The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-29 00:00:00

TRH-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL, .IANCES 'ment of Mr. CLARKE, Sole Lessee )MDIENC DUBIN( SUMMER SEASON HALF-PAST SEVEN.-DOORS TO Night Et. VANDENH OFF and MISS VAN io are engaged for a Halite(' period. lovelty and attraction to the Plays in Miss Vandenhoff will appear, an arrange made with Mr. GEO. VANDENHOFF mtine of leading Juvenile Characters du ng nights of the engagement of Mr. and combined attraction of MR. and MISS and Mr. GEORGE VANDENHOFF. it TUESDAY, June 29, 1841, will be per med Tragedy of R iMEO AND JULIET. irst time).... Mr. George Vandenhoff. Mr. Vandenhoff. .... Miss Vandenhoff. Mrs. Clarke. To conclude with the revived Farce of MODERN ANTIQUES; Or, The Merry Mourners. L'ockletop, Mr. Baker. I Mrs. Cockletop, Mrs. Clarke. TrIII lercuti) , n WEDNESDAY—Mr. Sheridan Knowles' Play of E WIFE. Julian St. Pierre, Mr. Vandenboff; Leonardo r. G. Vandenhoff; Mariana, Miss Vandenhoff. with the Farce of THE HAPPIEST DAY OF Mr. Gilman, Mr. Baker ; Mrs. Dudley, Mrs. 'o conclut 1Y LIFE On THURSDAY—KING JOHN and SIMPSON On FRIDAY—For the BENEFIT of Mr. VANDEN HOFF, will be produced, for the first time here, Mr. Knowles' last new Play of the BRIDALS OF MESSINA, or JOHN OF PROCIDA, with other Entertainments. HE ELECTION FOR LIVERPOOL, NOMINATION THIS MORNING ie friends of Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell will meet this morning in Rodney-street, at eight o'clock, to escort the candidates to the hustings. We purpose publishing in a SECOND EDITION a detailed ac count of the processions, with a full report of the speeches of the candidates, and their movers and .con.ders, together with every particular that may i us in the course of the morning respecting the THE GENERAL ELECTION e have made arrangements for publishing in the STANDARD of Friday, the Returns of every Election which has taken place prior to that day. Most of the boroughs in England will by that time have made it representatives, and the purchasers of Lull) will therefore be able to ascertain, of t of men the future House of Commons is the STA likely to be constituted. It is impossible to specify the number we shall be able to exhibit, but our publi- n of Friday falls most opportunely for the pur answering our intentions, and will be the first üblished in Liverpool which will contain this desirable information TO CORRESPONDENTS ed endless applications for copies of the speech of the Rev. Hugh M`Neile at the Amphitheatre, but it is quite out of our power to comply with them. Though many thousands were printed they were all caught up with eager ness in a day or two. We have rec The letter of Lord John Russell will probably be of use to us hereafter ain obliged to postpone the letter of the Rev. Hugh Stowell. We have barely room to record the excellent "nstitutional candidates. We are a addresses of our c 'e are reluctantly compelled to postpone the report of the meeting of the Medical Association until Friday. Gift Eibtrpool g9tanbarb. TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 29, 1841 fo-MORROW the electors of this borough will have elightful opportunity of recording their opinion TO-MORROW they will post pective residences with eager haste to n their votes for those honest men who, by their own votes and exertions, have done much to hasten onsummation to which we are now approaching. ORROW the Electors of Liverpool will place Lord Mr. Cresswell in that proud position at 011, which will demonstrate to the ingdom that all the cunning artifices of a dying, and led government have not availed with them, tration don and Head of the and that, seeing the question which they are called upon to decide in its true light, they do, by a vast and ielming majority, pronounce, that the present ment is unworthy of national confidence, and ht to be removed. We do not think that it is going too far to say broadly, that every loyal man— every man in whose mind there is no lurking treason against his Sovereign and country, is solemnly called upon, and specially bound to enter his protest against the ministry which still shamefully remains in office, and therefore to vote against all who would support them. The question has fully assumed this grave complexion If a government ally itself with traitors—counte nance traitors—and discountenance, and discourage true patriots—men who have risked their lives and fortunes in the service of their country, can that man be faithful to his Sovereign and the State who contri- butes in any way:to keep such a government in power? illude to the known connection We do not just no between her Majesty's Ministers and the arch-traitor—the great anti-unionist of Ireland— which s ibsist hough that one circumstance is in itself sufficiently —but to the vile treatment which brave n in one of our American colonies have condemnator ed m, and devo received at their hands. We tender Sir Francis Head as a witness on the subject:---a competent and unex ceptionable one, as all must allow. Most of our readers have probably seen the statement which he has lately put forward;vvith regard to the cruel neglect, or absolute persecution of some of the best and most faithful men whom the State possesses in Canada. Sir F. Head was a witness of their services, and knew He is a man belonging himself to no their value party; it is his own declaration; but where there is a question of fealty or rebellion—a question between the Crown and its adversaries—between Old England and open foes, whether foreign or domestic, doubtless, he to prove himself a true Briton. He comes now with a statement of facts, and from this it appears, that the imprisoned M‘Leod is not the only forwar victim of valour and loyalty across the Atlantic whom our chivalrous government abandons to his fate; in iis case, though a hard one, is perhaps less dis -11 to them than others, because not so easily yin their power to relieve There is first Captain Drew, who, being illegally and unjustly deprived of his command on Lake Erie, came over, as Sir F. Head states, to urge her Majesty's Government to comply with the address submitted in the Queen by both Houses of the provin- cial Parliament in 'Upper Canada ; he came, in short, to ask the government to heal his wounded honour by granting him some slight acknowledgment of the service he had rendered to his country by the capture Caroline, an act officially declared by Lord Glenelg to have been " justifiable and praiseworthy." He applied in vain. He detailed his pecuniary losses, and informed the Colonial Secretary that three times had ruffians from the United States crossed over Canada on purpose to assassinate him ; but to no pur- The reply he received was a cold and unfeel and Commander Drew is forced to aban- ing denial " the country—to him an ungrateful one—with his family for ever "My heart bleeds when I reflect aptain Drew's misfortunes," says Sir F. Head. " Whether or not I was justified, in order to defend her Majesty's territory, in calling in the Queen's name upon t naval officers in Upper Canada to capture troy the pirate steamer the Caroline, is a ques 'iich it would be unbecoming I should offer , but there can surely be no doubt that those obediently responded to the appeal performed a ' •tu, and that they had no reason to expect that fairly won would be forcibly ex changed by their country for a cypress -bough mourning ; and yet such has been their un- tion on V noble d is they so over their disgrace Carota refused all token of favour, or even of protection, by Government, has been obliged to aban don his little farm on the frontier, while several of his ''wring comrades, " who at my call," says Sir F. left the trading vessels they commanded to j oin in the attack, finding themselves discountenanced by the home Government, have been obliged to give lest they should be massacred or im prisoned in their voyages on the lakes." " Every in dividual," he adds, " of Captain Drew's gallant band ives disappointed and disheartened" ! who, in the attack upon the t through the body in five places, is I%Phlorniach, of Ministerial baseness and ingratitude He also Head, up their crafts, TO -MORROW, then, Electors of Liverpool ! you will have an opportunity of chewing your sympathy for these ill-used men, and your utter disgust at the con duct of those heartless and rebel-favouring officials who have entailed disgrace upon the country by such treatment of the brave and loyal. Nor are these the only cases brought under our notice by Sir Francis Head. There are several more which we have not time to enter into, but all most painfully and cogently leading to the conclusion, that the Whigs deem them selves constituted as a Government for the praise and reward of those that do ill, and for the punishment and dispraise of those that do well ; and that, in point of fact, it is their highest merit to be in close affinity with the factious and disloyal rather than with the peaceable and well-affected. " Leaving all minor considerations entirely out of the question," says the gallant baronet, " it now must be for the Electors of _England, Ireland, and Scotland, to determine whether her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies is to continue to be considered in our North American pro vinces as the leader of the rebels, or whether, by a change of policy, the LOYAL are henceforward to look upon him as their patron, their supporter, and their friend." TO -MORROW, Electors of Liverpool ! you will have to answer this question. The same policy precisely, you are aware, is acted upon in Ireland ; so, to save trouble, you may as well put the Home Secretaay along with the Colonial, and then just ask yourselves, shall we vote for a brace of secretaries who, in their respective jurisdictions, are considered " the leaders of rebels ?" Forbid it, Loyalty—forbid it, Heaven ! No; we shall rote only for the removal of such pests from the Council Chamber. "Take away the wicked from before the king," saith the proverb. Electors of Liverpool ! we confide in you for the performance of this good work, To-mouaow ; and so far as lies in you, we are fully persuaded that you