The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-06-25 00:00:00

years ago Lord Melbourne denounced as a madman the per son who would deprive the agriculturists of protection. They had heard that last year Lord Melbourne said it would shake society to its foundations to agitate such questions. They had heard that Lord John Russell sneered at those who would throw two or three millions into a state of s by in starvation abolishing protection. (Hear, hear.) Now, if these mi nisters had, on being defeated the House of Commons, re signed their office, and, when out of office, they had brought forward the cry of cheap bread in order to get into o ffi ce again ; if, having denounced that question in office, they then propound it for the acceptance of the public out of office, would not, he asked, one uniform shout of scorn and derision salute their ears ? (Hear; hear.) But what was the differ ence, if men, being out of o ffi ce, bring forward a question they previously denounced in order to get it again, and men actually on their death-beds—(laughter and cheers)—a n d driven from o ffi ce, bringing forward in order to retain place? He could not dis t inguish between them. (Cheers.) But what was the question ? Was it not one between the home and the foreign grower i ? W as it not a que s ti on be tween supporting the farmer n this country, and the farmer in a foreign country? (Hear.) Let the electors try the case by example. He would not talk to them about growing bar ley, or oats, or wheat in that district, bec ause it was too near the town, and little of it was grown there ; but there were many of them who had gardens, and who grew produce for the supply of the town. How would they like the foreigner, by the aid of steam-boats, to bring fruit f rom f ore i gn coun tries in fair competition with theirs ? He suspected that the grower of fruit in England would be very little benefited in such a case. (Hear, hear.) All he asked for the farmer was fair protection from the competition of the foreigner; be cause he, as well as the grower of fruit, had to pay a number of rates, such as the police-rate, the bighway-rate, the church rate, and the tithes, from which the foreigner, who ought to be kept out of the market, was exempt. (Hear, hear.) Again , how would they like French shoes and b oo t s to b e sold in England in fair competition with the English ? They might tell him that they were sold here already ; but then it should be recollected that they paid a duty of 30 per cent. Still, however, such competitio n was di s lik e d b y the English shoe maker. (Hear, hear.) Why, then, should the English farmer be excluded f rom prote c ti on ? (Cheers. ) But ag a in ; no gentleman could go i n t o Switzerland without being as tonished to see the nu m b ers o f peop l e belonging to that coun try who were employed in making watches ; and that exten sive manufacture affected the English trade. (Hear, hear.) A duty of 30 or 40 per cent. was imposed, and those who wished to buy a showy watch instead of a good one—(hear , hear) — were enabled so t o d o ; f or h e would rather wear, as he did, one Liverpool watch than twenty Geneva ones. (Great cheers.) H e suspected the English watchmaker . would be unwilling to put his good work in competition with the foreign bad, which might look well, but which would'nt go. (Great laughter, and renewed cheers.) The learned gentleman pro cee d e d at some length to address himself to the topics of cheap sugar, ch ea p ti m b er, t h e new poor-law, religious education, the acts of the present ministry, and wound up an excellent speech by a general exposition of his principles, and a solemn assuarance that from the mainte nance of those principles he should never, under any circum stances, depart. He then resumed his seat amid loud ap plause. Mr.. ADAM HODGSON proposed the first resolution, to the effect that Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell had eminently entitled themselves to the support of the electors. If the constituency wished to maintain the constitution which had been transmitted to them, if they wished to transmit it to their children and their children's children, he called upon them to pause before they gave their votes to any person who would sustain an administration which had conducted itself as the present had done, and to show their fidelity to their country, as they expected their representatives to show their fidelity to them, by sending men to parliament who would strenuously uphold the institutions of the country. (Cheers.) Mr. DOVER seconded the first resolution. Mr. SHAND proposed the second resolution. Dr. JOHNSON seconded the resolution. They should re collect that they had subtle and cunning enemies to contend against, who were up early and late, and who were using the utmost perseverance. He mentioned the fact in order to the electors that caution wills necessary, that indolence in the cause might be attended with calamitous effects. (Loud cheers.) Lord SANDON then proposed the thanks of the meeting to the chairman, Mr. Leigh, upon whom he passed a very high encomium, and