The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1844-02-13 00:00:00

i:lnptrial Varliamint. HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAY. The Lord Chancellor communicated her Majesty's gracious answer to the address of their Lordships oir the speech from the Throne. It was in the following words! " I thank von for your lova! and dutiful address the first object of my wishes is to promote the welfare of my people, and I rely with confidence on your assurances of support in framing such measures as the interest of the country may require.' The answer was entered on the journals of the House ,, The Earl of ABERDE EN , i n answer t o some obs,..„a. tions made by Lord Brougham, said that it was •_,, f t ect l true that the French Gove r nme n t h a d desirecl . 6ZI; modi fications of the treaty touching the search as night make it more palatable to the T' ,..re - uch with out impairing its efficacy. F Minister Thepeople rcnch was as anxious to see an end put t• the slave-trade as he (the Earl of Aberdeen) or his be. (Hear.) ..aohil and Learned friend could Lord Ba.onGti :,..m wished a noble Duke (Richmond) to postpone for a dLe his bill regulating horse racing. The Bi.._: nop ot , bill w , -..„),4 , LoNDos expressed his opinion that the •-• ~a ye the effect of encouraeing betting on r. z. as. The nuke of RMEMOND said it would have an entire eprmite effect—it would altogether put an end to fraudn hnt betting, and greatly reduce betting generally. He bad, no objection to postpone the bill for the present. Lord CAMPBELL could scarcely give his support to a bill which made betting recoverable at law. Lord DENMAN moved that the bill be referred to a Committee.—agreed to. The Duke of llicamoNn subsequently moved the fol lowing as the select committee to consider the laws affect ing gaming, &c., and to report thereon to the House : The Lord Chancellor, the Lord President, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Normandy, the Earl of Cla rendon, Lord Foley, Lord Brougham, Lord Strafford, Lord Monteagle, and Lord Campbell. A conversation took place with respect to the absence of any Government measure to improve the sanatory con dition of the lower orders, after which their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY. Mr. GLADSTONE moved the appointment of a select committee to consider the standing orders relating to railways, and whether any, and what, change should be wade in these orders; and likewise to consider whether any, and what, provisions ought to be introduced into such railway bills as should tome before the house during the present or future sessions, for the advantage of the public and the improvement of the railway system, and to report their opinions thereo❑ to the house. The right hon. gentleman said he should propose that this commit tee be empowered to inquire into the propriety of modi fying the rule that required a deposit of ten per cent. on the subscribed capital, with the view to assimilate it to that of the Lords, which only required one of five per cent. He also proposed to submit to it the consideration of discouraging competing lines, unless the public advan tage was clearly shown. Likewise the general system of charges, and the neglect of comfort in third-class car riages. The motion was agreed to. Mr. PATTISON having naively asked whether the sugar duties were to be altered this session, Sir R. PEEL answered, amidst much jocularity, " That is a question which I should have expected would have been asked by the youngest member of this house, for certainly nothing but the circumstance of a member being the youngest among us could justify such a question at this period." Earl JERMYN reported her Majesty's answer to the address of this house, as follows :—" I thank you for this dutiful and loyal address. The declaration that you are anxious to co-operate with me in my earnest desire to promote the welfare of my people is most gratifying to any feelings. It is the unvarying object, and the constant care of my life, to promote the happiness and to merit the confidence of my faithful subjects." Mr. BLEWITT having inquired if the report that her Majesty was in debt had any foundation, Sir R. PEEL replied: " I am greatly surprised that the honourable member should be so credulous as to believe any such report as this, and I should have thought that any man, who had seen the course which her Majesty bas pursued from the commencement of her reign to the present moment, might have been enabled, by referring to that course alone, to give the most positive contradic tion to any rumour of the sort. I can assure the honour able gentleman and this house, that there is not one syl lable of truth in the report, and that her Majesty is not a single shilling in arrear." This assurance from the Premier was received with loud cheers. Mr. GLADSTONE moved the appointment of a select committee on the Merchant Seamen's Fund. Mr. LABOUCHERE regretted that a legislative measure, instead of a select committee, had not been prepared. The motion was agreed to. HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAY. The Duke of RICHMOND called attention to a circular which had been addressed to the Clerks of the Peace for the various counties of England, the effect of which would be that the property of prisoners convicted would t o to the Crown instead of going to repay those who had been instrumental in the prosecutions. The property ought, unquestionably, to go to the benefit of the county rate. Ile concluded by moving for the production of a copy of the letter. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said there was no objection to the production of the letter, and explained with reference to the course to be adopted in regard to the property of persons charged with offences, or convicted upon such charges, that the magistrates would act according to the best of their discretion. Lord BROUGHAM and Lord CAMPBELL objected to the terms of the letter, as loose and indefinite. After some conversation on the subject of the Chinese treaty, the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-TUESDAY. Sir J. GRAHAM moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the Factory Act. The right hon. baronet said the material alterations which he wished to make were that children between the ages of 8 and 13 should not be em ployed on any occasion more than six hours and a half per day (hear) ; and that no female, whatever age above 13, should be employed more than 12 hours per day. After a protracted discussion, leave was given to bring in the bill. The select committee on railways was appointed. On the order for going into committee of supply, Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that the people complained of many grievances—monopolies in articles of food, the monopoly of the Bank, of the East India Company, of the Irish Church—heavy taxation—the Irish Arms Act— the frequent refusals of the house to inquire into charges against the government, the judges, and the parties dis persing public meetings—the amount of the standing army and police—and the defective state of the repre sentation. When there were such grievances as these, and when discontent was so widely extended by them, it became necessary to inquire into the composition of the douse of Commons before that house proceeded to vote the supplies. He now moved a resolution affirming the necessity of an examination into the composition of the house before the house should proceed to vote the sup plies. Mr. WILLIAMS seconded the motion. Sir R. PEEL gave credit to Mr. Crawford for his tem perate mode of stating his views, which, however, he showed to be multifarious and impracticable. He ex posed the disquisition of Mr. Williams upon the consti tution of parliament, observing that, if every man who was taxed was entitled to vote, so was every woman and every child. He really could not consent to vote that this house should abdicate its functions, because some petitions had been presented in which its composition was impeached. After some observations from Mr. HOME and Colonel SIBTHORP, the horse divided— For Mr. S. Crawford's amendment 22 Against 130-108 Mr. BLEWITT said a few words, disclaiming any dis loyal intention in the question put by him on a former night respecting the civil list. . .. The house then went into committee of supply, and at half-past ten adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-THURSDAY. Lord ASHLEY called the attention of the house to the situation and treatment of the Ameers of Scinde. After citing, as a ground for his own interference, an opinion of Sir H. Pottinger in their favour, he took a short retro spect of their early history, and referred to treaties of amity between them and this country, down to the year 1838. The object of our negotiations had throughout been the navigation of the Indus, which, under certain restric tions, we had thus obtained. No doubt the