will do it. We shall not have another opportunity of addressing you, but we have the greatest confidence in your decision. VOTE EARLY, and let no man consider his vote of little consequence. Admitting as we do the Queen's name to be a tower of strength, we are glad to find that they of the ad verse part neither have, nor pretend to have it on their side. We take her Majesty's most gracious speech on dissolving the late parliament as the only index by which we can judge of her disposition towards either party in the state at the present moment, and, upon examination of its terms, we undertake to say it will appear that the royal address is Conservative—that it is an appeal to Conservatives, and that Conservatives alone can give due effect to its proper intent and ob jects. Let the Whigs give a better version of it if they can ; let them take it to the hustings and make speeches upon it; let them placard the walls with it; we care not; we still affirm that, upon any fair construction, the Queen's speech is—what it ought to be—Conser vative, and that every elector who desires to comply with the injunctions of his royal mistress will vote for Conservative candidates only. In the first place, her Majesty says, " On a full con " sideration of the present state of public affairs, I " have come to the determination of dissolving parlia " ment." From this it is plain that her Majesty, hav ing at last obtained a thorough insight into the rascally character of the Whigs, has determined to get rid of them. So long as they continued to keep her in the dark—so long as they only permitted her to obtain partial views of public affairs—she allowed them to go on with a free course in their folly; but a "full con sideration" of the state of things altered her mind ; she then saw how she had been bamboozled, and she instantly determined to give the nation an opportunity of passing sentence upon them. We never enter tained a doubt that her most gracious Majesty would sooner or later become a Conservative, nor that at any time a full and mature consideration would lead her to dismiss, and rejoice in being rid of, those evil counsel lors by whom she has been too long surrounded; but we greatly exult in the thought that this hapgy con summation is arrived even now. Her Majesty, having fully considered the state of public affairs, has per ceived that the Whigs are everywhere in disgrace— that their policy was bringing the country to the verge of ruin—that in parliament they had come to a dead lock, and therefore that nothing remained to do but give the people an opportunity of cashiering all those unworthy representatives who had aided and abetted them in their evil courses. Wherefore she graciously complied with the earnest wish of all her faithful Con servative subjects both in and out of the great council of the nation, and, upon " full consideration," dis solved the parliament. But further : her Majesty has condescended to as sign certain reasons for taking this step, and from these also, it clearly appears that Conservatism is the only clue by which we can find our way securely through whatever may seem obscure or difficult in the instrument. The reasons are two : first, " the para mount importance of the trade and industry of the country;" and, secondly, the necessity of " providing for the exigencies of the public service in the manner least burthensome to the community." Her Majesty felt a due and just regard for the " trade and industry of the country," and therefore she wisely determined not to allow them to be trifled with or damaged by her Whig ministers. In the last parliament she saw that interests of such paramount importance could not but sustain injury, from the ruinous measures of her ministers, if they had been unfortunately able to carry them, and from those who would propose good ones not being in a proper situa tion to originate them. Wherefore she prudently re solved to dissolve and break up a complication so every way disadvantageous. In a Conservative parliament all this will be changed. Those who with her Majesty form a just appreciation of the paramount importance of the trade and industry of the country will constitute the great majority, and she will have the opportunity of making up a new government of the best materials. " Providing for the exigencies of the state in the least burthensome manner." This her Majesty has discovered could not be effected under Whig regime, for two reasons : first, because these Whigs have a way of creating interminable exigencies themselves ; and, secondly, because their mode of providing for each is the most burthensome possible. Who caused the present financial exegencies of the state ? The Whigs, and the Whigs alone. Their commissions and their place-making—their jobbing and their pensioning—their improvident tampering with the best sources of revenue—their foreign policy and their home—their Canada war—their Syrian war, and almost their French and American wars—their wasteful extravagance in every department, and their blundering budgets ;—these are the tliings which have created the "exigencies ;" and to get rid of exigencies no choice is left but to dismiss the Whigs. No won der, therefore, that her Majesty's anxious concern for the " trade and industry" of the country should have had a large share in influencing her determination to call a new parliament and get rid of the Whigs. As to providing for exigencies " in the least burthen. saute manner," she well knew that Conservatives are the only party to look to for such sort of provision. The Whig mode—much as they talk of free-trade — has been found to be a general screwing up of taxes upon trade and upon everything. That is the Whig mode of meeting exigencies. Therefore, her Majesty (long may she reign over us) has done with them, and is resolved, by appealing to the nation and securing to herself a strong Conservative Parliament and Ministry, to repair the damage and provide for the exigencies caused by the spend-thrift Whigs—" in the least bur thensome manner." Sir Robert Peel, we may depend upon it, is the man for this. Some of the exigencies, we dare say, he will provide for by removing them altogether. This we should expect from his economy, his prudence, skill, and good management. For others, he will provide, in the " least burthensome manner." He will lay no new burthens on our colonial trade, nor deprive any home interest of its rightful amount of protection ; he will not favour slave-grown foreign sugar, and depreciate colonial free ; and above all, he will eschew the miserable and mean delusion of that sinking crew who now cry up cheap bread in the agonies of despair and death. Their death-bed repentance, however, has come too late. Down they are going, and go they must. Her Majesty concludes with an appeal to her forth coming Conservative Parliament and to all Conservative electors, to which, we are satisfied, they will cordially respond. The words are these:— " In the exeraise of my prerogative, 1 can have no other object than that of securing the rights and promoting the interests of my subjects, and I rely on the co-operation of my Parliament, and the . loyal zeal of my people, for sup port in the adoption of such measures as are necessary to maintain that high station among the nations of the world which it has pleased Divine Providence to assign to this country." Conservative electors ! to the poll, then, for your Queen ! She calls upon you to support her in the adoption of "such measures as are necessary to main tain this country in its high station." And what mea sures are these ? Whig measures ? Oh, no ; but Conservative measures—the only measures that can produce the desired end. Give her, then, a Conserva tive Parliament; vote only for Conservative candidates, and you will be complying with this appeal in its best sense. But we shall use no artifices to quicken your zeal; we reckon securely upon it. Several communications have been addressed to us with reference to the paragraph which appeared in the STANDARD of Friday last, as to the petty tyranny of Sir Joshua Walmsley, who has the impudent effrontery to ask the electors of Liverpool to send him as their representative to the House of Commons. It now ap pears that not only did our liberal knight refuse to in crease the wages of the corn porters—an application to which all the other employers yielded at once—but we are informed that he was the actual originator of a proposal to reduce the stipend of that hardworking body of men. Such is the man who presents his mo dest face as the sympathiser and supporter of the poor. Away with such cant. Sir Joshua's professions have always been put forward with the intention of gaining the object which he is now moving heaven and earth to effect; but his conduct has always shown that his own private interests have ever been uppermost in his mind, and to accomplish these he has never failed to grind down and oppress the poor creatures beneath him who had the alternative of acceding to his ty rannical demands, or seeking elsewhere (perhaps in one of our liberal knight's union bastiles) that misera ble subsistence which was denied them by this radical hypocrite. Men of Liverpool, be not deceived by any vehemence of profession ; draw your moral from the way in which this precious humbug has behaved to wards his workmen; record your votes in favour of men who will strive night and day to make you more prosperous and happy. Vote for SANDON and CRESS- W ELL, and you will never regret it. The originators of the requisition to Lord Palmerston seem not to have acted towards the gentlemen who have been induced to sign that document with such straightforward honesty as ought to characterize such an important movement. We have strong grounds for stating, with the greatest confidence, that the requisi tion has never to this moment been presented to his lordship, and further, that no communication has ever yet passed between that shifting personage and the gentry who have so unceremoniously paraded his name before the electors as a candidate for their suffrages. We, therefore, ask, whether such treatment as this is what the supporters of Lord Palmerston had a