concluded by hoping that that gentleman would shortly enter the Town-hall as the first conservative mayor. (Cheers.) Mr. CRESSWELL seconded the motion, and it was carried by acclamation. The CHAIRMAN having returned thanks, a general call was made for Mr. James Aspinall to address the meeting. Mr. ASPINALL accordingly presented himself and was loudly cheered. He had not intended, he said, to intrude himself on their notice, because he felt himself quite unequal to the task of addressing them ; but, being called upon, he was glad to have that opportunity of contradicting one of the most atrocious placards which had ever been placed on the walls of Liverpool. (Hear, hear.) He was proud to say, for the honour of the town, that it had not been printed within the borough, but that it, as well as many of the others on the walls, had been printed in Manchester and Loudon, and had been sent down to Liverpool by the Anti-Corn-Law League, merely to inflame the minds of the people. He wished, however, to allude particularly to the atrocious placard he had mentioned before. (Hear, hear.) It asked, Who are the two men who, by the passing of the new poor-law, sepa rate the wife from the husband in the workhouse ?" and the answer given was, " Sandon and Cresswell." That was the atrocious falsehood. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The next question was, " Who introducedC the new' poor-law into Liverpool ?" to which the answer " James Aspinall" was given. That was a more atrocious falsehood than the first — (loud cheers)—but he hoped it would recoil on the head of the ambitious man who sought for their suffrages on the pre sent occasion. It was quite true that he (Mr. A.) was the chairman of the guardians of the poor. It was quite true that there were twenty-five guardians over the poor, and he thanked God that these twenty-five guardians were all con servatives. (Continued cheering.) But so long as his hum ble voice could be raised against that atrocious measure, the new poor law, so long should it be raised against it. (Applause) He sat at the board as the guardian of the poor, and so long as breath was in him, as long would he be the friend of the poor. (Renewed applause.) Whenever the poor went to the radicals to seek support, they were never to be found. (Hear, and a laugh.) The placard in question, however, was only another clap-trap among the many put forward by the opposite party on the present occasion, to secure the votes of the conservatives in favour of their expiring faction. But what had this expiring ministry done? Not content with clap-traps, they had a little to do with money matters just now. For what had Hannibal, the father of the Plun ketts, done? Why, he retired on a pension of £4OOO a-year, because he found that if he remained in he would shortly be turned out ;—(a laugh)—accordingly, he had retired to make room for that wily Scotchman, Sir John Campbell, the attor ney-general, who was to be made Lord Chancellor of Ireland, who would also fall in by and by for £lOOO a-year more. These were some of the acts of the present ministry. (Hear, and cheers.) He (Mr. A.) begged of the electors not to think victory too certain, and to remember the year 1832, when they thought they had victory in their hands, but in a moment it was wrested from them. (Hear.) How ? By the supineness of the electors. (Hear, hear.) They should be ever on the watch, therefore, against their adversaries, for he spoke from authority and advisedly when he said that there was a secret committee, called a " watching committee," on the other side, ready at any moment to take advantage of the. conservative electors, and gain, at any cost, conservative votes. Their object was, not to obtain the victory by a fair representation of their opinions, but by means of any clap trap that might be likely to succeed. He warned the conser vative electors against these men ; he warned them to be at their posts and to do their duty ; he wained them for the sake of their Protestant queen to be up and stirring. They heard nothing of the queen at present on the other side—the • radicals having found out that the conservatives were the best friends of her majesty. (Hear, and cheers.) As they loved their queen, their church, and their country, he be seeched—he implored of the conservatives to do their duty— to watch their own interests sedulously, and to be at their posts at eight o'clock on Tuesday morning, in order to record their votes in favour of the two excellent men who had so faithfully represented them in parliament. (Vehement ap plause.) The meeting then separated. ST. ANN'S AND LIME-STREET WARDS. The electors in these wards assembled on Wednesday night in the school-room belonging to Christ Church, for the purpose of meeting Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell, and taking measures to ensure their return. The place was crowded to excess by au enthusiastic body of conservatives, who received the candidates in a manner that must have been highly gratifying to them. On the motion of Mr. YATBS, seconded by Mr. STE PHENSON, James Parker. Esq., one of the