conduct of the Ameers towards the army of Sir John Keane was a disho nest one ; but at Khelat they had made amends by a truly cordial co-operation. The increase of our difficulties did not diminish their friendship, even when their hostility might have done much towards crushing us. They had now been charged with treachery • but he could find no proof of it; though he admitted that they were desirous of getting rid of the English from their country. They had been accused of writing treasonable letters, but they denied the charge, and asked why those letters were not produced to them ? Not merely the forms of law, but the substance of justice, required such production. He complained also of the publication of Sir C. Napier's run ning commentary upon Major Outram's letters. He urged the improbability that the Ameers should have in tended treachery when they had taken none of the pre cautions which might have been expected to accompany such a design. He desired the house to remember the assistance given by them at the time of the disasters in Cabal. lie contrasted the conduct of the present Governor-General towards these Ameers with that of Lord Cornwallis in the treatment of Tippoo's children. He enlarged upon the policy of public virtue, exhorted Great Britain to pursue it, and concluded by moving an address to her Majesty, praying that she would take the subject into consideration. Mr. ROEBUCK considered Lord Ashley to have taken a narrow view of a great subject. The real question was, at what time that policy commenced which had made these evil steps inevitable. Until 1834 the proceedings of the British government had been directed to the fair ob ject of enlarging our commerce. Even until 1838 we had kept the tiger's paw within the velvet. Then we tried to establish a commercial agent in Scinde, and, the Ameers naturally dreading us, we had put the screw upon them, by threatening them with Runjeet Singh. They gave war, and our agent was established at Hyderabad. Upon Lord Auckland he charged the injustice and the want of wisdom which were now developed, The year had hardly ended when we entered into the tripa-: ,tte ttzatv which provided that Schah Sonjah should_ provid the i re non nce h claim Punjaub, pay tribute t ,- 4 un3eet I and forb u ea p r on from any attempt upon . s'oro'lloAbemsecejtBl;' d o b n y e th o e nditi d on tt.hat of the should pay English ; betr, ,, all that time a mere me pu i p a p t e o t n o o f the t who supplied Mm with the o n l y means o f hos pAtt:h he possesse4. And then Lord Auckland had the tr;Arditiood to prettnd to the Ameers that he would endeavour to pretwie on Scholl Soojah to accept a rea sono`,lte amount. The means proposed for so prevailing him, were horse, foot, and artillery, which Colonel Pottinger proposed to have ready, for the sake of the moral effect they would produce. A letter had been written by the Ameers of Hyderabad to the Schah of Porsis, which Lord Auckland chose to consider as an offence against the British power ; and this was to be made a reason for transferring their dominion to another family of Ameers more friendly to Britain. Mr. Roebuck read a letter from Colonel Pottinger to Lord Auckland, re commending that troops should be stationed in certain parts of Scinde, which measure would establish the su premacy of Britain as effectually as if she possessed the whole country of Scinde. A new treaty was now imposed upon the Ameers ; and the party who first broke it was the British government. The Ameers now tried evasion ; and well they might, when they felt the serpent coiling closer round them, and preparing finally to crush them. After a condemnation of the route chosen through Scinde to Affghanistan, he adverted to the difficulty of the po sition in which Lord Ellenborough found himself on suc ceeding to Lord Auckland amid the unexampled disasters of that time. On learning what the Affghans had done against the British force, the Beloochees of Scinde were inspirited, under the injuries they had .sustained, to hope much from the adoption of a similar course. Thus there was now an extensive conspiracy throughout India to break down the power of England ; and Lord Ellen borough had the anxious question to decide, whether, after retreating in Affghanistan, we were also to withdraw from Scinde. The resolution he formed was justifiable, although it was so only by the vast and dangerous ne cessity under which he was placed. Mr. Roebuck likewise vindicated Sir C. Napier against some criticisms which Lord Ashley had made upon his notes on Major Outram's letters ; called upan Sir C. Napier's country to give him in generous measure the praise which was due to him under his heavy responsibility ; and read a letter addressed to Major Outram by Sir C. Napier himself, in justification of the course adopted. Mr. Roebuck concluded with three resolutions, which, however, found no seconder. Mr. EMERSON TENNENT considered that the policy of Lord Auckland was completed by the treaty of 1829 ; d that, therefore, Lord Ellenborough's own views, and •t Lord Auckland's previous policy, must be deemed to have produced the measures since taken against the Ameers. Mr. E. Tennent went on to take a review of our earlier negotiations with the Ameers, stating against them a strong case of had faith. He questioned the ge nuineness of the letter purporting to have been written by Sir H. Pottinger, which Lord Ashley had cited as a fa vourable opinion of the Ameers; such an opinion being contrary to all the sentiments of Pottinger as ap- I pearing throughout the papers printed for the house. The treaty of 1839 had been a very beneficial one to the people of Scinde; the British governor had never infringed it; but it was hardly signed before the Ameers of Hyder abad endeavoured to break it. A charge had been made against Lord Ellenborough that he had involved those Ameers who were innocent in the same ruin with those who were guilty • but, in fact, all were guilty, tho ug h th ere were shades in their guilt; and this appeared on the evi dence of Major Outram himself. The instructions of the government had been, that they should be treated with every respect and accommodation consistent with their safe custody, without regard to any strict economy, and it would be found that those instructions had been care fully fulfilled. Sir JOHN HormonsE animadverted with a good deal of pleasantry upon Mr. Roebuck's speech and upon his pro posed resolutions, to which he himself had never, in his five-and-twenty years' experience of parliament, seen anything similar ; and so thought the house, for no one member of it was found to second them. Not a man would back the learned gentleman in the race of glory which he had been so eager to run with Lord Ashley. There was hardly one material fact among all those men tioned by Mr. Roebuck, which he had not much misstated. Sir John Hobhouse went into many particulars, for the purpose of proving this exception to Mr. Roebuck's ac curacy ; and protested, with some indignation, against this attack upon Lord Auckland, a man bearing the highest character, and acquainted with Indian policy—almost as well as Mr. Roebuck himself. He justified the arrange ment under which the Ameers had paid a sum of money to Schah Soojah, and defended the entry into Affghanis ton. The hon. and learned gentleman had dealt rather roughly with Colonel Pottinger, observing upon the over charged notion which Indian servants entertained of their own importance ; but that was a notion not confined to Indian servants. He had cited as censurable certain re commendations made by Colonel Pottinger to the Go vernor, but he seemed to be unaware that the Governor did not act upo❑ them. Why he had thought it necessary to say so much in defence of Sir C. Napier, was not very intelligible ; for not only had Sir C. Napier not been attacked, but his name would eternally be held, by every lover of his country, in esteem and admiration. It be hoved the house to be circumspect in judging the conduct of distant officers intrusted with great interests, and sometimes holding in suspense the very balance of Eng land's destiny. In general, the less that that house inter fered with the distant Government of India, the better. Certainly he could not vote for the present motion of Lord Ashley, which would be a sort of side-wind censure upon the Governor-General. Commodore NAPIER praised the course taken by his relation in India, and inveighed against the Ameers for their treachery, cruelty, and injustice. He also made a rough attack, amid much laughter, upon the class of po litical agents, whom he thought mischievous enough in peace, and wholly intolerable in war. Sir R. PEEL enforced the recommendation of Sir J. Hobhouse, that the house should give all possible credit to the motives and to the conduct of men administering great public functions in distant quarters of the world. To the motives of Lord Auckland the fullest