right to look for—whether they are not now entirely released from any pledge which their signatures to the requisi tion might be construed to imply—whether they are not bound to treat the requisition as a nullity—and whether his lordship's committee, for their deception, are not worthy of the most reproachful epithets—and, in consequence, whether the votes of the constituents would not be properly recorded in favour of Sandon and Cresswell, as a suitable return for the duplicity which has been practised upon them. Lord Palmerston's name has evidently been used as a manoeuvre, on the part of the Radical aristocracy, who are highly offended at the obstinate pertinacity which Sir Joshua Walmsley has exhibited in pressing forward his paltry claims for the representation of this town. SUPPORTERS OF LORD PALMERSTON ! your candidate asks not for your suffrages—his committee have evidently entrapped you. You might as well vote for one of the cabbages in the market. Come forward to-morrow like men, and show that you can reward the trickery which has been practised upon you in the manner which it deserves. Vote for SANDON and CILICSSWELL—men who are amongst you, who are ready to see and converse with you, and who will sup port every measure calculated to ensure your permanent interest and the nation's solid glory. We are authorised to state that the document got up for the purpose of learning the views of the candidates respecting the Scotch Church question has been unani mously withdrawn, on account of its having been erroneously represented as intended for a political end. One of our local contemporaries has stated that it originated with Whig-Radicals. We have reason to know that only two Whigs had any share in proposing it, and both of them are reputed churchmen. We abstain for the present from giving any expression of our own opinion on this subject, which has caused, and is causing, so much strong feeling in Scotland and among the Presbyterians of Ireland. Evidently, however, the question has no connexion with party politics, as the addresses of the Conservative candidates in the parts of the country referred to fully demonstrate. LORD SANDON AND THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD JUNE 28, 1841 SlR,—Having discovered, in the Mercury of Friday last, what professes to be a statement of the result of a corre spondence which has lately passed between the Secretary of the Anti-slavery Committee of Liverpool and myself, and being desirous that the public should have the opportunity of judging for themselves, I beg to request that you will have the goodness to insert the whole correspondence, which I here inclose, in your next paper.—l am, sir, your obedient servant, SANDON. [No. I.] Great George-street, Liverpool June 7, 1851. My Lord,—On Saturday evening my attention was, for the first time, called to the report of your lordship's speech, in the House of Commons, on the night of May 28th. In adverting to the recent resolutions of the Liverpool Anti slavery Committee on the sugar duties, your lordship made a statement which, with all respect, 1 am compelled to aver is far from being in accordance with fact. Permit me to request the authority on which that statement was made, as it tends seriously to implicate me as secretary of that com mittee. Through the whole of my connexion with it, I have endeavoured to pursue a course moreupright and honourable than that which is there imputed to me : and I trust that I shall be able to convince your lordship that the representa tions conveyed to you respecting the organization and pro ceedings of that body are incorrect. My appeal is to the minutes, which have been accurately preserved. lam con vinced that your lordship will not allow an unjust surmise to rest on the innocent. It is a cause of regret to me that I am now constrained to differ with many whom I respect and venerate among my own friends ; but, as an honest man, and having uniformly removed myself from political action, I hold myself free from the charge of compromising anti-slavery principles, and foregoing the dictates of humanity and religion, to subserve any temporary, insignificant, or unworthy party purposes. I trust, therefore, that your lordship will favour me with a reply, at your earliest convenience.—l am, my lord, your lordship's obedient servant, _____ _ _ _ _ ____ . -. WILLIAM BEVAN. [No. 2.] London, June 8, 1811. SlR,—Before I can reply distinctly to your inquiry as to the observations which I made on the 2Sth of May last, in the debate on Sir Robert Peel's resolution, I should be obliged to you to let me know in what paper you have seen them ; for the reports in two which I did see, are mueh at variance with each other, and neither correct.—l am, sir, your faithful servant, BANDON. [No. 3.] Great George-atreet, Liverpool, June 9, 1841. MY LORD,--I am obliged by your lordships prompt notice of my letter of Monday. While lam desirous that all Ido may be fairly represented ; I am not less solicitous to receive au accurate report of the statements of those with whom 1 have to differ. The report of your lordship's speech which lies before me is furnished in the Morning Chronicle of May 29th—" He had been also taunted with the proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool. Now, what were the facts ? The members of that society had long discontinued their attendance, considering that there was no longer any object in their meeting; but when it appeared that her Ma jesty's government wanted assistance, a few of these gentle men met together—there was a collection of the crumbs of the old Anti-Slavery Society, and the resolutions were passed. He had letters from the two delegates from Liver pool to the last meeting in London, expressing their regret that the name of the Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool had b een so used. (Cheers.) If he might judge from this of the mode of operation in other parts of the country, and the way in which the assent was got up, he should cease to attach any value to the expression of feeling in favour of a n a b o litio n o f slavery by the introduction of slave-grown sugar." I shall t o insert any correction or oblite ra t e any error your desire.—l remain,my lord, your lord s hip's o b e di en t servant, lordship may WILLIAM BEVAN [No. 4.]. Live Great J une 1 4, 1841. your lordsh. ' beenletter, dated M Tuesday e—a l t a o s G t i I , e ° l trhgee : rBet rc eeei pt immediately replied ; and 1 p ha s v e anxiously hoping for a further communication. The pro ceedings of the Liverpool Anti-slavery Committee have ever been characterized by the greatest integrity and straightfor wardness, and I cannot allow the false imputation that now rests on them to be uncontradicted. The charge has been groundlessly and publicly made; and I am, therefore, com pelled to take this ground. I shall hope for further notice of the matter at your lordship's earliest convenience, an d remain, my lord, your lordship's obedient servant, WILLIAM BZVAN. [No. 5.] London, June 16, 1841. regret that you obould not have had au 411514C7 earlier, but I was called into the country soon after my first letter for a few days, and when I came back, found so much business on my hands, that I had not leisure until yesterday afternoon, (and not in time to write fully by the post,) to look out the Morning Chronicle, to which you referred me in your secon( I find the substance of the report to be generally correct. but, as far as my recollection serves me, it would have been more faithfully given in something like the following terms : 7 " He had been taunted with the proceedings of the Anti slavery Society of Liverpool. What were the facts ? Many members of the society had discontinued their attendance since the Act of Emancipation, conceiving that their work was done, and that there was no longer any object for their meeting. The society had dwindled to a fraction of the original body ; but when it appeared that her majesty's government wanted assistance, these gentlemen, the crumbs of the old society, were called together, and the resolutions passed. He had letters from two of the delegates of the old society, who expressed their regret at seeing such use made of the name of the society, and their anxiety that the feelings of the anti-slavery body of Liverpool should not be mis understood. After this statement he did not think that the right honourable gentleman had much reason to boast of the support of the anti. slavery party in Liverpool." This, I believe, as far as my recollection of words, not very deliberately considered, serves, would be a more accu rate statement of what I said ; but there is not much varia tion in the substance. My object was to show, that the resolutions which had appeared under the title of the Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool were not to be considered as representing the feel ings of that numerous party which had made the abolition of the slave trade, and the emancipation of slaves within the British dominions, their special care, but merely of a section of that party ; and this I supported by a statement that a large proportion, and some of the most active members of the original body, had ceased to take a part in its proceed ings, and that I had letters from two of the delegates of 1233, expressing their regret at the transaction. I have since referred to two of the letters of the Rev. Dr. Tattershall and Mr. A. Hodgson, the gentleman alluded to ; one letter I have mislaid, and I find that they bear me out as to the facts of the statement. To the warmth of tone I must plead guilty as my own ; and if it has been unjust, lam sorry for it. I may not have been justified in attributing the resolutions ra ther to a desire to support her Majesty's ministers than to a simple expression of anti-slavery opinion, and I may have expressed myself with more tartness than the occasion called for ; but I spoke under a keen sense of the injustice of the charge of hypocrisy which had been brought against me, and of the hardship of having the name of the Anti-Slavery So ciety, as representing the anti-slavery feeling, of Liverpool, thrown into the scale, as I conceived, unfairly, in such a cause. I confess, also, I was labouring under a feeling of surprise that the opinion of Anti-Slavery Society, in favour of the admission of foreign slave-grown sugar into competition with that of our lately-emancipated colonies, as the best encou ragement of their industry, and the most effective discou ragement of the foreign slave trade, should have been long withheld ; nay, that from all previous demonstrations, the contrary had been so long left to be inferred, and that this unexpected disclosure should have been reserved just for the moment when her Majesty's government most needed sup port. _ These feelings, certainly, made me warm ; perhaps they made me unjust. At any rate, being regarded as unjust by respectacle men, such as those who compose the present Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool, I certainly withdraw the imputation, which I confess I did mean to imply, that, in the resolutions alluded to, they had more in view the support of a political party than the advancement of the special object of the society of which they were the organ.