conservative re presentatives for St. Ann's Ward in the town council, was called to the chair. -- The CHAIRMAN, after a few introductory remarks, said, were he to allude to the able, faithful, and constitutional ser vices rendered in the late parliament by Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell, not only to the good old town of Liverpool, but to the country at large, he might also add on the part of the conservatives, that they owed those gentlemen a debt of gratitude which would secure to them future support. (Loud cheers.) If he wanted evidence to prove the value of their services, he would take the electors to that wealthy and in fluential body of men—the warehouse owners, to the cottage Owners' Association, to the Licensed Victuallers' Associa tion, and to every individual, whatever kis politics, who had bad occasion to apply to them for advice, and assistance. All these would bear him out in the assertion that the hon. gen tlemen were invaluable to the town of Liverpool. (Cheers.) He could not sit down without alluding to one part of Lord Sandon's speech the other day, where he alluded to the sys tem of national education supported by her majesty's minis ters. If one measure more than another tended to the over throw of protestantism in this country it was that system of education, introduced as it was by the popish faction, and supported by all the arts of Mr. O'Connell. (Hear.) We had our own O'Connell, and our own popish faction, in the town council of this borough ; and that faction—but their days were numbered—(cheers)—had hitherto been carrying out that system, thus casting a stain upon the town which nothing could wipe away but the expulsion from power of every one who voted for the introduction of the Irish system. (Cheers.) He did not pretend to be a prophet, or the son of a prophet, but he thought that within two years these words would be verified: (Cheers, and cries of " aye in one.") We had brought against our two distinguished candidates, a phantom, a whistle, Lord Palmerston, a man who had been a public character for thirty years, and who, during the the whole of that time had been in every administration, and never missed one single quarter day. (Cheers.) He would in speaking on this subject, draw the particular attention of the freemen to the fact that Lord Palmerston had always voted to disfranchise them of their just rights, (Hear.)—and that if the ministry had carried the measures of which he had been so strenuous an advocate, the old freemen would not, this day, have had a vote to record in favour of the con servative candidiates. (Hear, hear.) He hoped this would be recollected against the noble lord at the election next week. (Cheers.) As to his colleague Sir Joshua Walmsley, whom he (the chairman) knew personally, and respected in private life, he regretted he had been so ill-advised as to come forward as a candidate, and he believed he would have to regret it himself. (Hear, hear.) The chairman concluded by introducing Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell. Lord SANDON then rose to address the meeting, an d was received with most vehement cheering. He accepted, he said, as the promise of the victory which we were so shortly to reap upon the hustings—of that great national victory which we were about to gain—the circumstance that they had in the worthy chairman a gentleman who so lately had succeeded in rescuing one of the wards there assembled from the thraldom in which it had so long been kept by the radical party. It was impossible that they who had so lately dis tinguished themselves and their ward, by purifying them selves successfully from the contamination of radical, and therefore dangerous, principles, should suddenly turn round, and, after having asserted those high principles which actu ated them iu the municipal election, desert them, and not be successful in the parliamentary election. (Hear, hear.) He was sure that the same spirit which enabled them suc cessfully to turn the current of popular opinion in these two wards, and place as their representatives in the town-council men of sound constitutional, religious, and protestant opi nions—(cheers)—would likewise enable them to send to the great council of the nation men who should represent the same constitutional and protestant feelings in that still greater an d more important sphere. (Cheers, and a cry of" Bravo.") He was exceedingly obliged to the worthy elector who had given hini that token of fri en dl y encouragement, for it re quired a little cheering of that kind to enable himself and his learned colleague to go through the fatigues to which they were exposed in a canvass of this kind. (Cheers.) They bad spun a long yarn, and not only one yarn, but many ; - but he must say that their yarns were always of the same substance—of the true sort, long and strong, and would nei ther yield nor be destroyed: (Hear, and cheers.) The people of Liverpool would not be seduced by the representations of their brother spinners in Manchester, who spun long yarns teo, but whose yarns were not so lasting as the principles with