credit was due, even from those who might differ from him in his policy. He feared that when civilization came into con tact with barbarism, it was hardly possible to enforce precisely the same maxims which applied among the states of modern Europe. It was difficult when Russia was intriguing against England in India, to say calmly, I look at my Vattel and my Puffendorf, and I refrain from march ing my troops across a neutral territory. He would deal the same general measure to Lord Auckland as to Lord Ellenborough ; but Lord Ellenborough was entitled also to the benefit of the argument derived from the circum stances in which he was placed by preceding acts. When he arrived in India, a material change had already been made in the general constitution of Scinde ; British as cendancy had been established there. and the feudal sys tem of its chiefs abolished. The independence of Scinde was in truth at an end. There had been great reverses in Scinde, which it was important to counteract. Among other states, commanding armies of 30,000 or 40,000 men, Lord Ellenborough perceived a growing disposition to shake off the power of Britain, which the events in Cabul had led the natives to regard with diminished considera tion; nor is it clear that if he bad desired to abandon Scinde, the troops could have been safely withdrawn ; nor that their withdrawal would have been followed by the return of the Ameers to the obligations of the treaties. It might be that there was not, as against some of the Ameers, such evidence as would have been deemed suffi cient in an English court of justice ; but it was impracti cable to deal with India upon the rules of British evidence. If you established the principle that an Ameer shall not be responsible for the treachery of a minister of his, of whose tendency to bad faith he has had full notice, you might bid farewell to your Indian empire. Of Sir Chas. Napier's high merits he would attempt to speak on Mon day next; and he would bear testimony meanwhile to the personal valour, the military skill, and the civil sagacity of that distinguished man. To Lord Ashley's motion the government could not consent. He trusted the house would not take the responsibility of advising what mea sures should be taken at the distance of 5,000 miles. If this motion were adopted, every one of these Ameers would be set at liberty, to revisit Seinde, to resume his revenues, and to enter into intrigues of all kinds. How to deal with them was a difficult question, and one which had been anxiously considered ; and with that considera tion he would advise that the house should not interfere. But he would assure them that it was the wish of the go vernment to avoid all needless personal restraint, and to treat the Ameers with the utmost consideration and com fort. At present a sum of about 424,000 per annum was allotted to their maintenance; and if this were found in sufficient, no narrow economy would be allowed to stand in the way of any further reasonable indulgence to which they might have been accustomed. Lord JOHN RUSSELL agreed that it would be difficult to affirm this motion. He could not undertake the re sponsibility of giving a vote which might involve conse quences so dangerous to the peace of Scinde. Still the suddenness of these Indian events, and the height from which the Ameers had fallen. entitled them to every pos sible indulgence. As to the policy of Lord Ellenborough, the paper had been too recently printed to have given him the opportunity of forming a mature opinion ; and on this head, therefore, he desired to reserve himself. His con fidence in Lord Ellenborough had certainly been some what shaken by that nobleman's own changes of opinion on the subject of the territorial limits of India. Two things, however, he would say—that Sir C. Napier cou ld not have acted otherwise than he did ; and that he must question the opinions thrown out by Sir R. Peel on the subject of the Jaw of nations. He could und ers t an d an extreme case, which might justify such a course as Lo r d Ellenborough had taken with respect to Scinde; but he could not accede to the notion of invading a cou n t r y f or the sake either of improving its government, or of advanc ing the march of civilization. Sir R. PEEL explained his meaning to be simply that there were Indian cases in which the European rules of international law would not apply. That could have been the only ground of Lord Auckland's measures. Lord ASHLEY replied, and the house divided,— Against his motion 202 For it Majority against it ...... 134 Mr. DIVETT then moved an address to the crown to dismiss F. B. Bonham, Esq., from his office of storekeeper of the Ordnance. He represented Mr. Bonham to be connected with the elections of the conservative party. and to be the confidential friend of the prime minister. Gen tlemen coming f rom th e country to l oo k for candidates were introduced to Mr. Bonham ; candidates seeking the im age. There of conte s t l oo k e d to h i m as t h e go lden There was no confid ent i a l serv i ce or m i ss i on in which he was not employed. H e h a d b een concerne d in settling the election for Bridport, and had been particularly active at the late London election. So had the A7torney- General, who had told hrn it was not decent to out th i s notice on the order-li s t. M r. D, vett an d Si r Gregory Lewin had paired for the London election. Sir Gregory told him that Mr. Bonham bad approved the pair ; but alerwards wrote him a note, stating that Mr. Bonham had informed him that after the most careful search, Mr. Divett'a name could not be found on the register, and Sir Gregory must therefore come 1.40 and vote, and let Mr. Divett know. Upon this Mr. DiVett proposed that both should be released from the pair, and that both should vote. They did so; Mr. thvett's name being, in fact, on the register. Mr. Divett went on to complain that, not withstanding all this, which he thought imputed to him a frati.ulent intention, he had nut received from Mr. Bon ham any note or explanation. No member was found to second the motion. Sir R. Peet', iu moving the adjournment of the house, took the opportunity of saying he was proud to call Mr. Bonham his friend ; and a gentleman of higher integrity did nut exist. Mr. Divett had not professed to be actu ated by public principle, but by displeasure at Mr. Bon ham's not having written him a note of explanation. Mr. Bonham had imputed no fraud to the hon. member. Sir R. Peel then read a letter from Mr. Russell Ellice, the chairman of Mr. Baring's committee, to Mr. Bonham, apologizing for the mistake, which rested with the com mittee ; and another from Mr. Bonham to Sir Gregory, expressing his own regret. This was the case upon which Mr. Divett had thought it consistent with his duty to place, without the least notice to Mr. Bonham, or expla nation of thy circumstances, a notice on the book, which must have led to a general impression that Mr. Bonham had been guilty of some discreditable act. But as Mr. Divett had found no seconder, Mr. Bonham was now amply revenged. The house then adjourned. FOREIGN 4- COLONIAL INTELLIGENCE. INDIA AND CHINA. By the Indian mail of the Ist of January we have re ceived letters and papers to that date fro m B o mbay. British Indi a i s t ranqu il , an d lik e l y t o cont i nue so f or its disaffected have discovered that their turbulence would turn to no use, and that ultimately they would have to endure the evils which they wish to inflict on others. The great clamour against Lord Ellenborough had subsided, and his Lordship, the nature of whose measures was be coming clear to the very commonest understanding, was growing popular. With the army he is still a special fa vourite. The news from the kingdom of the Sikhs represents that country as far from being tranquillized. It appears that Golab Singh, the elder brother of Dhyan Singh, old Runjeet's favourite minister, who was assassinated id Sep tember last, had come from his mountain fastnesses to Lahore, under pretence of supporting his nephew Heera Singh, who now governs there, under the name of the young Sovereign Dhuleep, and that his arrival had not produced the expected results. The young minister is described as giving large sums of money to the common soldiers, in order to retain them in some order, while his uncles are busy in plundering the treasures of the Sikh government, and carrying away the jewels and articles of value to the mountains. An attempt was made by his own maternal uncle to carry away the young Rajah and place him under the protection of the British, but it was not successful. Care is taken by the present chiefs to occupy the fords across the rivers, so that even the refugees are detained. The state of the country is described as bor dering upon anarchy. Many of the petty chiefs are anx • ious to proclaim their independence, and are ready for an, insurrection, which is likely to happen as soon as the