—l am, sir, your faithful servant, SANDON, [No. 6.] Great Georqe-street, Liverpool, June 19, 1841. Mr LORD,—Your lordship's letter of the 16th instant I duly received, and am obliged by the explanations it con tains. Permit me to express my satisfaction at the with drawal of the imputation cast on the Liverpool Anti-Slavery Committee, and to remind you that their resolutions of the 12th ultimo contain no reflections or charges against any person or party entertaining opposite visws ; but simply an honest statement of their own deliberate convictions, on the great question now before the anti-slavery communities and the country at large. With respect to your lordship's information concerning the organization and transactions of the committee, it is due to your lordship, and to them, that I should furnish my reasons for having affirmed that representation to be incorrect, and far from accordant with fact. Your lordship will at once see that the retirement of a few individuals from active de votion to the cause, for the promotion of which a committee is constituted, does not necessitate the dismemberment of the body. Such has been the case with us. They who remain pledged to the consummation of the work (forming, too, the great majority) are competent to act, and to claim to have their procedings regarded as those of the body, whose exis tence they have sustained. _ The purposes which the Liverpool anti-slavery committee have had in view, have respected not merely the emancipa tion of slaves in British dominions, but throughout the world ; and until the last fetter is broken from the last slave, they will continue in ceaseless activity. If, therefore, any who once co-operated zealously with them remove from the ranks, they cannot admit that the acts of the many who re main are rendered void by the defection of the few. Your lordship will remember that, after the introduction of the apprenticeship system into our slave holding colonies, the nation was aroused to the consideration of its impolicy, inefficiency, and injustice. On that occasion the committee and friends of the Liverpool Anti-slavery Society were con vened, under their late excellent president, James Cropper. In November, 1837, delegates were appointed to confer with other deputies in London, on the means to be 'adopted for speedily terminating that system. For a similar purpose, public meetings were held on the 19th and 30th of Decem ber, at the second of which a discussion was held with Wm. Smith, Esq. Petitions were presented to parliament; a full digest of the parliamentary papers published ; and the ad jacent towns were visited by the officers and deputies of the committee. In the process of the debates on this question, the committee frequently met, and announced their opinions, in resolutions, which were advertised in metropolitan and provincial newspapers. The reality of their existence could not then be doubted ; and the legitimacy of their acts was not once questioned. _ . In April, 1838, another delegation was sent on the same errand, and in that month a further meeting was convened by his worship the mayor, on requisition, i❑ the Amphithe atre. In May, delegates were commissioned again to repair on the same service to London. These efforts being crowned with success, the committee, with their friends, celebrated the termination of the negro apprenticeship at a public dinner, at which his worship the mayor presided, on the Ist of August, 1838. The attainment of this result, however, did not lead to the dissolution of the committee. They assembled on the 22d of that month to determine on future operations in behalf of the negro ; and again in April, 1839, to deliberate on the plans of the provisional committee of the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society. They resolved to co-operate with the members of that institution, but to preserve their own inde pendent existence and original name as the " Liverpool Anti-slavery Committee." In February, 1840, the committee expressed their ap proval of the intentions of the society in London, in calling a convention of the advocates of the slave ; and on the 10th of April appointed their representatives, some of whom took no small share in the business of that assembly. During the intervening month the venerated president of the society passed from the scene of his labourers to his re ward, and the majority of the committee having obtained the permission of his family joined the funeral procession in their collective and official capacity. About this time, also, they entered into the subject of the deportation of the Hill Coolies from India, and by their officers contributed to the success of the efforts which issued in the prevention of a new form of slave traffic and slavery. On the 16th of April, the committee called a public meet ing, to report to their friends the condition of the emancipated negro, and the state of slavery and the slave trade in other lands. At this meeting a discussion was raised by R. Semple, Esq., which was continued in the local newspapers for some subsequent weeks. In November, the committee were placed in circumstances requiring the expression of their sentiments, with reference to the proposals of Sir T. F. Buxton for the abolition of the slave trade. They accordingly passed a series of resolutions, a copy of which, I believe, your lordship at that time received, and another copy of which I now enclose. Precisely six months afterwards, the committee met on the business which now engages the attention of almost all the anti-slavery committees of the land, and which has led me into correspondence with your lordship. From this brief review of the more public proceedings of the committee, it will be at once apparent that your lordship has been misinformed as to their dissolution. They have not ceased to act; they have not acted in secresy ; nor are they scattered as " crumbs" at the foot of the table. As I declared myself convinced that I could demonstrate that your informants were mistaken, I deem it my duty to place these facts before your lordship. We do not consider our work done, while slaves in millions are groaning beneath the galling yoke. My lord, the resolutions which have been recently adopted are before the world as the declarations of men, some o whom, at least, are not now k nown f or t h e fi rst t i me i n anti slavery matters. The first is a delibezate record of our principle, as anti-slavery men, and, with the anti-slavery arguments of the succeeding, frees us from the stigma which your correspondents would fix upon us. Again, allow me to express my satisfaction at the conclud ing terms of your lordship's letter; and as the statement to which they refer was publicly made, to request your lordship's permission to publish the correspondence entire. This is a matter of justice, no less to your lordship than to myself. I should have acknowledged the receipt of your lordship's letter at an earlier opportunity but for ministerial engage ments, in connexion with our Missionary Society.—l remain, my lord, your lordship's obedient servant, WILLIAM BEVAN [No. 7.] Liverpool, June 22, 1841 have no objection whatever to the publication of our correspondence ; but, in communicating this permission, I beg to say that I do not see in your statement that variation between the facts and what I stated, which you seem to discern. The fact substantially remains the same, that the proceedings of the committee of the present Anti-slavery Society'were not entitled to be considered as expressing the opinion of the abolitionists of Liverpool upon the. question of admitting slave-grown sugar. In the report of what I said, which I have sent you, I see nothing materially at variance with th e ev id ences o f the continued existence of the society, which your letter undoubtedly furnishes. My in formants from Liverpool stated, "that many of the individuals composing the Liverpool Anti -slavery Society had withdrawn from it, and that the resolutions were the resolutions of only a section of the abolitionists of Liverpool. Of this fact surely there can be no doubt.