The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1836-08-19 00:00:00

Einprriai 40arlianient. HOUSE OF L.3.—MONDAY. • In the House of Lords the Greek lean bill, and the militia pay bifi, were severally read a second time, and the medical witnesses bill was reada third time and passed. The reasons of the commons for disagreeing to that amend ment of the lords in the prisoners' counsel bill, which removed from the bill the clause enacting, that the party accused shall, in every case, have the last word, were commenicated at a con ference. and order,' to he taken into consideration. Mr. Bernal, and others from the commons, brought up the poor law loan bill, the municipal elections bill, and the tithes composition (Ireland) bill, which were severally read a first time. On the motion of Lord MELBOURNE, the commons' amend ments in the marriages hill, and the registration of births, &c., bill were taken into consideration and agreed to. The staveowners' compensation bilk, and the slave treaties bill, several:y went through committee. On the report of the church temporalities (Ireland) bill be ing brought up, Lord LANSDOWNE moved two amendments, which were agreed to, and the bill was ordered to be read a third time on 'Tuesday. CORPORATE?. PROPERTY (IRELAND) BILL. Viscount MeLaocaNE, in moving the second reading of the corporate property (Ireland) bill, made a few observations across the table, which were all but wholly inaudible. We un derstood the noble viscount to say that the main objects of the bill were to restrain the corporations in Ireland from any aliena tion of the corporate property, or the exercise of any patronage they might possess, until parliament should have legislated-on the subject. The Duke of WELLINGTON declared that he never could consent to be a party to the statements contained in the pre amble of this bill. There were points also in the enacting clauses to which he most decidedly objected, but he could not allow even this stage of the bill to pass without expressing his entire dissent from the statements contained in the preamble, since he considered the measure both unprecedented and con trary to justice. Viscount MELBOURNE observed that the bill merely went to provide a remedy for the loss of the municipal corporations (Ireland) bill; and, with regard to the preamble so much ob jeeted to, it merely recited facts. He would read it : " Whereas it is fitting and expedient that provision should be made forthwith against the wasting of the estates of corporate towns in Ireland, their corruption and abuses, until such time as parliament shall provide a remedy." Lord LYNDHURST begged to say that he, for one, had never admitted the existence either of corruption or abuse in the cor porate bodies of Ireland. The grounds upon which hecontend ed for their extinction was, that they were administered on party principles. (Hear, hear.) As to corruption and abuse, they never had been admitted by noble lords on his side of the house. On the contrary, they had stated that they had no evi dence of any such corruption or abuse on which they ought to act. It appeared to him that this was a most extraordinary bill, even independent of the terms of the preamble. He did not mean to say that he opposed the second reading of the bill, bui:. the objectionable parts of the preamble must be struck out, and the clauses remodelled in committee. The bill comprised only one page, and was the most singular specimen of legisla tion ever sent to that house of parliament. The Earl of FA LmouTH protested againstthe use of the words " corruption and abuse," contained in the preamble of the bill, on no better evidence than the report of the commissioners. He never could suffer a bill of this nature to pass, lie never could sanction so abominable an assumption of facts as the pre amble of this bill set forth. (Hear.) Lord HOLLAND said, the house had had some experience of what the noble and learned lord (Lyndhurst) meant by re modelling a bill. (" Hear," and a laugh.) The noble and learned lord had not spared the ruffian bill, as the Irish corpo ration bill had been termed; and now he was about to embrue his hands in the blood of this little infant measure, which was, in fact, a child of his own. (" Hear," and laughter.) It ap peared to him that the noble and learned lord seemed to want to disgust the people and indispose them to that house ; the people would say—" That cruel tyrant who has done away with so many of our bills is now diverting himself with killing a fly." (Great laughter.) After he had washed his hands in the blood of so many important bills, he had now come to destroy this little bill. (Laughter and " No.") Why, the noble lord said he would do so in committee. Indeed, noble lords on his (Lord Holland's) side of the house had nothing to do but to lament over the destruction of the bills which had been brought into house this session. If the noble and learned lord vies sincere in his views, if this bill was such as would disgrace the statute book, why attempt to new model it in committee ? Why did not the noble and learned lord vote against its second reading ? (Hear:)_ Lord Lv NDHURST said, that really there was no pleasing the noble baron who had just sat down. If noble lords on his (Lord Lyndhurst's) side of the house objected to the second reading of a bill, his cry was, " Read the bill a second time, and go into committee ;" if, on the other hand, they should read the bill a second time and go into committee, that course was ob jected to. The noble baron had expressed some alarm that this bill should be altered, it was so small; it was an insect to be sure, but then it had a poisonous tooth, and he wished to go into committee, in order to take away its poisonous power. (Hear.) As to the remark that we (continued the noble and learned lord) shall disgust the country. and indispose the people to wards this house, because we will not agree to measures unjust in character—to bills which, in their very preambles, are libels on his Majesty's subjects—bills which are inefficient in some of their clauses, unnecessary, unjust, and atrocious in others, I aro sure that we shall not offend or displease the people of England, if in the discharge of our duty as legislators we watch over every bill that is sent up to this house, and do not send out any bill of which we do not approve conscientiously, and which we believe is not consonant with the principles of the laws and constitution of this country. lam sure the course we are pursuing is much more likely to recommend this house to the country than til,; careless course of legislation recommended by the noble baron. (Cheers.) Lord EL LENBOROUG II said, that he and his noble friends on his side of the house did not wish to protect abuses or to prevent their extinction; on the contrary, they had shown by the amend ments of last year, in which the souse of Commons did not think proper to acquiesce, that their object was to remove the abuses which realty existed. At the same time he and his no ble friends could not agree with the preamble of the bill im pugning, as it did so unjustly, the corporations alluded to; and though they might agree to the second reading, that would not. deprive them of the right of altering such of the details of the bill as might appear to be objectionable. The bill was then read a second time. Lord Morpeth and others from the Commons brought up the Jewish Di.