ac tual minister and his friends have collected all the money necessary to gratify their rapacity. The Affghan government is as feeble as ever in the hands of Dost Mahomed, and intrigues are afloat of vari ous kinds. In the midst of these intrigues Dost Maho med appears to be unable to make the contemplated attack on Peshawur, although it is no longer defended by the European generals of the Lion of Lahore. All the French officers have left the service of the Sikhs, so that it is highly probable the boasted prowess of those troops will soon become little more than the courage of rabble, if ever Akhbar Khan, who is governing Jellalabad with the greatest cruelty, should dare to attack the Sikh provinces to the west of the Indus. It is doubted by the Affgbans themselves whether Dost Mahomed, or his notorious son, will make any attempt on Peshawar, as much from their dread of the British influence as from their own ability to govern the tribes in the neighbourhood of Cabal. In the meantime, the arrangements of Lord Ellen borough for the subjugation of the state of Gwalior have been highly successful. The Governor-General left Cal cutta on the 25th of November, and, travelling in a car riage of the palanquin kind, which was propelled, and not, as usual in India, borne by men, arrived at Allahabad on the 3d of December, where a short halt was made. He reached Cawnpore on the 7th, and, proceeding direct to Agra, arrived in that city on the 11th. Instead of pro ceeding to the palace prepared for his reception, his Lordship remained in his tent. The Army of Exercise was ready near Agra, under the orders of the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough. The first brigade, led by General Valiant, was ordered to move towards Dhoolpoor, half way to Gwalior ; it marched on the 12th, and the rest of the army moved in the same direction on the following days. The Commander-iu- Chief and the Governor-General set out on the 16th. The intelligence reached Gwalior, and produced alarm, and a council was held on the 15th, at which the principal officers and generals attended, and debated in the presence of the Bahee, or " young Queen," who asked if there were any of them disposed to resist the British ? None seeming inclined, a determination was adopted to sur render the cause of all the disorder--the minister named the Khasgeewalla. This was effected, and the Khasgeewalla was surrendered, and taken prisoner to Agra, when he was lodged in the fort on the 20th. The- young Rajah, who was chosen to be heir to the last Sovereign by the Bahee, took refuge in the camp of the Governor-General, who is now completely master of the whole kingdom, for it has fallen to the Hon. Company as the lords paramount; and without this child chosen to represent the former dynasty, but of which none of the blood flowed in his veins, it was by every ancient right their property, as well as by the actual one of conquest. It is hoped by many of the most enlight ened men in India that his Lordship will now adopt the plan of removing from the wretched peasantry the horri ble yoke under which they have long groaned—of an un bridled, licentious, ferocious soldiery, who have now proved their want of courage, as they have often exhibited their want of mercy to the poor tillers of the soil while under their control. As the intentions of the Governor-General are un known, in consequence of keeping his own secrets, it is not certain whether he will declare the country to be altogether a British province, and appoint collectors and other officers to administer it, or whether he will content himself in taking a portion of it to defray the expenses of the armament, and leave the remainder to the tender care of the " brutal Government of the young Rajah's adhe rents." Every one acquainted with the state of India knows, notwithstanding the grievances of which the natives complain under the systematic rule of the Hon. Company, that those Indians who are not subject to that rule look upon it as Elysium in comparison to the yoke of a native Rajah's oppression. The arrangements of the Gwalior districts may require time, for the purpose of establishing order and regularity where disorder and confusion formerly prevailed ; the great difficulty will be to disband the rabble soldiery, now amounting to 300,000, who may become robbers and plun derers. A strong army to counteract such mischief will be necessary for some time, until an effective force is raised in the country. The success of Lord Ellenborough at Gwalior will, it is expected, lead him soon to settle the intricate question of the Punjaub. Whether the care shown by the present Chiefs of Lahore to prevent any immediate outbreak may continue to have the effect for many months longer, was considered doubtful. It is said that it is by money alone that Heera Singh has kept the Sikh soldiers quiet. It cannot be supposed that his funds for that purpose will last long, and therefore another revolution is anticipated there. The sickness in Scinde continued to be the source of much comment to the opponents of the policy of Lord Ellenborough ; they seemed to attribute the sickness to himself individually, as if he was the grand cause of it. A great number of medical officers had been despatched thither from Bombay. The government appeared resolved on retaining the country, which is now tranquil; and it was said that several regiments from the Madras Presi dency would be sent there in order to assist the Bombay troops, who were rather exhausted from several cam paigns. Sir Charles Napier and General Simpson enjoyed good health, and were active in their arrangements for keeping the country quiet. At Sukkur there had been much sickness, but it ap peared to be diminishing. The hint had been thrown out of the utility of having moveable barracks, with iron roofs, and wooden compartments, which would afford facilities for changing the localities—a great advantage in India, where the earth once saturated with animal mat ter, and moistened either by the rain, or, what is worse, by the sea water, always produces the most fatal effects. It is, therefore, hoped that the hon. Company will take into consideration the great advantages of having such edifices prepared of iron in England, and of teak or other hard wood in India. A great number of invalids had come frown Scinde to Bombay, where every care was taken of them. THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. CHINA. The intelligence from China comes down to the Ist of December, on which day her Majesty's steamer Spiteful started for Bombay, where she arrived on the 25th of that month. Little had occurred worthy of notice subse quent to the fires which consumed the factories on the 25th of October, by which the Danish, Spanish, and a part of the French factories were destroyed. The British Consulate was also consumed. The markets at Canton had become rather more favourable. A proclamation had been issued by the Imperial Commissioner declaring that the warehouses belonging to the new merchants (outside men) are to stand on an equal footing with the old (Hong) merchants, and that henceforth there shall be no differ ence between the two warehouses. The supplementary treaty, of which a copy had been sent to Pekin, was for warded also to Bombay, and was to come by the mail to England. The British Consuls had arrived at Amoy and Shanghae, where trade was dull, as the arrangements were not then completed. The Chinese authorities at Ningpo declined granting permission for the importation of goods there until the Consul had arrived and the duties were settled. They are said to have been alarmed by an impe rial chop, which they had received from Pekin, ordering that no business should be carried on unless the Consul was there. At Chusan the British system of governing without squeezing the inhabitants had conciliated their attachment, and they appeared to regret the approaching departure of the British troops. Some Americans, as if courting a cause of quarrel with the Chinese, had ven tured upon excursions into the interiJr : the practice had procured from the British Plenipotentiary a declaration to the Chinese Commissioner that he should by no means eJuntenance such proceedings, and that crders should be given to the Consuls tohavP all such foreigners arrested and sent to Hong Kotirz. The death of Major Eldred Pottiager, which (yrMI-red at Hong Kong, was greatly de plored. Colonel KoOwles, of the Artillery, and assistant surgeons Graham and Dill, have also fallen yictio , s to the prevalent inandy. Rumour spok, of some differences. bPtween Sir H. Pottinger and ,the British Admiral and General. The Plehipotentlary is said to he anxious to return to Europe. The Admiral was about to sail for Calcutta. The Americas fri g ate and minister had gone t;) China from Bombity and Colombo, at both of which places he had been feted. The inhabitants of Calcutta and Madras are struggling hard 'to