The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-08-13 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE Sir Henry. Pottinge of the 21 CHINA Bart., and Admiral Sir W. Parker i to Bombay in the afternoon Sir Henry Potting, purposed to set off far China in one of the Company' gates as soon as to reac practicable after reaching Bombay, and expecten China the first week in August. Sir Henry's health appeared perfectly re-established by his trip, and he embarked from Aden in the full enjoyment of all his mental and bodily ener gies: Sir W. Parket was_ much disappointed on finding . that the Endymion frigate had left Aden for Bombay, as it was the Admiral's wish to have hoisted his flag on board her. The Bndyrnion reached Aden in a leaky state, having struck on a reef in the Mozambique Channel; and Captain Grey deemed it requisite to sail for Bombay, that the frigate might be docked and examined. On her voyage out she sprung her mainmast between decks, and this, with a leak which coald not be got at. determined Captain Grey not to await the arrival of Sir W. Parker. The admiral will pro bably proceed in her to China from Bombay. We have good authority for stating that Sir H. Pottiuger has proceeded to China with the most ample powers, and that his policy has not been restricted by minute instructions. It is probable that on his arrival in China he will demand by an ultimatum the terms on which peace can be concluded; and if not im mediately acceded to, he will direct our combined land and sea forces against Pekin. We have great confidence in the firm and unflinching character of Sir Henry Pottinger, and we sincerely believe that a more fit person could not have been selected to carry out :the energetic measures now re quired: It is, however, to be regretted that his precedessor should have been tied down by his instructions to the adop tion of a mode of treaty, which, originating in the clemency of a:generous and powerful nation, has been unfortunately construed by the Emperor of China into mere pusillanimity. With Eastern nations forbeariince is synonymous with weak ness.—Naval and Military Gazette. THE BRAZILS Her majesty's packet Delight, Lieutenant Lory, arrived at Falmouth, on Thursday, from the Brazils, having sailed from Rio Janeiro on the 16th of June, and from Bahia on the 2d and Pernambuco on the 7th of July, with a freight equal to about £36,000. Our advices from the capital state there being a dearth of news, both political and mercantile. The bill for the acknowledgment as a Brazilian Princess of Donna Maria Amelia, the daughter of Don Pedro I. and his widow, the present duchess, has passed the second reading in the senate, and no doubt was entertained of its being ulti mately carried. The coronation of the emperor still remained fixed for the 18th of July. Exchange was firm at 34%, with a tendency to look upwards, and stock 741. From the other provinces no additional news since last advices. MONI Y MARKET, The hnsine cks to-day was n at all of a character tc arket, while the very unsettled state of the v ntributed to produce a general heavi- 3d for the account, ts. Reduced, 89. per Cents. .4e- Long Annuities (ex -1860), 12 13-16 to 15-16; India Cents., E ulna; ; Exchequer Bills, 14s. to 16s. k 168 A to 1691 ; and India Stock, 247 ere equally affected. Spanish Actives 5 per Cents., 29 to 30 ; dttto 3 per )utch 2} per Cents., 52; ditto 5 per , 251 to 26 ; Colombian, 191 to 20 ; d Belgian, 101 to 102. 102 'Mc little business was transacted, and s were much lower. Birmingham m ; Great Western, 18 to 19 pre ' premium ; South-Western, 51-i to Midland, 37 to 35 discount ; ditto, Brighton, 74- to 7 discount; and SAT! PREACHERS SUED BY THE LATE REV. JOHN THE REV. MR. WICKSTEED'S REASONS FOR NOT JOINING THE CONFERENCE OF MINISTERS OF ALL DENOMINATIONS AGAINST THE CORN LAWS. Sir,—l beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 14th ult., and the address to the ministers of all religious denominations, issued by the committee appointed to conduc tie proposed conference on the corn laws lit 'Manchester. As I entirely concur in the just and beneficial object which the committee have in view, and yet regard the particular kind of meeting by which they hope to promote it as inex pejent, I beg your pe•mission to s.ate a few of the reasons which have influenced me to this decision. In the first place, the topic for discussion is a national question, involving the interests and demanding the attention of all classes of society. Men, therefore, should meet to discuss it on the broad foundation of their common citizen ship. No class of professional 'distinctions should, even in appearance, be admitted in the discussion of what is no class question. If the numbers be limited for convenience sake, they should at least be selected from a wide circle, as intelli gent philanthropy, the only quality required, is not limited to the clerical or any other calling. In the next place, it is a question of political economy — one on which the judgment of the divine, as such, can have in the eyes of thinking men of every party no more gecuine weight than that of the intelligent and educated layman. And if, from the principal form in which the topic comes before us, it appears exclusively a bread question, it is not essen tially more so than any other question which relates to the full and profitable employment of the industry of the country. This industry is the poor man's property and the poor man's bread, and in whatever form you restrict its advantageous exercise (and you must allow there are many ways of doing this), you rob him of his bread, which is his life. We can not, therefore separate the bread question from that entire framework of political economy to which it belongs, and we can imagine crises when an ill-judged monetary system, for instance, may be perceived to be as extensively disastrous, and therefore as starving, as the existing laws on the impor tation of corn. Again, though the present always has an intenser exist ence to us than the past or the future, every one knows that the bread question is only one battle in the long warfare which for the last 300 years, the increasing knowledge of our true economical interests has been waging against the short sighted protective system • and as in the past its victories have been gained, so in the present and in all future cases they may be gained, without calling in the aid of any church militant, or forming an exclusive regiment of clergy or mi nisters. Let them go as the rest of their countrymen, and enlist, each in his own neighbourhood, and according to his own legitimate opportunities and powers, in the general i army, which is to fight the battles of their country. Another point that cannot fail to strike you in the compo sition of the proposed conference is, that it will add no new element, and therefore give no additional strength, to the present state of parties. Of whom will tbe,conference con sist ? Principally of Dissenting ministers, with a very small sprinkling of the clergy of the establishment. It will then be. essentially an offshoot of the middle and commercial classes, just as a meeting of the ministers of the church with a sprinkling of Dissenting ministers would be of the higher and landed classes. It will consist of men who, however conscientious and independent in their own characters, have nevertheless, as a fact, their interests, sympathies, and opi nions, wrapped up with those of that great half of the nation which on such an ocoasion they may be said to represent. And when the meeting is over the monopolist will say, " I have no more fear to-day than I knew I had yesterday." For these reasons I cannot see bow the ministers of reli gion can be legitimately and advantageously separated, even on so great an emergency as the present, from the common ranks of their countrymen ; nor how the corn law question can be legitimately separated from the other bread questions of political economy. But I am perfectly aware that these are not the real grounds on which good is expected to accrue from the con ference now proposed. A convocation of men so placed and circumstanced as the ministers of religion in this country, for such an object as the- circular specifies, must be with the express design of bringing their religious influence and cha racter to bear unon the question. Now, on such a topic this influence is not - legitimate. The question at issue is, indeed, a moral, and even in its effects a religious question, but so are all which involve justice and beneficence between man and man. It is also a scientific question, but the science involved in it is not that of theology. I cannot, therefore, see on this ground why a question, moral and religious in such a sense as this is, should be taken as it were apart from the wide, moral, and religious heart of the whole nation, and ' brought before (what must be confessed, if called after its distinguished characteristic, to be) a theological assembly. Nor have I ever found from observation or from history that divines gained anything in enlightenment, charity, or real religion, by forming themselves even occasionally into a separate chamber for general aid national purposes. On the contrary, they appear to me to be as leaven, very bitter when taken in large quantities by themselves, but rendering more wholesome the lump of society, when spread, as Pro vidence has placed them, equally over the whole. Though, therefore, the present occasion, if taken by itself, would be one of the noblest and best in which a band of religious teachers ever met to interest themselves, it is right to remember, that the sword thus put into their hands has two edges. They have been called together