The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-05-31 00:00:00

UNITED STATES. steam-ship Caledonia arrived at this port Ay afternoon, having left Boston on the afternoon of instant. She has brought 57 passengers, and „ i s' later news than any previous arrival. information :contained in t he papers respecting the ations between Great Brit ai n a n d the United States ,e amicable settlement of their differen . ces is, as was to xpected, scanty, and, therefore, unsatisfactory. Th e I opinion, however, continued to be, that all would , -11 and especiallY in relation to the North-eastern - vt r . Webs er, the Secretary of State, bad for :1 letter to the governors of Massachusetts and Washington, April 11, on the boundary ques ,eh both those states are concerned. In this let glancing at what had been previously attempted t o de dispute respec , ingtbe boundary, Mr. Webster says, have been understood on both sid es th a t one i t rd tion having failed, it was the duty of the two parties to leed to institute another, according to the spirit of the , ty of Ghent and other treaties; and the President has his duty, unless some new course should be pro posed, to cause the negociation to be resumed and pressed to its conclusion. But I have now to inform your excellency that Lord Ashburton, a minister plenipotentiary and special, has arrived at the seat of gover nmen t o f th e United States, charged with full powers from his Sovereign to negotiate and settle the different matters in discussion between the two go vernments. I have further to state to you that he has offici ally announced to this department, that in regard to the Boundary Question, he has authority to treat for a convers ional line, or line by agreement, on such terms and condi ns, and with such mutual considerations and equivalents, thought just and equitable ; and that he is ready to trpona negotiation for such conventional line so soon as government shall say that it is authorised and ready, on part, to commence such negociatron. — Ile Secretary then states several cogent reasons why the tates of Massachusetts and Maine should co-operate with he government of the United States for the immediate and amicable settlement of the dispute respecting the boundary, felt it to be says,— le President proposes, then, that the Governments of and Massachusetts should severally appoint a commis or commissioners, empowered to confer with the au es of this Government upon a conventional line, or line cement, with its terms, conditions, considerations, and lents, with an understanding, that no such line will be pon without the assent of such commissioners. This proceeding, or some other which shall express such t beforehand, seems indispensable, if any negociation tional line is to be had, since, if happily a treaty e result of the negociation, it can only be snb- Senate of the United States for ratification." er of the Secretary of State the Governor of I, that the executive of that common •esolutions of the legislature, autho necessary in the premises; and the Jed a proclamation, convening the n the 18th instant. Meanwhile Mr. wing, towards the scene of the deli authorities, it was supposed, by his business as the settlement of a na nding. He had arrived at New husetts and Maine. Rumours :d Ashburton had offered to pay One rumour mentioned two mil her stated it, more reasonably, at it in the national finances bad not been removed. The Treasury of the United recollected, invited proposals for three the twelve millions loan authorised to ,f Congress. These proposals were to of May ; but as no official notice had roposals had been accepted, if any had new stock had appeared in the market, Standing were, at the departure of the of the amount required had been sub as quite humiliating to the nation, that, as she offered for the loan, the United ow money to enable her to make good rents of the government. The effect had c feeling, which had begun to acquire asury notes. bearing six per cent. inter discount of from to I; and Six per nable after 1845, was offered, without od stocks remained without much altera however, less disposition to operate, and )ns had been chiefly owing to the absence t speculative demand. Money was, it is the banks finding it difficult to employ less being dull. Treasury had, in obedience to the Representatives, submitted his project riff bill. The whole rate of duties s higher than those in any other The secretary relied upon the t, of the public lands to make up the and on the repartition of the produce of lions loa❑ over the three years to supply the t Congress would not, it was believed, con ider the public lands to the Treasury, and it was, neluded, that a tariff of duties higher upon an roposed to or four per cent. than that reported by him be resorted to. Time was pressing, and as, June. an immense reduction of duties would, promise Act, take place, the prevalent opinion , . measure would pus to meet the exigency of provide revenue, by means of a tariff, for the ses of a of Michigan had repudiated a portion of her disgraceful fact was formally announced in a issued by the Governor, John S. Barry. The ;ned by his excellency is, that the state had not Le for all her bonds. nge on England had advanced. The sales of for the Caledonia were at 1084 to 108% premium ; i been paid for first-rate city bills to appoint. lrawn bills were offered at 108%. On France the rate 30 to 5 324 ; on Amsterdam, 39% to 394 ; on Ham -35 to 35%; and on Bremen 754 to 76. The President had made a notification to the Senate, that the Florida war was virtually concluded, and recommending the establishment of an armed settlement in that territory. The communication was referred to the Committee on Mili tary Affairs. The revolution in Rhode Island, " a storm in a teacup," had excited considerable excitement throng hout the Union, w s drawing to a close All was quiet at Texas The Tor Onto and Kingston papers are filled with accounts the laying of the corner stone of King's College in To ato by the Governor-General, Sir Charles Bagot, whose ;eption at that place is described as most enthusiastic. — le British vessel Great Britain, belonging to London, was ecked in the river St. Lawrence, the navigation of which accounts from Buenos Ayres are to the 11th and from video to the 16th of March. Admiral Brown, with had reappeared off Monte Video. , at the requisition of the United rnment, liberated several of the subjects of that lic who were taken prisoners in the Santa Fe expedi- uadon, §aata Anna bad .st India royal mail steamer Trent, Captain Miller, Halifax on the 15th instant, with mails from the )rts. She had sailed again for New York and the BRUNSWICK AND THE TARIFF. (From th t St. John's, N. B. Courier, of May 14-) no period of the history of this province were L 1 affairs in a greater state of uncertainty a Aci acq the Ile ref has When the world at large is r embarrassments in trade and commerce, in ely partake. New Brunswick is threatened hat, in the opinion of many, will go far, for a .0 retard her advancement and prosperity. In contemplated reductions in the British tariff avourable to the great staple exports of our denial duties bill which was under considera nt at the date of our latest advices, proposes able to the North American interests. Of measures upon the commercial industry of 'an be little doubt; the timber and deal 'ition of which so much capital is in so much of our trade has hitherto de be at once suspended. It .e pine timber is expected still to ae British mark e t ; b u t this arti tively scarce in the country, the onsequently enhanced, and while. .ed pine and spruce, there is to at home,—it becomes a serious )secution of the trade, in one 11 remunerating. If the Arne to carry their products to the e favourable terms than at pre timber to that quarter, latterly, 'ompletely at an end. We sin- Robert Peel's measures on colo ,ve so detrimental as is appre ay prove ungrounded : the ex is a great one, and it remai ns large will be benefited by the measure, the present tirri there is a strong feeling adverse to resent maritime regulations between British colonies. We have made o from a report recently made on the ttements in that document, it will be out by facts. This subject, with the a-y line, are questions to negociated the Americangovernment, and if, in crests of the colonies are not kept II be dee detrimental to us. ssesses great advantages in It soil and mineral resources : have frequently directedthpe informationu licattent n io o n. 't time notwithstanding h has resulted from the Geological Survey , al mine s are st ill l y i ng dormant. Neither lee n prosecut e d to t h e ex tent h which would ta geous to o ur i nterests notwithstanding the th e climat e f avoura bl e, f or t h e extensive e accessories, if not of the luxuries of life. ts, therefore, should the energies of the Pro id ; and we trust a corresponding feeling of ir unbounded resources will animate the in ally, n and that som ething will at once be done atage of our natural advantages. D ASHBURTON'S MISSION 'verbal, have From the New York Albion , vr special minister , —ay 7 ) nts from Washington,_ writte n - (1 -- irnoilboundary • two past represented that the arl- p ade some progress towards arranging mission —namely, the north - eastern one of the le moderated tone of the Maine Je accounts, and they are now rendereradah cony. the Governor of the State of Maine almost i a Special Session of they egislature. This is cerZinall satisfactory intelligence, dwe trust that the efforts 0 1 )rd,hip will be crowned with success. is stated that Judge Preble and another gentleman have summoned by the Secretary of State, or deputed by own State, to proceed to Washington as Commissioners, der that the negotiations may have the benefit of their Its and local knowledge. This we think very proper, for ,owledge o f the localities of the territory in dispute is ab itatYtessential to any one who w ishes to become properly roughly with the subject. Judge Preble, we know, is ;ue as the American in the business, for he was sent to the rred to the Kin Commissioner wh en the matter was King of Holland for his arbitra ment; and he otherwise shown his minute acquaintance with the matter tes the n from lui if the knowledge and abilities of Judge Preble areonwe: mry to the A merican Government, so also are the kn . ;e and abiliti es of some gentlemen on the British si de , ally well versed, to t this has not escaped Lotd Ashburton; and we dare say hislordship's observation, although have not heard of any one being called from New Bruns for this purpos e . A gentleman combining legal attain its and high personal worth—with a full knowledge of topography of the territory, as well as the history of the le question, is alone competent to give counsel in such a Without such an is to his lordship will—if a set lent by compromise to be made—often find himself at t, and he will, as a matter of necessity, be negotiating in tt'otkz_ LT - a-Irovf no person so compete u t tip meet Judge Preble ittable the Chicf Justice Chip man , who is, we believe, a native of the province ; whose father was employed with the late Colonel Barclay, in tracing the Boundary, in 1816-17, and who is himself well versed in the entire ques tion in all its ramifications: this is sufficiently shewn by the little treatise he published on the subject a few years ago, which is the most clear, comprehensive, and understandable exposition, if we may use such a word, that has appeared on the British side of the question. ' In the settlement of this long and troublesome question, whether it be done upon the principle of compromise or upon the stipulations of the treaty of 1783, it is sincerely to be hoped that a spirit of justice will animate both parties—that a mutual feeling of accommodation and concession will pre vail—and, to use the language of the preliminary treaty of 1782, that they will adopt " such principles of liberality, equity, and reciprocity, as that partial advantages (those seeds of discord) being excluded, such a beneficial inter.