secure to themselves the large steamers ; hut their voyage would pay the Oriental and Peninsular Company far better if they took the mails from Bombay to Suez, and bad branch boats from Bombay to Ceylon, Madras, and Calcutta, and even Sincapore. REVOLUTION IN SPAIN. By extraordinary express from Paris, accounts have been received from Madrid, which state that a revolt had broken out at Alicante, on the 28th January, of the most for midable nature. The Provincial Regiment of Valencia, stationed in the town, joined in the insurrection, which was directed against the government. The cry of the in surgents was " Long live the constitutional Queen, down with the Ministers." The military commander and poli tical chief were surprised and arrested by the Custom-house Carabioiers. The Council of Ministers at Madrid, on receiving this news, immediately gave orders for the arrest of the leaders of the Progressista party, and, among others, of Cortina, Lopes, Madoz, Garnica, Ors, and Benedicto. Cortina was arrested. Lopes and Ors could not be found. The others have been taken. It was said that Generals Serrando and Concha had also been put under arrest. The pretext for the arrest is, that the whole Progessista party have entered into a vast conspiracy, of which the breaking out at Alicante is the first symptom. The Gazelle is full of the most severe decrees directed against the Alicante insurgents. The provinces of Ali cante, Murcia, and Castellon de la Plana. are placed under martial law. A large body of troops, under Brigadier Cordova, have bcen directed to leave Madrid for the dis turbed districts. It was reported that Carthagena had joined in the revolt. The National Guards are to be sup pressed, and the liberty of the press abolished. Dr. Kalley was liberated from prison in Madeira on New Year's Day, in consequence of the remonstrances made by our government. MADAME C A.T A LIN I.—This celebrated singer has ad dressed a long letter to Dr. Heller, the journalist, of Leipsic, complaining bitterly of the cruelty of the German press, in so repeatedly putting her to death. " What," says she, " have I done to the German press, that they have now for the fourth time killed me ? Though at the age of sixty-four, I still retain good health, and live in quiet retirement, in the remembrance of former days." OLDENBURG, Jan. 27.—A most afflicting loss has un expectedly fallen on the Grand Ducal family .and the country. This afternoon, at four o'clock, the Grand Duchess expired after a short but severe illness, in con sequence of her accouchement. Her Royal Highness was a daughter of the late King of Sweden, Gustavus IV. She was born June 22, 1807 ; and married the Grand Duke of Oldenburg, May 5, 1831. VIENNA, Jan. 25.—The Imperial Family was yesterday visited by a severe affliction, by the sudden and unex pected decease of her Imperial Highness the Archduchess Maria Carolina Augusta, eldest daughter of their Imperial Highnesses the Archduke and Viceroy Rainer and the Archduchess Elizabeth. Her Imperial Highness was born on the Gth February, 1821, and was consequently 23 years of age. This bereavement is the more melancholy, as the Archduchess was to have been married, in March next, to the Prince of Savoy Cariznan. PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS.-WARSAW, Jan. 22. An imperial ukase has been received in Lithuania direct ing the authorities of towns and other localities inhabited by Jews to transport those unhappy persons, amounting to 36,000 families, to a distance of 12 leagues from their several actual places of residence. This cruel ukase was further to receive its execution before the 18th instant; so that at a moderate estimate, 150,000 persons of both sexes, and of all ages and conditions, are at this moment, in the midst of all the rigours of a Lithuanian winter, expelled their houses, and forced to seek a resting-place in strange countries, and not merely among strangers, but among people predisposed to view them as outcasts and objects for extortion, persecution, and violence. COLONEL STODDART AND CAPTAIN CONOLLY.—The following news of the Bokhara captives is given by the Malta papers :—" Trebizonde, Dec. 13.—0 n the 11th some passengers from Bokhara report that Colonel Stoddart is alive, that he is a general of artillery in the service of the Emir of Bokhara, and th_t he was compelled to embrace Islamish, under the name of Abdul Semmel Khan, given him by the Emir, with whom the colonel is a great favourite. As to Captain Conolly, the information is less positive ; the same passengers having only said to have seen, in company of Colonel Stoddart, a young man of a rather short stature and a wide beard, who attended the colonel as secretary. The statements given by these passengers as to the stature and description of these two persons perfectly correspond with those of Col. Stoddart and Captain Conolly, as given by the Rev. Mr. Wolff." Another letter of the 24th ult. says " that the statement of the former passengers was fully confirmed by others who arrived from Bokhara some days after." Mr. Wolff had reached Erzeroum, on foot, from Trebizond, a dis tance of 150 miles. WRECK OF AN AMERICAN STEAM-BOAT.—The latest arrival from America brings intelligence of the diastrous wreck of the steam-boat Shepherdess, from Cincinnati to Philadelphia, just above the mouth of the Cahokia Creek, about three miles above Philadelphia, on the fourteenth January, about eleven o'clock at night. The vessel struck a snag or rock, and in a very few minutes the water rose to the lower deck, where most of the passengers in that part of the boat were asleep. At the moment of the col lision most of the passengers in the gentlemen's cabin had retired to their berths, and the ladies too were generally undressed for the night. The scene may, therefore, be better imagined than described. The water rushed in with tremendous rapidity, and in a very short time was up to the floor of the upper cabin. A portion of those on deck were saved by getting into the yawl, which was cut loose and rowed to shore with a broom. The water rose so ra pidly that it soon became necessary for all to seek safety upon the hurricane deck. Much difficulty was experienced in doing so, for the bow was sunk so deep that the only it accessdrdrifted e w d a d s o b w y n Th e e s s t t e r r e nth. am After a the b h o u a n t d s r t e r d u c y k a r t d h se below struck another snag, which was far out of water. This threw the boat nearly on her beam's end, on the larboard side. Drifting from the snag, she again lurched to the starboard, and at each lurch several persons were washed off. Some of them reached the shore, but many were drowned. A short distance below, just above the first shot tower, the hull struck a bluff bank, which again ca reened her nearly on her beam's end. Here the hull and cabin parted. The hull sunk and lodged on a bar above Carondelet, and the cabin floated down to the point of the bar below that place, where it lodged and remains. It is estimated that from ninety to a hundred of the passengers were drowned. The night was extremely cold and frosty. IRELAND. THE STATE TRIALS. At the opening of the court on Monday, Mr. O'Connell (who appeared without his wig and gown which be had worn every day since the trial commenced) proceeded to address the jury. He commenced by saying, that he did not stand as his own client, but that his clients were the Irish people, whose rights lie stood forward to protect. He was net going to deny' or palliate anything he had done, but the substance of all he had said he was there to vindi cate. When the political order of things was restored every where, Ireland alone was left without its full day of retribution. The jury differed from him (Mr. O'Connell) in religious belief, and that difference was, had done mostaggravate t d o pbuyll down thef Protesta n t act, that he, Catholic,ascendancy. y. sne The prosecution was the strangest one that had ever been entered upon : the jury had not one or ten facts to try, but they had to wade through the history of nine months, and the evidence of the acts as laid before them was raked up from newspapers • and it was a monstrous thing to term that a conspiracy which everybody knew of, and three fifths of the people were engaged in. There was not suf ficient evidence to support an action for the recovery of XIO. No conspiracy was proved ; and the Attorney-Ge neral had made a long speech, but he had at the close merely told the jury to go back to the beginning and find out the conspiracy for themselves, The hon. traverser then related two or three anecdotes, which he conceived to be in point, as showing that because the Attorney- General had taken so long a time in stating the case, there was really no charge against the traversers. The trial was a ministerial one, to see whether the present ministry were to retain office, or whether we were to have the whigs again promising