virtually by the laity this time, but they may call themselves together the next.. The laity have chosen the topic for discussion now, but the divines may exercise their own choice in future. They may hereafter meet as now, only to exercise their religious influence; but if 200 or 300 moderate and en lightened men can constitute a conference in 1811, influ encing men also of similar character, 200 or 300 hot-headed and ignorant men may equally constitute a conference in 1851, influencing men also of similar character, and the firebrands that, while separate, a little local water can ex tinguish, when collected in force and numbers, it will require a very considerable accumulation of the cooler element to put out. I think the opponents of the corn-laws should have paused before they called into existence the first exclu sively clerical convocation (if I mistake not) that ever met in Great Britain to pronounce an opinion on the commercial laws and the economical policy of the country. I fear to enlarge beyond due bounds the limits of this letter, or I should say much on the loss of their proper in fluence which I fear such avocations might occasion to the dissenting miaistry—of the injury almost inevitably inflicted on their religious character and temper and their peculiar pursuits—of the excuse given to our enemies to make dissent appear what they have always attempted to make it appear— not what it is, a religious principle, but what it is not—a political one. When I had resolved, on the above considerations, (satis factory at least to my own mind,) not to attend the proposed conference, I had no intention of expressing an opinion hos tile to it; but I now find it is probable that multitudes of dissenting ministers think and will act in the same way. It is therefore particularly advisable for them to adopt some method of making their views known, lest such an extensive absence from the meeting should be interpreted by the public into an indifference on the part of the men summoned to its object. It is due to those who have invited the conference— it is due to the public whose eyes will now be upon it—it is due to the great question at issue—it is due to our own characters, as friends of the equal rights of men, whether in the exercise of that conscience which God has given them, or those powers of industry and self-support which come from the same bounteous hand, distinctly to aver, that though we do not on other grounds approve, and cannot consistently attend, a meeting of the proposed nature, we are firmly con vinced, as inquiring men, that a more equitable arrangement of the commercial intercourse and laws of this country is absolutely necessary to its continued, or rather to its restored, well-being, and that from our daily walks of life, from our intercourse with the worthy and industrious, but distressed, working men of land, to bear our testimony to the fact that the poor arc starving for lack of bread.—l have the honour to remain, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES WICKSTEED. To George Thompson, Esq., &c. IRISH TRANQUILLITY.--ONE OF LORD NOR MANBY'S APPROVERS. In Tipperary a protege of Lord Normanby has just been figuring as approver. lie was some years ago under sentence of transportation, but his lordship, with that liberality which distinguished all his " gaol deliveries," ordered him to be released. The man was as worthy as the other objects of his lordship's patronage, and so well has he requited the obligation, and illustrated the wisdom of the policy which prevailed in Ireland during the golden days when Normanby was Vice, that, had justice its due, he would have been hanged for murder before now. Rightly, however, to estimate the obligations under which Ireland lies to that much-derided nobleman, it is necessary to know a little of the history of the hero of Tipperary. His name is Lysaght, and he was one of a party concerned in setting fire to the house of a comfortable farmer named Walsh—in fact, it was he who lighted the match, and raised the boy who applied it to the thatch. The persons charged were named Edmund, Pat, Darby, and John Ryan, with one James M`Carthy, and Lord Norinanby's friend certainly did his best to convict them. The jury, however, refused to find them guilty on such evidence, and the judge, (Torrens,) who in charging had described Lysaght as "a miscreant let loose upon the world," concurred in the propriety of the verdict, remarking that, had he been one of them, he should have come to the same conclusion. Now for a portrait—not a full-length one, however—of the " miscreant," and, that he may have ample justice, we shall give it from his own hand. At the close of his examination, he was questioned respecting the murder of a man named Noonan. We shall quote here flointhe report of the Tipperary Constitution : " I knew - Brian Noonan who is dead, and I knew how he came by his death. " The Court—Did you murder him " Witness—No. " Witness—l was at the murder it wasn't I that murdered him 'great .sensatjon " His Lordship—l say you are his murderer, for you were concerned in it. How many more murders were you in? " I don't say that I murdered any one else. " Mr. Hataiell objected to his stating anything about this murder, as it had no reference to any of the prisoners. `• Cross-examined by Mr. Hatchell—l was convicted for posting a threatening notice and firing shots, and sentenced to be transported, but I was pardoned by the government; I had a brother called ' the Caravat,' and I don't know where he is. _ _ " The Judge—And the reward you gave the government for pardoning you was to murder a man. " To Mr. Hatchell—l knocked Noonan down with the Nutt-end of a blunderbuss, and helped to carry him into the heath to hide him. I was present when Leonard, the smith, was murdered, but I didn't strike him myself. I was in the party that shot .Mat Hayes when they attacked his house. I was looking at the party murdering benis Mahony. (Sensation.) - I remember Michael Griffin, Lord Strad broke s herd, who was murdered, but I defy any one to say I was at his murder; I didn't hear my brother the Caravat ' was suspected of this murder ; I was with my uncle running away with a young woman, and he was transported for it; my brother committedgi rape, and another of my brothers held the woman while he assaulted her. (Sensation.) _ _ , " His Lordship.—Did you ever comma a robbery of cattle? " Witness.—No. . 4 Mr. Hatchell.—Oh, that is too light an offence my lord, altogether beneath him ; we have several classes of bolder offences, such as house-burning, murders, abduction, rape, and a long list of others, too tedious to go through. (Sen sation.) _ . _ _ " To Mr. Hatchell.—When we set fire to the house, we didn't mind how many persons were burnt in it. (Great sensation.) " Mr. Hatchell.—l 'll not disgust the public with any fur ther recital of his villainy. " Mr. Rolleston was about to cross-examine him on the part of another prisoner, when his lordship said, disgustingly, ' Oh, let the wretch go.' He was then sent off the table." Has not Lord Normanby reason to be proud of him ? When he wants a character for his commutations, what has he to do but send for his friend Lysaght ? Lysaght is entitled to some acknowlegment, and is there no appointment in his household with which he can reward him ? Ireland will be nothing the poorer for the loss of both the master and the man. DUEL. —On Thursday morning a hostile meeting took place on Wormwood Scrubbs, between Henry Launcelot, Esq., Baker-street, Portman square, and Captain Anthony Beigrave, Stamford -street, Lambeth. The hostile parties tired without either shot taking effect. - The seconds inter fered, but without succiesss a . uta Tl o 'e nTst f t r s e b d a a l l Captain B. received h pf the right thigh, a n d f ell to the ground. In ten minutes second in the time; flesh y when par the ball was extracted, and Captain B. was conveyed home, pteviously to which the two combatants shook hands. The cause ,. of the meeting did not transpire, LORD FRANCIS EGERTON AND THE LAN, CASHIRE YEOMANRY We have hitherto abstained from alluding to the reports which have been in circulation, to the effect that Lord Francis Egerton was about raising an additional corps of yeomanry ; having good reason for believing they were very incorrect. What the real facts are his lordship' has stated in the follow ing letter addressed to the editor of the .Standard ley, Manchester, August 6, 1841. Sir,—From a paragraph in your paper of yesterday, I infer that remarks have lately appeared, in other publications of extensive circulation, on my recent acceptance of a com mission in the Lancashire Yeomanry, which attach a most undue importance and a most erroneous construction to that proceeding. lam reluctant to trouble your readers or your self on such a subject ; but, as the absurdity of the concin sions on which you have commented is partly attributable to a misconception of the facts, you will, I am confident, not object to apply a further corrective in the following state ment. Some months ago, Colonel Braddyl, the late commandant of the Duke of Lancaster's yeomanry, announced his inten tion to retire. The officers of the corps did me the honour of desiring that I should succeed to the vacancy ; and, with my consent, the appointment was effected in the usual course, by the recommendation of the lord lieutenant to her majesty. My eldest son at the same time also received a commission in the corps. When the latter appointment was made known in this neighbourhood, some forty or fifty of my neighl•ours and tenants, unsolicited on my part, expressed to me a desire to form themselves into a troop, in the hope that my son might ob tain the command of it. The present establishment of the corps, consisting of three troops, being smallin comparison with the force in other districts, I should have had little scruple in recommending this proposal to the consideration of her majesty's government; but, believing that the estimates for this branch of the public service had been made up for the year, I was unwilling to trouble the Home Office with an ap plication which could havo no immediate result. I have, therefore, in faCt, neither raised a troop of yeomanry, nor taken any positive step towards the raising one. It would appear that these ordinary and most unimportant occurrences have been magnified into a measure for the special protection of my own property, or even some more objectionable pur pose. Whether they can reasonably bear such a construction the public may judge. _ 1 do not trouble - you with any observations in defence of the yeomanry force, or my connection with it, as I do not gather from your observations, that the mere fact of my joining it is objected to. If it were so, I should be inclined to leave our defence to the many Whig gentlemen who, much, in my opinion, to their own credit and the public advantage, and, I am confident, under no absurd or selfish apprehension of danger to their own property, bear commissions in the yeomanry. and take an active interest in its efficiency.