• course may be established between the two countries as to secure to both perpetual peace and harmony." SECOND EDITION. Standard-office, Ten o'clock ATTEMPT ON THE QUEEN'S LIFE. Through the kind and active attention of Mr. Aylward and Messrs. Wilmer and Smith, we were favoured at an early hour with copies of the London Standard and Sun of last night, from which we take the following important intelli gence : We have just been informed, by a messenger who left the Green Park in great haste, that another attempt was made on the Queen's life, by a young man of respectable appearance, about 23 years of age, just as her Majesty was returning in a barouche and four from her evening ride towards Bucking ham Palace. All of a sudden the flash of a pistol was observed by thz bystanders, and instantly the young man was seized. Fortunately the pistol did not go off, and before a second attempt could be made he was in custody. indeed he did not appear to make the attempt, for he put the pistol hur riedly into his breast, endeavouring to escape detection. It does not appear from what we have heard that her Majesty was at all aware of what had transpired. Singularly enough, the affair took place about where Oxford made his atrocious attempt. The prisoner was taken to the Palace Lodge, under the charge of Colonel Arbuthnot, who was in attend ance on her Majesty. An immense assemblage of gentlemen on horseback and parties in the Park crowded around the prisoner, and evinced the most lively anxiety to learn if her Majesty had sustained any injury, which we are happy to say she did not. It is also reported that her Majesty was shot at yesterday, but as the person escaped, no notice was taken of the affair. The attempt made this evening was communicated by Sir James Graham to Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons about half-past six o'clock. LATEST PARTICULARS The assassin is a young man not apparently more than 25 years of age, rather short and stout. He is decently dressed, and his general appearance betokens respectability. It is stated that he exactly answers the description given of the miscreant who made an attempt to assassinate Her Majesty yesterday evening. We were not inclined to credit this story of a previous attempt on Her Majesty's life last evening, but, on inquiry, we learn from the highest authority, that it is but too true that such an attempt was made. It appears, that previous to Her Majesty's return to Buckingham Palace this evening from her usual drive, the assassin attracted con siderable attention, by making use of the most horrible language in the Park, saying that the Queen lived upon the vitals of the people, at the same time making use of the most abusive epithets. Her Majesty was in the low pony phaeton, drawn by four greys, and just as the phaeton reached the spot where the maniac Oxford made his diaboli cal attempt on Her Majesty's life, the individual now in custody, drew a pistol from his breast, and presenting it at her Majesty, attempted to discharge it, providentially without ef fect. The miscreant was instantly arrested, and amidst the exe cration of the bystanders,who seem ed almost inclined to execute summary vengeance on him, was conveyed to one of the lodges of the Palace, and partially searched. The pistol with which he had made the attempt, and which he had immedi ately afterwards thrust into his bosom, was taken from him, examined, and discovered to be loaded with ball, so that the same difficulty as to proving the intent will not occur in this case that occurred in the case of Oxford. He was subse quently conveyed to the Gardner's-lane Station-house, where he was subjected to a most minute examination, but whether or not any other weapons have been found on him, we were unable to ascertain, as the strictest orders have been given to the authorities to observe the greatest secresy on the sub ject. The prisoner does not present the slightest appearance of insanity, and seemed perfectly calm and collected. We understand he refuses to state his place of abode, or, indeed, any particulars about himself. At half-past seven, he was conveyed from the Station-house to the Home-office, where he is at present under examinations before the Privy Council. Sir R. Peel, Sir J. Graham, Lord Wharncliffe, and all the Cabinet Ministers, are assembled at the Home-office, for the purpose of being present at his examination. Mr. Manic, the Solicitor to the Treasury, and Colonel Rowan, the Chief Commissioner of Police, are also in attendance there. We have reason to believe that the prisoner's name is known, but that it would frustrate the ends of justice if it were permitted to transpire for the present. The examination is a strictly private one, and no stranger is on any account permitted to be present. We sent our reporter to the Home-office, for the purpose of watching the proceedings. His request to be present, how ever, was met by a very polite but a very decided refusal. It is rumoured that the prisoner has associates in his crime, and that a clue has been obtained to their discovery ; indeed, it is reported that one of them, a tall individual who was seen in his company in the Park, is already in custody, and will undergo an examination at the Home-office this evening. The whole of Whitehall is crowded with persons anxiously waiting to catch a glimpse of the assassin on his return from I the Home-office. St. James's Park also is thronged with people, pressing towards Buckingham Palace to make inquiries as to the well-being of the Queen. . Prince Albert was with her Majesty in the phaeton at the time th attempt was made, but neither of them seemed aware of what had occurred until their return to the Palace. _ About half-past six o'clock Sir James Graham was ob served to enter the House of Commons, and walk towards the Speaker's end of the House, with a face evidently be traying anxiety. As he got oppoisite to Sir Robert Peel he beckoned to the Right Hon. Gentleman, who immediately retired with Sir James Graham. It was then the latter Right Honourable Baronet communicated to Sir Robert Peel, the intelligence of which he soon afterwards informed the House, when it broke up, the Members pouring instant ly into Palace-yard, and dispersing to gather all the intelli gence in their power. GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND On Wednesday, the business of most interest was the case of Mr. Munro, presentee to Fala. Mr. Munro is charged with having expressed a certain opinion as to the power of the civil magistrate, which is deemed heterodox. It is said that Mr. Munro's meaning is misconstrued, and he disavows the doctrine imputed to him. The Presbyterial certificate was withheld from him by 181 to 88. On Thursday,ttiecase r of the clergymen who have held communion with the Strathbogie ministers came before the house, when was witnessed the extraordinary spectacle of eleven ministers placed at the bar for countenancing their brethren in obeying the law of the laud ! The accused at once admitted the truth of the charge. Dr. Candlish, who seems to have volunteered the performance of this congenial task, then addressed the Assembly. His great object ap peared to be to prove that the accused, though delinquent, were not so guilty as the Strathbogie clergymen. He endea vsured to make out a distinction between the character of the offences committed by the two parties. The result of the matter was, that the eleven clergymen were again to be sum moned to the bar yesterday. On Friday, Mr. Clark was deposed for his conduct in ap pealing for protection to the civil courts, and the settlement of Mr. Middleton was annulled. ATTEMPTED MURDER IN PORTSMOUTH DOCKYARD PORTSMOUTH, SUNDAY.—At an early hour yesterday morning the family of Rear-Admiral the Honourable D. P. Bouverie, the Admiral Superintendent, residing in this dock yard, were considerably alarmed by the information that Joseph Bolton, a footman in the service of the admiral, had attempted to take the life of the lady's maid, Louisa Pettis, by cutting her throat. It appears that Bolton, who, it is supposed, had been out all night, and had been drinking, went on his return home, between five and six o'clock, into the bedroom of his intended victim, with a knife in his hand, with which, while she was sleeping, he cut her throat. The incision, however, was not sufficiently deep to de prive her of life. Upon being wounded she awoke, and, after struggling desperately with the assassin, succeeded in reaching the room of some of the other servants, though not without receiving some severe cuts under her chin and upon her shoulder and breast. After having made this at tempt upon the poor woman's life, Bolton immediately pro ceeded to the room of the butler, Benjamin Payne, whom he awoke, and said, " I have cut Louisa Pettis's throat; I give myself up as your prisoner." Rear-admiral Bouverie and the household were immediately alarmed, and the admiral ordered Bolton to be given into the custody of the policeman who had been called in. The admiral also despatched mes sengers to the nearest medical gentleman; so that no time might be lost in procuring proper assistance for the unfortu nate sufferer. Dr. Henderson shortly arrived, and rendered such immediate aid as the case required. It is not at pre sent anticipated that the wounds will prove fatal. No reason has yet been assigned by the prisoner for making this atro cious attempt. He told the butler it was because she was always aggravating him. In the course of the day the prisoner (Joseph Bolton) was examined before the magistrate, upon the , charge of having a tt em pted to murder Louisa Petti s, ladys maid to Lady Bouverie. Benjamin Payne stated that he was butler to Admiral Bouverie, and that the prisoner was a footman in the same service ; that between 5 and 6 o'clock this morning (Satur day) the prisoner came into the room and awoke him, and said, " I give myself up to you a prisoner. I have cut Louisa Pettis's throat." He immediately dressed himself and went down into the pantry, accompanied by the stioprning, pri soner. The prisoner went out the previous evening, and said he should be back again by half-past 10 to attend on the ladies. He looked for the prisoner at that hour, but was not rn able to find him. Did not see him again until the certifi e that LouisaatPSig when he came into the room and gave himself up. ing yoNl i that the prisoner had been out all night and drink lady's him • heard the prisoner say some time back that the maid owed blood, that that at present there pri soner was then r a grudge. Signed by Dr. Hsnderson was put in, stating it ettis was so much weakened by the loss of impossible she could be examined, but t e h m ere was no immediate danger. The pri anded until next Thursday. DUTIES ON SUCkR Av AND TIMBER.