much and doing nothing. (Laughter.) They could not believe that he, who was to receive that awful judgment which could not now be much longer postponed, could enter into a conspiracy. The verdict might impri son him, but it could not take from him the conscious innocence he possessed. If the Attorney-General's doc trine of conspiracy were sight, the slave-trade would never have been abolished, and Wilberforce and Clarkson were as much conspirators as he (Mr. O'Connell). The hon. gent. then referred to what he termed the " machi nery" of the evidence, dividing it into two classes—mon ster meetings and newspaper publications. The meetings were legal : no disturbance took place at them—no life was lost there—and there was no evidence brought forward to show that they led to intimidation. They were peaceable by design, and were discontinued the moment a proclamation was issued discountenancing them. He left the meetings to the jury, as men that must answer for their verdict before their maker. As to the newspa pers he had nothing to do with them—there was no proof of any connection between him and the newspapers; and he had frequently disavowed at the association that any newspaper was the organ of their body. They had circu lated newspapers, but the evidence on that point merely went to show that those who subscribed a certain sum allocated a part of that money to the choice of a news paper, and there was no proof at all that even these re ports in the papers had led to any breach of the peace. The hon. gentleman then went on at great length to show that his whole life went to disprove that he could be guilty of such conduct as was attempted to be brought to his charge. He then read a number of extracts to show as he conceived how much Ireland prospered under her own independent Parliament, and brought forward an immense number of figures and assertions to make it appear that his country suffered severely from the Parliament sitting in England, and concluded as follows :—I leave the case with you—l utterly deny that I have said or done any thing to warrant the imputation that I am a con spirator. I reject the accusation with contempt. acted in open,day, in the presence Of the government, of the magistrates, and I said nothing that I would not expose to the universal world. I have struggled for the restoration of the parliament of my native country. Some have succeeded in the attempt—others have failed. If I succeed or if I fall, it Is a glorious struggle to make —the first land upon the earth possess that bounty and benefit— what God and nature intended it should possess —(partial applause.) The Chief Justice.—Are you going into evidence Mr Moore ? Mr. Moore.—We intend so, my lord ; but at this late hour there might be a difficulty in getting the witnesses into court in its present crowded state. The Chief Justice.—l do not wish to put you to any inconvenience. Mr. Moore.—Then, my lord, I think that as the case has closed so far as the speeches are concerned, that we might abridge the evidence much by a conference before any of the witnesses are produced. _ The Chief Justice.—Then we will be ready to hear them to-morrow morning. The Court was accordingly adjourned until to-morrow morning at ten o'clock. Mr. O'Connell was loudly cheered while passing through the hall, and in the vicinity of the Courts, upon his way home. The traversers brought their defence to a conclusion on Tuesday by the examination of a few unimportant wit nesses. Mr. F. W. Conway deposed to the facts and speeches of a repeal meeting held in the Royal Exchange in 1810, at which Mr. O'Connell took a part. Mr. Jas. Perry was produced to prove the system and rules of ar bitration adopted by the Society of Friends ; and Mr. W. Cosgrave was examined relative to those of the Ouzel Galley Society. Mr. Vernon, of the Stamp-office, was called on to produce and read extracts from the late Morning Register and the Freeman's Journal; and se veral other documents connected with the Repeal Asso ciation, and the several monster meetings, were put in evidence, and read by the officer of the court ; aftzr which Mr. William Morgan deposed to some particulars of the Tullamoore meeting. The Solicitor-General commenced his reply on 'Wed nesday. He observed that the eight gentlemen who had addressed them had introduced matter not only different, but inconsistent ; but in one respect they marvellously concurred—the absence of the least reference to the merits of the case. They had not, in fact, introduced one ob servation upon the real merits of the question, but had carefully evaded touching upon the question which the jury had been sworn to investigate,—namely, the exist ence or non-existence of the conspiracy with which they had been charged. He denied the charge that government had seduced the people into crime, contending that every warning ha I been held out, and that the prosecution which had been ultimately resolved upon was one which they had every reason to expect, and could not have been brought forward with effect earlier than it was. They had been told, usque ad nauseam, that this was an attack on the legal and constitutional rights of the people,—an attempt to put down free discussion. It was his thorough belief and conviction that a verdict which could have the effect of stopping the proceedings to which those unfortunate People had become victims, would be the most favourable 'result which could happen for them. It would not abridge their rights, but lead to their amelioration in every respect But it was then said the crown were prosecuting for the purpose of putting an end to free discussion. Now, his reply to that was—they were not prosecuting any person for holding any particular political or religious opinions ; be avowed at once that every one of the traversers bad the fullest right to express, in a constitutional and legal manner, his opinions upon any public subject whatever— nay, more to use his best exertions, if he thought right, to propagate them, and to have them entertained as far as possible, by all persons in the community, and to use all legitimate and proper means to accomplish them ; but he denied the right of any person to attempt to bring about that object by means which were charged in the indict. ment. Their verdict in this case could not interfere with the liberty of the press, or the exercise of any constitu tional right; nor were they prosecuting here for any pub lic breach of the peace, though they might have supposed so, from a great deal of the remarks made upon evidence on the traverser's side. No ; their charge was this, — that Mr. O'Connell, Dr. Gray, Mr. Duffy, Mr. Barrett, and the other traversers, had entered into an illegal con federacy, for the purpose of effecting changes in the con stitution of this country by other than constitutional means. The learned gentleman then went on to lay down the distinction between the legal and the popular defini tion of the word conspiracy, and contended that it was abundantly proved that the traversers concurred in a common unlawful design, in an attempt to procure, by means of intimidation, the repeal of the act of union, which, according to the law of this country, could not be legally repealed, except by an act of parliament, the re sult of the free will of the legislature. After adverting to the charges in the indictment respecting the army, arid the creation of hatred and animosity amongst the queen's subjects, he said the multitudinous assemblages were gathered together for the purpose of intimidation, in or. der to extort from the government what could only be done by a free and uncontrolled act of the legislature it self. He said the exhibition of physical force, not the use of it. They would see the peculiar nature of the case, and so far as the evidence went as to the peaceable conduct pursued at the meetings, it was a proof of the combina tion, for it was only by peaceable and tranquil means that the combination and conspiracy could be successful. It was indispensable to the success of the scheme, and it was ridiculous to say it was not. It was contended that the meetings were peaceable, and that no breach of the peace, or tendency to such, had taken place; but that fact was• the greatest proof that could be adduced of the conspiracy, for it was agreed between them that there should be none. From the entire nature of the case the jury would see that the traversers sought to bring about by illegal means what in itself was legal ; and one of the means resorted to was physical force and intimidation. There were two branches in the case, but it was not necessary to prove both, as he had given evidence on both points, and affecting the traversers. It was plain and manifest that if one point was proved, he would say, under the direction of the court, that would con sider the conspiracy entire. The jury might be less sat isfied with one point than they were with another, but yet the