which the conservatives were enabled to rivet and en chain the attention of the country. (Hear, hear.) The gentlemen of Manchester seemed to think, that as the gen tlemen of Birmingham boasted of having carried the reform bill, they also must enjoy the pre-eminence of carrying a great change into the whole commercial and manufacturing industry of the country ; they seemed to think they had a right to organise a league out of their miserable impover ished funds, wretched beggars as they were , an d su b scr ib e their hundreds of pounds each to it, for the purpose of en gaging in the extensive and expensive crusade of converting to their opinions all the rest of the country. (Long and con tinued cheering.) They told us at one time that they were impoverished to the last degree, that they were carrying on a losing trade, and that our manufactures were leaving the country, that they were obliged to yield to the competition of foreign countries, yet in the same breath they told us that the Chamber of Commerce would buy the whole House of Peers! (Cheers.) How they were able to reconcile the two assertions, he knew not ; but this was not the only instance in which their statements were found to contradict each other. (Hear.) How did they argue the question of free trade ? To the farmer they said it would not lower the price of 'corn ; to the mechanic they said it would ; to the farmer they said, " If you lower the price of corn, you will lower the price of labour," but to the mechanic they said that " wages would not be reduced at all." (Hear, hear.) We should find, indeed, if we examined their writings, their speeches, and their addresses made in different parts of the country, that they literally pursued the apostolic injunction, for they " became all things to all men;" and that they used differ ent arguments, though they contradicted each other, for every diflerent community according as each suited their in terest. (Hear, hear.) But they could not all be true; per haps they were all false. (Hear.) He (Lord Sandon) be lieved the question to be one of very great difficulty, upon which the minds of men of the greatest ability, and of the moat unblemished integrity, had been exceedingly divided. It was not a question that could be satisfactorily discussed in the crowd and agitation of a popular election. (Hear, hear.) He thought the people of Liverpool had reason to say with regard to this question, that they would put some confidence in those whom they had hitherto found their friends—in those who, by a long course of service, had shown themselves attached to and interested in the town and trade of Liverpool—in those whom even their•opponents were obliged to confess had at least shown some 7-51 and anxiety for the welfare and trade of the port, and lb—, not, for the sake of self-interest, neglected those in terests. He did not think it would be well for this country to enter into a free competition in corn with foreign coun tries, unless we were prepared to make all things equal—to come to the same amount of taxation, to get rid of the na tional debt, which as honest men we were bound to pay to the national creditor—to lower generally the wages of the working classes to the level of those in the countries whose corn we should consume ; unless we were prepared to enable those who had fixed engagements to lower their engagements with their creditors, and in the same proportion change the value of money to that standard of price which a free trade in corn would bring about, we should inflict extensive ruin and misery. We were not beaten out of competition in foreign markets ; we were labouring no doubt under a tem porary depression. Those who had had experience in mer cantile affairs must confess that this country, and every other, must be exposed to occasional fluctuations in her prosperity. They must know that the stimulus of price would occasionally stimulate a supply beyond the natural demand of the market ; and when that result had been ob tained, and the various markets had been deluged, it was ini possible there should not be a reaction from the excess. (Hear, hear.) But we bad seen, from time after time, these periods of stagnation, painful as they were, by the watchful care of government, pass away, and periods of prosperity re turn ; and he believed if the government of the country had looked more carefully to her interests, and been less engaged in party conflicts, less engaged bidding high for the support of a few votes upon both sides, and sacrificing one interest after another, just for the purpose of obtaining a little more support in the divisions of a single night, there would have been more confidence among mercantile men, more steadi ness of employment, and more of that kind of security ,which justified men embarking fearlessly and liberally in in the undertakings of commerce and manufactures. (Cheers.) The noble lord then, in allusion to a placard which had recently been issued, expressed his conviction that in proportion as we had high prices in corn we had high wages, and that the comforts of the labouring classes were better provided for under the existing system than they would be were it changed. If we looked at the evidence of these free-trade philosophers themselves, when not thinking at the effect of their assertions, it would be seen that they admitted the comforts of the labouring classes of this country to be superior to those of every other country except the United States. 