as they will make no alliance with the state themselves, they will not allow the state to continue its alliance with the Pro testants. Did those who talked about equality propose that the Roman Catholic bishops, appointed by a foreign potentate, should take their seats in the House of Lords ? If yes, let them try to take the sense of the British peo ple on that head ; but if no, then what became of the pro posed equality ? If there was any real grievance pressing on the Roman Catholics, he was ready to co-operate for the removal of it. He saw no objection to an enactment, giving liberty to the owners of laud in Ireland to settle it for the uses of the Roman Catholic clergy in that king dom. That boon, though but a small one, would indicate at least his friendly disposition toward his Roman Catho lic brethren. The noble lord concluded by quoting, from caondspeeemcl oiiumg, in made s b tr y oo L g or te d rru P s a , lm ti e le rs p to ro n fl i i n gan l y B2 o 9 f , a a ny pa p s o s l a it g i e . Roman of Catholic parliamentary members support, shouldca l party which, au for a itself r with h g (when admitted under the Emancipation Act) for the pur pose of assailing the Protestant church. The debate was then adjourned. IRELAND. THE STATE TRIALS. Early on Monday morning groups of persons were seen wending away their way along the quays towards the Four Courts. The morning was wet and gloomy, but about eight o'clock began to clear up a little. At half-past eight o'clock the avenues to the court were crowded, and it was scarcely possible to pass through the hall. There was a very large police force on duty in the outer yard to preserve order, which was exceedingly requisite, owing to the eagerness of the multitude to crush in. At nine o'clock the court presented a very gay and ani mated appearance at this hour. The gallery was crowded, but there were very few ladies present, either in the public gallery, the reserved seats, or in the high sheriff's gallery. The bar mustered very strong, not a seat was unoccu pied, and many members were forced to stand ; the side avenues were also thronged to an inconvenient extent. At this hour Mr. O'Connell entered, accompanied by Mr. John O'Connell and Mr. Daniel O'Connell, jun. All the other traversers were present, with the exce tion of the Rev. Mr. Tierney and Mr. Duffy. The Right Hon. D. R. Pigot, Mr. Moore, Q.C.:Mr. Henn, Q.C., Mr. Monaghan, Q.C., Sir Coleman O'Logh len, Mr. Thomas Hagan, and several others of the tra versers' counsel now entered and took their seats. Immediately after the Attorney and Solicitor-General, with Mr. Sergeant Warren, Mr. Martly, Q.C., Mr. ' Brewster, Q.C. Mr. Bennett, Q.C., Mr. Tomb, Mr. Napier, Mr. Holmes, and others entered. Exactly at fifteen minutes past nine o'clock, Judge Burton, the Chief Justice, and Mr. Justice Crampton entered the court, and took their seats on the bench. Mr. Justice Crampton, for the information of his brother judges on the bench, related all that had transpired during their absence on Saturday night after the jury had retired to consider their verdict. _ . The jury were then called. The traversers and jury having answered to their names, Mr. Justice Crampton stated to the jury the course which they were to pursue in returning their verdict, and explained the meaning and effect of the various divisions of the indictment, after which he advised them to retire for a few minutes, and see whether they had act ed in accordance with his instructions. At 25 minutes to ten o'clock the jury accordingly withdrew. The jury returned at nine minutes to ten o'clock, when The Clerk of the Crown said—Gentlemen of the jury, hand in your issue paper. The Foreman—We have put our names to the different counts—that is, we have written them on the list, as there was not room for us to write them under the separate parts of each count. And here 1 would ask, on the part of the jury, are they to get compensation for their time — (laughter.) M r. Moore, Q.C. (to the Clerk of the Crown)—Call each juror by his name. - This being done by the Clerk of the Crown, he asked — Gentlemen of the jury, do you agree ? Foreman—Yes. Mr. Moore, Q.C.