—l re- MARYLEBONE JOINT STOCK BANK, The proprietors of this bank held a meeting on Wednes day, the proceedings of which have been the topic of general conversation and astonishment in the city. The meeting was held for the purpose of dissolving the bank and of course declaring the insolvency. The liabilities were stated : , Due to the Westminster Bank £25,000 To other creditors 5,000 Total The assets in hand and available are. £30,000 11,000 To be made good Towards the liquidation of which balance there were assets not exactly so tangible in the shape of pay ments or instalments on shares £19,000 £17,000 Doubtful debtsiueluding that of the managing di- rector £16,000 23,000 The story of the rise and fall of this bank lies within a brief compass of words, and would seem to be a sort of one-act winding-up farce to the grander first five-act tragedy pieces of the Joint Stock drama, as performed on the Norwich and Manchester boards with thundering effect. The Maryle lebone concern boasts some five or six years of a green old age, and started into existence with something like a million of capital—on the prospectus. But from the pro spectus the mighty capital travelled no farther, as Mr. Hannay, the managing director, found, to his dismay, as he dolefully told the tale, for, when specially retained and brought express from Scotland " to work a capital of £300,000," he was saluted, on arrival, with a beggarly ac count of a till with only £6OOO of capital stock deposited. To work, however, the company went, with so much the more vigour, because of the money vacuum. They appear to have discounted to the right and the left with persevering prodigality, and the most impartial ignorance or accommoda tion of all corners and customers, for, since the period of his connection with the bank, Mr. Hannay told the meeting that " no fewer than three of the directors had become insolvent, and no fewer than ninety of the customers." Mr. Hannay himself confessed to having overdrawn his own account by about £16,000, for which he had deposited security to the amount of £2OOO only, and that in the shape of bank scrip, which was unsaleable and valueless then, and must now be worse than nil. It is fair to add that he proposes a second mortgage, by way of additional cover on estates in Scot land valued at £55,000, but ridden over by a first mortgage of £ll,OOO, which, it may be feared, would leave but a sorry remanet for clearing off his debt to the company. It would be a waste of time to dwell further upon such a joint stock banking burlesque as exhibited by such exposures and such a balance sheet of brazen bankruptcy. The meeting was adjourned to the beginning of September, after the ap pointment of a committee to investigate accounts for further report, and further adjournment too before a liquidation may be looked for. It is stated of this joint-stock banking abor tion that from first to last it was only able to carry on the discount of even bills of paltry amounts without re-discount ing them immediately afterwards at whatever rates. Thus whilst discounting at five per cent. for customers at the bank, it was often paying five, six, and seven per cent. to bill-brokers and money-lenders for the re-discount of the same paper for the next day's service over the counter. And yet this same banking company declared a dividend, as if out of profits, in the month of January last only, at the rate of four per cent. per annum. However the Marylebone bank does not stand alone, if report speaks truth, in the small matter of original capital; for a joint-stock affair elsewhere is said to have manfully started with a capital of X-1,000 only. EXPLOSION IN A COAL PIT, NEAR SUNDER LAND, AND MELANCHOLY LOSS OF LIFE. (From the Sunderland Herald) On Thursday night, news was brought to Sunderland by the last train on the Durham and Sunderland Railway, that a dreadful explosion, attended with a fearful loss of life, had taken place that evening, at Thornley Colliery, the property of Sir William Chaytor, Bart., and partners, which is situate about two Miles from Haswell. The accident happened at a quarter past four yesterday (Thursday) afternoon. At this time there were about forty individuals engaged in the pit, and twenty-four in that depart ment of it in which the accident occurred, which is on the north-west side, and a seam called the " Harvey" seam, the lowest of the three seams of the colliery, and 165 fathoms from the surface.. No previous warning was given of the ex plosion ; but in a moment nine unfortunate individuals lost their lives, some of them perishing from the explosion itself, and others from the effects of the after-damp. Immediately on its being ascertained that the explosion had taken place, Mr. Heckels, the resident viewer, Mr. Carnes. Mr. Hedley, the unsLer viewer, and the overman of that locality, went down into the pit. On reaching the bottom of the shaft, and having ascertained from Maudlin, an overman, who was in jured, that the explosion had taken place in the north-west district, they proceeded in that direction ; Mr. Heckels de spatching competent men into the various districts of the pit to ascertain if the ventilation of the different localities was proceeding in its proper course. They returned, stating that the pit was in a satisfactory state ; and they then assisted the party, whose names we have stated, in taking the men out of the pit to " the bank," as it is technically called. All the bodies were taken out of the pit within an hour of the ex plosion being communicated to Mr. Heckels, the resident viewer. With one exception, the persons killed are boys, the oldest being about sixteen or seventeen years of age. The exception is Thomas Haswell, a hewer, who was a married man ; "but whether he has left a family or not, we were unable to learn. He was a cripple, having had both his legs broken about a year ago at the same colliery, by the falling of some stones above the coal-seam at which he was working. No damage was done to the pit, with the exception of some wood stoppings or partitions being knocked out. The falling of these prevented the proper ventilation ; and they were immediately replaced, and the ventilation, which was neces sar y to the removal of the bodies, again restored. About six o'clock, Mr. Seymour, viewer, of Wingate Grange, arrived at the colliery, accompanied by his brother. He proceeded, with Mr. Heckels and the overman, into the pit; and, having ascertained the exact spot where the acci dent happened, they went into a scrutinous examination into its cause. They found that a trap-door, which had been placed under the charge of Robert Gardner, one of the boys killed by the accident, had been for some reason which can not be explained, or from negligence, left open. The open ing of this door had caused an accumulation of gas ; and it was their opinion that the explosion had taken place either from a lighted candle on his arriving at the door, or on the door being shut the foul air had been driven down a passage, and ignited at the candle of some other individual working in the pit. We understand that this is, at present, their im pression of the origin of the misfortune. Early on the fol lowing morning, Mr. Seymour and Mr. Heckles again went into the pit, and found it in a satisfactory state. The result of their examination was such as to leave no doubt in their minds as to the originating cause of the accident. On Saturday forenoon an inquest was held at the Thornley Colliery Inn, before Mr. Maynard and a respectable jury. After several witnesses had been examined, the jury returned the followino. verdict :—" That Peter Gradon, and ei g ht others, on the sth of August, were accidentally killed by an explosion of inflammable gas in the Harvey Seam of Thorn ley Colliery ; but how, or by what means, such explosion was caused, the jurors cannot say." In the evening the bodies of the whole of the sufferers were interred together in the churchyard of the adjoining quiet little village of Kelloe. A WHIG-RADICAL DICTIONARY Agitation.—The whig's resource when his crimes are about to bring him to,thesallows. Ballot.—A plan for enabling cowards, liars, and tricksters to vote freely, which in America has often produced many more votes than there are men. Cheap Bread.—The manufacturers' trap for reducing the wages of the poor. Distress.