—l am, sir, your obedient servant, SAND ON. The King and Queen of the Belgians arrived at Woolwich on Wednesday. LIVERPOOL REGISTRY OF SIIIPPING. — We recommend all shipowners and masters of ships carefully to peruse th e rules and regulations of the Liverpool Registry Book of Shipping. They will be found to contain a complete manual of shipbuilding, and of great service to those not practically acquainted with the intrinsic and last in g qualities of the various materials used in the building and repairs of ships. A. subscription of- two guineas annually to the register book constitutes a member of the society, and entitles the subscriber to vote for members to serve on the committee; m ay vote by proxy, absent and non-resident membersNo new rule, or alteration in any existing rule, affecting the classification of ships to be made retrospective, to the prejudice of ships previously built. The fees are reduced more than one-third of the sum charged by the London Society of Registry. The rule for spacing the beams of s hi ps is clearly defined together with the fastenings. required. In all cases where an owner is dissatisfied with the classi fication of his vessel, the committee will , on• application, ap point a special survey, to be held by competent persons ; and on their report being received, the classing will be reconsi dered, and such a character assigned as the vessel may appear in justice to deserve. The establishment of the Liverpool registry will facilitate contracts for building new ships, as the shipowner has only to decide on the hull for a twelve, ten, down to a four years' ship, and then to agree about the price with the builder, only requiring to add, " The ship to be built according to the rules and regulations of the Liverpool Registry Book." Thus long s pecifications will not be re quired, and each party will know what is doing, without fear of the London committee having to interpose their mische vous legislation, driving, as has frequently been the case, the contracting parties into a lawsuit. SECOND EDITION. Standard-qffice, Three o'clock. THE NOMINATION THIS MORNING SPLENDID DEMONSTRATION OF CONSERVA TIVE FEELING. SANDON AND CRESSWELL FOR EVER! This morning at an early hour, the town throughout gave demonstration of the extreme interest taken in the event of the coming contest, and of the active preparations made by both of the contending parties. Flags and colours were seen borne along to the various places of rendezvous, and bands of music, and drums and fifes, were heard to sound " the gathering of the clans" in every direction. The weathef was exceedingly fine, and the inhabitants, young and old, of " the good old town," were " wide awake" two or three hours before their accustomed time of bestirring them- selves. Anon, flags were displayed from numerous club houses, inns, private dwellings, yards and works, indicative of the political opinions of the inmates, and all presenting a highly animated appearance of bustle and enthusiasm, which continued to increase in interest as the day advanced, and formed to those who made the circuit of the town a pano ramic first scene of a contested election. The colours of the conservative candidates were observed by every person greatly to preponderate. Commodious polling booths, so far as temporary wooden buildings could be so constructed, were erected in the diffe rent wards,' and one of these, of somewhat larger dimensions than the others, though all too small for the accommodation required, was, as usual, in front of the Exchange, to be used, in the first instance, as a hustings for the nomination. The police force, lest the temporary ebulition of party feeling might rest:4in some affrays, in consequence of the belligerent feeling recently displayed by the Irish supporters of the Liberal candidates, were reinforced, appointed, and instructed by the head constable. It was arranged that the friends of the respective candidates should meet them and accompany them to the hustings. They accordingly assembled at their places of meeting in the several wards, and proceeded to the two houses in which the respective candidates domiciled for the time--the conservatives to Sir T. Brancker's, Rodney-street, near the top of Leece-street, to meet Lord Sandon and Mr. C. Cresswell ; and the whig-radicals to Ranelagh place, where Sir. J. Walmsley, with the invisible phan tom of Lord Palmerston, awaited their arrival. We need scarcely say —and we say it without a tincture of partiality—that the turn out of the Radicals was paltry, poor, and poverty-struck, both in person, and in numbers, as compared with the rank and file of the noble army of Con servatives, who greeted with loud acclaim their respected old favourites, who arrived on the ground in continuous bodies from their several wards, with banners flying, and numerous bands playing patriotic airs. They occupied nearly the whole length of Rodney-street, though from six to seven deep, and included, besides vast numbers of well-dressed operatives, nearly all the " broad-cloth" of the town. The others, with spectators to boot, did not above half fill the little triangular space opposite the Adelphi Hotel, and exhi bited a most pitiful account of conscript recruits of the working classes, and a mere sprinkling of the whin-radical noblesse par excellence. The comparative demonstration as respected wealth, station, and talent, was ten to one on the side of good old Church and Queen. It is almost impossible to describe correctly the appearance and numbers of the supporters of the respective candidates without some appa perent partiality, so extremely marked was the difference in favour of the constitutional cause. At a few minutes past nine o'clock the conservative pro cession—(which was received throughout with the strongest demonstrations of attachment, when in ward bodies, in the various streets through which they passed, and particularly when en masse, in Rodney-street—the " west end" of our town—with unusual marks of approbation by " fair ladies" and others, from windows and " house tops")—moved on wards, in gay and splendid array, towards the hustings, by Leece-street, Bold-street, Church-street, Lord-street, and Castle-street, amidst the universal acclaim of all who saw them. A more respectable and gratifying display of well-clad artisans and workmen, and individuals of the first station and distinction in the town was never before witnessed. The few astonished whig-radicals—we eyed them from corners of streets and recesses —felt that wholesome humiliation which assured them that they must "hide their diminished heads." The balcony and windows of Sir T. Brancker's house, in which were " our worthy represen tatives," that were and are to be, were crowded with ladies and gentlemen ; and all the houses in th e li ne an d oppos it e were equally peopled with the elite, an d d ecora t e d w ith flags, while handkerchiefs and flags of brilliant silk were waved by the fair hands of hundreds whose hearts were en thusiastically warm in the cause. Lord Sanaon and Mr. Cresswell appeared in an open car riage and four, with two postilions, in blue and red. They were accompanied by Sir Thomas Branckcr, Ackers, Esq., N. Robinson, Esq., and several other gentlemen. They both stood uncovered, to avoid the necessity and toil of lifting their hats, on the continuous and hearty salutations with which they were greeted on all sides by male and female. They looked remarkably well,—like men who knew their duty, and had the heart and the hand to perform it. Throughout the whole line of streets they were received with, if possible, increased enthusiasm. The flags and banners carried in the procession were nu merous, beautiful, and appropriate ; and, we may add, many of them were new. Amongst them we observed one bearing a full-length likeness of "the phantom candidate,"in his native character of Jim Crow, who had " jumped" with mountebank agility through no fewer than nine administrations ' • also one of the same notorious individual as a w e a th er - coc k. In this he is represented bestriding a dung-hill cock, and racing on toward the goal. but he can make no way in consequence of the conservative gale that has set in against him, allegorically conveyed by a figure of Lord Sandon, blowing him back frem a cloud above. The motto is to the effect— " I can't come it this time ; but I may at the next Autumn meeting." Amongst the much admired flags, was a repre sentation of Nelson, and en the obverse, the death of that naval hero ; the " Liverpool Arms," grouped with flags, &c.: a picture of the Custom House, &c. Amongst the emblematical devices carried (independently of flags and ban ners), we observed a scraggy bone of beef, with a very small quantity of dry and shrivelled flesh upon it, illustrative of the " nourishing," plentiful aliment provided by the whig radical poor-law, for those who are necessitated to throw themselves upon its tender mercies. On passing the Conservative Newspaper offices, the members forming the pro cession hailed them by repeated and prolonged cheering. We are proud to acknowledge, that at the STANDARD Office, from which were pended two small royal standards, and several other flags, the ladies and others at the windows were most enthusiastically cheered. We can meet the debt of gratitude we have thus incurred only by our increased and cheerful toil in the furtherance of that cause which we shall ever conti nue to espouse. The arrangements made in Castle -street to avoid con fusion, and avert any hostile contact of the two parties, were admirable. A barrier was erected along the middle of the street, against which policemen were stationed on either side. The conservatives passed to the hustings on one side, and the radicals on the other. We should add, that a considerable body of the police force (no doubt picked men), were; mounted on horseback ; accompanied the van of the two processions, more effectually to clear the way, and afterwards remained on duty to pre serve order. The whole arrangements in this department appeared to be judiciously planned and carried out. The procession of Sir Joshua (solus as a candidate), was in deed a " phantom,"—miserable and transparent in numbers and respectability. The " worthy" candidate appeared in a carriage, accompanied by his subservient guide and fugleman Mr. T. Atkinson, and a few of his diminutive knot of friends. An estimate may be formed of the comparative strength of the respective parties by the fact, that Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell's procession occupied a period of 25 minutes to pass our premises, and that of Sir Joshua only fifteen minutes ! The numerical result of the voting at the election to-morrow will, we doubt not, exhibit a comparatively popu lar triumph for the conservatives. The crowd in Castle-street and the adjoining approaches was, as might be expected, excessive. The conservative members reached the booth at about ten o'clock, and poor Sir Joshua at half-past. During the delivery of Lord Sandon's and Mr. Cresswell's addresses Mr. Tinpot Atkinson placed himself in a conspi cuous station in front of the