—I wish it to appear on your lord ship's notes that there is an objection, on the part of the traversers, to the reception of the verdict, on the ground of a misnomer as to the name of Rigby, one of the jurors, who is one of the persons in the jury-box. He stated that his name was John Jason Rigby, whereas the name which ap pears on the panel is John Rigby, and which, on this trial, amounts to a misnomer. _ . The Attorney-General—Rigby was sworn as " John Rigby," and there was particular notice taken at the time of that circumstance by the Crown. THE VERDICT. The Clerk of theCrown—Gentlemen, you say this is your verdict ? Foreman—Yes. The Clerk of the Crown then read the verdict, which was as follows : FIRST COUNT. This count contains five distinct charges, on each of which an issue was sent up to try, to wit:- I.—The traversers are severally charged with unlaw fully, maliciously, and seditiously contriving, intending, and devising to raise and create discontent and disaffection amongst the said liege subjects to hatred and contempt of the government, and constitution of this realm as by law established. 2.—They are charged with intending and devising, " to excite hatred, jealousies, and ill will amongst different classes of the said subjects, and to create discontent and disaffection amongst divers of the said subjects, and amongst others, her Majesty's subjects serving in her Majesty's army." 3.—They are charged with "contriving, intending, and devising to bring into disrepute, and to diminish the confidence of her Majesty's subjects in the tribunals duly and lawfully constituted for the administration of justice." 4.—They are charged with " unlawfully, maliciously, and seditiously contriving, intending, and devising, by means of intimidation and the demonstration of great physical force, to procure and effect changes to be made in the government, laws, and constitution of this realm as by law established." s.—They are charged that they did combine, and con federate, and agree " to cause, and procure, and aid and assist in causing and procuring divers subjects of our said lady the Queen unlawfully, maliciously, and seditiously to meet and assemble together in large numbers at various times and at different places within Ireland, for the un lawful and seditious purpose of obtaining by means of intimidation to be thereby caused, and by means of the exhibition and demonstration of great physical force at such assemblies and meetings, changes and alterations in the government, laws, and constitution of this realm as by law established." The jury found Daniel O'Connell, Richard Barrett, and Charles Gavan Duffy, guilty on the above five issues, omitting, however, oil the fifth charge the words " un lawfully" and " seditiously'', which we have placed in italics. Also guilty, John O'Connell, Thomas Steele, Thomas Matthew Ray, and John Gray, on the Ist issue—not guilty on the 2d issue—guilty on the 3d issue—on the 4th and on the sth guilty, omitting the words " unlawfully and seditiously." The Rev. Thomas Tierney guilty on the Ist, 2d, and 3d issues—not guilty on the 4th and sth issues. SECOND COUNT. This count is merely a repetition of the first count omitting the overt acts, and the finding of the jury on it was exactly the same as on the first, as above given. THIRD COUNT. This count contains all the five charges set forth in the first and second, with the exception of some verbal dif ferences—as follows : First—the traversers are charged with unlawfully, mali ciously, and seditiously contriving, intending and devising to raise and create discontent and disaffection amongst the liege subjects of our said lady the Queen, and to ex cite the said liege subjects to hatred and contempt of the government and constitution of this realm as by law es tablished. Secondly—With devising to excite hatred, jealousies, and ill-will amongst different classes of the said subjects, and to create discontent and disaffection amongst divers of the said subjects, and amongst others her Majesty's subjects serving in her Majesty's army. Thirdly—With further unlawfully, maliciously, and seditiously contriving, intending, and devising by means of intimidation of great physical force, to procure and effect changes to he made in the government, laws and constitution of this realm as by law established. Fourthly—Wit h combining and causing to procure and aid and assist in causing and procuring, divers subjects of our lady the Queen, to assemble together in large numbers at various times, and at different places, with in Ireland, for the unlawful and seditious purpose of obtaining by means of the intimidation to be thereby caused and by means of the exhibition and demonstra tion of great physical force at such assemblies and meetings, changes and alterations in the government, laws, and constitution of this realm as by law established ; and further to bring into hatred and disrepute the courts by law