—The fruit of ten years of reform government. Econcony.--Joseph Flume's rusty gun, which kills cock sparrows, but never shoots lions and tigers. Free Trade.--Smuggling ; or the last scheme for keeping in office. Gallows.—The place to which the modern whigs entice their poor friends, and then leave them. A r a i nmans, and who then encourages tells his them and obey the laws. mg Kick.—The whig method of rew ar d' • hPat the people aster they have used them to get into office. Liberal.—A man who robs others, but gives away nothing if he can help it. Magistrates (of Lord John Ru ssell.)—Candidates for Botany Bay. Example : John Frost, of 'Newport. Negro Slave.—An old friend of the whigs, now discarded because he no longer suits their purpose. , Opposition.—The future place of the remains of the whigs, but too good for their deserts. Party.—The curse of this country, the mainstay of the Whigs, and the scorn of good men. Quack.—A radical doctor, who destroys the English con stitution, under pretence of r•lorrning it. Radical M. P.—The rotton wooden leg of a lame whig. Sugar.—What the whigs offer to cram the people with, after having dosed them with vinegar for some years. Traitor.—A man who is hanged by the Whigs in. Canada, but who gets place and pay from them in Ireland. Union. —Formerly concord, but now a whig-radical prison, with water-gruel diet. Voter.—A man whom the whig uses as a stepping- s t one to office, only to trample upon him and make him dirty. Whig.—A person formerly considered respectable, but now a bankrupt gamester, and, to use Lord Melbourne's own words, " bereft of reason. Yoke.—The thing to which the radical M. P.'s are now putting their necks, to draw the whig coach out of the mire, but all in vain. Zig Zag.—The path of modern whigs and reformers ; the reverse of straight. T THEIR IN, THE CON ESTABL INETY-EIGIITH MANCHESTER, JULY POOL DISTRICT. vick Chapel, eirc.,) John Davis, Hay ; Calverley Riley, Super- jrc,) William Fevers, Joseph AT.) Thomas Aubrey, William H. Clarkson ; Isaac Lilly cl, John 'Ward, 2d , Joseph Officer. Samuel Lt leorge Dickinson Preston and 'Chc Stack, James S Garatan_q, M ymer, James S ae - s - , Supernumerary. .ot, William Elton, James P. Fair- able, Frederick Payne. -k, John Hague, William Parkinson. 'ey, William B. Stephenson, Benjamin Lancetele;•, Thomas H e Patterson John 1 irman of the District CHARLES HAYDON, Financial Secretary THE MANCHESTER AND BOLTON DISTRICT. First Manchester, (Oldham-street, 4 . c.,) Joseph Taylor, ey, Peter Cooper ; Edward Robert Gibbons, John Pickavant, Supernumeraries Second Manchester, (Irwell-street, .4irc..) James Methley, Thomas Dickin, Henry D. Lowe ; John Taylor, Josiah H. Walker, Supernumeraries. Third Manchester, (Grosvenor-street,4-c.,) JAMES DIXON, PRESIDENT OF THE CONFERENCE. Peter M`Owan, Ed ward Walker, Benjamin B. Waddy, John H. Beech. Fourth Manchester, (Bridgewatee-street, &c.,) Henry Davies, Richard Browii ; William Shelmerdiue, Super numerary. Altrincham, Isaac Woodcock ; William 0. Booth, Super numerary. Brother Woodcock shall change on one Sah bath in every three weeks with the Preachers of the Fourth Manchester Circuit. Manchester, (Welsh,) on two Sabbaths in every three Preachers in •Liverpool Mockport, Norti- David Evans, 2d, who shall change months with the Welsh (helot Dale, Bre.,) William W. Stamp, Charles Stockport, South, (Hill-gate, S-c.,) Amos Learoyd, James . . . Little. . . ~, . , .. . New Mills, Samuel Allen, James Houghton. Glossop, Abraham Watmough, John Mann. Ashton-under-Lyne, John Raby, Samuel Leigh, George Hughes. Oldham, Roger Moore, Robert Dugdale, Charles Howe. N.B.Brother Dugdale resides at Middleton. _ .._ . .. ... _ _ Delph, (Saddleworthd Thomas Turner; Luke Heywood, Supernumerary. Brother Turner shall change on one Sabbath in every five weeks with the Preachers at Oldham. Bolton, William Jackson, John Bedford, John G. NehemialLCurnock ; J a mes Hyde, Supernumerary. Rochdale, Benjamin Pearce, Jarvis Cheesman, Robert M. Willcox. N.B. Brother Wilcox resides at Heywood Burnlei Thomas Powell, John Griffith ; - John Philips, Supernumerary. Bury, John Bell, Joseph Heaton, William R. B. Arthy. Blackburn, Thomas Armson, William Exley. Hasling den, Abel Dernaley, Richard Stepney, William J Skidmore. Bacup, Leonard Posnett, William J. Shrewsbury. N.B. Brother Shrewsbury resides at Longliolme, Colne, James Wilson, William Winterbuin ; William M'Kitrick, Supernumerary. Clitheroe, Joseph Jackson, Thomas 0. Keysell. Leigh, Jabez Rought ; Richard Smetham, Supernumerary. Brother Smetham shall change on one Sabbath in every month with the Preachers at Bolton. JAmr.s. DIXON, President, Chairman of the District. EDWARD WALKER, !'inancial.Secretary. • • THE NORTH WALES•DISTRICT. (WELSH PRI3ACHING. Ruthin' and Denbigh, William Rowlands, William Powell Owen Jones, Supernumerary Llangollen, John L. Richards, Corwen, ° David Gravel. N. 8.-1. Brother Chambe tween the Llangollen and 9 T John R. Chambers shall divide his labours be '2orwen Circuits. e Superintendents of the two preceding circuit shall change on two Sundays in every six weeks. Ist, John Bartley, Henry Wilcox rintendent resides at Abergelle. Jones, Methuselah Thomas. avies, William Owen. • •st, David u t B.—The St tween the I), Llanfyllin, Llanfair, nee, ighes, Benjamin Roberts. Baffin, Edward Anwyl, Robert Jone des at Almvrch Lewis Jones f the two preccding Circuits shall Thomas Morris ;iris shall divide his labours be and Barmouth Circuits. pts, of the two preceding Circuits Sundays in every six weeks. nes, Robert Jones, Ist. Pritchard; David Jones vide his labours between Llanfair'Circuit 5 cf the . two pre ,:ceding Circuits lays in every six weeks. 1., Chairman of the District ICIIA . RDS, Financial Secretary. kTE OF. TRADE was si me dernsnd foryarn on Toes but the - general absence of inquiry ndered the market exceedingly heavy, !orient numbers were generally about loviier than on the preceding Tuesday. factored goods was quite as limited as tinned to droop. .Underthese circum urprising that the attention of the spinners cturers should be directed to an abridgment of aof labour. We understand that at Blackburn a is.nc general agreement has been made to work only four days pereek ; and a similar agreement is talked of amongst the spinners and manufacturers in the neighbourhood of Ashton and Stalybridge ; but we believe nothing has yet been decided upon respecting it. We are glad to be enabled to state, that n 9 further failures. of importance have taken place in this town ; and the rumours which have been prevalent for some days past, of the stoppage of a house of very extensive bu siness at :Liverpool, are altogether unfounded. We believe they had their origin in a misunderstanding as to providing for the payment of bills of exchange to a large amount which fell due last week ; but the mistake was rectified in time, and the bills were paid in due course. We are informed that a statement which we lately received from a correspondent at Stockport, to the effect that the business of Messrs. Stocks and Son was likely to be carried on for the benefit of the creditors, was incorrect. The works have been in operation sincmate theriae balsnkruptcy, on but th only for th e purpose of using up up premises ; and .whe n t h ose are the then e r exhausted, the hands will all be discharged. — Guardian. tic:ICJ-WALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, AUGUST 9. The market to-day has shown some improvem ent upon that of last week. I n d ee d :we have pothadsobrisk demand for flannels since this y ear carne as there has been to-day, and the m;:nufacturers have obt ained a little achakneeliitnh price. In In the wool market there has not been much alteration :the' dealers have asked hi g her prices, but have taken last week. HUDDERSFIELD MARKET, TUESDAY, AUGUST ]Q,_ There was not Quite so much business done to-day as last week; but still a fair quantity of goods exchanged hands, especially in low tweeds and coarse fancy woollens, chiefly for exportation. The demand for superfines and light fancy goods'was rather flat. Prices, however, are firm, with a tendency upwards. In wools there was not much done, the manufacturers not feeling disposed to give the advance de manded. Employment is, on the whole r better here than in most manufacturing districts. Business in the, warehouses is not much to complain of, if better prices could be realised. _ • 'Our. military' force in Ireland ,is. quietly but hourly in - tayner, Georg, ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS THIS DAY, (Friday,) the 13th instant, and will be re peated every MONDAY and FRIDAY, weather permitting, THE STORMING OF ST. JEAN D'ACRE, ARRANGED BY DANSON, showing the PositiOn . of Ships of War, and Group of War Steamers ; finishing with the TERRIFIC EXPLOSION OF THE MAGAZINE, GRAND ALLEGORICAL TABLEAU OF VICTORY AN EXCELLENT BRASS BAND EVERY DAY. FIRING TO COMMENCE AT NINE O'CLOCK ADMITTANCE, ONE SHILLING. ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS. 91HE Subscribers to this Establishment, and the Public, .11. are most respectfully informed, that the Proprietor intends giving a GRAND FASHIONABLE GALA of unequalled magnificence, on MONDAY next, the 16th instant. The talented Pyrotechnist who had the honour of eliciting such general approbation on the last occasion, will exhibit an entire Novel Display of FIREWORKS, introducing his Changeable Splendid COLOURED FIRE, unequalled in Europe. The Garden will surpass all possible description in Brilli any, and the whole of the ILLUMINATION will be under the superintendence of the celebrated Pyro technist, and many Thousand extra Lights will be introduced on this occasion. The Proprietor begs to state, that nothing shall be wanting on his part, to render this the most attractive Gala of the Season, he has engaged the services of an eminent Professor, who will, during the Evening, exhibit the DISSOLVING BISCENASCOPE, or DIORAMA of SHADOWS, dis playing beautiful and correct delineations of remarkable and picturesque scenery, Illuminated by the KONEOPHASTIC LIGHT. The first Exhibition will take place at Four o'clock pre cisely. The STORMING of St. JEAN D'ACRE, By ihugsoN _ with every possible effect, introducing, on the terrific spring ing of the mine, a beautiful Shower of COLOURED FIRES. The Band on this occasion will be greatly augmented, and perform some of their Choice pieces. Admittance, 25.; Children, Is. Firing to commence at half-past Eight o'clock. THEATRE:ROYAL, LIVERPOOL Under the Manayenzent of Mr. CLARKE, Sole Lessee THE PERFORMANCES DURING THE SUMMER SEASON WILL COMMENCE AT HALF•PAST SEVEN.-DOORS TO DE OPENED AT SEVEN. Madame VESTRIS' BENEFIT, on which occasion Miss ELLEN' TREE will perform, positively for THIS NIGHT UNPRECEDENTED COMBINATION OF ATTRAC TION OF THE FIRST-RATE DRAMATIC TA LENT OF THE METROPOLITAN THEATRES. The Last Nights of MADAME VESTRIS, Miss ELLEN TREE, Mr. CHARLES MATHEWS, Mr. WILLIAM FARREN, Mr. HARLEY, and Mr. F. MATTHEWS, of the Theatre-Royal, Covent-garden. rPHIS present FRIDAY, August 13, the entertainments will commence with, for the last time, the new Drama. called BROTHER BEN. Benjamin Bowles Mr. Charles Mathews Commodore Cutlass .. Mr. F. Matthews. Mr. Snutfleton Mr. Harley, As performed by them at the Theatre : royal, Covent-garden After which, the Comedy of the RIVALS. Sir Anthony Absolute Bob Acres... .... Mr. William Farren, Mr. Harley. . Madame Vestris. Miss Ellen Tree. Lydia .. Julia Faulkland .. Mr. Stuart I Captain Absolute .. Mr. H. Hon Sir Lucius O'Trigger Mr. Chaplin. Mrs. Malaprop Madame Simon, In consequence. of the illness of Mrs. Clarke. Lucy Mrs. Barton. In the course of the Evening, Mr. HARLEY will sing the Comic Song of THE PICTURE OF A PLAYHOUSE. Mr. FARREN will Sing, in Character, the Song of THE FINE OLD ENGLISH GENTLEMAN. To conclude with the popular Musical Drama, in two Acts, called ONE HOUR. Mr. Charles Swiftly.. Mr. Charles Mathews, In which he will sing a IC . Teapolitan Song in character, and dance, with Miss C. Webster, the Tarantella. Julia. In which character she will sing " Love is the Theme," and, in the costume of a Neapolitan, the Song of " In the Mountains of Smiling Sorento." The Public is respectfully informed that the celebrated Dancer, Mademoiselle CERITO, of her Majesty's Theatre, London, is engaged for Four Nights, and will make her first appearance here on MONDAY next. August 16th, in seve ral of her most popular Dances, in which she wilt be assisted by'Monsieur GUERRA, Ballet Master and principal Dancer of her Majesty's Theatre, and Miss O'B RYAN, one of the principal Dancers of the same Theatre, who are expressly engaged for this occasion. Mademoiselle CERITO'S other nights of performance will be TUESDAY, August 17th, WEDNESDAY, August 18th, and, last night, THURSDAY, August 19th. The Box-office for Mademoiselle CERITO'S Nights will be Open To-morrow, Saturday, August 14th, and continue open daily from Ten until Four. ITALIAN OPERAS, for FOUR NIGHTS, for which the following eminent Performers are engaged :—Madame GRISI, Signor LABLACHE, Signbra EItNESTA GRISI. Signor MARIO, and Signor F. LABLACHE. Corno Pri mo, Signor PUZZI. Conductor, the celebrated Pianist, M. BENEDICT. The first Performance will take place on FRIDAY next, August 20, when will be presented Bellini's celebrated Opera of LA SONNAMBULA, the principal characters by Madame Grisi, Signora Ernesta Grisi, Signor Mario, (the first appearance of this celebrated Artiste in Liverpool), and Signor F. Lablache. The second representation will take place on TUESDAY, August 24, when will be performed the popular Opera of I PURITANI. In which Signor Lablaehe will appear in his celebrated character of Giorgio. The other principal characters by Madame Grisi, Signora Ernesta Grisi, Signor Mario, and Signor F. Lablaehe. The two other Nights of the Italian Operas will be Tuuns- DAY, August 26th, and FRIDAY, August 27th. In consequence of the great expense attending the engage ment of the Performers who will appear in the Italian Operas, the prices of admission will be the same as on a similar occasion last season. Lower Boxes, Gs ; Upper Boxes, 4s ; Pit, 3s ; Gallery, .Is. 6d. The Box-office for these Nights will be open on THURS DAY, August 19th, and continue open daily from Ten until Four o'clock. TO CORRESPONDENTS, The article commencing with a quotation from " The Mid summer Night's Dream " has been received, but we can not give the writer any hopes for its insertion. With all respect to a talented correspondent, whose commu nication we received on Tuesday, we cannot entertain his proposal. We have again read the letter of "A Sunday-school teacher," and strongly approve of his advice to protestants to take care of the parliamentary and municipal register, but as the importance of the subject will not be overlooked, either by those whose special duty it is, or by ourselves, we for bear inserting his comtnumation. Ely Zibrrpool &tanbatt. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 13, 1841 If some two hundred clergymen of the Established Church were to meet in Liverpool for the sole purpose of considering the probable effect of Lord John Rus sell's proposed tariff of sugar or timber duties, and to remonstrate against it, we should immediately have a most terrific uproar from the Liberals against so un becoming an instance of clerical meddling. The church would be assailed as a mere carnal weapon in the hands of politicians —an engine only of state craft; and the clergy would have every opprobious epithet cast upon their devoted heads as the too-ready tools of a system which used religion but as a cloak for secular intrigue. Your Liberal is so particularly anxious that the ministers of the church should up hold the dignity of their sacred profession, that, out of pure regard and love, no doubt, he feels hurt and grieved to see them exercise any of the ordinary duties of citizens. He rails unceasingly at the constitutional presence of Bishops in the House of Lords; he can barely tolerate clergymen in the enjoyment of the pri vilege of the elective franchise ; but as to their pre suming to advise their congregations on political sub jects, or to use their influence in bdhalf of particular candidates, or to their being, in short, politicians in any sense of the word, he cannot away with anything so contaminating to that heavenly-mindedness which he would have residing in perpetual serenity and purity in the pastors of the national church. It is remark able, however, that he does not consider such sublime abstractedness to be at all necessary for the clergy of his own party, for priests of the Church of Rome, or reverepd gentlemen of the conventicle. Your Liberal is a capital finger -post ;he points the way, but he fol lows it not. You are to do as I say," saith he ; not as I do." The Romanist priests, who in Ireland encourage every excess in political matters, are excused on the ground of the severe provocation they receive in not having their church, which is that of the majority, es tablished by law ; and the gentlemen of the conventicle in this country are benignly overlooked, probably on the ground that they are so few in comparison with the ministers of the church, and that they are yet sufferers for conscience-sake in the matter of church -rates. However this be, the practice of Liberals fully confirms the old rule, that one man may steal a sheep while another may not look over the hed. • Two hundred and eighty ministers of dissent are to meet next week in Manchester for the sole and only purpose of endeavouring to give the Liberals a lift on the subject of. free trade in corn ; and not one discou raging word will your Liberal utter towards this inter ference of holy men set apart altogether for religious purposes---with' matter so thoroughly non-religious (if anything can be said to be so) and political. It would seem that these ghostly men are not of the same opinion with the censors of our church clergy on the subject of clerical disfranchisement, and maintain with St. Paul, that, though preachers of the word, they have yet rights as citizens, froth the exercise of which they sentients. .Doubtless this must be the case ; for these gentlemen, though not in the true line of apostolical succession, do maintain that they are successors.of the apostles de facto, and claim for themselves the title of Reverend as genuine pastors and overseers of the flock of Christ. But, as we have said, they will not be re quired to excuse themselves for their approaching po litical overture by the laymen of their own party; and, for our part, we want no apology of them. We insist upon a certain degree of liberty for the clergy of the church, and we will not attack the principle when we see it acted upon, even in the extreme ; by Dissenting Teachers. The more important point to which we would desire to direct attention is the natural, political tendency of Dissent, and the vital importance of the Church as the grand instrument of Conservatism. The moment a man separates from the Church he casts from him the strongest ligament by which a British subject can be bound to the constitution of his country. He can no longer desire to maintain a church from which he has entirely detached himself personally. He adopts some new religion, or some new form of religion, and his new adoption necessarily becomes the most influential principle within him . . He falls into the train of Church-hating; he desires to see