—Sir Robert Peel in tends, on Friday, t o n3o eresolutions, in Committee of Ways and Means, declaratory of the " expedie nc y o f continuing the sugar duties ;" and Mr. Roebuck w ill, i n th e sam e scom ittee, move that the su gar be reduced to that ne:wr the importation of foreign that the duties on colonial andvfied on colonial sugar ; and equal. Mr. Labouchere will alsootoreig° timber be rendered t ° 1 ` 1 1 :, as an amendment to Sir Robert Peels proposition, that be reduced to 30s. per cwt., and on Colonial sugar to 20s. REPRESENTATION OF DERRY.--RETU RN ,.. ~,„ sos.—Thursday being the day appointed foiel ectingßATEplace a re on the forenoon of Sir Robert Bateson, who lately resigned, renoon of that d presentative for the county of Derry, i n gentlemen, connected with the city and ay a county assembled the court-house of Derry, and after it wa s yr ! num m be b r le o d f a p s o s s e ed and seconded that Robert Bateson, Esq. (son o f i . t . Robert), was a fit and proper person to represent the county in the House of Commons, he was elected to that high and honourable office w ithout opposition, and declared to be duly returned. imperial Varliament. HOUSE OF LORDS-THURSDAY Lord HATHERTON presented a petition against Sunday trading on canals, and asked if it was the intention of govern ment to bring in any bill to enable the proprietors of canals to close them on Sunday, which they could not do without the authority of parliament, inasmuch as canals are the Queen's highways. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said it was not the intention of go vernment to bring in such a bill, but if the noble lord would bring in such a bill, government would afford him every pos sible facility to pass it. Lord KINNAIRD then moved for a copy of the Queen's letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, with a view to raising subscriptions for the relief of the poor. The Luke of WELLINGTON said he had no objection to the production of the letter, though owing to some circum stances, he was not aware (when the noble lord had given no tice on a previous evening) that sucha letter was in existence. After some conversation as to the propriety of resorting to such a mode of relieving distress of such magnitude, the motion was agreed to. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved that the house should re solve itself into committee upon the copyright bill. He re gretted to find that it was to be opposed from a quarter from whence opposition was at all times formidable, and more particularly so in a case like the one under consideration. This opposition rendered it necessary for him to enter at some length into the subject, but he would do so without trespass ing on the time of the house further than was absolutely re quisite. The noble lord then gave a history of copyright, showing, that in the first instance authors, by the common law, had a permanent right in their works, and that the sta tute laws passed in the reign of Anne, instead of granting a right to authors, actually curtailed the right which they had by the common law. He only asked, therefore, for justice at the hands of their lordships for the literary men of this great empire, who were in a worse position, as respected copy right, than the literary men of any nation in Europe, with the exception of Austria, which, by a singular coincidence, had produced fewer works of eminence than any other country. Lord BROUGHAM was opposed to this measure, which not only made a considerable alteration prospectively in the law of copyright, but also contained a retrospective clause, which, in his opinion, was most objectionable. The noble lord con tended that the increase of the period of copyright would be of no use to the author, for the bookseller would give no more for a copyright for 42 years than for a copyright for 28 years. He had caused a calculation to be made of the com parative value of a copyright for each period, presuming that there was a certainty of a profit of £lOO per annum on the publication of a work. The value for 28 years would be £730, and for 42 years only £7Bl. This was a proof that the author would gain nothing by the bill; for even this small difference of £5l they would not obtain from the book seller. While, therefore, it would be of no benefit to the author, it might operate seriously to the disadvantage of the public, by keeping up the price of valuable works that ought to be in the hands of the people, and this was his great ob jection to the bill. Lord LYTTLETON said that the arguments of the noble lord, however cogent as to those authors who sold their works, did not at all apply to those who retained their copy rights in their own hands. He was satisfied that prolonga tion of the term of copyright was necessary, and he should, therefore, support the bill. The Bishop of LONDON, in supporting the bill, contended that the calculations referred to by Lord Brougham were a fallacy, for in many cases books were gradually improving in their marketable value, and would be most valuable just about the time when, under the present law, the copyright would expire, and all the advantage would be reaped by some speculating bookseller, instead of by the author and his Lord COTTENHAM contended that this question should not be argued upon the ground of justice or injustice to authors, but solely upon the ground of the public interest, and believ ing that it would operate injuriously to the interests of the public as far as related to the clause having a restrospective effect, he must oppose that portion of it, though he con curred in the general principle of the bill. Lord CAMPBELL supported the bill ; after which the house went into committee on the bill, and the clauses were agreed to, pro forma, it being understood, that they should be dis cussed on bringing up the report. Some bills on the table were forwarded a stage, after which their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-THURSDAY, Mr. WYNN brought on his motion, for a direction to the Attorney-General to prosecute such persons as shalt appear to him to have been guilty of bribery at the last election for Ipswich. Sir. THOMAS WILDE reluctantly opposed the motion. It would be infinitely preferable to introduce a general measure for the suppression of bribery, than to select individuals for punishment in one or two isolated cases. Sir W ILLIAm FOLLETT (the Solicitor-General) also opposed the motion. Mr. THOS. DUNCOMBE was convinced that the entire elec tive system required re-modelling, and that this evil of bribery was not to be eradicated by any partial proceedings. Mr. O'CoNNELL called on the Attorney-General to bring in, on the part of the government, a bill of indemnity for witnesses, by which all bribery cases could be probed to the bottom, and the wealthy bribers be reached. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, by all means punish the bribers, but do not set up the dangerous precedent of screening the bribed. Confessing the difficulty of the case, he thought it best, on the whole, not to direct a prosecution in the present instance, though he came to this conclusion with reluctance. Mr. BERNAL was afraid, that nothing effective would be done without an alteration of the tone and character of the constituent body itself. The law relating to treating and bribery was also in an exceedingly ill-defined state. Sir R. H. INGLis considered bribery to be a sin, and that the sin was committed when either a representative or an elector gave a vote against his conscience. Mr. WYNN, after some observations, withdrew his motion. Colonel RUSHBROOKE then moved the issue of a new writ for Ipswich. Mr. HUME objected to the motion, and hoped that the writ would be suspended for a month, pending the proposed in quiries. Sir ROBERT PEEL did not see sufficient grounds for the suspension of the writ. Lord Jour. Itusszi.i. said, that the power of suspending a writ, on the ground of bribery and corruption, had been re peatedly exercised since the time of the Revolution ; and though he should use the power with reluctance, yet the r e were cases in which it was advisable to do so. After some observations from Mr. DARBY, Mr. C. BULLER said that the issuing of a writ to a borough convicted of bribery, was an invitation to it to resort to its old tricks. A long debate ensued ; after which, the house went to a division, when there appeared—For the issue of the writ, 126 ; for its suspension for one month, 107 ; majority 19. Mr. O'CONNELL then moved, as an amendment on the motion for the issue of the writ, that a select committee of inquiry be appointed to inquire into the extent of bribery at the last Ipswich election; and another discussion arose, ano ther division took place, when there appeared—For the issue of the writ, 133 ; for the committee of inquiry, 119 ; majority, 14. Mr. MILNER GIBSON obtained leave, after a slight discus sion, to bring in a bill to prevent persons in England and Wales from losing their votes at an election by removal after the preceding registration. Lord STANLEY rose, amidst considerable confusion, to ask leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of the govern ment of Newfoundland. Although it might not excite much interest, he could assure the house that this was a subject of considerable importance. (Interruption, caused by hon. members leaving.) He knew it was impossible to ask for the patience of the house, and he was quite ready, if the house thought proper, to ask leave to introduce the measure without saying a single word, but if they wished that he should explain the object of the bill, he hoped they would at least allow him to hear what he was saying himself. In 1831 a constitution was granted for the first time to the co lony of Newfoundland, on the declaration by the colony of their willingness to take on themselves the expenses of their own administration, and relieve this country from the bur den. Out of this circumstance