•abilities Rill, the Pensions Duties Bill, the Tithe Compoition (Ireland) Bill, and the Valuation of Lands (Ire land) Bill. The Common Fields Enclosure Bill was reported, and or dered to be read a third time on Tuesday. The house was then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MoNutY. In the House of Commons a new writ was ordered for the borough of Warwick, in the roma of Sir C Greville, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Lord MORPETH having moved the order of the day for the consideration of the lords' amendments to the Grand Juries (Ireland) Bill, said, that as the amendments made by the lords could not, conformably with the practice of that house, be ac cepted, he would propose, with a view to satisfy the house, and that a measure much wanted should not he lost, to withdraw the present bill, and immediately after to introduce a new bill em bodying the lords' amendments, and to which, of course, there would be no opposition in either house The motion for laying aside the original bill was then put and carried. Lord Slor peth having then obtained leave to bring in a new bill embo dying the lords' amendments, the noble lord introduced it shortly after. It was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Tuesday. The SoLiciTon-GENaA . L moved the first reading of a bill to extend the power of the Chief Baron to appoint another baron to sit for him in equity. The bill was read a first time, and or dered to be read a second time on Tuesday. VF..,The boroughs justice administration bill, the boroughs boun daries bill, and the boroughs funds bill, were severally read a second time, and ordered to be committed, after a short con versation. _ . The Earl of LINCOLN said he must call the attention of the house to the mode in which this and other bills were conducted. In their case the march of legislation was rapid enough, for, without having been really read a first time on Saturday, the second reading of them was now proposed by the learned gen tleman. The learned gentleman was not present on Saturday when these bills were said to have been read a first time, and he (the Earl of Lincoln) was sure that no hon. member would have been a party to a proceeding that was a fraud on the house, and an insult to its members. It was true that these bills were ap parently read a first time on Saturday—that was to say, they went through the usual form of having their titles read; but when some hon. members went to examine their contents, they found that three blank sheets of parchment had been laid on the table, containing nothing whatever but the titles of the bills on the outside. This case was an unprecedented one, and h would appeal to the chair for its opinion on the point. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said, that he would how with de ference to the decision of the chair, hut he would remind the noble lord that the entry on the journals, that these bills had been read a second time, was a document that could not after wards be called in question. The SPEAKER said, that there could be no doubt that a copy of the bill on parchment should be on the table of the house when the first reading of it was moved. The pensions duties bill was read a third time and passed, the clause exempting the pension of the Duke of Marlborough from the operation of the bill having been struck out by a ma jority of 36 to 34. The public works (Ireland) bill went through committee, and was ordered to he leported to-day. The third reading of the Jewish disabilities bill was carried on a division by 44 to 13. The house was again counted out during a discussion on the bribery at elections bill. HOUSE OF LOIWS.—TUESDAY. Lord DUNCANNON moved the second reading of the civil offices' declaration bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON, after expressing his astonish ment that a bill of so much importance, and which affected a great principle, should have passed the House of Commons with scarcely any observation, would not consent, at this late period of the session, to proceed with the measure. He moved, "That the bill be read a second time this day three months." Lord BITE, though not opposed to the principle of this par ticular bill, yet with reference to the mode of doing business, observed, with great force and justice, that the House of Lords would consult the advantage of the country if they rejected many other bills which had been sent up to them, in order to correct the present practice of sending up a number of impor tant bills at a period of the session when it was impossible to give them mature consideration. Here were a parcel of bills laid on their lordships' table in the middle of August, when, as he had said, it was impossible to have them discussed with ad vantage. Such a system would, however, he had no doubt, effect its own cure. . The bill was then thrown out by a majority of 16. The Grand Jury Presentment (Ireland) Bill, the Borough Justice Administration Bill, the Borough Boundaries Bill, the List of Voters Bill, and the Borough Fund Bill, were brought up from the commons and read a first time, ordered to be printed, and read a second time to-morrow. Their lordships then adjourned, at 9 o'clock. ROUSE OF COMMONS.-TUESDAY. AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. r. G. Patce rose to bring forward his motion on Spanish affairs but was a l most i nau dibl e i n t h e o b servat i ons w hi c h h e addressed to the house. He.said that he had never risen to ad occasion dress tbe house With more anxiety th a n he felt on the present . Lord D. &tw at ., ,(.. - . gentleman's notice i i ,i t ° order, and remarked, that the hon. day, , ,for,a motion on the first order of the On the suggestion of 1.40% Palmerston, not press his objection, , ithv : Lord D. Stuart did . 11e-sai‘iiliv.svals sensible that it was Mr. G. PRICK resittated.' . by the kndulgenee of-the thatlitsr ai,, allr e d to proceed, daitg l e , a r: l n be en so tearfnl, but the . events of the last few days d i t n he v' so dark, and so disastrous, and °t Only of; this .country, but of all Europe ; being involved -fn a contest, was a.) imminent, tbAt he did not wish Parliament to be trorOgned without having brought under the consideration of the howi , :b the fearful prospects hefore them. What he had often p,e,licted had now at last come to pass. The party of the Queen of Spain. if it could be called a party, was irretrievably lost. The con stitution of 1812, which had been proclaimed in many of its cities, was unsuited to the present state of that country, and there were no statesman of intelligence or sagacity by wham a mixed form of government could be supported. There trete now only two parties in Spain, the bigoted advocates of the ancient monarchical system, and fanatics blinded by the love of ex treme theories, deaf to the lessons of experience, and bent on adopting the dogmas of ultra-liberalism. He would ask how had the government of Spain been supported so long against the great majority of the people, for it could not now be denied that the great majority of the people of Spain were attached to the cause of Don Carlos ? Was not the government of the Queen supported by the stock-jobbers of the Exchange? The hon. member concluded by mdving that a copy of the despatch of Mr. Villiers, announcing the proclamation of the constitu tion of 1812 at Malaga, Saragossa, Cadiz, Ste., and the recent events at Madrid, be laid on the table. Captain Bocoeno seconded the motion. Dr. BOW/SING defended the constitution of 1812, which he contended was in every respect adapted to the wants of the Spanish people. Lord PALMERSTON stated that he had already answered in quiries on this subject; that it would be an inconvenient and unusual course to produce these despatches. He hoped the member would see no necessity to press it. Sir J. ELLEY thought the British government ought not to pursue such temporising conduct regarding Spain. The motion was eventually withdrawn. NEWSPAPER STAMP DUTIES BILL. Mr. Hots begged leave to ask the Chancellor of the Exche quer, under the belief that the clause which made it imperative on the proprietors of newspapers to have a separate die had been left out of the bill, whether it would not be possible fur him to give directions to the Stamp-office to furnish separate dies to such newspapers as might require them ? Mr. Rica apprehended that he could not answer the question directly, as he believed the clause had not been omitted; but, assuminit that it had, it was his intention to give to each news paper a distinctive die. There would be no kind of difficulty whatever in giving effect to the provisions of the clause, assum ing that it had been omitted, except so far as regarded the penalty, which could not be recovered or enforced unless by the authority of law. The effect aimed at, however, would be nearly as fully accomplished without a provision for that pur pose, for if any parties were to use any other than their own stamp, the fact must necessarily be made known to the whole country. BOROUGH JUSTICE ADMINISTRATION RILL The order of the day was then read for the house resolving itself into committee on this bill. Mr. L. CHARLTON contended that the house could not go into a committee on this bill, as it was a blank skin of parch ment, ann not the bill which was read a first time on Saturday last. It had not been read a first, and therefore could not have been read a second time. The house resolved itself into a committee on the bill, al though Mr. Charlton once more protested against the proceed ing on the Speaker's leaving the chair. Mr. CHARLTON proposed a clause to exempt the town of Ludlow from the operation of the bill. Mr. RIcE opposed the motion. He did not think there ex isted any special grounds for the exemption of that town ; legis lation should always proceed on general principles, without re ference to particular cases. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL very much doubted whether the bill would in any way affect the right and privileges possessed by the town of Ludlow. . . . After a short conversation the motion was withdrawn. The several clauses were agreed to without discussion; the house resumed; the bill was reported, and the standing orders having been suspended, read a third time and passed. The borough boundaries and borough funds bill were all com mitted, reported, and read a third time without observation. The paror•hial assessments bill went through committee; and the house was counted out during a discussion on the common fields enclosure bill. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. SPAIN. (From the Morning Herald of Wednesday.) A variety of reports have been circulated to-day respecting the situation of affairs in Spain, and the declaration of the consti tution of 1812. It is fully believed that Bilboa, St. Sebastian. and other places in that direction, have declared in favour of the constitution. In the north of Spain, however, the cause appeared to be not so much in favour as in the south. By the " Pigeon Express," it is said that distufbances had again broken out at Madrid. By the accounts of to-day, it appears impossible for the Queen's government long to prevent the people rising in favour of the constitution, at Madrid, and it is a subject of much speculation in the city what measures may be resorted to by the Queen in the present critical state of affairs. A belief is entertained that the influence of France will be used to bring about concessions to the public will, leav ing it to future chances to enable the government of Spain to uphold the prerogatives of the crown. Should disturbances take place in consequence of the resistance of the proclamation of the constitution at Madrid, it would be difficult for the Queen and court to escape any danger by flight except, indeed, they proceeded to the frontiers of Portugal, which is unlikely, and many persons believe that the Queen might seek protection of General Evans and his troops. The accounts received from the north of Spain to-day are not satisfactory. The troops under General Evans are still dissa tisfied, through not receiving their arrears of pay; and the re port circulated yesterday, that a large sum of money had been received from Bayonne, for the payment of a portion of the arrears, is not confirmed. The men continued to desert, and it is feared that the inactivity caused by the movements in favour of the constitution of 1812 may tend to a still greater state of disorganization. The Memorial Bordelais of the 12th instant says—" It appears that the diplomatic representatives of France and England at Madrid addressed on the 4th an official note to the Queen's Cabinet, announcing, that according to instructions from their respective courts, they should immediately cease all intercourse with Spain, and even demand their passport, if the authority of her majesty was violated, or if any essential alterations were made in the testamentary dispositions of the late King Ferdin and VII.; dispositions which they say, form, in the eyes of Europe, the basis of the legitimate rights of Isabella IL nese ambassadors are both at St. Ildefonso." PORTUGAL. The Lisbon papers cf the lOth state that the elections at Es tramadura have turned out favourably to the ministers. The party struggle," says the Lisbon English Journal, "between the ministerialists and the ultra liberals produced an unexpected crisis at the election rooms last Monday, in the return of nearly all the candidates in the former's interest, thus evincing by this determination a most praiseworthy union amongst the whole of the electors. The Dnke of Terceira acted as presi dent. When we consider the consequences of such a deviation from the only principle upon which Portugal can consolidate her government, we really must pay a high compliment to the members of that august assembly for taking an unanimous view of a subject which certainly required their united efforts and united determination to be placed on a basis of solidity and durability." On the whole, it is supposed that the ministers have secured a majority in the Cortes of not less than ten. The news of the movement in the Spanish capital had reached Lisbon, but very little notice is taken of it in the Lisbon papers. The Irish labourers have commenced coming to this country in great numbers to assist in the labours of the harvest. They are too early for the north, and have passed on to the southern counties. Acts of parliament have been obtainedthissession for near 11(X) miles of railway, requiring for rails, chairs, carriages, and other works, at least 220,000 thousand tons of iron, inde pendently of that required fur roads, for which bills had been previously obtained, and are now in active preparation ; these will amount to about 70,(XX) tons, snaking a total of about two hundred tons pri,bably in requisition for the next four years.— Nesseastle Journal. A conservative dinner on a grand scale took place at Taun ton, on Friday, Francis Popham, Esq., was chairman, and A. Adair, Esq., was vice-chairman, and the company consisted of nearly four hundred of the most influential inhabitants of the western division of the couutv.—Dorset Chronicle. WEST GIoCCESTER CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION.—The an nual dinner or this association took place at S dhury on Tues day, (Sir Bethel Cod rington, hart., in the chair) in a ,pacious booth erected expressly for the occasion, and tastefully decor ated with flowers, evergreens and banners. The company amounted to upwards of four hundred of the gentry, clergy, and yeomanry or the county, and the greatest unanitnity prevailed throughout the proceedings. MOI.I3.—TRIUNIPHI OF THE CHUIZCZ-I.