the Church separated from the State; and as politics, like misfortune, are sure to make strange bedfellows, he associates himself with whatever party he conceives most likely to aid him in effecting this object, however dissimilar their more immediate or secret views may be. Liberalism in any form is a fibre of the system; and from No State Church to No Protected Home grown Corn, the Dissenter inevitably embraces the whole of it. Hence the identification of the conven ticlers with tbe Russell budget. Little or no connec tion have they with the aristocracy, or gentry, or farm ers ; their strength lies in the oppidan population and among th€ operative classes. They easily ally them selves with the Anti-Corn-Law League; there was little difficulty, we dare say, in arranging matters be tween them; and this results in the projected aggre gation of the two hundred and eighty next week. Whether the preachers will throw any new light on the Corn Question or not we cannot pretend positively to say; but certainly we do not expect it. After the Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel's miserable failure as a writer on political economy, Nye can hardly expect any thing very brilliant from the non-conformist divines, it being something rather out of their line of business. But it is not on the argument, but the excitement o f the occasion—the demonstration"—on which they rely. If the argument bear but the proportion to these more important points, of only one grain of wheat to a bushel of chaff, it will be an abundance for their purpose. They assemble as the mouthpieces of con gregations—as representatives of dissenting interests — and as such, and as men practised at turning periods and familiar with the use of exciting language, they impart to their convention whatever importance may be supposed to attach to it. To show the sort of spirit in which these pious men meet, we take the following from the reply of the Rev. J. Leifchild, D.D., to the invitation to attend : " Blessed be God!" he says, " the incubus is about to be shaken off; and I am glad we have enlisted the cause of hu manity, which ought never to he separated from that of reli gion, into the means of excitement. May Manchester, which has the glory of originating this movement, be honoured by such a concentration of wisely-directed energies in the ensu ing month, as shall diffuse through all our rankS' a spirit be fore which the twin monster., of monopoly and priestcraft shall quail and fall prostrate." Another writes as follows : " The subject of the corn laws frequently comes under con sideration of myself and congregation. One, a liberal, is opposed to any change, but shuns the subject when the ques tion is mooted. Another professes to be in favour of repeal, but he astonished me when in conversation with a pro-corn law man; he had voted for an anti-corn-law candidate last week, and expressed regret that he did not know that that formed a part of his political creed before he had gone to the poll. A third I have reasoned with over and over again; but his apparent conviction to-day seems to be quite forgot ten by to-morrow! We have, belonging to the church and congregation, six farmers besides the five proprietors, and only one, I believe, is favourable to a change in the corn laws. I have publicly condemned them on many occasions, but, I fear, to little purpose" (I !) The Brighton Gazette, speaking of this meeting, re minds its readers that in the matter of the extreme cruelty exhibited by the introduction of children of tender years into the factories, and working them for more weary hours than youthful human nature can support, the friends of the .destitute children in vain looked for and claimed effectual support from the dis senting ministers of Lancashire. " Such, too," it adds, " was the case with the ' liberals' and ' dissenters' of Brighton.' At the period when they de claimed so loudly against the monstrosities and iniquities of West Indian slavery, we asked them, through the columns of this journal as well as in personal interviews, why they be stowed no portion of their overflowing sympathy upon the cruelly treated children in the English factories. Their re ply uniformly was, Let us attend to one thing at a time : when slavery is abolished in the West Indies, then we shall be ready to take up the cause of the factory children.' We all know the result. Their object was attained in the West Indies; and from that hour to the present not one step have they moved, not one word have they uttered, in behalf of the factory child. No ; they left it to the unassisted benevolence of a tort' nobleman (the excellent Lord Ashley) to demand that relief ; for not a single petition, not a single meeting, nay, not even a single word did the liberals' and dissenters' of Brighton contribute to aid the praiseworthy exertions of his lordship. Out (we say again), out upon such b ase an d hollow-hearted hypocrisy ! ' These are certainly no testimonials in favour of the ghostly confreres, or recommendation to that hospita lity so earnestly solicited for them during the approach ing conference; but with every drawback we cannot esteem the assembly so very lightly as do some of our contemporaries. We see in it the natural progress and working of .Dissent; and we are made sensible of its extreme danger to the State by such proceedings. " The following," says the correspondent of a London paper, "is a list of a few of the sects who endeavour every Sabbath to instil their sentiments into the minds of the Manchester operatives, and, as the conference is open to all, a pretty political religious hash it is sup posed will he dished up on the 17th :—Unitarians, Socialists, Roman Catholics, Jumpers, Baptists, Mo ravians, Screamers, Independents, Ranters, Brother tonists, Johannahs, Gadsbyites, Mormonites, (or Lat ter-day Saints), Swedenborgians, Mawlers, Bawlers, and street preachers of every denomination." " Se veral Whig clergymen," he adds, " of the Church of England, and some few Wesleyans and Primitive Me thodists, have signified their intention to attend the conference." Such is the broad way of Dissent. Now toleration is one thing, but neglecting the population— leaving them open to the assaults of such instructors— omitting to afford them the benefit of the National Church—is another; and we do say that the Conser vative statesman who does not see the urgent neces sity, and vital importance of Church extension, with reference merely to political consequences, must be blind indeed. A London contemporary, of the highest circulation and acknowledged talent, arraigns the language used by members of the Protestant Association when speak ' ing of the Church of Rome, and the doings of its priests in Ireland. He considers it offensive to good taste, and calculated, by its irritating tendency, to do harm rather than good. Now we should not quarrel with a caution against unnecessary harshness of speech coming from a friendly quarter, if, at the same time that a gentle censure was passed upon the manner; a hearty approbation and full concurrence were yielded to the substance and purpose about which the manner and language were conversant ; but we do not find that such was the case in this instance. Now the Times—for it is of that journal we speak--is a little inconsistent in this matter. No journal has bestowed more attention on the late Irish elections, and the scandalous doings of the priests—than itself. It has taken great pains to collect the most authentic infor mation concerning the intimidation and carrying off of voters, and the connection of the priests with all the outrages of this nature; and it has again sent back all this information upon the world, clearly methodised and digested, and accompanied by commentaries of the most lively and suitable character. We cannot speak too highly of its well-applied industry in this way, nor of the great services it has thereby rendered to the public. The Protestant Association, we were glad to perceive, was early in the field to profit by them, and, acting upon the data supplied by its exer tions, convened the meeting, and adopted those reso lutions to which we alluded on Tuesday. Now ought not the Times to feel vastly well pleased, and think itself greatly flattered, by seeing so early and so good a fruit from its labours ? Is not a consequence of this kind precisely the sort of thing at which every zealous and honest journalist; aims when he engages in the excitation of the public mind upon any important to pic ? The Times must surely he of this opinion, and must ,have felt as we , describe, or it would constitute such an anomaly among the journals as has - never be- are not to be debarred by the puny barking of anydis. fore been heard of; and yet it applauds not the move- ment, and very severely censures the speakers at the late meeting at Exeter-hall ! This is certainly strange, and not to lie accounted for by our philosophy. Would the editor have a monopoly in the exposure of Irish freedom of election, and the abuse of Popish priests It was the Times, if we mistake not, that first gave these gentry the name of " surpliced ruffians." Has the editor formed of late any family or .other alliance with them, that he will now permit none but himself to speak of them with the smallest discourtesy ? The following passage, in a speech by the Rev. Hobart Seymour, seems to have been particularly displeasing to the hypercritic and monopolist of the Times : " Were not these outrages against law and order sufficient to call. for a committee of inquiry? The priests were the janissaries (f the crusade—they were ,not 21101'e honest than those of illahomet,—not more pure than those of Paganism, —not less inhuman than