hustings, and interrupted, in the most brutish manner, whatever came from the respective candidates to offend his vulgar taste. THE NOMINATION, The friends of Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell arrived at the hustings about ten o'clock, and in about half an hour afterwards they were followed by the friends of Sir Joshua Walmsley. The Town-clerk having read the writ and precept for the election, as well as the act of parliament for the prevention of bribery and corruption, s _ The MAYOR said the time had now arrived for the propo sal of candidates for the representation of this borough. If any burgess or freemen had any gentleman to propose to serve this borough in parliament, they would now have the goodness to put them in nomination. Sir THOMAS BRANCKER then rose amidst loud cheers to nominate Lord Viscount Sandon. He said, if the duty which devolved upon him had been to propose a new candidate to the electors of Liverpool, he should have felt considerable hesitation in undertaking the office ; but he felt greatly re lieved when he knew that he was about to propose to their notice a noble lord who had served them for the last ten years, whom they had triumphanely returned to thrre suc cessive parliaments, and who had discharged the important duties confided to his care in a manner second to none. (Loud cheers.) The noble lord had discharged his parlia mentary duties, whether of a public or a private nature, with a zeal, diligence, and integrity becoming that high moral character which he so eminently adorned ; and he came forward to claim the suffrages of his former constituents with a confidence that very few representatives of the burgesses of England could produce and claim. (Laughter, drowned in cheers from the conservatives.) This borough had numbered among its representatives some very distinguished statesmen ; but without wishing to detract from the merits of those great names, this borough had every reason to be proud of numbering among its representatives the noble lord. (Cheers.) He was quite sure that if the burgesses once more returned him to the House of Commons, he would discharge his duties with the same zeal and integrity that he had al ready displayed. (Cheers.) He would not take up the time of the meeting longer, but at once proceed to nominate the Right Hon. Dudley Ryder, Lord Viscount Sandon, as a fit and proper person to represent the borough of Liverpool in parliament. (Tremendous cheers, mingled with some dis approbation.) NICHOLAS ROBINSON, Esq. seconded the nomination. Lord Sandon had discharged his duties as one of the repre sentatives of this borough with zeal and assiduity, and he had uniformly endeavoured to promote to the utmost of his power the interests of this country. (Loud cheers.) His kindness and courtesy to all who had any business to transact with him had always been such, that it would not be neces.. sary for him to make any observrtions upon them. (Cheers.) He should be extremely sorry if the time should arrive when this borough would be deprived of the servi ces o f th e no bl e lord, for lie was decidedly of opinion that we should never see his like again. (Great cheers.) He begged to second the nomination of Lord Sandon. (Loud cheers,) Mr. RICHARD LEYLAND then rose and said that be had great pleasure in proposing Cresswell Cresswell, Esq., as a fit and proper person as representatvie of this borough in Parliament, but from the noise which p reva il e d, an d t h e l ow tone of voice in which he spoke, we could scarcely catch a word of what he said. We understood him to observe that M r. Cresswell had executed the trust e n t rus t e d t o hi m on a femur occasion with great justice to himself and satisfac faction to his constituents, and that his high standing at the bar, and his commanding talents, eminently entitled him to the distinguished honour of being a member for Liverpool. (Great cheers.) Mr. CHARLES LAWRENCE next rose and said he would not detain them any longer than merely to second the nomi nation of Mr. Cresswell. (Renewed cheers.) WILLIAM EARLE, Esq. then stood forward, amidst ap plause and hisses, for the purpose of proposing Lord Pal merston. He said that there was a general impression in this town that, in consequence of the line of conduct which our late representatives had thought fit to take with respect to the great measures which were so decidedly calculated to improve the commerce of this port—(cheers, hisses, and cries of " Oh, oh !")—they were unfit to represent Liverpool in parliament. The reformers had long considered them unworthy, and that feeling had now extended to the tories. (" No, no," and Yes, yes.") If the party whom he should have the honour and pleasure to nominate, and whom they were determined to give the electors an opportunity of choosing, were returned as the representative for this borough, he (Mr. Earle) was confident that he (Lord Palmerston) would perform his du ties with zeal and ability, and represent the interests of com merce. One of the persons to be brought forward by the liberal party was our own townsman, Sir Joshua Walmsley— (cheering)—a man of untiring industry, a staunch friend of free trade, and one who had often been called out in behalf of the people. The second candidate to be called out by the anti-monopolists—the noble lord whom he should have the honour to propose—was one whose name would live in the page of history, and be handed down to posterity. (Cries of " where is he ? " and cheers.) He (Mr. Earle) had waded through the addresses of Lord Sandon and Mr. Cress well, and if any one there had done the same, he was satis fied that he would come to the conclusion that he (Mr. E.) had arrived at—that he hail wasted a great deal of valuable time. (" Oh, oh," and groans.) Never was there such a tissue of unmeaning words, and so great an absence of any sentiment which could arrest the attention of mercantile men. There was'an angry and petulant attack upon the new poor law ; but the conservative candidates seemed to have forgotten that they had voted for every clause in it. (Cheers, and cries cf " no, no.") There was also a declaration in those addresses in favour of the corn laws, or rather of a sliding scale, and this was followed up by an assertion that the church was in danger, and ought to be protected. Now, who wanted to injure the church ? (" No one," and cries of " You and the whigs.") They (the whigs) wanted cheap bread, and they were met by the cry that the church was in danger, and clerical canvassers went forth to proclaim this to the people. (Groans, hisses, cheers, and expressions of dissent.) Yes, he could assure Mr. Sands that some few m. clergyen had become political canvassers ; but, to the ho nour of the clergy be it said, not many. (Cheers and groans. In the whole of the address of Lord Sandon, he (Mr. Earle) had not found a single word about sugar. In a constituency such as this, that question ought undoubtedly to have been referred to ; for it was one in which the town was much inter ested. (Much cheering and hisses.) No, the subject was not a very sweet one. The abolitionists of Liverpool were of opinion that the noble lord had full as much intention of protecting the West India interests as the negroes, in the course which he had adopted. In Liverpool, however, the noble lord had dropped the question, and he had no doubt shown good generalship in so doing. (Hear.) Contrast with this the conduct of Lord Palmerston at Tiverton, which was situated in an agricultural district, and had amongst its voters many persons interested in the corn laws. Lord Palmerston, however, did not therefore blink the question of the corn-laws. (Cheers.) He came for ward boldly and said that he considered be was doing the electors good service by bringing forward the question of the corn-laws. (Great cheering.) In consequence of that manly conduct, the honest enthusiasm of honest Englishmen were manifested in favour of an honest man. (Applause and hisses.) Another subject not alluded to in the addresses of the conservative candidates was the finances of the country. The tory accusation that ministers had injured the finances was an unfounded one. (Cheers.) That ministry had taken off a large amount of taxes, and a deficiency would never have been felt had it not been for the expeditions to China and to Canada ; and it was very fortunate for the country that there was a liberal ministry in power when those expe ditions were going forward. (Cheers.) Judging from past events, he should say that had there been a tory govern ment, we should have had in addition a war with France, and, perhaps, a general war. (Applause mingled with hisses.) Instead of this, however, we are now on a good footing with the European Powers, and by next advices he hoped to hear that peace had been established in every quarter. (Cheers.) With respect to the commercial measures pro posed by her Majesty's ministers, he must state, that if those measures were not adopted, new taxes must undoubtedly be imposed upon the country. (Cheers and hisses.) The con servatives objected to the policy of government, but they themselves proposed no remedy—nothing in lieu of the mea sures which they opposed. (Cheers and groans.) As far as regarded the West India proprietors—and he himself was one, as well as others around him—it was his opinion that the protective duties were of no benefit to them whatever. But suppose they were, was it not a monstrous evil that the whole community should pay so enormously for the advan tage of a few, and that the interests of those few should be consulted in preference to that of the great multitude, who had scarcely means of subsistence ? Those protective duties were, under the circumstances, a crying evil ' • and he did not thank Lord Sandon for having protected him, or the in terests with which he was connected. (Applause and hisses.) As the gentlemen on the other side were very impatient, he should not occupy their time much longer. He should con clude by proposing Henry John Temple, Lord Viscount Palmerston, as a fit and proper person to represent Liverpool in Parliament. (Tremendous cheering, mixed with groans and hisses from