—On our visit to Mold this last week on assize business, we found even in that respect able and loyal spot there were violent and discontented spirits whose favourite avocation was agitation and turmoil. A little knot of self important political dissenters, in the course of the week perched themselves on their agitating stilts, and attempted to " frighten the town from its propriety" at a general vestry meeting, by proposing that in future the organist's salary, and the singers' salary should not be paid out of the church rate. By dint of manteuvring they contrived to pack the meeting with a considerable number of their unscrupulous adherents, whn, when a show of hands was demanded, carried the resolu tion against the church. The constitutional party, however, demanded a poll, the result of which proved the scanty number of the revolutionary knot. Upon summing up the numbers there appeared for the motion 66. against it, 28 1 ; being a ma jority of 215 individual rate-payers, adverse to the proposition. Upon a legal declaration of the poll to-day, agreeably to the provisions of the act 58th Geo. 111., (commonly called Mr. Sturges Bourne's act) there appears upon the poll-book :—for the resolution propounded, 87, against it, 386; majority, 299. Chester Courant. CHESHIRE - CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION. STOCKPORT BRANCH—The second annual dinner of this patriotic association will take place at the Warren-Bulkely Arms Inn, on Wednes day the 24th inst. From the circumsti.nce of the 'invitation nut being confined to those who are members, and the high respect ability and great popularity of the president of the day, Sir M. Mainwaring, Bart. a numerous and interesting meeting is expected. Several of the leading gentry in the northern diem !lon of this county have already signified their intention of be ing present, and all gentlemen ;vho intend to dine should take their tickets as early as possible, as the large room at Ihe War ren-B. ulkeley A rms w ill on ly accommo d a te a limited number, and it may be r equ i s i te f or t h e stewar d s t o ma ke o ther arrange ments for the comfort of the guests.—Chester Courant. BUCKINGHAM'S " RINT." Among the list of subscribers published toward s th e purchase of an annuity for Mr. Bucking ham, appears the name of Lord F. Egerton. That noble lord has written to say th a t hi s name has been so inserted er roneously, and that he has no wish to take credit for an act of liberality which he has declined the invitation to perform. INGENIOUS WAY OP "DoiNo" ynE POST-oFFICE.—Many are the devices made use of by friends living at a distance from one another to communicate int eres ti ng scraps o f i n t e lli gence without increasing postage. Newspapers marked, or written upon the covers with " invisible ink," is the general way in which it was done ; but they are almost always detected, and charged accordingly. A very ingenious way was devised the other day by some person writing to a friend in Dublin ; he di rected the newspaper to " William Shall-safe Go:-letter Humby, Esq., which, as it might or might not be a name, could not be charged. The merchants of Uull have lately complained much of the Sound dues exacted by the Danish government at Elsinor e . Mr. Hutt, the member, has communicated with the Board of Trade, on this subject, setting forth the hardships of this case. The result will be collected from the following letter :—" Bo a rd of Trade, August 5, 1836. amdirected by Mr. Poulett Thomson, in reference to your letter upon the subject of Sound dues levied at Elsinore, to say that the only point on which he Could found a representation appears to be that of the Ordinary Poor Money, and on that point he has taken steps to represent the matter through Lord Palmerston, the Dz.nish government. have the honour to be Sir, your obedient servant, " William .Hutt, Esq., M.P. " ARTHUR, SYMONDS." Zi)r itibcrpool grtanbarb. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 19, 1836. Letters have been received in town from St. SebaS tian, of date the 9th and 11th instant, but their contents are not of any striking importance, with exception of the perfect state of disorganization, or insubordination in which more than half the regiments composing the legion were in on the sailing of the packet. Upwards of 400 of the 6th regiment were waiting to be sent home, their year's period of service having expired ; and they having peremptorily refused further service. The 3d regiment had also refused duty, until their arrear of pay was made up ; and a sharp conflict had taken place between a detachment of the Westminster grena diers. on the road to Santander with some Spanish troops. Cordova has resigned the chief command of the Queen's Northern army, and only acted as locum tenens for General Sarsfield, of which fact he had sent a dis patch to General Evans, who is only slowly recovering from his late illness. In the midst of all this Gomez traverses the Asturias to and fro with 5,000 men un molested' An attempt had been made by the exalt ad9s to proclaim the Constitution of 1812 at Santander, which failed ; but the movement is prograssing rapidly in other parts of Spain, and France is about to send an auxiliary additional corps of 10,000 men. The atten tion we feel it our duty to bestow to our domestic in terests, prevents our enlarging on these topics. The House of Lords on Tuesday evening were occu pied in discussing various bills before them, and from the great attention shown to these matters, it is evident that their lordships are not inclined to spare their labour when the interests of their fellow-subjects require either their scrutiny or their application. The two measures which took up the greater part of their lordships' atten tion, after the passing of the Greek loan bill in commit tee, on which Lord Melbourne delivered himself of rather a prosy speech on the foreign policy of this country with regard to Greece, and to which the Duke of Wellington replied in his usual straightforward manner, were the "civil offices declaration bill" and the "prisoners counsel bill. The first was freely debated, Viscount Duncannon having moved the second reading. The Duke of Wel lington moved "that the bill be read a second time this day three months," and objected to a bill of so much im portance having been hastily passed the Commons, and especially to its having been sent up to their lordships at so late a period of the session. Lord Wynford and the Archbishop of Canterbury spoke to the same effect; the former against the principle of the bill, as opposed to that on which the test and corporation act was founded. The Marquis of Bute, whilst admitting the principle M the bill, objected also to the lateness of its coming before their lordships, and concluded by saying "such a system would, he had no doubt, effect its own cure." The house divided, and the bill was lost by a majority of 16 ;—ayes 27, noes 43. The house then agreed to the " corporate property (Ireland) bill" after a slight verbal amendment, proposed by Lord Lyndhurst, and the report ordered for the following day (Wednesday.) The " prisoners' counsel bill," with the amendments of the commons, annulling the lords' amendments, was then discussed. Lord Lyndhurst illustrated the two se veral anomalies introduced into this bill by the com mons, the accused party in cases of treason, or misprison of treason, being deprived of the benefit of the last word, whilst in all other cases that advantage would be given. The second, (as in the case of an assault,) a man might proceed by indictment, or by civil action. In the former, the defendant's counsel would have the laSt word to the jury, whereas in the latter, arising out of the same case, the last word would be for the plaintiff ! Lord Lynd hurst, therefore, urged their lordships to maintain their amendments. The Lord Chancellor objected in rather an irregular form, and Lord Holland made an attempt to be jocular, by accusing the former noble and learned lord, " first, of throwing out the bills of others, whilst lie now was ending by throwing out his own," to which Lord Lyndhurst replied, that he only wished to get rid of the "incrustation," the bill had got " elsewhere." We would, however, here ask, what are the attorney and solicitor-general engaged about in the lower house to permit these anomalies? The motion for considering the amendments was assented