established in Ireland for the administration of justice, and to diminish the confidence of her said Ma jesty's liege subjects in Ireland, in the administration of the law therein, with the intent to induce her Majesty's subjects to withdraw the adjudication of their differences with, and claims upon each other from the cognizance of the said courts by law established, and to submit the same to the judgment and determination of other tribunals, to be constituted and contrived for that purpose, in con tempt of our said lady the Queen, and the laws of this realm, to the evil example of all others in the like case offending, and against the peace of our said lady the Queen, her crown and dignity. Fifthly—With further contriving, intending, and de vising to bring into disrepute, and to diminish the con fidence of her Majesty's subjects in the tribunals duly and lawfully constituted for the administration of justice. The jury found Daniel O'Connell, Richard Barrett, and Charles Gavan Duffy, guilty on all the issues in this count. They found John O'Connell, Thomas Steele, Thomas Matthew Ray, guilty on the Ist, 3rd, 4th, and sth issues, and not guilty on the 2nd ; which charged them with the design of " creating discontent and disaffection amongst her Majesty's subjects serving in the army." The jury found the Rev. Thomas Tierney, guilty on the Ist, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th issues, but not guilty on the sth.. FOURTH COUNT. This count contains only three issues, and omits the charges relative to the "army" and the "arbitration courts." The first charge is for " Unlawfully, maliciously, se ditiously contriving, intending, and devising to raise and create discontent and disaffection amongst the liege sub jects of our said lady the Queen and to excite the said liege sublects to hatred and contempt of the govern- ment and constitution of this realm as by law established, and to excite hatred jealousies, and amongst dif ferent classes of the said sabjects, and to create discon tent and disaffection amongst divers of the said sub jects." The second is for unlawfully, maliciously, and sediti ously contriving, intending, and devising, by means of intimidation and the demonstration of great physical force, to procure and effect changes to be made in the government, laws, and constitution of this realm, as by. law established. The third count is, that the traversers did combine and confederate to cause and procure, and aid and assist in causing and procuring, divers subjects of our said lady the Queen to meet and assemble together in large numbers at various times and at different places within Ireland, for the unlawful and seditious purpose of obtaining, by means of the intimidation to be thereby caused, and by means of the exhibition and demonstration of great physical force at such assemblies and meetings, changes and alterations in the government, laws, and constitution of this realm, as by law established, in contempt of our said lady the Queen, and the laws of this realm, to the evil example of all others in the like case offending, and against the peace of our said lady the Queen, her crown, and dignity. The jury found Daniel O'Connell, John O'Connell, Thomas Matthew Ray; John Gray, Charles Gavan Duffy, Thomas Steele, and Richard Barrett, guilty on all the is sues in this count. Also the Rev. Thomas Tierney guilty on the Ist and 3d issues, and not guilty on the 2d. FIFTH COUNT. This count contains one general charge of creating dis content among her Majesty's Irish subjects, and to pro motion of ill-will and hostility towards her Majesty's subjects in England. On this the jury found Daniel O'Connell, John O'Con nell, Thomas M. Ray, Richard Barrett, Charles Gavan Duffy, John Gray, Thomas Steele, and the Rev. Thomas Tierney guilty. SIXTII COUNT. This count contains a general charge of contriving, by means of intimidation and the demonstration of great phy sical force, to effect changes in the government, laws, and contitution of the realm, and the procuring the assem blage together in large numbers of divers subjects of the Queen for a similar purpose. On this charge the jury found all the traversers guilty, with the exception of the Rev. Thomas Tierney, whop; they declared not guilty. SEVENTH COL NT. This count contains the general charge, to wit—that the assemblage of large masses was designed to effect the dis solution of the legislative union, by intimidation and the demonstration of great physical force. The jury found all the traversers guilty,lwith the ex ception of