arose the necessity for the appeal he was now making to parliament, the object of which was to enable the crown to restrict the extent of the elective franchise then established in the colony. He did not think the house would be of opinion, when he stated the circum stances, that he proposed very largely or improperly to re strict the amount of the franchise. He was very unwilling to enter at much length into the circumstances which had led to the state in which the colony was at present placed. The late governor of the colony had represented to the noble lord who preceded him (Lord Stanley) in the charge of the colo nial department, that such was the state of the colony, that it was quite impossible that he could undertake to summon an assembly under the constitution as it now stood, and the noble lord the secretary for the colonies concurring in this opinion, authorised the suspension of the sittings of the as sembly until time should have been taken to consider the state of the colony. A committee of the House of Com mons was appointed to investigate the whole circumstances on the motion of the hon. member for Droitwich (Mr. Pa kington) ; but their inquiries were cut short by the dissolu tion of parliament, and all that they were able to effect was a partial examination of some questions affecting the religi ous differences of the island. He was happy to learn that the animosities springing out of this source had to a consi derable extent subsided, and with the religious part of the question he did not propose in any way to deal. Although a nominal qualification for both the electors and the elected was ordained under the new constitution, it was in point of fact no qualification at all. The state of society was in many respects peculiar. Formerly the inhabitants con sisted chiefly of fishermen, with a few persons who were attracted to the island by commerce, but in the course of time another interest had grown up, consisting of agriculturists and other persons resident in the colony. Between these considerable jealousy prevailed, which divided the people into two parties. The inhabitants were distributed over a large extent of sea-coast with but small means of communication with the interior. The bulk of the population was extremely poor, and as a natural consequence extremely ignorant, with but few persons possessed of property. The qualification of a voter hitherto had been the possession of a house for twelve months, which might be a mere log-hut of a few boards, such as was called in the North American provinces a shanty. The qualification for representatives was the having occupied a house for seven years. The result had been, that the House of Assembly had consisted generally of very uneducated persons, one of the fifteen of which it was composed having been unable to write his own name, and some of the others being menial servants, who had to ask their masters' leave to enable them to sit in the house. He thought the house would agree with him that in such a state of things some check was called for, and that the restriction he proposed on the fran chise was not unreasonable. The qualification which he should now propose for the electors, in conformity with the opinions of both the present governor and his predecessor, and with the consent of most parties in the island, was in the country districts the possession of a 400 rent, s.fr buteehol being person being resident on the spot, p ay i ng no 'in undisputed possession, even if unauthorized. In the towns he proposed the occupation of a £5 house, which rent being exceedingly low—indeed, in the country districts no such thing existed — would, in fact, include the great bulk of the householders. One other restriction he pro posed to introduce, in compliance with the constitutional practice in this country, and to which he did not believe any objection would be made on either side of the house, and that was, the origination of money votes by the Crown. The effect of the present jealousy between the commercial and agricultural interests was, that each grudged any expenditure of the public money in behalf of the other, and in conse quence objections were made to the money votes, and no sup ply was gra nted for the public business. He th oug ht it would be a prop er control fsAhosuseldmboriginat e wit h th t e l s i e e Corionwtsn,thaenred was for this state of things t o enact made indeed with the general consent o f which he attached considerable inn portance, as tending to s mooth difference of opin ion in the colony itself. points was ano- t the colony itself but to _ _ with t ti h l e a r t p m t r h o o e n v -e i s l y i o o v u n o s e n o s t mutual o jealousy. He sembly, and the two bodies actedhthewictourse of public busin ess . The Council, as things now s t proposed to incorporate both h t of nomination by the o i n o t d o , c o h nh e e ck c e h d a m th b e e r H , o c u o s m e b o i f n A i n s- g w ith t a the principle of election separate chambers, one He which hnCormowinna.tedAhtyprtehseeentrothwehr,ethweeroethtewro hythe wouldpopu lar election; 5 to compose the nominees of the Crown, and pro posedstohcoaetuulrsd suspension h convert hpeee nn s nominated es them by into the Crown, thought three-fifths b 10 those elected by the people. This pla n he y tend to produce more harmonious legislation f o a c n e d up p i r e e d v t e h n e t time which should be devoted to public business. nsof public precedence and whi ch dignity usedformer lye s t e o qiountiof e re the principal changes which he proposed, and he was anxious to hasten the measure on, and not leave the colony, as it was now, without any representative body. Sir T. FREM ANTLE seconded the motion. _ _ . Mr. O'CONNELL viewing the whole scheme of legislation proposed by the noble lord, would implore him rather to in troduce a bill to annihilate all representation in the colony, and take the government of the colony altogether into his own hands, than mock them with such a semblance of a re presentative body. The people of Newfoundland had been extremely ill-used, not only by the government of which the noble lord had formed a part, but also by the preceding go vernment. The committee appointed by the noble lord the member for London to consider the state of Newfoundland had made its report on ex parte statements, as none of the residents of the colony had an opportunity of being examined before it. The whole power of the colony was placed in the hands of a few London houses, and the legislature was in reality vested in them. Of this, he (Mr. O'Connell) was convinced, though he imputed to the noble lord no motive or intention other than what the noble lord had declared. He had heard from persons resident in Newfoundland, that before the constitution was granted the colony was a burthen to the mother country ; but , since then, the case was altered, and public works of an extensive nature were undertaken. Amongst others, a thousand miles of road had been laid down, and the country was prospering exceedingly. The proposed alteration of the qualification would be nothing less than a transfer from the many to the few. The greater number of the poor voters at present were Roman Catholics, who would be deprived of their votes, and the feuds which were com plained of would be renewed under another name. If ten of the persons in the House of Assembly were named by the government, it would require but three adherents of the go vernment to be amongst the elected body to give it complete sway over the Assembly. When he saw the bill of the noble lord he should give it his best attention, though he was at the same time convinced that he should be compelled to give it every opposition. Mr. C. BULLER thought that the bill, as explained by the noble lord, so far from producing the harmony upon which the noble lord calculated, would rather tend to perpetuate disturbance in the colony. The provision was certainly a wise one which enabled the government to restrict the waste ful expenditure of public money. He also approved of the plan of blending the two assemblies into one, and to have the crown represented in that one by means of nomination ; but then there was the question of what should be the relative numbers. (Hear, hear.) If three of those returned by election should side with the ten appointed by government and removable at pleasure, they would over ride the whole assembly. It would be as well to do away with any representative system in the colony. He did not quarrel with the proposed qualification, but he thought it was an exaggeration to say that menial servants would be elected, who would ask their masters' permission to take their seats. He considered many parts of the proposed bill good, but to place so large a nomination in the crown would be giving it a power to over-ride the assembly. After a few words from Mr. P. Howard, and Mr. S. O'Brien, Lord STANLEY in reply said, that he had proposed no re strictions whatever, but had only give to Newfoundland the legislature which had been held in abeyance by his noble predecessor in the colonial office in consequence of the state of the island. Leave was then given to bring in the bill. Lord STANLEY, in moving for leave to bring in a bill to make further provision for the government of New South Wales, said, that the constitutional act in that colony had been renewed by successive acts since 1836, and as it would expire in the present year, he proposed to introduce the pre sent bill, founded in the material parts on the measure pro posed by the noble lord the member for London last season. He had considered the provisions of that bill, and had made some alterations, which were suggested by persons represent ing different opinions in the colony. The bill would conside rably extend the popular rights in New South Wales, but not more so than he thought the population, wealth, and impor tance of the colony were fairly entitled to ; and it would also constitute, for the conduct of local affairs, municipal districts and bodies, which would be required by the legislature about to be given under the sanction of parliament. Leave was then given to bring in the bill. Adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS.-FRIDAY In reply to a question from Lord Dunalley, Lord WHARNCLIFFE said there was no reason to believe that any general breach of the peace would take place in the county of Tipperary. There had certainly been some outrages committed, but they were not directed against the govern ment. The police force had been increased, and would he still further augmented if necessary. The conduct of the opulent class was, for the most part, highly praiseworthy, but he was sorry to say that there were exceptions to the rule, and the conduct of some of the superior class, as land lords, was inexcusable. . On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL, a bill was introduced, and read a first time, for the purpose of transferring appeals from the ecclesiastical courts of Ireland to this country. The bills on the table were forwarded a stage, after which their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY. In reply to a questiion from Mr. HumE, respecting the distress prevailing in the manufacturing districts, Sir R. PEEL expressed a hope that her Majesty's letter would be generously responded to throughout the kingdom. The Income Tax Bill was read a third time, pro forma, with a view to having some amendments printed, with the understanding that the final discussion shall take place on Monday. The house then went into committee on the new tariff, and Mr. LYALL, on the question that the duty on train oil and blubber of foreign fishing shall be £6, and the duty on sper maceti oil of foreign fishing £l5 the tun, from and after the 15th day of July, 1843, moved, " That instead of the sth day of July, 1843, the sth day of July, 1844, be substituted as to the duty on train oil and blubber, and the sth of July, 1845, as to spermaceti oil." It was contended by several hon. members that further time was requisite before the change in the duties should be enforced, or serious injury would accrue to the parties inte rested in our whale fishery. Sir R. PEEL hoped the house would bear in mind that this change was requisite, not only for the benefit of our manu factures but for the fishery itself, which was rapidly declining under these high duties. On a division Mr. Lyall's amendment was negatived by a majority of 108 to 41. On the schedule containing the timber duties being moved, it was contended by several hon. m embers that the proposed mode of admeasurement would be injurious in its operation. Lord SANDON would suggest, that only one change should be made in the existing system, and that the duty should not be made lower than 30s. Lord JOCELYN said that the trade would feel it as a great hardship if the proposed duties would come into operation immediately. Many of his constituents bad large quantities of timber, and they would be great losers by any sudden change. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS.-1 give notice, that when the subject comes on again, I shall move that the duty rest at 30s. Sir ROBERT PEEL.—And I give notice that I will adhere steadily to my proposition. (Loud cheers.) The right hon. baronet continued he would submit to the custom-house offi cers any mere matters of detail ; but he knew, from experi ence, that objections of detail were often raised when the ob jection at bottom was to the main point, in this case the re duction of duties.—(Hear, hear.) Lord SANDON trusted that the right hon. baronet would reconsider his proposal. Sir ROBERT PEEL replied, that if by the word " reconsi deration " was meant a reconsideration favourable to the views of the noble lord, he would not reconsider the measure in that point of view, as his own opinion was decidedly in fa vour of the proposal which he had made. Still, he would not permit his feelings to hinder him from impartially communi cating as to detail with the Custom-house officers, and he would report the result to the house. Sir R. PEEL said that the communications held by the government with some of the most intelligent officers of the customs had not led them to think the proposed mode of aduieasurement would be attended with any difficulty, but some further communications should immediately take place, and if it should appear that any such difficulty would be felt, some other mode might be resorted to. provided it made no change in the amount of duty to be levied. It being now 10 o'clock the Chairman, in accordance with an arrangement made on Thursday night, reported progress, in order to enable _ _ __— Mr. C. BULLER to bring forward his motion respecting the last election for Bridport. His object was to call the attention of the house to the petition of Henry Warburton, Esq., and to move " That an inquiry be made into certain corrupt compromises alleged to have been entered into for the purpose of avoiding investigation into gross bribery which had been alleged to have been practised at the election for the borough of Bridport, in June last ; and also whether such bribery has taken place in the aforesaid town." The petition of Mr. Warburton contained a distinct allegation of bribery, and also stated that an actual compromise had taken place. It further stated that one of the candidates (Mr. Mitchell) had declared his intention, before the elec- tion, to carry the borough by the force of money, and that bribery on a large subsequently took place, which was car ried on by the agents of Mr. Mitchell, who spent no less than £3,200 on the contest. It also stated that Mr. Mitchell and Mr. B. Cochrane had subsequently paid large sums of money to compromise indictments for bribery arising out of that election. No less than 51 actions were brought by Mr. Flight against Mr. Mitchell, the penalties in which would have amounted to £25,000. These, as well as some similar actions against Mr. Cochrane, had been compromised. The case, he contended, was stronger than those in which the inquiry had been already granted, and he proposed that it should be confided to the committee already appointed. The petition also charged Mr. Cochrane with not having kept faith with Mr. Warburton, for he had abandoned the peti tion against Mr. Mitchell, though be had undertaken to prosecute it in such a manner as to save the reputation of Mr. Warburton's friends. Mr. COCHRANE said the application for negociation came in the first instance from Mr. Warburton, and that he had declined any negociation. A short time afterwards, Mr. Warburton said he should accept the Chiltern Hundreds if Mr. Mitchell did not. It was eventually arranged by their respective agents that Mr. Warburton was to resign, and that the petition of Mr. Mitchell should be prosecuted, so as to give his seat to Mr. Warburton. The hon. gentleman read a singular letter from Mr. Warburton, and gave a his tory of the whole transactions. In conformity with this ar rangement, the petition against Mr. Mitchell was prose cuted until they obtained an offer, that at the expiration of two years, Mr. Mitchell would accept the Chiltern Hun dreds. Even subsequent to this he had prosecuted the peti tion, though he had to sustain all the expenses, until it was found that they could proceed no farther without impli cating all parties, which was contrary to the stipulation agreed to, by which Mr. Warburton's friends were to be held harmless. He then wrote to Mr. Warburton, stating his resolution to proceed no further, for to do so would be not only to implicate Mr. W.'s friends, but to lead to the disfranchisement of the borough. The hon. member said that after all Mr. Warburton's efforts to get him to proceed with the petition against Mr. Mitchell, he had since heard that Mr. W. had been injuring him in the borough by re presenting that he (Mr. W.) had no wish to promote the petition, which was entirely the work of Mr. Cochrane, and calculated to lead to the disfranchisement of the borough. The hon. member, at the close of his statement, argued against the inquiry proposed, for if this borough were to be included in the investigation carried on by Mr. Roebuck's committee, where would they stop ? If Bridport were in cluded, so might every other borough in the kingdom. Mr. MITCHELL said if Mr. Warburton's character were damaged by this discussion, he bad nobody to thank but him self for bringing it forward. H e most distinctly stated on his honour as a gentle man an d as a m ember of that house, he had not intended, when be went to Bridport, to expend any sum beyond reasonable expenses, and, in point of fact, he agreed that his election was to be conducted for a sum which was under what Mr. "W arburton bad declared to be the usual cost of his own elections. It was, therefore, un likely he should have declared that he would carry the elec tion by force of money, and he had no recollection that he had even said any thi ng of the sort. With respect to the large sums spent, he mu s t say, without denying that they had been spent, that h e h a d not spent them—that he had never re ceived an account of them ; neither had he or any of his re lations ever been as k e d f or them, no r would they ever pay them. He denied other statements contained in the petition of Mr. Warburton, and challenged that g entlem an with a breach of confidence in bringing this matter before the house, and with ingratitude to his constituents Bridport, which he had represented for 16 years. The hon. gentleman then gave a history of the interviews between himself and Mr. War burton's agent, which displayed, on the part of Mr. Warbur ton, great anxiety to maintain his character for purity whil e resorting to the most singular expedients to obtain the seat of Mr. Mitchell at the expense of Mr. Cochrane, though his agent had assured Mr. Mitchell that he should be left in un disturbed possession. He denied that he bad compromised, for he retained his seat, having declined to accept the Chiltern Hundreds; and his reason f or w ithd raw i ng hi s petition against Mr. Cochrane was, that his counsel had assured him that he had no case. The 51 actions referred to were dropped because they found they could not he sustained, and they were dropped three weeks before he had given up the petition. Sir T. WILDE said, after the statements the house had heard, there could be no hesitation about referring the whole matter to the committee ; but, -as Mr. Warburton was a friend of his, he felt it necessary to place his conduct in its proper light before the house. The fact was, that Mr. War burton resigned in order to save his friends from the conse quences of the course they bad pursued in endaivouring to obtain the return of Mr. Mitchell, and this was sought to be turned against him by saying that he had resigned lest his own conduct should be investigated; that lie was in fact ap prehensive on his own account. It was when he found his own character at stake that he resolved to court investiga tion ; for though he was willing to sacrifice his seat to screen his friends, he felt that he could not make them a present of his character also. There was a criminal information against Mr. Cochrane for bribery, and many actions against his friends, all of which had fallen to the ground, or at least nothing had been heard of them since the petition was with drawn, though they stood for trial at the last assizes. There were also many actions against Mr. Mitchell for bribery, which had been buried with the rest on the withdrawal of the petitions. The hon. and learned gentleman contended that Mr. Cochrane had broken faith in not prosecuting the petition against Mr. Mitchell, and that the latter gentleman had acted with ingratitude in obtaining his election by Mr. Warburton's aid, and, after compromising Mr. Warburton's friends by the course he pursued, relpsing to resign, and thus