to.' The great beggarman again ! This worthy has, in a strain of morbid rabidity, delivered himself •of his fare- well journeying speech to the "Justice Rent Associa tion," but, we regret to add, not his " last.dying speech," although the confession relating to his evil doings and designs may be turned to great advantage by our con servative brethren in Ireland, and on this side of the water especially, who must "be up and doing" after the warning now given them. This last display of Ireland's curse was nothing short of a hydrophobia paroxysm against toryzsm, or conserva tism, the former terrn'being merely used as a watchword to halloo on the pack of priestly and political revolution ists, and to entrap the unwary who may happen to re tain any feeling of latent prejudice against a party the most powerful, the most staunch, the most intelligent, the most protestant,arl the most successful that ever led the destinies of our proud empire in her historical or political career of varied interest from the time of the conquest downwards. Well, indeed, may this arch political ad venturer still dread the influence and power of such a party, the devotion and wisdom of which paralyzed even the genius of the conqueror of continental Europe, and tore asunder that colossal strength he had acquired by combined skill and human bravery in the field, and by suc cessful diplomatic policy in the cabinet during more than twenty years of inflexible ability and arduous exertion. Is the united remnant of this proud, this intelligent, this staple party living in Ireland's bosom, combining the property and intellect of the country, and marshalled not only for its own personal defence, but for the sacred cause of protestant freedom itself, to be triumphed over, nay, trampled down, by a mercenary wolf like this, clothed in t! false dress of liberality, acting the pert of hypocrisy with the most barefaced falsehood• and insc- assailin2; c!laracter, privilezes., and pos.-- sessions with fiendishmaiignity, without making seine united effort for one holy and just purpose—one moral display of Roman virtue—one devoted stand in the sacred cause of religion and of truth ? Forbid it heaven ! Infatuated Roman Catholic Irishmen may be deceived and hoodwinked, but Protestant Irishmen and Protestant Englishmen will not surely prostrate themselves igno miniously under the ponderous wheels of this paid Juggernaut of popery, rolling over the millions of de luded, sanguine, untaught peasantry of the sister king dom, as the political idol upheld alone by their sweat and toil—an impost extorted from them under the falacious and delusive pretext of extending their civil liberties, and of improving their moral condition with increased papal dominion and the pressure of priestly tyranny. What can he thought of this pretended foe to civil disturbance, who vomits forth the very vapour of sedition, and breathes the pestiferous breath of bigotry and re venge, whilst his serpent-forked tongue lisps the accents of forbearing policy to his open-mouthed hearers as re gards social outrage ? Will any man of plain sense value such protestations? In what estimation can any upright Englishman, having the uncontaminated blood of his forefathers flowing in his veins, hold this sycophantic pander to popular passion, who has the daring, uncon scious impudence, and the mean artifice to toast "the freedom of the prose," and in succeeding accents justify, or attempt to justify a restrictive registrative principle which would have laid all that is worth preserving of that freedom prostrate at the feet of his pitiful dependant hand of whig oligarchs, miscalled a government ? The as sumption of such arrogance can only be surpassed by the rank falsehood of his sustaining premises, the utter de pravity of his own ideas, and the contempt in which he ' must necessarily hold the judgment of his hearers. And what are the genuine pretensions of this great actor in the political drama of our social being ? Yet a little time, and we will measure his very inches. True it is, we take not the sock or buskin, nor wear the mask of arrant hypocrisy—the visor of dissimulation and je suitical dogma in our part, but we use a weapon which is capable, under judicious management, of restraining his course of downward evil more effectually than all the authority of that vacillating government which has crouched before the spectral illusien of his imagined power. Not so with us—no compromise with falsehood —"no surrender" to treacherous deceit ; we have buck led on our armour for the conflict, and will let both him and his priestly crew know and feel that we well under stand what is meant by the freedom of the press, and that before many days. If we may form our judgment from the tone, matter, and spirit of his lunatic address, we should say freely at once, that the man's case is truly desperate ; the cause itself must be worse than bad which can call for such a display of rabid passion, devoid alike of soul and senti ment, and destitute of all argument, nor can the sense less beings who cheer his exacerbations of envenomed feeling—his tropes of deceptive imagery—be entirely un worthy of our pity ; they form, it is true, a portion of that deluded, unreflecting multitude, who leave to others to think for them, and form no rational conception of the evil they entail on themselves or their posterity, by being the tacit dupes of a mere jesuitical pleader, a trafficker in social disturbance, and the arch calculator of self-interest, regulated solely by the moving spring of political disor. ganization. Oh, Irishmen, beware ! You stand, in deed, on the summit of a volcano of your own creation, the dark and dreary crater of which yawns beneath your, feet! How long will you allow your fair and beautifu land to be thus polluted ? Is the impassioned struggle of poverty against property, crowned with crime, the just medium for improving your social condition ? Let us appeal to your better judgment—to your national sense of chivalrous honour—to your moral courage—to your hearts, and we dread not the response ! We shall not attempt a thorough analysis at present of the speech of the " ousted of Dublin" to his deluded fol lowers, but merely content ourselves with giving an outline of the most striking points we deem suitable for our essential purpose—the application of the Antidote He commenced with a furious assault on Toryism, pre facing his attack by moving the appointment of a ' " Reporter of registry for each county and borough of Ireland." "We have arrived" said the wiley Jesuit, " at the most important crisis the country ever knew. If the popular party only succeed at one election more, the tories are gone for ever. If a parliament be formed composed of a majority of popular members, there is an end of Toryism." (Hear!) "It is for this reason that I would call this an awful and important crisis. One struggle now and Toryism is at an end for ever ! ! " This, then, is the expiring agitator's appeal; it forms the gist of all his bespattering of Grey, Anglesey, and Wel lington, his scarcasm against Stanley, and his ridicule of Plunkett, wound up into the narrow compass of a maddened expiring assault against Toryism ! He then recapitulated the rise upon the famous ma jority of ten which placed the Derrynane bull dog, and the whig Abercrombie terrier " cheek by jowl" in a certain unreformed assembly, (at all events in manners) up to eighty-six, on the Irish corporate reform question. " This, therefore," said he again, " is the struggle"— but he supported his illustration by advancing a glaring falsehood—a positive, palpable, falsehood—for, said he, " the tories have since, in every instance, been defeated in parliament"—defeated ! " False honour," says Horace, " assists, and lying slanders alarm none, save the re probate and the liar." And this is our answer to this barefaced assertion—this outrage on common decency— a mere rhetorical artifice, presumptuous in conception, and daring in execution—mais, nous verrous la suite, as the French pithily express it. Again, " if, upon the next election, they, the tories, are defeated, what pros pect have they of ever ralying ? never in the world. If they succeed, then a new contest begins, for we will never submit."