the Rev. Mr. Mr. Tierney. EIGHTH COUNT. This count contains a general charge on conspiracy to bring into disrepute the tribunals as by law established, by means of arbitration courts. The jury found all the traversers guilty, with the ex ception of the Rev. Mr. Tierney, not Guilty. NINTH COUNT This count is the same as the eighth with this addition, that it charges the traversers with usurping the preroga tive of the crown in the creation of arbitration courts. All the traversers guilty, except the Rev Mr. Tierney, not guilty. TENTH COUNT. This count charges the traversers with conspiring to to bring the courts of jnstice, as by law established, into disrepute, and is the same in this respect as two former counts except the addition of the words, " and to dimi nish the confidence of her Majesty's liege subjects in Ireland in the administration of the laws thereof." All the traversers guilty, except the Rev. Mr. Tierney not guilty. ELEVENTH COUNT. This count repeats the charges respecting intimidation and physical force, and adds th at chan g es in the law and c onstitution of the realm were so u g ht to be effected by means of se ditious and inflammatory speeches and ad dresses, as well as by the publication of divers seditious writings and compositions. All the traversers guilty, except the Rev. Mr. Tierney not guilty. The issue-paper was signed " James Hamilton, for self and fellow-jurors. The Clerk of thetod Crow in yo n —Gentlemen of the jury, there is nothingfurther etau. Chief Justice —Certainly, gentlemen of the jury, the very laudable and minute attention which was given by you in this case from the beginning to the end was great indeed. The loss of your time, the interference with your occupations and pursuits for nearly a month, was certainly great ; but then it was to be borne in mind that this was an unprecedented case. I am sorry to say the Court has no po wer to order y ou any compensation. and The act of Parliament does not order it. You have pa id that attention to the whole progress of this trial— painfulas t has th been—which ank yo u fo r your h a has been highly attendance, you honour able and highly creditable to you all; but that is all I can say—we have not the power to give you any com pensation—weare dismissed. The jury then retired. Mr. Moore, Q.C.—I request, my lord, on the part of the traversers, that the crown furnish us with a copy of that finding. Feb. 20, 1844. The Chief Justice spoke to the clerk of the crown' whereupon The Clerk of the Crown said, this court is now ad. , adjourned till the first day of next term. The court was accordingly adjourned, the judges having m mediately left the bench, and in a few minutes the court was completely deserted. Large crowds were assembled outside ; but in the yid" nity of the court there was not so much excitement as might have been expected. The crowds peaceably dis persed in a very short time. On the first day of next term a notice will be served on the traversers by the Crown Solicitor, fora rule for judgment in four days. On or before the expiration of this four days notice, an application will be made to the court, on behalf of the traversers, in arrest of judgment. The grounds of the application will be-1. a misdescription of a juror's name; 2. the omission of proof of any unlawful act done by the traversers in the county of the city of Dublin ; 3. that no judicial act should have been done after 12 o'clock on Saturday night by the presiding judge. In the event of these being overruled on argument, the Court will pro nounce judgment, A writ of error will then be sued ont, and the judgment of the twelve judges taken thereon. In the event of their lordships affirming the judgment of the court below an appeal will be carried to the House of Lords. The vital subject for consideration is whether, pending those delays, the Court will carry judgment into effect upon the traversers. TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. • Merrion-square, 11th Feb., 1844. FELLOW - COUNTRYMEN,—Once again I return you my most heartfelt thanks for the peace, quiet, and good order you have observed ; and I conjure you by the country we all love, and even in the name of the God we all adore, to continue in the same peace, quietness,—perfect tran quillity. I tell you solemnly that your enemies and the enemies of Ireland are very desirous that there should be a breaking out of tumult, riot, or other outrage. Be you, therefore, perfectly peaceable. Attack nobody. Offend nobody. Injure no person. If you respect your friends—if