compelling Mr. Warburton to give up his seat, which he had originally undertaken, should not be endangered by the contest. After some observations from Sir J. WALsw, Mr. HUME, and Mr. ESCOTT, Sir R. PEEL said he was of opinion that there was as good ground for referring this case to the committee as any of those which had been already referred, as far as compromises were concerned. He was only afraid, as the committee was to inquire into bribery as well as into compromises, they would be unable to conduct the inquiry satisfactorily during the present session. The most effectual means should be considered of preventing these compromises from screening the exposure of bribery ; and he thought, therefore, that it would be better that the committee should turn its attention to such means rather than sacrifice all its time in making in effectual attempts to get at cases of bribery in particular boroughs, unless where such bribery determined the nature of the compromise. Lord J. RUSSELL was of opinion there was less reason to refer this case than the others, because from the statements made that night they were already in possession of all the facts relating to the compromise. It might be well, however, that those facts should be more regularly recorded, and upon that narrow ground he would support the motion. Sir R. Notts opposed the motion, on the ground that the committee to which it was proposed to refer the matter, was already so overwhelmed, that it could proceed but a short way during the present session. Lord PALMERSTON contended that under the existing law compromises were frequently justifiable; but the law was bad, because it did not recognise the public as a party having any interest in the decision of election petitions. The law should be altered, but gentlemen were going too fast in con demning parties who were acting in accordance with the law, however erroneous in principal that law might be. After refusing inquiry in the case of Ipswich, he could not see why they should grant it in the present instance. EOM) STANLEY said that if the House of Commons did not show its determination to put a stop to such proceedings as were disclosed that night, they would have a recurrence of similar transactions in many other boroughs hereafter. The case before the house was disgraceful to the borough of Brid port, and was such a one as could not be overlooked by the house. He was not prepared, however, to say that the in quiry should be referred to the committee already appointed on the motion of Mr. Roebuck. After a few words from Mr. BAN KES, Mr. C. BULLER thanked the Government for the able assistance they had given him on this motion, and more particularly Sir, R. Peel, for the determination he had shown throughout the session of tearing away the veil beneath which bribery had hitherto been so effectually screened from detection. After a few words from Sir C. BURRELL the house di vided, and the motion of Mr. C. Buller was earried by a mojority of 156 to 37. Mr. C. BULLER then moved that the inquiry should be referred to Mr. Roebuck's committee, the debate upon which was adjourned until Wednesday. PREROGATIVE COURT, DUBLIN, MAY 24 LADY GALMOY V. LORD GALMOY The following case, which came before the Prerogative Court yesterday, may be taken as a tail piece to the Ex traordinary Investigation" which appeared in The Times about three weeks since : Sir H. Meredyth said, he appeared for the promovent to ask an order for an ad interim alimony, pending the cause for a divorce, which had been instituted by his client, Ellen Butler, otherwise Burke, commonly called Lady Galmoy, of Garrendenny Castle, in the Queen's County. His learned friends around him might smile, and so might he (Sir H. Meredyth), but the claims of a wife, and that wife a peeress, should be treated with profound respect. The promovent's libel alleged that she was married to Garrett Butler, com monly called Lord Galmoy, on the 20th December, 1840, by a clergyman of the established church, named the Rev. J. Maguire, at Cullenswood, in the county of Dublin, which was consummated immediately afterwards—facts admitted by his lordship in his reply. The property of Lord Galmoy had been £l,OOO a year when this suit was instituted—cer tainly a small sum for a peer of the realm, but quite enough for the purpose of his ill-used lady. He alleges, however, that it is now only £4OO a year ; but this was owing to his own acts, having lately settled £2OO a year on his mother, and disposed of further sums to discharge incumbrances. He has also a house and stock of the value of £l,OOO, and he (Sir Henry) did not think he was asking too much for his wife—a peeress—when he named £2OO a year. Dr. Radcliffe.—Does he deny the marriage ? Sir H. Meredyth.—No, my lord—he admits it, and that they lived together as man and wife for some time after. Dr. Radcliffe.—What grounds does he offer for refusing the allowance asked for? Sir Henry.—He says, that having purchased her for the sum of £5, and having conaidered her, even at that amount, a dear bargain. he does not think her worth her support, (Laughter.) It would be better to hear his own reply. Sir Henry then called upon the registrar to read the impugnant's first article, which admitted the marriage, and thus pro ceeded :—" Said promovent was first introduced to this re spondent by her mother (one Mary Power), as and for and in the character of a prostitute, to whom this respondent gave the sum of £5 for said promovent, and also the sum of 132 to the said Power for the introduction, and said promovent did live with this respondent as a prostitute for some time after, and up to the time of the marriage." Sir Henry proceeded to say, that Lord Galmoy has a freehold property in the Queen's County worth £l,OOO a year, but encumbered as stated ; and concluded by humorously pressing the demand of his client, which was quite little enough to support the dignity of a peeress. Mr. J. Radcliffe, for the impugnant, said that the lady herself did not claim to be a peeress in the title to this cause, nor did she require much money to keep her in the company to which she was accustomed. According to her own show ing, she danced jigs with her own servants to the playing of a piper, and had no objection to drink whisky. (Laughter.) Sir H. Meredyth.—But did not Lord Galmoy elevate her to the peerage ? (Laughter.) Mr. J. Radcliffe.—She does not pretend to be a peeress. She describes herself as " Ellen Burke, commonly called Lady Galmoy," and he was of opinion that the less alimony such a lady received the better for her own constitution. Sir H. Meredyth.—What would you give her? You must give her something. Mr. J. Radcliffe.—His income is only £4OO a-year. I suppose a fifth part would be quite sufficient for her wants. They were only lately married, and lived but a short time together. Sir H. Meredyth.—Yes, but they lived happily till they got drunk, and fell out about the jigs and the piper. (Laugh ter.) Dr. Radcliffe.—l think, under all the circumstances, £5O a-year would be sufficient for her support. Mr. J. Radcliffe.—Yes, and pay the piper besides. Sir H. Meredyth.—Oh, my lord ! surely she could not support the dignity of a peeress on such a sum (great laugh ter) ; and it should be borne in mind that Lord Galmoy is living at present in a state of adultery with another woman! The usual allowance in such cases as the present is one fourth of the husband's income, but we will be satisfied with £2OO, which is the fifth of his property, subject to the in cumbrances he placed upon it himself within the last three months. _ _ _ Mr. J. Radcliffe.—What fortune did she bring him ? (Laughter.) Sir H. Meredyth.—Her beauty, sir,—her virtue—her graces. (Great laughter.) What more could you desire? Sir, a virtuous woman, her price is above rubies. (Laugh ter.) Court. —I think the eighth part of his income, £5O, ought to satisfy the lady. . Mr. Mostyn, Lady Galmoy's proctor, observed that Mr. Radcliffe agreed to give a fifth part, £BO. The further consideration of the case was postponed for a short time, and it had not concluded when this report left. COALS, CINDERS, AND CULM (From the M 'lulu Journal) In the Journal of the 30th ult., we published some par ticulars from the Parliamentary:Returns, recently issued ; we then stated that the total quantity of coals exported from the United Kingdom, from the sth day of January, 1828, to the sth day of January, 1842, was as follows :- 1828 ...... 357,864 tons. 1835 1829 1830 1831 1832 ...... 588,446 „ I 1839 1833 1834 Of these, in 1828, Denmark took more than any other coun try (61,392 tons) ; Germany, the British West Indies, and the Channel Islands and Man, being the next largest im porters. In 1841, and, indeed, ever since 1835, France has taken more of our coals than any other country. The fol lowing are the countries and amounts, exceeding an import of 100,000 tons :-France, 451,003 tons ; Germany, 173,437 ; Holland, 173,378 ; Denmark, 151,146 ; and Prussia, 116,296. The British West Indies, the Channel Islands, and Russia, take about the same quantity respectively. The declared value of the coals, &c., exported from the United Kingdom, in 1840, was £576,519 ;in 1811, £675,287. In 1841 the fol lowing were the exports of coal, calm, and cinders, and de dated value thereof, from the ports specified :- Newcastle Sunderland .. 408,515.. Stockton Liverpool London 30,328 29,686 Borrowstoness Hull Of the coals exported in 1841, the duty payable on exportation in foreign ships was £9346 19s. ; in British ships, £2540 Is. 6d. ; on cinders, in foreign ships, £63 12s. ; in British, £64 6s. 10d. The duty on export to foreign countries, in foreign ships, is 10s. 6d. per cent. ad valorem, in British ships, 4s. V i d. per ton. Of the ports shipping coal, &c., coastwise, in 1841, the following are the principal :-New castle, 2,397,977; Stockton, 1,483,618; Sunderland, 937,995 ; Newport, 506,078 tons. The total quantity so shipped coastwise from the ports of the United Kingdom, in 1841, was 7,649,899 tons; in 1840, 7,475,877 tons. Of the exports to foreign countries, in 1841, 1,039,142 tons were in British shipping-464,424 in foreign shipping. Of the importing countries we find that Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Prussia, the Uuited States, and the Phillipine, import more in foreign than in British vessels. The United States imported in one year 15,646 tons in British, and 36,627 tons in foreign ves sels. The exports to British possessions, in the same year, were 338,538 tons in British, and 6190 tons in foreign ship ping. It is rumoured in the court circle, that the Venerable Archdeacon Wilberforce, M.A., and formerly Fellow of Oriel College, has been selected by her Majesty to fill the highly honourable and responsible office of tutor to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. THE DISTRESS IN THE MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS. THE QUEEN'S LETTER TO HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, FOR A COLLECTION IN AID OF THE SUBSCRIPTIONS ENTERED INTO FOR THE RELIEF OF THE WORKING CLASSES IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. VICTORIA R. Most Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and right entirely beloved councillor, we greet you well.