—Amiable herald of Christian peace ! Now, we give you credit for sincerity in this last pledge, Mistlier O'Connell. Sed extremis malls, extrema reme dia, and that remedy we have for your evil designs— " fore-warned is half armed," saith the proverb, and we should he fools indeed, not to profit by your warning, although von may " faire le diable d quatre" by your grimaces in the interim ! Then the present Mayor of Northampton had a cut for his opposition to the Dissenters—yes the Dis senters—oh ! what a holy league, political popery united with radical dissent ! What say the conscientious de scendants and admirers of the pious Baxter, and the in flexible Bunyan to thiS appeal ? But poor lost Feargus O'Connor, thou prince of Irish Rads, after the slap in the face here given you, will you turn the other cheek, or will you not obediently crouch before Whig domi nion ? or shall we have to secure you a safe retreat in the " Circus" of Savage Gardens, over the door of which it is possible the " the death's head and cross bones" executioner may not dare the exhibition of hiS prowess ? Poor Mr. Feargus O'Connor,'We would ad vise you to take care of your natural living devoted head; and we would also advise Messrs. Savage, M'Connell and Co. to look to their avocation of a " new religion," for the brand is upon them, and their marrow bones may be in request ! Thus, what with be-slaver ing Lord Mulgrave with fulsome molasses, and ridi culing poor Lord Plunkett, the ever memorable " old almanac" man, admirer of " ancient history," and, in O'Connell phrase, incubus of the " present administra tion," for whom he, O'Connell, prescribed the use of a gossamer saddle and bridle," a freSh paroxysm arose, and displayed itself in one direful plunge of foaming ffi w rath at 7'he Times, the " organ of th e T or i es, " for having impiously styled the political priestly su pp orters of his own worthy immaculate self " surpliced ruans," and then this great Necromancer of the papacy wound u p his performance with a detail of the strength and workings of the Catholic rint as the momentum of his power, and which certainly merits our serious reflection. Assuredly the national "Justice Rent" Association in Dublin is presenting a formidable front—it is levying a heavy pecuniary contribution and raising large sums for an avowed object of evil design against the entire pro• testant interest and Church of Ireland. These once mo dest and moderate petitioners have fairly thrown off their mask—they think no longor of at. from Parlilment, awl the justice of the British nation, what they once termed a boon, but demanding as a rig,fht, they talk as arrogantly as if we would permit them to carry the re maining citadel of our constitution by storm ! Truly, have we to lament, the infatuation under which some of our best leading men lent themselves to measures whir;. have alone produced this papal boldness. True it is, we have lived to see a papist Earl Marshal attendant on our Protestant King—an anomaly in principle and in prac • tice ! We have seen Roman Catholic members admitted to decide, as it were, the fate of our Protestant Church in the British House of Commons—admitted to minor offices of state. But do they, or these their associated leaders, imagine that, led on by their champion, they have only to bluster and to demand, till at length they seat, at will, a Papist on the Woolsack in their reformed House of Lords, and place the scales of justice in the hands of some others of the Holy Father's tools ? l i Money, these liberal worthies well know, will perform wonders, especially in unhappy Ireland, where it is wrung, by O'Connell's own showing, in fractions from the almost famished peasant, under the priestly threat and penalty of eternal punishment, if he refuse his aid to what he is taught to believe is the cause of his reli gion; but in reality solely calculated upon by the de signing political knaves, as the means of augmenting in directly the number of ayes in that house which is to control the destinies of this united kingdom. We have then much to fear and much to contend against; but still have we the power of safety if we will be true to our selves—true to our principles, that we may redeem in part the error of past legislation, and false doctrines of expediency, the fallacies of which shine forth as the sun at noon-day. Ireland, after all, is but a part of the em pire—a portion of the united kingdom—a subdivision of one great social family; as such, she has an equitable right to the privileges of its laws, but as such she is only a comparative small minority of the whole, neither do the particular circumstances of her condition, nationally or morally, admit of a perfect assimilation ; and hence, she has no valid, no reasonable - pretext to injure the in terests of the many for the sake of gratifying the ambi tion of the few. This is our argument. "No POPERY" is our rallying shout, our answer to the papal manifesto of the "justice association;" may every wall resound With the cry at the approaching contest, come when it may, and then shall we either convert the Roman Catho lic spell-bound or admiring whig, and the palavering, wavering, half•bred protestant, or rid the senate of their apostacy to the constitution in church and state; and, if • needs be, expunge from the statute book itself that act, which has enabled our avowed enemies to preach treason, and to proclaim sedition with impunity. Our conserva tive brethren have the field before them ; we have hum bly beat the cover ! That gallant soldier, amiable gentleman, and intelli gent senator, General Sir George Murray, has accepted the invitation of 700 householders of the city of West minster to stand for that borough, in the event of any early vacancy, conditionally, should no vacancy in the interim arise in the counts- of Perth, to the constituency of which Sir George considers himself bound by strong ties of gratitude and local interest. We hail the opulent borough of Westminster in the prospect thus offered, of its becoming emancipated from that condition of political degradation to which it has so long been subservient. From what we personally know of Sir George Murray, we are assured that a more competent and thoroughly honourable man to fill the important trust of represent ing the first borough in the empire, could not possibly have been selected; and the retirement of Sir Thomas Cochrane from the field in his favour displays a high sense of gentlemanly bearing and independent patriot ism. Let the Whigs look to it—their days are assuredly numbered. By a reference to the account of the proceedings at the Crown and Anchor, at Westminister, on Monday, it will be seen, that the English republicans have hoisted their standard, against " the powers that be," even the " juste millieu" whigs—have promulgated their consti tution, and issued their manifesto, or proclamation in a string of five resolutions, the fourth of which is only worthy of a place in our leading article. Namely, " That the principal defect alleged against the constitu tion (Spanish) of 1812—' that it is without a House of Peers'—is not one on which the people of England are, at this moment, DISPOSED PREREMPTORILY TO INSIST ! ! !" 