the Conservatives. THOMAS BROOKLEBANK, Esq., seconded the nomination of Lord Palmerston, and in so doing, spoke highly of the character and abilities of the noble lord, of the free-trade measures introduced by ministers, and of their general policy. A more able and trustworthy administration this country had not had for a long period. The noise was so great during the . . whole of the time - ihat Mr. Brocklebank was speaking, - and he spoke in so low a tone, that we were unable to give more than this brief outline of what he said. At the conclusion of his remarks, a most vociferous and animated round of ap plause was given for Lord Palmerston, and it was immediately answered by a counter cheer for Lord Sandon and Mr. Creswell. Colonel WILLIAMS rose, amid mingled cheers and hisses, to nominate Sir Joshua Walmsley as a fit and proper person to represent this borough in parliament. When he had for merly attended meetings in that place, the friends of social order used to be extremely noisy. He found that the friends of social order were present on this occasion, and that they were as noisy as ever; but he hoped the mayor would order his policemen to have an eye on them. (Hisses.) If his observations could not be heard within doors, he would ad dress the crowd without. When the corn-laws had passed the legislature, the people outside the doors of the House of Commons vastly exceeded in numbers and intelligence the collective wisdom within. So it was on the present occasion. (Great laughter.) Where was Sir Thomas Brancker ? Oh ! he (the colonel) observed him close by his side. (Renewed laughter.) Sir Thomas had said that he was under no em barrassment in not meeting the noble lord, because that gentleman had been a faithful and honest representative of the borough. Sir Thomas was a religious man ; but was he aware of the gospel the noble lord had preached ? (Great and continued laughter.) It was very odd how the same matter operated on different people. He stood there as an ancient freeman, and as a representative of the most virtuous body in all England. (A pause, followed by a cry of " Give him a chew of tobacco.") If they allowed him to take his own time, he would proceed. (Ironi cal laughter.) He recollected having been interrupted by the friends of social order when Canning stood on the hust ings; but Mr. Canning said, ou that occasion, that everything might be brought forward at an election in the same way as if they were debating a question on the estate of the nation in the House of Commons ; and, therefore, he (the colonel) would make himself heard. (Ironical laughter.) At the present era, when want of confidence was the order of the day, he was specially filled with that want of confidence with regard to the noble lord and his double—(cheers and hisses) —Mr. Cresswell, to whom he had the honour of introducing himself. The many objections on the ground of want of confidence, to the vote of those very honourable men in their way no doubt—(great cheers)—but not men that he thought qualified to represent the borough of Liverpool. (Hisses.) His principal objection to the noble lord was, that he was one of that order—an order originating in the darkest times of ignorance and barbarism. (Loud cries of " Oh, oh !" groans and hisses.) He thought he had a very good ground of objection against the noble lord, therefore. (Renewed groans, and cries of " What is Lord Palmerston ?") y es , they had some liberal lords, and the more honour was due to them. (" Where is he ?") But the nature of the order was to be hostile to the people. (Loud groans and hisses.) They had never known them to be in favour of the people, and, as a proof of it, they were getting their means of superfluity by adding to their rents on those in fernal questions of corn restrictions. (Loud groans and hisses.) Aye, this was the character of those men who were overrun with wealth, that they still extracted ad ditions to their income from the miserable bread-eater. (Renewed groans, followed by a pause, and cries of " Go on.") He was fearful of exhausting himself; but he had another ground of want of confidence to the noble lord on the ground of his tribe and his family. (Renewed groans.) The whole of the present questions had arisen by reason of the profligacy, the cruelty and the extravagance of the men who had heretofore governed the country. They had imposed on the country by means of their sanguinary wars an addition of five hundred millions of the national debt, and it was the burden of that debt and the necessity the people were under of paying the interest of it, which had been the ground work of the liberal measures of the present administration ; and when the noble lord observed in his address—he had got that address in his pocket and he would read a few ex tracts from it—that the present was an unprincipled agita tion on the part of the government, he would say that this was an unprincipled assumption on the part of the noble lord. He (the colonel) called them the wise and liberal measures of the present government, the only honest go vernment which had ruled the country for many years. (Loud groans and hisses.) It was the only honest govern ment that he remembered during the course of his long life ; because it should not be forgotten that the present enormous debt had been contracted by the Pitts, the Jenkin sons, the Dudley llyders, and the whole company of rough riders who held the helm of the state. (Loud groans.) The only way to relieve the pressure upon the people was to raise up a more equal revenue. He should like to know the grounds on which a levy on the people in the shape of pro tective rates on the corn laws had been imposed. The " illus trious duke," when he was in the ministry, had given it as his opinion that the corn laws were necessary to enable the landlords to pay their rents. (Cries of " the tenants, you mean." Much laughter and continued groans.) That was the statesmanlike argument of the Duke of Wellington for supporting the corn laws ! (Groans.) And what had been the consequence ? Why, they put fifty millions into the pockets of the overgrown landlord, which had been taken out of the pockets of the miserable consumers ; and, there fore, there never was a more unjust or election-like declar ation of the noble lord than when he said that the conduct of the government was an unprincipled agitation. (Hisses and groans.) He must repeat that he was a freeman of the borough, and that he had the noble lord's guaran tee for being one of his best friends. (Ironical laughter.) He had vainly attempted to read the address of the noble lord, when it appeared in large characters on the walls of the town, but he read it in one of the Tory newspapers, and he could safely say that he had never met with such a tissue of absurdity. (Groans, and cries of " Except your own.") He did not mean to go into a re view of that address, but he thought it showed upon its face that the noble lord knew he was wrong when he was writing it, and that it bore evidence of what had been pass ing within him. Colonel Williams concluded by moving that Sir Joshua Walmsley was a fit and proper person to represent this borough in parliament. Mr. W I L L IAM BROWN seconded th e nomination. The MAY ox then asked if any other burgess o; freeman had any other candidate to propose? No answer being re turned, his worship called upon Lord SANDON, who was received with tremendous ap plause. I believe, said the noble lord, it has usually been the custom, at least for the last three elections, for those who claim the suffrages of the electors of this town, to make the attempt to address those who are assembled outside the hustings. I shall follow that good custom, although I be lieve, from the spirit I have seen, I have little hope of suc ces ; and, Mr. Mayor, that after having made the attempt for some time unsuccessfully, as I expect to be, you will allow me to address those inside upon some of those charges which have there been made. Addressing those outside, his lord ship continued—Gentlemen, I have explained the claims upon which I solicit your support in the various speeches which I have made in different parts of the town. It is not my intention to inflict upon you a long discussion to satisfy upon that head, or to repeat those explanations of my pentl. meats which you have so often heard and received with sa many marks of your approbation. (Hear.) You have now before you the various issues to be tried at this election. Are you prepared to continue your confidence in her Majesty's administration, or are you prepared to send to parliament such men as will give to her majesty advisers of a different stamp ? (Hear, hear.) Are you prepared to give your sanc tion to those ministers who have so mismanaged our Foreign affairs, our finances, and our colonies, as to have compelled that large expenditure which has produced those serious dif ficulties in our revenue which we lament? It is not from any decline ;in the prosperity of the country, or from any decrease in our revenues that those difficulties have arisen ; but they have arisen from an increased expenditure, and a deficiency in the annual receipts. (Cheers.) The revenue has been increasing —and as I have just said, it is the great expenditure arising from mal-administration in our colonial, foreign, and financial affairs which has caused the deficien cies we have now complained of. (Hear, hear.) Are these deficiences, then, any ground for confidence in those who have caused them ? Would you entrust the curing of the evil to those who have caused it ? Would you not rather give your confidence to those who have resisted the measures of her Majesty's ministers by whom that expenditure had been caused, who opposed the policy by whom Canada was thrown into a flame, and encouragement given to an in vasion upon the northern side by the United States, by which our great interests in China have been so endangered that we have been obliged to incur an enormous expenditure in that country. and engage in a war of which no man can see the conclusion? (Hear, hear.) Can you find grounds of confidence in those who so mismanaged the negociations with France, that