indictment contained counts applicable to each branch of the case. After commenting at length on the doctrine of conspiracy, the learned gentleman said the traversers might have spared themselves au in finity of trouble with respect to Mr. O'Connell's ad monitions for the preservation of peace and order ; for it was the purpose and object of the meetings, and not the demeanour of those who attended them, that left them open to prosecution. He admitted that each of a series of meetings might, per se, be legal ; but he pro nounced the repeal meetings unlawful, because it appeared that they were held for the unlawful purpose of exhibiting to the iegislature and people of England a demonstration of the physical force of the country, which it was expected would frighten and intimidate them into the concession of the measure which they (the repealers) desired to obtain. He proceeded at great length to defend the courseadopted . to by d t e h f e e n of the jury. He was willing to admit that Mr. 0 Con govern v t e h r e n m c r e o n w t n tsi t h officers respect I t o r e t s h p e e c p t r o t o s e t c h u e t s o t ? kai n n d g nell had always entertained the opinions he expressed in 1810 and 1800; but Mr. O'Connell and the other traver sers were now prosecuted for endeavouring to carry out those principles in 1843, by unlawful means. The crown was not called upon to prove the place, day, and hour, where and when the traversers concocted the conspiracy ; all they had to prove (and thi s th ey h a d prove d) was, th a t there was a community of purpose between those several traversers, each of them acting in his several department in the prosecution of the common object, and that could not take place unless a common object existed. The learned gentleman having commented at great length on the speeches of the various counsel on the other side, proceeded to explain the counts of the indictment over again, showing how the evidence applied to each, and which of the traversers were affected by it. He read many of the newspaper articles and reports again ; and having intimated, at four o'clock, that he was not yet nearly finished with that part of his case, the court ad journed to Thursday. On Thursday the court sat at the usual hour, and the traversers and jurors having answered to their names, the Solicitor-General resumed. In the course of his address he read a number of passages, chiefly from the speeches of Mr. O'Connell at the various repeal demonstrations, with a view to show that the object of the traversers was, by collecting large assemblages of people, to produce an im pression in England that such was the state of discipline and organisation among the masses, that it would not be safe to refuse the granting of the repeal of the union. The learned gentleman continued to address the jury up to five o'clock, at which hour the court rose, the address ❑ot being concluded. On referred r r oe i d rd a vt y oi o t td l h i i e oe oSt speechesi o n l g ici ( t w o r h - ieGot M h h e u r el a i l edgi continued odo h o t H h ce e cars c ei haracter of Mr. Bond Hughes and Mr. R oss f ro m e i t s s o s o r f k e e p l t l i h y y the epithets which had been cast upon them, as if they were government spies and informers. He then went on to notice the intended meeting at Ciontarf, and the im portant and treasonable preparations for it, and concluded his masterly and lawyerlike address by arguing that the object of the traversers was nothing else but to accomplish the repeal of the union by illegal means. Their common object was to bring the government into contempt—to neutralise the army—to disparage the administration of justice—to create and dissension amongst the people, and to excite discontent and disaffection amongst them ; and all this was done for the purpose of attaining the common object or end, namely—the repeal of the le gislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, and for the attainment of which each and every one of the tra versers at the bar had openly avowed himself to be en gaged. The learned counsel concluded his reply a few minutes before one, having occupied in its delivery the two previous days as well. The Chief Justice then com menced his charge to the jury. His Lordship recapitu lated the various counts in the indictment, that in the view which he was about to take of the law of conspiracy, the court was unanimous, and in that view they coincided with the counsel for the crown. The jury should be satisfied that there was a concert between the traversers, for the purpose either of doing an illegal act, or else of accomplishing a legal design by illegal means. A conspiracy might exist without any treachery or secrecy, which bad been insinu ated by Mr. Shell, Mr. Fitzgibbon, and Mr. O'Connell himself, to be nec e ssary to constitute that crime. They might accompany it, but were not necessary ingredients in it. The court had looked into the numerous cases cited by the traversers counsel, and, in their lordship's opi nion, there was not one of them which supported the view for which they were brought forward--that, in order to substantiate a charge of conspiracy, either treachery or secresy was necessary. In support of the opinion of the court, his lordship referred to various decii-ions of Lord Lenman and other judges. His lordship then laid down Feb. 13, 1841- several rules for the guidance of the jury, and said tb_e very fact of the meeti ng to concoct t h e consp i rac y sc:. nor. necessary ; if the j.ry were sa ti s fi e d t h at there vial an illegal concert bet.e.en the traversers, the acts were the acts of all. What was the law, the violation of O) ' ICP ' they were called upon to bring into judgment agaitist the traversers—the law as it e x i ste d— t h e l aw as it had existed for the last forty-three years—the law 7, a h er gra cious Majesty had, by her coronation oath, bound and swo rn to maintain ? He wou ld rea d for t ' nem the coronat i o n oath —or, at least, the commencement of it—as given is Judge Blackstone's Commentaries, 244:—" The arch bishop or bi s h o p s h a ll say, W ill you solemnly prom ise and swear to g overn th e peop l e o f this kingdom of E nt ' land, and th e d om i n i ons thereto belonging, according the statut es i n p sr li ament agree d on. and the laws and customs of the s a m e ? Th e Ki ng or Q ueen shall say, ~, solemnly promise to do s o ." Wh a t, w i t h regar d to that country and the conne x i on w ith G reat B r i ta i n. were the statutes which her M a j es ty was sworn b y h er coronatio/ Wad heard to abide by, ad m i n i s t er , an d preserve? They ' heard a monstrous d ea l o f assert i ons; t h ey had hear d a monstrous deal of declamation ; they had heard a moil' strous deal of complaints of grievances; they had heard a great deal of wh a t th e l aw oug h t to b e; they had hea r , the jury called upon to decide whether such a law ote to continue, a s if th e y h a d th e power to alter it. Ta lb.e. law of this r e a l m , as it s t an d s b y t h e act of union unt il was repealed, was the only law that they could take into their consideration in dealing with this ease. It was 1 06 law which the taueen, by her coronation oath, had swore to preserve ; and it was idle to say that, in violative of that law, the Queen, if she thought p ro p er , m ight depart fro m th a t law altogether, call a parliament of her own in Ireland, of her own motion, in concert with tba people, and set up a new law and a new constitution , for this country, in direct violation of the act of union; His lordship read several of the clauses of this act, and said that the idea of saying that the Queen of Ireland might be treated and dealt with as a Qneen of a separate kingdom, was absurd and was seditious. Until the laW was altered by the proper authorities —which he did not say but it might—but while the law remained as it was 012 that subject, and as it had been during the year 1843, and the preceding years that had intervened since the enact' ment of the act of union—there was one Sovereign over the kingdom who was incapable, by himself or herself,.of treating with any class of his or her subjects, except the legislature, with regard to new constitutions or new laws, with respect to any part of the united kingdom ; and be (the Chief Justice) said moreover, that whoever of the Queen's subjects would take upon himself to inculcate or to proclaim amongst the subjects of this part of the united kingdom that he or anybody else abstractedly from the legislature a power, either separately or. by himself, or jointly with other inhabitants of the same part of the united kingdom—that he or they, independently of the legislature, had the power of treating with the Queen for an abrogation of the existing law, or to put in its place a new law such as was suggested —was or were guilty of an offence—that was, guilty of the crime of sedition ; and if her Majesty was pleased to