0, unhappy whigs ! This is another sorry manifes tation of the dispensation from above, which hovers over the " destinies" of the Spanish people; whilst it places you, and your foreign sect etary, in a position so truly pitiable, that you run the imminent risque of becoming in a very few days the laughing stock of the cabinets of Europe, for your imbecile policy, it also places you once more before the world of Englishmen—free-born up. right, independent, reflecting Englishmen, in the humi liating position of being solely dependent for place and power on the sweet voice of Radicalism, and " That a breath can mar ye as a breath has made," the worthies of the Crown and Anchor—the marrow bone legislators. Messrs. Murphy, Prentice, and Co. dispensing then with the "dispensation from above," have proclaimed, in the name (but not with the authority) of the British na tion, that the question of a House of Peers, for Spain, is not one on which " the people of England" are, at this moment, disposed peremptorily to insist. Well done, Murphy ! This is as it should be; nothing like taking the "bull by the horns." Now is the time to make the recreant whigs feel the weight of your impor• tance in the state, as the great Roman Catholic potatoe dealer, and " black diamond merchant," leader of the vestry of Saint Pancras, and active guardian of the move ment in the parish of Saint Marylebone ! Certes, after this solemn, dignified installation of your junta, it will be morally impossible for Lord Johnny, Lord Lambikin, or even " red herring" Rice, to move one peg without your counsel and consent, and that of your confederated band of jacobinical adventurers. Bravo for the radicals ! But, still a louder bravo for conservatism, for the enemy have unfurled their colours—have shown aloft the diabolical nature of their wishes and intentions; and the natural result will be, increasing union, energy of ac tion, and promptitude of purpose, with the loyal and the gOod throughout the land. In days gone by, when whigs and radicals were out side the Treasury walls, and their mouths were watering for those good things called place and pay—things which the aforesaid worthies stand generally in need of—we heard huge clamours against these abominations, and the public press of that patty were very vehement in de nouncing pensioners, placemen, &c. Now, however, that a considerable number of these gentry are ensconced in the places once occupied by better men, they have proved that a more corrupt, jobbing, and place-bunting set does not breathe the pure air of heaven. Witness their toasts too on the liberty of the press, and the ma jesty of the people. The whig prosecutions of the public press, during the last thirty years, and the poor law bill, are striking illustrations of the inconsistency of these malcontents. Degenerated in breed, and debased in character, the whigs of the present day are a mongrel pack, no more to be compared to the Chathams and Sheridans of a former period than the fetid water o a ditch to the blue and sparkling wave of the Atlantic. We now look in vain for the high and lofty bearing of the statesman and the gentleman, whose manly English feeling would have spurned contamination with the beg garly pack " whose howlings are heard upon the western breeze, and whose cry alone denotes plunder." The wheels of the government of England are put in motion by men devoid of principle, aliens in respect to our insti tutions, the subjects of a foreign yoke, which arrogates to itself the right of absolving its votaries from all alle giance to monarchs who are styled heretical, and which has been, and ever will be, the deadliest foe to liberty that the world has witnessed. Yes, it is a humiliating fact, but it is true, that Great Britain is at this moment lying prostrate before papal domination, and that wither ing power, like the upas tree, is fast spreading its deadly influences around us. And are the descendants of the whip of 1796 found, as one man, opposing the system A tc;t:rr 19, 1536, which, with specionis k entwining itself round the institutions of the land ? No ! the future his torian will have to record the disgraceful coalition which is now existing between the paid agent of the popish priesthood and the degenerate whip, under the imms , diate leadership of the more degenerate descendant of Lord William Russell ! And he will have to record the fact, that for some years the government of Britain was conducted by a race of men devoid of talent—many of them bankrupt in principle—opposed by nine-tenths of the landed and commercial property of the country, and under whose baneful sway " the meteor flag of England" has been insulted and disgraced. And as it is in her parliament, which presents to view an O'Connell, a Waklev, a buncombe, a Gully, and a Ewart, (and it would be impossible for us to descend much lower,) so it is in her municipal councils, where men of no pretensions but to impudence —no creed but expediency—no politics but democracy, no principle but the love of place and power—no ability but that of making themselves con temptible—are now to be found scattered throughout the land, an infliction upon the country for its disloyalty, and a just punishment for its rejection of respectability. And is Liverpool an exemption from the general rule? Let us see whether the virus of reform has not ino culated Liverpool, and whether we are much healthier than any of our municipal neighbours. The liberals Of this town, in common with those of the empire, have al ways advocated ECONOMY, IMPARTIALITY, DETESTATION AT A MUL TIPLICATION OR CREATION OF PEERS, AN ABHORRB NOE OF PENSIONS, THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. As the occupants of those magnificent chairs in our council chamber, the very cost of which diove that poor scribbling Wootton magistrate, of the Russia ducks, half wild, have for years been screaming at the want of eco nomy in public men, let us take a retrospective view of some of their proceedings since they were installed in those chairs—so much superior to those in which many of them sit at home. It is amusing to look at the files of the Liverpool papers for the few weeks preceding the municipal election, in December last. We really re commend our readers to look over the splendid promise! of the liberal Munchausens, many of whom were after wards elected. Economy ! economy ! ran through every line of every address—the people swallowed the bait, and soon, very soon they will be made to feel the hook- Well, some sixty of these promissory notes were sent for presentation, in the expectation that they would be as good as cash. Were they fictitious ? The first of No vember next must answer the question. The popular gale having whisked them into the Town'• • hall, they began the work of economy. We had a most expensive establishment, they said, a long tail that re quired shortening. The Town-clerk, Mr. Foster, was a man of talent, well versed in the knowledge of the extent, and resources, and management of the corporate estate- No flaw could be found in his character, no ignorance of law, no good ground for his rejection. But he was a conservative, independent in spirit, and disdained to crouch. He carried no plush cloth to lay with unseemly humility beneath the feet of the council, to help them over the dirty places. So, as it is a fundamental princi ple of radicalism, that no man shall be permitted to think or act with independence who fills any official situation , Mr. Foster was discharged, and, in the true spirit of economy, the town has to pay him £2,500 per annum for his life, as a compensation for the loss of his official emoluments. Mr. Foster's salary, paid by the corporation, was £5 OO per annum, the rest was paid by fees of office and law business; but a Mr. Chameleon Radcliffe was found, who had been, like the Hampshire Cupid, all things to all men, but who happened just at that time to be a whig or something more, and who had been very serviceable to" the knot of socinians in their opposition to church and state, during the few months preceding, and forthwith , at the dictum of that ill-favoured genius, the vinegar' cruet of the council, who, in lieu of his