those of Juggernaut. They awakened every species of outrage against property and against life, their great design' being . to obtain preponderance of power with the electoral body ; that object gained, they would have little difficulty in obtaining such an ascendancy in Parliament as would enable them to destroy the church, and effect a separation of the two countries. Under these circumstances he submitted that the Protestants of England were bound to call for a searching investigation, which was all that was required." We admit that this language is strong, and some of it superfluous. We have marked in italics one sen tence which we should concur ourselves with the Times in disapproving ; but when there is a great and commanding object in view—when there is a deter mined enemy before us, of whose ruthless mind and malpractices we have the most unquestionable evidence, we should esteem it very bad policy indeed to divert attention from the pursuit of, or combat with him, to quarrelling with our most faithful associates in the strife, or sporting criticism on mere matters of taste, or trifling instances of indiscretion in their choice or use of weapons. .Our great contemporary should avoid the example of that remarkably fine animal with a splendid udder—we forget whether she was of the Devonshire breed or not—but she was a cow, at all events, famous for giving a great pail of milk, but equally famous—or infamous, shall we say ? for knocking it down, and spilling all again, after she had yielded so bountifully for the benefit of our species. The Times is wrong to spoil its good services to the state by a frigid hypercriticism. The Rev. Mr. Seymour, truly, need not to have said anything about JanitsarieS, Priests of Paganism, or Juggernaut—no more than the Times to have ever spoken of " surpliced ruffians ;" this we grant ; but in . either case we should not allow a little excess in language, excusable always in the heat of debate, or in the hurry of writing for the press, to withdraw our at tention from the more weighty matter, namely, the gross crimes complained of, and the energetic endea vour to procure the punishment, or repression of them. We care not what the men who do the deeds of the Irish Popish priests are designated, provided their foul career of crime and popular perversion be put a stop to. There are some who have a great dislike to po lemics, and deprecate all inquiries by mere politicians into the religious errors of Romanism ; this is indeed a mistake on their part, because Popery is a mixed system, and quite as much political as it is religious ; but all can perceive the palpable fruits, and all are alike challenged to deal with the actual results and open out breaks of the system. Now, when we see the energies of government wisely directed to this end—when we see the policy of repression steadily and rigorously acted upon, we shall very gladly lay down the arms of excitation ourselves, and feel happy in perceiving others adopting the same course. There will be no occasion to dispute concerning names; we shall no longer have occasion to rouse the public mind, or to bring public opinion to bear on the agency of administration; our object will have been accomplished; the government itself, awakened at last to the true character of Popery and its priesthood, will have its attention fixed upon the muffled incendiaries and arch-disturbers, and we shall patiently await the good effects. In the mean while, we shall certainly deprecate, but with a liberal allowance fo • the strength of provocation, every form of exaggeration, and every use of terms beyond the strict .and rigid severity of truth. We certainly like to call a spade a spade, a pike a pike, or a knave a knave ; and for our poor part, we should find it diffi cult to colour too highly or too darkly when we have a phalanx of Irish Popish priests in our mind's eye, in sitting or other posture, grouped, or isolated, awaiting our portraiture ; but there are some men of exuberant fancies, desperately given to the ornamental—and these perhaps could exceed the reality. Such persons should endeavour to curb their Nvits, and stick to truth ; for they may depend upon it, it will be quite enough for them. The phrase a " Conservative democracy" was sneered at some time ago by the journals of Liberal ism, as if such a thing were a mere jeu des mots, or an impossibility; but since the elections, we observe, they are somewhat less sceptical. on the subject. They have discovered that it is possible for the humbler classes of society to be Conservative in principle, and to exhibit their principles in the most practically Conservative way. The doubtfulness on this point arose, on the part of the Liberals, we are well aware, from sheer ignorance—ignorance of the people, and ignorance of the great excellence of that happy political and reli gious constitution under which we live. Why should the middling and humbler classes, if well instructed, desire to change that constitution any more than the upper ranks of society ? They enjoy the utmost amount of liberty under it ; they are not hindered by it in any career of honest ambition ; nay, its very highest honours and offices stand forth as prizes at tainable by industry or talent to the very humblest member of society. The extremely poor must have much to lament in their lot in every conceivable form of human polity ; but a religiously instructed and be nevolently cared-for poor will not be devoid of princi ples, and even amongst them we can conceive the principles of a sound Conservatism as strongly che rished and exhibited after their manner, as among the most affluent and elevated orders. Conservatism is sincerely cherished, we have no doubt, amongst a large proportion even of the extremely poor of this country ; and this is owing partly to that judicious culture of which we have spoken, and partly to the benevolence and kindness shewn to them by the upper classes. Could we suppose, for instance, that such of the poor as might come within the influence of a per sonage like Lord Ashley would be very destructive or revolutionary in their politics ? His lordship last week made a tour through the manufacturing dirtricts of Lancashire and Yorkshire, with a view to acquire such information relative to the wants and wishes and inte rests of the manufacturing population, as would enable him to pursue with effect his benevolent labours for the benefit of the working classes. His lordship is prosecuting his labours with reference to "a Ten Hour Factory Bill, and his presence everywhere excited a glow of enthusiasm and satisfaction among the opera tive classes. In the course of a speech at Leeds, he said " his own political opinions were `blue,' or Con " servative ; but his Conservatism taught him to look " upon station and property as not given to him for 66 himself alone, but as a trust reposed in him for the " benefit of his fellow-men ; and if station and pro " perty were not thus used, he would say, let station " and property go down to the working classes." This is a noble sentiment, worthy of a Conservative of the aristocratic order ; and a sentiment which he was at the moment giving practical assurance that he most sincerely entertained. Now, is it con ceivable that the factory operative should contemplate the character of the speaker with any other than a feel ing of respect and affection, or his order with jealousy or aversion? It is not to be supposed; and therefore we say that such men do much to spread the Conser vative principle among the inferior ranks of society, and that it is immensely in the power of the aristocracy to promote it among them. His lordship, in the course of his speech, adverted to many of the cruelties and demoralising effects produced by infantile labour and overworking in the mills, and spoke with confidence of the good that has resulted from the discussions which have taken place with reference to his bill, and of the still greater good that may be expected from its passing. His benevolent labours on this most interesting subject must receive the applause of all good men, and we re joice to claim his lordship as one of our party; but in truth the ranks of Conservatism abound with such characters, though the individuals are not so well known to fame. Mr. J. Benett, one of the members for South Wiltshire, in the course of a recent speech, the chief topic of which was the repeal of the corn laws, said " He sincerely believed that the farmers had the , interests of their labourers at heart. Unlike the manufacturers, they did not, the moment that work was scarce, discharge them ; they looked upon them as their friends—as their children. They felt a great personal regard for them. For himself he could say, that there was not a labourer on his estate or in his parish whose character and circumstances he was not acquainted with. He knew their children—he knew their wants—and, as far as was in his power, he endeavoured to administer to those wants. His friend, Mr. Budd, who sat near him, felt precisely as he did on this subject, and so, he believed, did every farmer present. lint in the manufacturing districts they beard of workshops suddenly shut up, and as many as 700 or 800 hands turned adrift, without a moment's warning —the persons who had acquired immense wealth by their toil caring not one jot for the pitiable condition in which they were left, or whether they died of starvation. It was asked of one of these gentlemen, who had amassed a large fortune, and had purchased an estate in a distant county, how he went so far from home? And what was his reply Why, that as he had made his fortune by the spinning jenny, he could not get too far out of the sound of it. He should be