they produced last year an expectation of a general war, and compelled us to increase our navy, not be= cause it was not wanted, but because the reason we wanted i t was the neglect of the settlement of those questions which alone produced those apprehensions of war with France. (Hear.) This, gentlemen, is the administration whose ma nagement of foreign affairs, has been such as to cause em barrassment where they found prosperity, and whose admi nistration of financial affairs, has left a deficiency where they found a surplus—(cheers)—this is the administration which claims at your hands your continued support, (Hear.) But in the last hour of their existence, when they find that their misdeeds have forfeited them successively the con fidence of every class in the country, when they find by election after election, that the feelings of the city is against them. Then they turned round for a new floating bait, with which they think they can call back the affections and attachment of the county, which they hoped would be received largely, and that thus they might be enabled to agitate the communities of the large towns, and by awakening the feel ings of the town against the country they might be enabled to purchase a short existence. (Cheers.) But if by their mismanagement of our commercial affairs, by their neglect of the protection of the - interests of British commerce, of which we have complained from time to time—(loud cheers) ;—if by their neglect of the commercial interests of the country, if by their neglect to protect the flag of Eng land in foreign countries, if by their neglecting to make com mercial treaties with countries where British commerce needed extension, if by their neglect in the protection of individual British merchants when insulted by the wanton ness of foreign powers—if I say by these neglects they have hitherto secured the approbation of this great cammunity, I do not think that these three last devices which they have ingeniously invented will be found to secure them that support which they have hitherto wanted. (Cheers.) If these three questions really had the merit in them which they pretend to, if they are the panacea which is to cure all the evils and all the distresses, of effecting which they pre tend they are, why have they been so long delayed—why were they delayed when ministers had the power and some expectation of being able to carry them. (Hear, hear.) If an alteration in the corn laws is to be the remedy for every evil that we are afflicted with, why is it that they have been in of fice for ten years, and never until this moment thought of proposing it ? (Hear.) If they did really think that it was necessary for the interests of the poorer population of this country, and an extension of trade, that we should admire foreign slave grown sugar into our markets, why refuse it last year when sugar was dear, and there might have been sound argument in favour of it ? Why did they delay it ? why bring it forward now? (Hear.) But in the case of the corn laws, they resorted to a clap-trap in the very last moment of their existence, hoping to purchase by it that support which, on all their other measures, they have forfeited. (Hear.) I have been abused here for having alluded to your Protes tant church and to your Protestant altar. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I am not surprised, gentlemen, that they should abuse me for it : they had rather that 1 had said something about them. (Hear, hear.) They would, if possible, for get, and make you forget, the disapprobation with which their attacks upon our Protestant church, our Protestant religion, and our Protestant education, were received, and they blame me, therefore, for still holding them up to the feelings of dislike and disapprobation which they excite. (Hear.) • But, gentlemen, you must recollect that parliament is not chosen for the consideration and decision of a single question. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) It may be very well to give a man a power of attorney to vote upon a single question, but here you are giving your representatives a power of attorney to vote on every question that can be brought before the legis lature. (Hear, hear.) You are giving them power over the church, the throne, and the aristocracy; you are giving them power to legislate for every interest in the country ; but you will not be blinded by any single cry into forgetting how many questions there are upon which you differ from the administration, even if you should agree with them upon this one. (Cheers.) I will not now go into the question of free trade, which you must have heard dis cussed from ward to ward, from public meeting to public meeting, even to your own weariness. This is not the occa sion to go over them ; but I may fairly appeal to you, whether you have not even reason to doubt that the large promises which have attached to the question of free trade in corn, are likely to be fulfilled or not. (Hear.) You have seen reason to doubt whether you would gain in the exchange ; whether the sacrifice of British industry is not a more than adequate exchange for the large amount of foreign trade which is held out to us. (Hear, hear.) I believe you have already made up your minds that you will not continue your confidence in her Ma jesty's administration that you will not send up to parliament men who will give that administration their support which, indeed, they have deservedly for feited, but that you will send up those who will give you a better assurance of steadiness and firmness—who shall have principles of their own and adhere to them' and who will not, year after year, cut and carve them to the present fashion for the purpose of gaining support either upon one side or the other. (Loud cheers.) I beg to thank you for the patient hearing with which you have, under all the circumstances, been kind enough to grant me. (Loud applause, during which the noble lord retired.) Lord SANDON then addressed the parties within the booth at very great length, in reply to the remarks and insinuations of Colonel Williams. Mr. CRESSWELL then addressed the electors, with much effect. Mr. JAmus Aimlv next addressed the meeting on the part of Lord Palmerston. _ _ Sir JOSHUA WA.LmstEr then followed, and occupied the meeting for upwards of an hour. The MAYOR then called for a show of hands, which he declared to be in favour of the conservative candidates. A poll was then demanded on behalf of the other candidates, and the mayor appointed it to be commenced to=morrow. A vote of thanks was then moved to the mayor, and the meeting seperated. LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE,—Tats DAY (From Messrs. R. MAKIN Sc SONS' Circular.) Although the arrivals of Grain altogether are still very moderate, and those of Flour and Oatmeal, either English or Irish, form scarcely an average supply ; we have to note from the American States and Canada a fair quality of Flour, and the navigation from the latter being now open, liberal imports of this article and of Wheat, are expected thence in the course of July. : In consequence of the approaching elections, our market this morning was again very thinly attended ; notwithstand ing which, the amendment yesterday in London appeared to give the Wheat trade a rather firmer tone ; and in good use ful descriptions of English and Foreign, sales to a moderate extent were effected at the full rates of this day se'nnight. All sorts of Sack Flour, being scarce, maintained late prices, but States and Canadian, though in middling request, must be noted Gd. per barrel cheaper. Barley for grinding and Prime Malt ruled quite as high as last week, whilst inferior qualities of the latter were very unsaleable, and nominal in value. In Beans and Peas we have no change to report. Oats, continuing to meet a very limited inquiry, hardly realised our last quotations ;—and Oatmeal, remaining ex tremely difficult of sale, was the turn cheaper. ARRIVALS OF CORN, From the 22nd to the 28th June, 1841, inclusive DESCRIPTION. IRE- COAST- CANADA LAND. WISE. !SC U.STS. :TOTAL 481 492 1333 368 Wheat Qrs Barley Qrs. Malt Oats Rye Qrs. Beans Qrs. Pease. Qrs. Shelled Barley . Qrs. Indian Corn . . . Qrs. Rapeseed Qrs. Oatmeal .. . . Loads 3248 18 Flout Sacks 714 440 Ditto 3152 4485 694 1333 3633 940 I 1020 3266 1354 11989 Into Runcorn, Ireland and Coastwise :—Wheat, qrs. ; Beans, qrs. ; Barley, qrs. ; Oats, qrs.; Oatmeal, loads; Flour, sos sacks. EXPORTS.—Foreign. Wheat, qrs. ; Barley, qrs.; Oats, 44 qrs. ; Pease, 65 qrs. ; Oatmeal, 22 loads; Flour, sacks, 77i brls.—lreland. Wheat, 125 qrs.; Barley, qrs.; Rye,-qrs. ; Beans, qrs. ; Indian Corn, 6s qrs. ; Oatmeal, loads ; Flour, barrels. --Coastwise. Wheat, 58g qrs. ; Barley. 7 qrs. ; Malt, qrs. • Oats, 63 qrs.; Rye, qrs.. Pease, 30 qrs. ; Beaus qrs.; Oatmeal, 40 loads ; Flour, 70 sacks 217 brls. , Average prices of Grain, for the week ending June 18 , 1 841. Wheat.. 625. sd. I Barley 3os.iod. Oats.. 21s. so d. I R ye.. 368.10 d I Beans.. 385. 7d. Pease.. 385. 3d I Aggregate average of the six weeks. Wheat.. 625. Id. I Barley 30s. 6d. I Oats.. 225. 4d. Rye., 3 1 5 5. Id. Beans.. 38s. 2d. 1 Pease.. 38s. Id. • Duty on Foreign Grain, &c. this week. Wheat 245.8 d. I Barley 16s. 10d. Oats • • • 13 ' g d • I Rye.. 16s. 9d Beans 12s 6d. Pease .. 12s. 6d. Ind. COTLII6s.IOd. Flourl4B.lot Liverpool Averages, week ending June 22, 1841. Wheat. I Barley. } Oats. Beam s. pease. Qrs 1687 .- 1532 Prices 63s. 4d. Os. od. 2os• 7d. 05. od . Os. od. MARKET and prices still con and JUNE 28. LIVERPOOL CA p ni n ri b m s e wa ß s eef tolerably to good, sti t el; i ri ; Lamb 6 eek. th Le hhaigvhe.haTdhaenosuthpeprlysinotall markaentdo p.Number of Beasts 701 ; Sheep and prices ruled much Wethers 6id to 6id Ewes s ld u p. id to 7id per lb., sinking the offal, and nearly all and Lambs 8200. LIVERPOOL: TUESDAY JU NE 29, 1841. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY AND FR IDAY MORNING, ST JOSH UA FLETCHER LACE , of 88, Mount Pleasant, and LEONARD ADDISON, of 14, Great Orford-street, GEORGE'S CRESCENT, LIVERPOOL. and Advertisements are received by Messrs. 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