equivocal broad' brim, ought to have his head decorated with cap a nd bells,—was foisted into the vacant office, and the im posing name of " Radcliffe, Town-clerk " has since, in snow white placards, dazzled the visual organs of the in habitants, in every street. £2,500 a-year, "neither less nor more," is the reward of Mr. Radcliffe's attachment to radicalism—of cours e the frequent journeys to London will be at his own ex pense. We shall, however, be curious and, perhaps, cruel enough to remark upon the nice items of travelling expenses, &c., which will, undoubtedly, occupy more units than one in this year's expenses. Now, as whigs are proverbially aristocratic, and in office, usually indolent, (with the glorious exceptions of Lords Melbourne and Glenelg, whose prodigious exer tions are duly appreciated,) and as the Town-clerk's office was one of dignity, and its very sign manual was lordly—it was deemed right that Mr. Radcliffe should Have a. footman as well as hi s wors hi p ; an d a sm art, active fellow having presented himself, who had proved that he could sign objections, give people unnecessary trouble, and write grammatically, and who was also a friend of the cruet, it was almost unanimously resolved, that this young whig would be a most economical pur chase, and, for the good of the town, he was accordingly phylacterized and stitched to the hem of Mr. TOO clerk's garment, at the moderate price of £7OO a-year' One reservation was made—that it was not necessary for him to wear the scarlet plush unmentionables nor the gold hat-bands which denote the other footmen, and r° doubt was entertained of his docility and obedience. Then came the Treasurer. No man could surely ob ject to Mr. John Deane Case. No man ever waited upon him, either in his official or private capacity, who did not find in him the courteousness of the gentleman, and the aptitude of a man of business. But the leprosy of eon" servatism clung to him, and it mattered not to the coun cil that the public had a right to look to it for the mos t efficient servants, without reference to their private feel ings on political questions. A Mr. Wybergh, who had been a busy fellow at the Reform Association, require d providing for, and Mr. Case was pensioned ofrat 1:5 01 per annum, to make room for Mr. Wybergh, whom nobody in the town knew, and whose pretensions to the offir were founded only on his gratuitous services to the 111 " dical body. How long Mr. Wybergh is to do his duty at his present salary, will, in a great measure depen d npon the next election. The magisterial office had bee t : filled gratuitously, and who will say that justice had u°' been for years dispensed with impartiality and ability ?. But in the true spirit of econonu/—a radical barris te ci t was elevated to the bench at £l,OOO per annum , al l almost immediately afterwards, in the true thimble-rig fashion, this was raised to £1,300 per annum ! ! the old surveyor was pensioned off at £soo—and a new °I I . elected, a whig of course, at £7OO per year, with a Pro'. pect of increase. Of this functionary we know but if common report be correct, the coruscations of ff it genius, are never likely to set the Mersey on fire would detain us too long to dwell on minor appointme rlts ; such as coroner, &c., but it is only justice to the cou i r i, to state one fact, in which their pledges were fullY re- deemed. Mr. John Sudlow was treasurer's clerk ; —'tis tru e he d was a faithful servant, an admirable accountant, a nd ha ., been about twenty years in the corporate service. d father, too, had spent his whole life in their service, an when he died universally regrette d an d b e l o ved for hi d ' integrity and virtues, he died a poor man, for he has lived an honest and blam e l es s lif e . B u t his son h ad most extravagant salary —no less than 250 gui ne3 , s 6 e year! and some £5O a dditi ona l f or t h e c harge o' " wine cellar. Thi s , t h e pu bli c w ill b e li eve , was too mu c k the council thou g ht so t oo , an d M r. J o h n Sudlovv's salar y 0 was forthwith recommen d e d to b e re duced fora t o guineas to 250 sovereigns a-vear, by which there vi' ten have been a clear gain to the public of twelve poun ds f shillings per an num ! !! enoug h t o have driven J ' se ` ib Hume wild with delight. make this It is only j ust i ce t o th e cor poration to ma 1 _ as known, as it i s pl easan t t o u s to praise suc h " l " 5 these where so much is deserving of censure. We hope that the discarded officers of the coerporatit°hlle may all live another half century at least, to n oio tt ni he a ir y officials s egrantedolu emoluments, s as s com pensationthe irn f n o u r a t l phealloins se foll and the 16, tig the libe abo thei of t ti.on with port The dray • publ to k' ball. A oblig lie of free ride liber prim will ranni Cot 9 to 1: has t; nt. 2ce8, 11 deferr Sion, t openii Genet Bond: North 112 ; per Ce In tl Bright Green Weste Dry R Con: 29. P The Chamb his Ma the 29t night, ing, at on pro: submits which i next, a Alelbot Dutical the Ch i Pouleu The last eN troops , from line of the Guz of the T number in Iv hic eempat We u the Cas h fi e ll Al r e s d o r n w e t t i cheerin, 17. Th their du and det The ( there si 11 , 1 house tc action jud o:Lei damage Plaintiff the Alb, entlett ortnatic quene e (which PRA a f, the defe adviser tiff' s o f f both we • the door 'Paper of valled• lett er altl Plaintiff would sl ohservit the tette !Lao a st 41 , ,i LONDON TIMES AND EVENING MAIL, M E c.,q E Public I, r - 4:tfully- informed. thjt THE - TIM 4 , 2•; . ari.ives l Xl'ifESti every. Morning at Half-past Seven, and will be on Sale at the Office, No. 48, Lord-street. THE EVENING MAIL three days per week, post — Price 7d. Advertisements and communications for the ,ditor are re quested to be left at the Office, as above, as a Parcel is for warded to the TIMES-OFFICE Nightly. L. T. GASKILL, Agent. THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL. For the BENEFIT of Mr. VALE, and the Last Night of his Engagement. Fifth Night of Mr. LIONEL GOLDSMID, who s acquired so much celebrity in ihe London Theatres, and w o is engaged for this and the ensuing week. Last Week but One of Mr. HENRY HORNC STLE, of the Theatre-Royal, Drury-lane. rrtH IS present FRIDAY, the 19th instant, will be performed the Musical Play of IN iALE AND YARICO. Sir Christopher Curry.. Mr. Baker Inkle.. Mr. W. H. Bland, Trudge.. Mr. Vale I Campley.. Mr. Henry Horneastle. Yarico Mrs. W. H. Bland, (late Miss Somerville.) At the end of the Opera, A CHINESE PAS DE 'rums, by Messrs. T. and .1. RIDGWAY and JON AS, and the Comic Song of "The Good Old Days of Adam and Eve," by Mr. VALE. After which, the Farce of CATCHING AN HEIRESS. Tom Twizg..ll , ll.l.ioneiGoldstnicl. in which character he wi introduce the Comic Songs of "Bartholomew t' air," and " The Calais Packet." Caroline Gavton ....Miss Chaplin To conclude with DON GIOVANNI. . Don Giovanni..Nlr. Henry Horneastle I Leporeilo—Mr. Vale. Donna Anna.... Mrs. W. I-I. Filmic'. On SATURDAY, the favourite Play of the CASTLE SPECTRE. In the course of the Evening, TWO COMIC SONGS. by Mr. LIONEL GOLDSMID. After which, the Musical Farce of T.:IE WATERMAN. To conclude with the Farce of THE LADY AND E DEVIL. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We must offer an apolny to our subscribers in town and coun try for the late delivery of their papers on Tuesday last. The length of our assize intelligence prevented our going to press before seven o'clock, a. m. The Memorial of the House of Assembly, Jamaica, shall be noticed in our next. " Lines on Zelinda" are declined. " A. Z." complains of " being fettered with reason and com mon sense six days in the week." We desire him to write no more in his utifiittered state, as we have no taste for com munications which are devoid of common sense. We have no room for the letter on the subject of" water tanks."