condescend to treat or nego tiate with any person or persons separate from her parlia ment, for any of the purposes he had named, she had not the power to do so without violating her coronation oath- The Chief Justice then read several of the clauses in the act of union, and a long charge of Mr. Justice Bayley on meetings for the suppression of alleged grievances. A man, continued th e Chi e f J ust i ce, had a right to commu nicate his sentiments on the subject of this grievance not merely to friends but to strangers ; and he could make these complaints as often as he thought fit, and might get, by peaceable means, as many allies as he could procure, but he should ever take care not to infringe upon the rights and privileges of others ; and he was the more bound to be careful of the effect of what he did, if the as semblies which he attended were conjugated and assem bled in such masses and multitudes as to excite terror and alarm through and amongst the neighbouring people, or amongst those who were- bound to preserve and watch over the frame and constitution of the country—if he acts so, it does not follow that the laws will not be infringed, and that the meeting will be legal. The learned judge, at five o'clock, adjourned the court. Before proceeding with his charge t o th e j ury on Satur day, the Chief Justice, in refe rence to some remarks which had fallen from him on the preceding day, expla , nea that he had not intended to reflect personally upcn Mr. Fitzgibbon, whose public and private character he greatly esteemed. Having made this explanation he directed the attention of the jury to the organization of the repeal as sociation, and to the large funds which they had drawn from all parts of the country and from America. By this kind of organization, and the funds thus placed at its disposal, that body, he contended, had been endeavouring to carry the repeal, and not by the legal means of ad dresses to the Queen or to Parliament. He next directed attention to the " plan for the renewed action of the Irish Parliament," by which it was declared that " the Irish people recognize her Majesty Queen of Ireland.'" Such a position he showed to be clearly illegal, her Majesty by the act of union, ceasing to be Queen of Ireland, and becoming Queen of a united kingdom, from which station she could not be removed without the consent of the le gislature of the united kingdom. The whole of the pro posals in this plan being based upon such an understand ing of her Majesty's powers, were therefore illegal, and were couched, besides, in the language of demand rather than of entreaty. He proceeded to review the proceed ings of the monster meetings, and selected a number of the seditious speeches made at those meetings by Mr. Barrett, Mr. O'Connell and others, referring plainly to force as the ultimate weapon to be appealed to for the car rying of repeal. He quoted in particular the allusions by Mr. O'Connell to Mr. Beaumont, that " The brother of Helen O'Moore would be near his castle," which be, contended was not a f a i r mo d e o f b r i ng i ng t h e weight eiti publirs o herpinio a to Majesty bear 's su bjects , ajegertes:t particularlypolitical q amongstrlsb u thestioe I n, was calculated di rec tl y to excite hatred al people against the English." The Chief Justice went on to comment upon various inflammatory speeches made at Tara and elsewhere, in which the English government from the time of Cromwell to the present time were ac cused of various butcheries, !(such as that of 300 women at Wexford,) and in which it was also declared that Wel lington and Peel were about to indulge in similar acts-- The eflect of such speeches, he contended, were to exette the people to the assumption of a hostile attitude for the overawing of the government. The Chief Justice con cluded his speech, and at half-past five o'clock the issue was sent to the jury. The latest proceedings will be found in our fifth page. Orders have been issued from the office of the Com mander of the Forces for the establishment of a military station at Tyrrell's pass, the force to consist of forty men. This is the first time since the rebellion of '9B that a sol dier has been quartered in this retired and peaceful vil lage. An outrage of a wanton and most aggravated nature was committed on Tuesday night last, on the property of Doc tor Pierce, situate about four miles from the town of Tullamore, in King's County : a very fine and thriving plantation of larch of ten or twelve years' growth was completely broken down and utterly destroyed, not one tree out of upwards of a thousand being left standing. DISINTERESTED PATRIOTISM.—." Men of Ireland,' says the Nation of Saturday—" Me❑ of Ireland, your food is scanty, your clothing rags, your lodgings the wet floor, your labour heavy, and your reward death. Hard it is, no doubt, to expect much from you. But still, most of you can pay into the treasury of your country some thing. Stint your meagre food, your diluted drink, your torn covering, that you may give earnest to the world o f your fitness for a higher destiny." Such is the pathetic appeal of the National Press to the pockets of the People ; such the urgent call of the patriotic editor for funds to sustain the righteous cause in which he and lit* literary confreres are engaged. REPEAL ASSOCIATION.—On the rising of the Court on Monday, Mr. O'Connell forthwith adjourned to the Corn-Exchange, where the Repeal Association was sit ting in full conclave—Lord French in the Chair. The only business of any importance transacted was the aP' pointment (on the motion of Mr. W. S. O'Brien) of " 2 3. committee to watch over the proceedings of Parliament. Mr. O'Connell, who had recently entered the room, thee read his usual homily of peace, order and tranquility- - expressed an opinion that, as soon as the Anti-Corn La! League produces another revolution in England, there will be some , qiance of the question of Repeal being ea' tertained by the Imperial Parliament, and announced the rent for the week to be £560 lOs 4d.—and so ended the proceedings of the day. ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE.—A correspondent of the Dublin Evening Mail, writing from Strokestown, in the county of Roscommon, under date of Feb. 3, communi cates the following :—" It is my painful duty to comma' nicate to you the particulars of an outrage which took place within a mile of this town, about 3 o'clock in the , afternoon of yesterday, and whi c h, I am sorr y t o st.l_T , proves the dreadful state of organization an d com bi n ati that now has extended itself to this cou n ty, an d h as been brou g ht about by the agitators of this afflicted coun ty AlrJohn Balfe, of Lisadum, was returning from hie a fa c r c fn o m o p f a C D i a e r d i n o c n i ohg his s e ( o r ut a s t the h i d ej au o n u t r i ng mentioned) car, b y t y h e e s t bailiff,er tt Y servant, and herd ; he was met by four ruffians, oh ° ordered his servant to stop, which he did. One of thee' ) asked--" Is this Balfe ?" and upon Mr. Balfe replYinf, it was, the fellow said, ' Y ou are tyrannizing over re,: tenants, and at the sam e ti me fired a pistol-shot, wble° took no effect ; arid the second of the fellows fired a 8 0 3: e o A u h t e rmeeteht renderingiithis g dayo f the shot, the contents of which killed his horse. Mr. Balfe ran away, and the fellows deliberately walked off, amongst a set of Mr. Balfe's tenants, 30 or 40 of whom were within a few yards of him, and witnessed the entire trans' slightest magistrates above facts were elicited from several witnesses, but, as action court. landlord.hwoiutassistance took p lace t o in t h t e l L e r matter of course, not the slightest information that OP likely to lead to detection was obtained. ,to investigate the matter. Tem SINGUL transpired in th e ne i ghbourhood of Wakefield, a few daY ° FFAIR. —A somewhat ro man ti c affair re ago. nc It appears that about eleven years si nce a higbil t N table lady and gentleman, whose n ames we d o 1 1 ° thinkit right to mention were married in the neighbour' hood of Halifax. In a few hours after the union, for soni e cause or other which did not transpire, a separation be d " tween the parties was effected by the lady's friends ; t 3 she sho r tl y afterwards removed to a secluded spot nFa', Wakefield, where she has been living ever since having beard nothing of her husband until last week, when th e gentleman appeare d to c l a i m hi s b r i de. I t appears that the gentleman, who had been living in \Vales had bee n endeavouring for a considerable length o f ti me t o fi n d th lady, but with ou t success, those of h er f r i en d s w h o kne o, her " whereabouts" having their own reasons for not ea , lightening hi m on that point. Th e l a d y we are t o ld ict act less pl ease d t h an surpri s ed ; an d as soon as h er a 4 rangernents were made she took her dep ar t ure w ith D' husband for his residence in Wales.