you wish to gall your enemies—keep the peace, and let not one single act of violence be committed. You are aware that the jury have found a verdict against me. But depend upon it that I will bring a writ of error, and will not acqiesce in the law, as laid down against me,- until I have the opinion of the twelve judges in Ireland,. and, if necessary, of the House of Lords. Be you, therefore, perfectly quiet. Do no violence whatsoever. You could not possibly offend or grieve me half so much as by any species of riot, assault, or out rage. It is said that the great question of repeal has been in jured by this verdict. - Do not believe it. It is not true. On the contrary, the result of this verdict will be of most material service to the repeal if the people continue to keep as peaceful as they have hitherto been, and as I am sure they will con tinue to be. Obey my advice. No riot. No tumult. No blow. No violence. Keep the peace for six months, or, at the utmost, twelve months longer, and you shAll have the parliament in College-Green again. I am, fellow-countrymen, your affectionate and devoted servant, DANIEL O'CONNELL. REPEAL ASSOCIATION.—The Repeal rent for last week was £.6-13 Os. 3d. Captain Peel Dawson is announced as a candidate for the connty of Londonderry, to supply the vacancy occa sioned by the demise of Mr. Bateson. SIGNAL FIRES.—We stop press to an n o unce th a t th e hills surrounding Nenagh are all illuminated.—Nenagh Guardian. All the proprietors of newspapers who were members of the Repeal Association have retired from that body, in consequence, as is asserted, of the doctrine laid down daring the trial that the Association is responsible for what appears in their respective journals. TIPPERARY ELECTION.-Mr. Maher was, on Saturday lest, elected M.P. for this county, without opposition; Mr. Barker having previously resigned. Mr. Barker de clines standing, on the ground of the tumultuous violence to which his friends would be exposed. MR. O'CONNELL'S CHAIR.—A chair which has been in Mr. O'Connell's family for 300 years, was received a few days since at Washington, as a present from the great agitator to Mr. Robert Tyler. The President of the United States was the first person to sit in it.—Phila delphia Letter• A meeting of the Loyal National Repeal Association was held on Monday. Large sums of money were handed in from various parts of the country, and Sir Colman O'Loghlin and Mr. O'Hea were appointed to repair to London and put themselves in communication with Lord John Russell, in reference to the state trials. A motion for remodelling the association is to be brought forward on Monday next. STATE OF EXCITEMENT IN TUAM.—When the news of the liberator's conviction rea c hed Tuam, the patriotic inhabitants of that spirited town, to mark their sense of the crime perpetrated against public liberty, put their houses into mourning, and observed the day as a black fast. What will our paternal and impartial government say to this ? Out upon the hypocrites and deceivers-- - down with the enemies of peace and justice. The people are firm and observant.—Galway (Radical) paper. RAISING THE WIND.—The following document Wee some time since issued from the Corn Exchange :—" Re peal I repeal! repeal! if you are willing to assist O'COn" nell and the Loyal Repeal Association in obtaining for Ireland a Parliament of her own, with all the benefits of Domestic Legislation, you will please to send your con tributions for this glorious work to the undernamed col lectors of this district, either at " One Farthing a Week, " One Penny a Month, " Or One Shilling a Year. " Which will entitle you to be enrolled as associates, and to receive repeal cards. DIABOLICAL OUTRAGE.—The following is an extract of a letter, dated S a t ur d a y we ek, f rom a correspondent at Tullamoore : " I have just been informed by the officers in barrack that a most diabolical outrage was contemplated last night, by two sods of burning turf having been thrown over the barrack-wall, which tell on the powder-magazine, but fortunately the roof was proof against fire. On the same night a large hole was broke in the rere of the barrack wail, sufficient to admit a man ; but all was discovered t cp h ree i r s apn d e tt a sr y a;tiiino l g w e s somedesignhavecarriedh a other e e a n t r f ooiclieodu,sasoualtlrahgeere. are T now o hemis; the alert. So much for the repealers and their associates in Tullamoore." [The above appeared in the Dublin Evening Mail of AlondaY, and in the same contemporary, of Wednesday last, we find the following paragraph :]— The attempt to blow up, or otherwise destroy, the barrack at Tullamoore, as noticed in our last publication, appears, from subsequent information and inquiry, to have been a much deeper and more dangerously-concocted gramme than was at first supposed ; but as a strict inves tigation into the attendant circumstances is in progress before the competent authorities, we shall abstain from further observation until those engaged in the inquiry shall have made their report." O'CONNELL. AND MR. BOND HUGHES.