—Whereas in some districts in England and Scotland many of the working classes have suffered, and continue to suffer, severe distress ; and whereas many of our subjects have entered intc volun tary subscriptions for their relief, and have at the same time humbly prayed us to issue our royal letters directed to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lord Archbishop of York, authorising them to promote contributions within their several provinces for the same benevolent purpose. We, taking the premises into our royal consideration, and being always ready to give the best encouragement and coun tenance to such humane and charitable undertakings, are graciously pleased to condescend to their request ; and we do hereby direct these our letters be communicated by you to the several suffragan bishops within your province, expressly requiring them to take care that publication be made hereof on such Sunday in the present or in the ensuing month, and in such places within their respective dioceses, as the said bishops shall appoint ; and that upon this occasion the mi nisters in each parish do effectually excite the parishioners to a liberal contribution, which shall be collected the week fol lowing at their respective dwellings by the churchwardens or overseers of the poor, in each parish ; and the ministers of several parishes are to cause the sum so collected to be paid immediately into the hands of the Bank of England, to be accounted for by them, and applied to the carrying on and promoting the above-mentioned good designs. And so we bid you very heartily farewell. Given at our Court at Saint James, the 11th day of May, 1842, in the fifth year of our reign. By her Majesty's command, J. R. G. GRAHAM. To the Most Reverend Father in God, our _ _ right trusty and Right entirely Beloved Councillor, William Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England and Metropolitan. London House, May 20, 1812. Reverend Brother,—ln obedience to the commands of her Majesty, I require You to read from the desk in your church or chapel the Queen's Letter, a copy of which I have caused to be transmitted to you, on such Sunday before the Ist day of July next as you may judge most convenient, immediately after the morning or evening prayers. You are also desired to cause the Queen's Letter to be read in like manner in every place of worship belonging to the established church in your parish (if there be any besides the parish church), and to communicate this, letter to the mister or minsters thereof. The accompanying statement will supply authentic inform ation in regard to the distress which prevails in the places therein mentioned, and which, unhappily, tends to many other populous districts similarly circumstanced. I trust, therefore, that you will feel it your duty, as a mi nister of Christ, to give full effect to her Majesty's gracious intentions by earnest exhortation from the pulpit, and to make known and enforce, as widely and strongly as possible, the claims of the sufferers on the charity of their Christian brethren. The amount collected is to be paid, within three weeks after the collection, into the Bank of England, or its branches in the country ; or by postoffice orders addressed to and made payable to the cashiers of the Bank of England, Lon don.—From your affectionate brother, C. J. LONDON. THE STATEMENT. STOC KPORT. Stockport, in Cheshire, is one of the principal seats of the cotton manufacture, and a large portion of its population is dependent on that manufacture for support. During the last three years many failures among the mill owners have occurred, but distress among the working peo ple did not assume a very aggravated form until within the last eight months ; since that time a large number of the manufacturing workmen, accustomed to constant industry, have been reduced by the stoppage of mills to want of em ployment, and to a dependence on legal or voluntary alms. Their privations have been borne, by a population not ac customed to such dependence, with fortitude and resignation, and the virtues which they have exhibited under such severe trials, not less than the sufferings which they have endured, and are still enduring, entitle them to the sympathy and con sideration of their fellow countrymen. Mr. Waddington, the secretary of the relief fund in Stock port, states in the official report upon the distress in that town, that the great majority of the distressed families have no visible means of support; that for some weeks they had subsisted by credit; that when that had failed, their next resource was to sell their furniture, their wearing apparel, their bed and bedding, and in many instances women had been compelled even to part with their marriage ring; and that their dwellings were found literally stripped of every article of comfort. He subsequently proceeds to state, in reference to the district of which he acted as visitor, The greater proportion of the inhabitants of that district were in as lamentable a state of destitution as it is possible to imagine ; I am convinced that the relief fund has been the cause of saving hundreds in the borough from a premature grave." BURNLEY Severe distress likewise prevails extensively at Burnley in Lancashire, and in the neighbouring district, owing to the same causes as the distress at Stockport. In this district less efficient assistance appears to have been afforded to the settled poor from the poor-rate ' - and, more over, many destitute persons who had migrated thither from other parts of the country have been deterred from applying for parochial relief by the fear of removal, in consequence of thus becoming chargeable. The funds provided by the law for the relief of ordinary destitution in England, however ample they may be, can scarcely be expected to suffice in the depressed state of Stock port and Burnley, inasmuch as the resources of the rate payers themselves are diminished in nearly the same pro portion in which the demands of the working-classes upon those resources are increased. PAISLEY Since the month of July in last year the labouring popu lation of Paisley has been suffering from distress, caused by the stagnation of trade, and the consequent failure of a large number of firms in that borough. This distress continued with - great severity throughout the winter, and the spring has not brought that increased de mand for goods which might have been expected. Some of the more skilful weavers have indeed procured employment, but a large portion of the population still re• mains dependent on charity. As many as 12,000 persons have been maintained for seve ral months from the contributions collected in England and Scotland, and even in India. The poor law of Scotland, as now administered, confers no effectual right to relief upon men who are able to work, or upon their families ; at present, therefore, the legal provision for the relief of the destitute in Scotland is not applicable to this class of persons, and even if it had been so applicable, the pressure of so large a number of men without work must soon have absorbed a considerable proportion of the property in the borough. The subscriptions raised in this country, in the county of Renfrew, the city of Edinburgh, and other parts of Scotland, are all expended. Thus no legal mode of effectually relieving this mass of destitution exists, and the charitable feelings of those con nected with the place have bee n t a xed to the utmost. It may be added that these sufferings have for the most part fallen on a class of workmen whose general earnings, even in prosperous times, are insufficient to allow of any provision for future difficulties, and that they have been borne with patience and fortitude. May, 1842. We are glad to learn that the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishops of London, Chester, and Ripon, Lords Stanley and Russell, Sir R. H. Inglis, &c., are members of the manufacturers' relief committee. We are also happy to announce that the following contributions have been already received :—Her Majesty the Queen, £500; the Queen Dow ager, £300; Sir Robert Peel, Bart., £200; Sir J. Graham, £100; the Duke of Buccleuch, £200; Sir Edward Knatch bull, £lOO ; the Earl of Ripon, £lOO ; the Earl of Aberdeen, £100; Lord Stanley, £100; the Right Hon. Henry Goul burn, £5O ; Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci, £lOO ; Earl of Had dington, £100; Lord Lyndhurst, £100; Sir Henry Har dinge, £5O ; Earl Howe, £lOO ; Lord John Russell, £5O ; Sir T. D. Acland, Bart., M.P., £5O; Rear Admiral Bowles, C. 8., £2O; Alderman Lucas, £26. 55.; Benjamin B. Cab bell, Esq., £5O. EPSOM RACES.-FRIDAY. The OAKS STAKES of 50 soya each, h ft, fur three year olds fillies, Bst 71b each ; the last mile and a half; the second to receive 100 sous out of the stakes ; the winner to pay £lOO towards the police and regulations of the course. 114 subs. Mr. F. Marshall's ch fby Bran, out of Fury (Lye) 1 Mr. Shackell's ch f Meal, by Bran BETTING AT STARTING. 2 to 1 agst Dilbar 20 to 1 agst Topsail 3 1 Adela filly 1 20 1 Meal (t) 8— 1 Fury filly 120 1 Pharmacopoeia 9 1 Firebrand (t) 30 1 Eliza 9 1 Lucy Banks 40 I lole 15 —1 —• Amima filly (t) 50 —1 Sister to Alex -18 1 Ma Mie andrina. Lord Geo. Bentinck declared to win with Firebrand. After four failures, in one of which Ma Mie reared up and threw her jock, a fair start was effected, Topsail taking the lead at a good pace, followed by the Amima filly, Dilbar, Firebrand, Coral, the Fury filly, and two or three others, the others lying well up with the exception of lole, the Baleine filly and Utopia, who were beaten early. Topsail gave way near the turn, and the running was taken up by Firebrand, the Amima filly and Coral waiting on her, when the Fury filly, Dilbar, Meal, Ma Mie, and Lucy Banks at their heels; in making the turn Dilbar ran out, and lost her chance, if chance she had ; the others went on to the distance, where the Fury filly, a la Attila, went to the front, headed Fire brand instanter, and went in a very clever winner by a length. Meal laid in the rear in the early part of the race, approached the front after crossing the last road, caught Firebrand at the stand, and defeated her for the second money by about a length. Ma Mie also waited, came from the distance, and followed Firebrand past the chair. Coral and Lucy Banks were fifth and sixth • and after them came the ruck. Lord J e r s ey's mare coughed repeatedly before starting • nor was the Balcine filly at all up to the mark. Value of the stakes £3,150. £5O, for three-vr-olds ; colts, Bst 71b ; and fillies, Bst. 41b ; free for all horses that were entered for the Shirley Stakes ; those which ran for it allowed 51b, the winner of it allowed 21b. Derby course. Mr. Shelley's lole, 3 yrs .... Mr. P. Pryse's Cheops, 3 yrs Sir G. Heathcote's Arkansas, 3 yrs Mr. Verrall's Junius, 3 yrs lole made her own running, and won by half a length A good race for second. The Members' Plate of £5O for three - yr - olds , 6 st 7 1 b ; four, Bst 91b ; five, Bst 131 b ; six and aged, 9st 2lb • mares and geldings allowed 31b. The winner to be sold for £2OO. Heats, two miles. Captain Cunningham's Mungo Park, 5 'yrs (F. Buckle) 4 1 1 General Wyndham's Aspatria, 4 yrs Mr. King's Dahlia, 5 yrs .......... Mr. Sherrard's Lady Mary, 4 yrs Mr. G. Clifton's Whalebone (aged) 6to 4 on Aspatria. The first heat was won by a neck, after a good race, the second cleverly, and the third easily. The Derby and Oaks Plate of £5O for three-yr-olds, 7 s t • four, Bst 61b ; five, Bst 121 b ; six and aged, 9st : mares and geldings allowed 31b, and horses which have started once this week and not won allowed 31b, twice 51b. The winner to be sold for £l2O. Heats, one mile. Mr. Shelley's b c by Claucus, out of Malibran, 3 yrs (Esling) 0 1 1 Mr. Goodman's Miss Fidget, 4 yrs . Mr. Jobson's b g Frank, 6 yrs... Mr. Lucas' The 'Traitor, 3 yrs.... ........... 