ashamed of the agriculturist that could so express himself. put there was a connexion between the agricultural labourer and his employer that could never be dissolved. He was therefore anxious that the landed interest should be protected, in order that the labouring classes might be protected. Many in that room perhaps had capital, and could live upon the in terest of it ; but the labouring classes were tied to the soil, and required their support and their sympathies." This, then, is Conservatism—and we are proud of it. Yes, we like these displays of it, and we delight in contrasting it with Liberalism—Liberalism that would execute all its charities by act of parliament ! Certainly that is an economical mode of performing them. First there are the fifteen hours of white slavery in the mill ; then over production ; then half work ; and then the remedy—cheap corn, diminished wages, and the poor house hastile ! Admirable economists, these Liberals and millocrats—worthy pupils and flock of the two hundred and eighty members of next week's pious conference. Their mutual adaptation and harmony are wonderful. There is a luxury in grumbling ; and we must con fess that we perfectly envy one, at least, of our contem poraries the opportunity which is approaching of eLjoying it. For a . period of full thirty years our venerable friend of the Mercury played the part of first growler in this good old town. For thirty years how he "fluttered the Volscians in Corioli" ! What paper quillets—what riddles, charadel, and anagrams —what prose and verse—he wa s woff to level against tory ministries and tory corporations ! And now, after ten years' floundering in a strange element—at sea amidst reform bills, corporation bills, tithe commuta tion bills, and other quackeries—which to advoCate efficiently involved the necessity of understanding them—how pleasant to be restored to its primitive con dition as a growler, for which occupation no expendi ture of brain is necessary ! How delightful to be thrown back upon the accumulated stock of jokes, epithets, and arguments which, after ten years' careful preservation from the sun and air, can be turned out, like the relic of an ancient wardrobe from a Jew's store, as good as new ! llow refreshing to exchange the labour of defending, at an expense of ingenuity which must have been awful, the blundering disho nesty of whiggery in the cabinet or the council-room, for the comparatively easy task of collating paragraphS of choice vituperation from " our note book," or "our file of the Mercury," ,which, ,nutatis mutandis, will be to the full as terrific and damaging in effect as when ,directed against tory heads some twenty or thirty years ago We really envy .the Mercury his forthcoming relief from editorial cares. The simultaneous return of the government and the corporation to conservative prin ciples must place our friend in a state of bliss, which we pray may not soon be disturbed. It is a truth, and in sober seriousness we say it, that whig journalism as well as whig statesmanship has been out of its sphere whilst in power; and, so far as we ourselves and the Mercury are concerned, we shall be delighted to see our friend unharnessed from the cumbrous armour in which he has cut so sorry a figure and once more sporting in his native element of fiddle-faddle. OUR MANUFACTURING DISTRESS There is no small degree of indiscretion in the effort, on the part of the ministerial press, to parade indiscriminately before the public every commercial failure which occurs, as the result of our present system of corn-laws. The gentle men of the League may imagine that the virtual mendacity of the paragraphs which emanate from the manufacturing districts will advance the objects which they have in view— will induce the.growth of an opinion throughout the country that the imputed causes of manufacturing distress, and of the individual disasters which attend its progress, are the real ones ; but they must not be surprised if, ultimately, the reflecting portion of the people not only refuse to Adopt without inquiry the conclusions which they seek to propa gate, but even push that inquiry with a strictness of scru tiny, and in a direction, for which they are at present scarcely prepared. It is now an established fact, that a great portion of the embarrassment experienced by the foreign trader is attribu table directly to the mismanagement .and. neglect of our commercial relations with, other nations by the present Whig government. There is not an export merchant throughout the kingdom, of any experience and judgment, who will attempt seriously to maintain the converse of this proposi tion. So far, then, the endeavour to impute this embarrass ment to the operation of the corn-laws alone, is wilfully and flagitiously dishonest. It is almost admitted, too, that ano ther portion of this embarrassment is attributable solely - to causes connected with our monetary system—to the exten sion of manufacturing production, by means of facilities af forded by the fictitious capital of joint-stock banks, unat tended by a corresponding increase of the sources of demand. In addition to these causes may be urged, the misdirection of manufacturing power to the creation of fabrics unsuited for the consumption of those markets which still remain open to the operation of our merchants ; the cessation of the home demand arising from the effects of political agitation ; the drain of manufacturing capital which has taken place during the last six years, to the amount of 30 or 10 for the purposes of the various railway schemes ; and, in short, to causes for which the commercial and manufacturing community are themselves mainly responsible. Ought it, then, we ask, be matter of complaint against the journalist, if, when he finds that all these elements of commercial dis tress are systematically kept out of sight by the agitators of the commercial body, whilst the existence of that distress itself is paraded to subserve party ends, and to direct legis lation in a channel adverse to the real interests of the uni versal people—when he sees not only general effects, but even individual cases, draggel forth to observation for the purpose of exciting popular ferment—he should demand a scrutin,. into the circumstances by which those individual cases have been attended, before allowing them to be thrust into the general mass of evidence which is arrayed against the principles for which he contends, as well as into the per tinence and justice of that mass of evidence itself ? We have no wish ourselves to approach this description of scrutiny, and we have no wish either to see the press gene rally erect itself into a court of inquiry into the circumstances attending individual cases of misfortune. We are quite sa tisfied, for our own part, to allow such individuals to esteem themselves as martyrs to our commercial system, rather than as the victims of their own indiscretion and exorbitant ambition. But we must protest against the encouragement, by a party press and for purely party objects, of the growth of such an opinion on the part of the public, not only as it tends to the injury of commercial morality, by creating an undue sympathy with the victim of bankruptcy, by whatever. indiscretion produced, but also as impeding the cause of truth. Of course our present remarks arc pointed at no particular instance of this growing practice of the anti-corn law press, although the occurrence of such an instance du ring the past week, in which the individual sufferer is him self a leading member of the League, might almost counte nance the supposition. On the contrary, oar business is at present with the system alone, which, however, if pressed. will compel us ultimately, as it already challenges us, to embark in individual inquiries. _ We maintain that no fair conclusion is deducible as to the causes of the distress at present existing in the manufactu ring districts; from the fact of failures taking place amongst them, however pertinent may be the evidence which these afford of the internal insecurity of the gigantic system erected there—of the rottenness of the timbers of that vast commercial edifice, to support which we are invited to with draw the very pillars which alone hold up the social fabric. We know from incontrovertiblq data, that one branch of manufacture alone—that of cotton, has nearly doubled its producing power within the last ten years. By a statement laid by Lord Sandon, in one of his late admirable addresses, before the mercantile constituency of Liverpool, we find that the weekly consumption of cotton in British factories, which in 1831 was 16,513 bags, had reached in 1810 to 30,089 bags, making an increase of actual manufacture within 10 years of 82 per cent ; and amidst th e vast accumulation of b u ildi ng , machinery, and capital required to effect this in crease, is it to be wondered at that instances are numerous, i n which individual members of the manufacturing body have extended their operations so far beyond their means of sustaining even the most trifling check, as to be entirely prostrated in a crisis like the present? Imprudent and pre cipitate as has been the course of the entire manufacturing body, is it to be wondered at, if tempted by the facilities af forded by a vicious system of banking,—seduced by the prospect of sudden fortune, to be acquired at no commen surate risk—there may have been individuals, favorites perhaps, of some Bank Directory,—allied with its members in political principle (for political bias does find its way into the board room of Joint Stock Banks, as not a few members of the league could bear witness) or embarked with them in some scheme of local aggrandizement,—who have gone be-