—A scene of a remarkable character occurred in the cabin of the steam packet, bearing Mr. O'Connell to Liverpool, before her starting :—Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Maurice O'Connell, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Morgan John O'Connell, Mr. Shiel, and Mr. Nicholas Maher, the new member for Tipperary, that People i te of will Ireland," r e‘ 1 abebsneoro::::iigfl:dt eiaeuoniwnegedroioinft;ngvobt were aboard, and the present government reporter, and the late one, Mr. Bond Hughes, were also in the cabin. Mr. Steele, who accompanied Mr. O'Connell to the packet, shook hands with the government reporter, and was engaged in some playful conversation with him, when, Mr. Bond Hughes joining, addressed the Head Pacifica tor. Mr. Steele immediately and good-humouredly re winded, and addressing Mr. Hughes. said—" Mr. Bond Hughes, you were under a misconception with regard to ' Behemoth,' for I did not speak the quotation ; but I arts bound in honour to declare, that I never in my life heard evidence more straightforward, fair, and manly, than yours in describing the peace of our monster meetings." Mr. Hughes, in courteous terms, responded, and asked Mr. Steele if he would have any objection to shake hands with him, and the latter replied that, on the contrary, be would feel pleasure. At this moment Mr. O'Connell came to the part of the cabin where this occurred, and shook hands with Mr. Bond Hughes, Mr. Steele telling On playfully of his observations about the unspoken " Bebe; moth," &c. Mr. Bond Hughes was treated with marked respect by every one of the traversers present. Mr- P . '" among the nunober.—Radical paper. his "Address Taw GULLS.—O'Connell says, in his convicted t ee: ert a draw s osoer a ; iv,t:en tajiintentionally ddtgi adds, consolatory oesn ai ln I,rm, promise,lreland. lihasainetd a b.d, e... to the will not acquiesce in the law as laid down against him: say either that his law is becoming rusty, o l nsn ; l i dot s l Itd' old arts of delusion, for no writ of error lies ulpo i i n fnrath h eihel i tw s iii:Wse C eie a nmsrh s ghe e ai to the twelve judges. The Cou i r i t e o i f s E e x v :h d e e q nt ue ll e Chamber, consisting of the twelve judges of the superior courts of common law in Ireland, is established by tbe, 40th George 111., c. 39, an d h as cognisance of writs 01 error from the superior courts, of course including th e Queen's Bench; but it i s the constitutional doctrine that the Crown is not bound by a statute, unless specially named therein. Now the King is not only not affirmatively named or included, but the act goes further, for the KW% is expressly excluded by negative words, as the third sec tion, concludes with t h e enactment —" That noth i ng here!: contained shall be construed to give a right to any perset to sue forth a writ of error to reverse a judgment in whic.; the King is a p ar t y , ot h er th an b y th e l aw , t h e same now allowable." We believe we may add, that when th e CroWn prosecutes, no writ of error can lie without th e consent of the Attorney-Gener. 1 ; and as for the threatened motion in arrest of judgment, it may in this country be spun out to the extent of a day—in Westrolu ster it would not occupy half an hour. EXTRAORDINARY MARRIAGES.—The Rev. Mr. Noe Hughes, minister of St. John's Chapel, Clerkenwell, IO the course of his visitations to the poor, discovered a gre at number living in a state of concubinage and profligact; Through the medium of his exhortation they were broug P A to a sense of the impropriety of such a mode of life, 913'" 86 men and woman, consisting of butchers, costermoogA ers, tailors, shoemakers, and others of various trades Sr: callings, consented at the suggestion of the rev. gentl e man to appear before the " hymeneal altar " of St. John ) , Chapel, Clerkenwell, on Monday last, there to go throl4.l the matrimonial ceremony, and be made one, " grotto' Twenty-three of these marriages were performed on I A I4/3 dav, and twenty-three more on Tuesday.