0 2 4 Captain Ives' Folly, 5 Yrs .......... 2 0 dr MADEMOISELLE RACHEL.—This celebrated actress will arrive in London in a few days to fulfil her engagement, which is limited to six representations, in which she will ap pear in six of her most admired characters—one of which will be the Ariane, in which sbe has recently achieved a new triumph• THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL. MR. ANDERSON, Of the Theatre-Royal, Drury-lane, is Engaged for Eight Nights only, and will appear T HIS EVENING, (Tuesday,) the 21st instant, in Sir E. L. Bulwer's popular Play of THE LADY OF LYONS. Claude Melnotte.. Mr. Anderson. • To conclude with the Fairy Extravaganza of THE WHITE CAT. TO CORRESPONDENTS The Rev. Henry Carpenter begs to acknowledge the receipt of a letter signed " A Friend," with an enclosure of ..E5 for the Church Missionary Society ; and to express thanks on the part of the society as well for the gift as for the Christian feeling with which the writer regards the labours of the society in seeking the salvation of the heathen. We have received a communication recommending Dr. Gouthwaite as the fittest person to be appointed physician to the Infirmary, in the place of the late Dr. Baird, on the ground that he is one of the oldest medical officers at tached to any of the public charities. With every respect for the claims of Dr. Gouthwaite upon the trustees of the Infirmary, we feel that we cannot interfere. " Viator" complains that a coachmaker's shop in Roe-street is being taken down without the slightest provision being made for the safety of the public by fencing off a portion of the flag-way and street. If this be so, it is a clear in fraction of the law, and doubtless the proper authorities will put the law into execution. IJjr Eibtrpoot &tatitratt. TUESDAY MORNING, MAY 31, 1842. The public, and especially those interested in the welfare of our colonial possessions, will be gratified to notice that at length the impudent domination of the Romish priesthood in the colony of Newfoundland is to be put down, and the legislative functions of its As sembly restored to the hands of the respectable inha bitants. For the last ten years, under a constitution framed upon the most approved whig-radical pattern, the colony in question has been a perfect hotbed of turbulence and misrule. Priestly tyranny has ridden rough-shod over the feelings, and the personal liberties even, of those of its population who were not prepared to prostrate themselves at the feet of the Dagon of Popery—to feed it with offerings, and fill with incense its drunken ear. By that constitution, the property, the peace, and the prosperity of the colony, were virtu ally handed over to the rabble mob, who exercised the legislative functions, and distributed Lynch law at the dictation of the eleves of Maynooth. To such a pitch, in fact, had the monstrous insolence of the Romish faetion risen, that the late whig governor reported last year to a whig colonial secretary, the absolute impossi bility of again calling the assembly together under such a constitution as the existing one ! We have given, in full, in our parliamentary sum mary, the speech of the colonial secretary, Lord Stan ley, on Thursday night, in introducing an amended constitution for this colony, to the details of which we beg to direct the attention of our readers. Under the existing whig constitution, the House of Assembly, it will be seen, consisted of " low and, to a certain ex tent, uneducated persons. Some of them could not write their names, and others had been returned who were menial servants, and asked leave of their masters to take their seats in the house !" Such a house, we need scarcely say, has throughout its legislative exist ence, been the mere registering tool of the Romish hierarchy, by whose influence over the consciences of the wretched paupers who compose the majority of the constituency, and by the system of terrorism which they instituted to deter the respectable inhabitants from any expression of opinion, its members were returned. The bill proposed by Lord Stanley, with a view of remedying this state of things, so disastrous to the prosperity and the peace of the colony, has been read a first and second time; and with the exception of a few despairing howls from the learned member for Cork, as the organ of the Popish party in the House of Com mons, is not, we are confident, fated to receive any material opposition. The day is gone by when that beggarman could dictate terms to a British government; and whiggery, even, is at this moment too delighted at its escape from the hug of the great dragon—too happy at its present immunity from the sweep of his tail—to be anxious once more to fraternize with him in so hopeless a cause as the defence of that rank Popish job, the whig constitution, which delivered over the colony of Newfoundland to the tender mercies and the discretion of its Romish priesthood. The state of society in our West India Colonies, it is well known, is one which has been formed upon the superlative pattern, favoured by those pious and en lightened people the anti-slavery party. The emanci pated population of these colonies were to exhibit to the world an example of the high state of usefulness and refinement of which the negro character was capa ble; and we may fairly conclude that the condition of that population at the present moment, developed as it has been by the aid of all the appliances which a Whig stipendiary magistracy, Whig teachers and sectarian preachers could bring to the' task, is one which the pseudo-philanthropists of the anti-slavery party will scarcely be inclined to treat as any other than the de velopement of the real character of that race. Let us examine, then, what is the state of society in British Guiana, as exhibited by the last accounts from that colony. It is well known that within the last two or three years the staple production of British Guiana, as well as that of the whole of our West India Colonies, has been rapidly decreasing, owing to the disinclination, evinced by the emancipated labourers, to that continu ous labour required in sugar cultivation. We could give here a dozen of instances in which estates, once flourishing and valuable, have been reduced by this want of continuous labour to comparative desolation and worthlessness ; but the following, from the Guiana Times of the 6th April, must suffice. " On the 23rd ult., Plantation Enfield, in the county of 13erbice, advertised for months previously in the colony newspapers, and in the gazettes of London and Amster dam, a plantation, which, in 1829, had been purchased for £22,000 sterling, of which the new sugar machinery alone had cost £3,000, and on which there were claims to the amount of £15,000, was knocked down, at open execution sale, before a large concourse of planters and merchants,. for 8,200 dollars, scarcely £2,000 sterling, not the original cost of the new machinery alone. The poor gentleman, its late proprietor, had been worth, we are told. £15,000 when he became connected with it. He sank his all in it." The county of Berbice, be it remarked, has been. held up by the anti-slavery people as the pattern county of British Guiana. The price of labour here has never ranged so high as in other portions of the colony. No turn-out has taken place. The price of sugar, coffee, &c., in the home market has been unprecedentedly high ; and yet, owing to the difficulty of procuring continuous labour, cultivation of the staples is so un profitable, even in this pattern county, that an estate valued at £30,000 a few years ago, will now produce no more than £2OOO ! But here, it may be said, may have been expensive management, embezzlement by agents, and other evils of the absentee system, so common in the West Indies. Show us a plantation, of which there are now so many, the absolute property of emancipated negro proprietors ! These estates, we reply, furnish none of the staple pro.. ducts! Their proprietors content themselves with the production of provisions merely —yams, plaintains, &c. —and the British West Indies, in such hands, must shortly cease to be exporting colonies at all, and neces sarily cease, at the same time, to be importing colo nies. The Guiana Times, of the 13th April, informs us that, " of the many freeholders, scattered up and down the three counties, the utmost that can be said is this, that they work with more or less assiduity as jobbers, on neighbouring plantations, where, notwith standing, their exertions, however praiseworthy, are• so far from making up for the natural indolence of the vast majority of their brethren, that every district of the country exhibits a constant decay of productive• power." And again, with respect to the larger free. holders—the purchasers of entire properties--from whom, if from any set of proprietors, it will be said,. we ought to expect the maintenance of the old staple. products, the same authority says, that, " to a motion, for a return of the quantity of exportable produce grown on the freeholds of such persons, the answer would be—Nil." The Guiana Times continues, in his p u bli cat i on of he same date, to remark upon the prospects of the ising generation ; and we would call the serious at ention of the real philanthropists of Great Britain to this passage ‘‘ Avery f e w years, at the f ur th est, will see the colony clearedofthe present race of official men. They, the truly censurable absentees, will have retired to another country, loaded with the wealth levied by forced contributions on the betray. We wonder whether community whose cause the y it ever strikes them, to what a state of society they willleava