'When he said "except the United States," was it because corn was cheap there ? No ; it was because that was a thinly-peopled country, where the demand for labour was greater than the supply; and in such a case, whatever the price of corn might be, no doubt the price of labour was high. (Hear, hear.) Land was there cheap, labour was dear, and therefore wages were high; but crowded together as we were it was impossible for us to enjoy the same advantages. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) No doubt over-trading was one of the reasons of the present temporary stagnation of commerce. Every market in the world had been overstocked, and till that surplus had been exhausted, we could not expect a returning trade; but at the same time, upon consulting with some of the most eminent merchants in this town, he had the strongest conviction that the tide was already turning, and that very soon the channels of industry would be filled again. (Cheers.) Another rea son of the depression was the state of our greatest custom ers, the United States, with their banks breaking one after another, totally destroying commercial credit ; and another the state of our relations wtth China, by which a very large and profitable commerce was entirely stopped. Many of our markets had thus been disturbed, not by our opponents being able to beat us out of them by fair competition, but by political circumstances, which should have been foreseen and prevented by government. The noble lord then enlarged on the conservative and protestant spirit always displayed by this constiteency, and commented in much the, same terms as those used in other meetings, upon Lord Palmerston being thrust forward as one of the candidates for this borough. He also spoke of the good effected by those ministers of the church who taught their flocks to understand and revere the good old protestant institutions of the land. Impressed with these feelings, he begged to solicit for himself, but not for himself alone, that support which the electors of this town had hitherto granted to conservative candidates. (Cheers.) The chairman had already told them that Mr. Cresswell was a most efficient representative of their interests ; he (Lord Sandon) could say much on that subject, but he really felt it out of place to give testimony to the services of a man whose character and conduct were of themselves testimonies sufficient. He would only say there was not an interest in Liverpool to which Mr. Cresswell did now pay the utmost attention; there was no opinion upon which he (Lord San don) could rely with such perfect security ; and there was no man whose character stood higher, wherever it was known, than that of their excellent and learned representative, his good friend Mr. Cresswell. (Cheers.) It would indeed be a triumph for the radical party in this town, and a humilia tion for the conservative party, if they did not succeed in carrying Mr. Cresswell, and it would be a defection and falling off from those high grounds which the electors had hitherto occupied. The noble lord concluded a most elo quent address by calling on the electors to continue their exertions for the few days which remained before the elec tion ; and he had no doubt they would be able, by an early hour on Tuesday or Wednesday next, to shout Sandon and Cresswell for ever," as their members. (Loud cheers.) Mr. CRESSWYLLL next addressed the meeting. The cheers with which he was greeted ;having subsided, the learned gentleman said the first impression he had respecting this meeting was one particularly agreeable, arising from the cir cumstance of its being held in a school-room—for they were assembled, to the amount of many hundreds, in a building which was devoted to the religious education of our children. (Cheers.) That was one of the great leading topics which had been urged upon the electors, because they were the ad vocates of such education ; and it had continued to keep out of their favour those who now presided, or who did preside, over the councils of this borough, because they proved them selves to be the foes of religious education. (Hear.) In dealing with the questions now to be discussed, the first thing apparent upon the part of their opponents was their ex treme desire that the past should be forgotten. (Hear.) They never liked to appeal to history, because its evidence was against them ; they did not like to appeal to any living ex perience, because that also was against them ; but they in dulged in speculations of what was to come hereafter. If you told them that you could not trust to those speculations, because the history of the past and their own experience proved the contrary, these modern philosophers insisted that they were the only wise people. " Oh !" said they, " trust to us, that what we say will come to pass ; never mind experience although such consequences never flowed from such causes before, depend upon it that what we tell you will come to pass." (Hear, bear.) He must say that this was a very convenient doctrine, for many reasons. In the first place, it was a very convenient doctrine for a new candidate • because, when old candidates came among them, particularly his noble and valued friend, Lord Sandon, they .might say, with perfect truth, " I have now served you in four parliaments; I have devoted my time, health, and strength to your service ; I have sacrificed private and do mestic comfort ; I have been at your command whenever you called upon me ; I have studied your affairs, and made my self . acquainted w i t h all your interests ; I have fulfilled, by my.votes in the House of Commons, all that 1 professed to you as a candidate." (Hear.) Lord Sandon might say he had done all this for ten years, and which of his opponents could deny it? (Cries of " None.") Then, what a conve nient doctrine it was for them to give the goe-by to the oast, and look only to the future ! (Hear ' bear, and cheers.) It had been said of him (Mr. Cresswell.) with truth, that he was a lawyer. It was very true that he had not abandoned his profession in order to sit constantly in parliament ; but he had never promised that he would do so, and he would ask, not in any vain spirit of boasting, but with the plain honest view of ascertaining the truth, had any constituent of his gone to him in London, and asked him to go with him to the chancellor of the exchequer, to Lord John Russell, or their would-be representative, Lord Palmerston, to dis cuss any matter of business, or to convince them that the claims of his constituents were just, whether he had ever failed to do so ? (Hear, hear, hear) At least, there fore, lie had held out no delusive promises to his constitu ents ; he trusted, however humble his performances had been, they had been equal to his promises. (Hear.) He had consequently no reason to desire that the past should be forgotten ; he claimed no merit for it—they were the best judges of that—but certainly Lord Sandon at the start got way ahead—he had three lengths and a distance—and at last he (Mr. Cresswell) hoped he started fair with his opponents. (Cheers.) Putting aside these private matters as connected with Liverpool, he bad some start of his opponents in other particulars which would interest the meeting. (Cheers.) Before he had the honour of a seat in parliament, a great struggle was made to disfranchise the freemen of this town ; they were not content with introducing new rights and grant ing .them to those who were deserving of them, but they wanted to take away old rights which parties were born to — (cheers)—which were their inheritance, that they themselves had honestly worked for. (Cheers.) Lord Sandon resisted, and with good assistance preserved the franchise—(cheers) — but they had attempted to nibble at them since. They were not content with the first great attack, but they attempted to outflank us, to get at the freemen by a side wind, and take away that franchise indirectly which they could not take away directly. (Cheers.) In defeating all these attempts, he was happy to say that he had borne a share. (Great cheers.) Since he had been in parliament, they had made no direot attempt to renew their efforts to take away the property of the church. That was done in Lord Sandon's time, and the noble lord joined in resisting it. After he (Mr. Cresswell) went into parliament, they never directly attempted to do that, but they attempted to do it by indirect means. (Hear.) This indirect attempt he assisted in defeating, humbly indeed, but to the b es t of his power. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the question of education, when it was proposed to parliament that they should grant a sum of money for the purpose of giving education without religious instruction, a very strong party in the Hous e of Commons thought the most important education was that which taught our religious duties, our re ligious duties being by far the most important we were placed here to discharge. (Hear.) Individually be (Mr. Cress well) took a small share in resting the measure then proposed by government. (Loud cheers.) Perhaps the meeting might chance to know that these questions, relating to the church,to religion, to ed uca ti on, to our liberties an d privi legesa freemen, voters and electors, were about as important as most others that had been discussed. (Loud cries of " Hear, bear.") But what said the men by whom the pre sent appeal was made to the country? We had received her most gracious majesty's speech, which was delivered upon the prorogation of parliament; that speech was of course written by her majesty's ministers and advisers. and in it she said she was pleased to exercise her prerogative and dissolve parliament in or der to take the opinions of her people—upon what? (Hear) Not upon the merits of her Majesty's ministers, not upon the general questions of their policy, not upon any question re lating to the church, although they were known to be as hos tile to it as they were before ; not upon the question of reli gion ; but simply upon two or three trading questions, which, although they were of themselves important, were by no means of so much importance as the others. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) If there was any roan who thought they were, he would ask him a question. Perhaps he might say, "If I send you to parliament, I should like you to vote for abo lishing the dnty upon corn, as is proposed by her Majesty's ministers." Suppose he (Mr. Cresswell) were to say to him, " Yes ; but if I consent to do that, will you consent to my voting also for taking away the property of the church, and destroying the church ?" Whht would be the answer, sup posing he (Mr. Cresswell) said, " I must vote for neither or both ?" Would he say, " Vote for neither ?" He appre hended no man would hesitate to say " Neither." There fore it was by no means to be considered that these three questions, which had been now raised, were the material and principal questions which ought to be considered by wise and prudent electors at this election. They ought to consider the general policy of the ministers ;—not that he was afraid, here or anywhere else, of discussing the policy of each par ticular question. (Cheers.) The honourable and learned gentleman then commented with much severity on several doctrines propounded by the anti-corn-law people, and hav ing exposed the false foundations on which their principal arguments rested, he resumed his seat amidst loud cheers. Mr. ROPER then moved a resolution, to the effect that the meeting highly approved of the efficient services of Lord San don and Mr. Cresswell, as the representatives of this bo rough in the late parliament, and pledged themselves to take all legal measures to secure their return. Mr. HOLDEN seconded the motion, and it was carried by acclamation. On the motion of Lord SANDON, seconded by Mr. CRESS WELL, the meeting thanked Mr. Parker for his - services in the chair, and having given nine hearty cheers for the success of the conservative cause, they dispersed. SCOTLAND, VAUXHALL, AND ST. PAUL'S WARDS. At half-past eight o'clock on Wednesday evening, a meet ing of these several wards was held at the Carpenters'-room, Bond-street, for the purpose of adopting measures to secure the re-election of our distinguished candidates. The room was thronged by a dense and enthusiastic assemblage of the electors, amounting to upwards of a thousand in number, and the street in front of the building was literally blockaded with the dense masses of human beings who were unable to obtain admission. The chair was taken on the occasion by Councillor THOMAS CASE. Mr. ISAAC HOLMES proposed the first resolution. It will be found in our advertising columns. Mr. GEORGE WRIGHT seconded it. Mr. HENRY COPELAND proposed the second resolution. Mr. SANDISACH seconded it. Lord SANDON then presented himself to the meeting, and was received with vehement cheering. He said he had been given to understand that before he arrived from the meeting of St. Ann's and Lime-street Wards, a resolution had been unanimously passed approving of the arduous and faithful services of himself and his respected colleague in the late parliament, and especially of their votes of " no confidence" in her Majesty's ministers—the ministers who had abused the patronage of the crown, and infringed on the rights of the people. (Cheers.) He was exceedingly obliged to them for having passed such a resolution on the grounds on which they had put it, because those were the grounds on which he had voted a want of confidence in the governing party. But if the electors had no confidence in the ministry, why was it? Simply because they could not trust them from day to day, and because what they promised to do one year they refused to do the next, and what they refused at one period they granted at another. (Hear, hear.) A course such as this was unlikely to secure confidence from any body of men. He hoped he might point to his past conduct with a full as surance that he was entitled to their verdict. (Cheers.) He was not one of those candidates who had come to make magnificent promises, and to tell the electors that he would give peace and plenty if they elected him. (Hear, bear.) He had never attempted to delude them by saying that they should have cheap bread and plenty of labour at all times, simply because he knew that if he made such promises he could not perform them ; and he never would make promises which he could not perform. (Cheers.) He had always felt it his duty to support the rights and interests of those by whom he had been sent to parliament ; and he might appeal to all the different trades in the town, and ask whether he had not upon every occasion endeavoured to devote his ut most attention to promote the interests of the various classes. (Hear and cheers.) The government had infringed on the rights of the people in one material respect, namely, in having attempted to deprive the freemen of Liverpool of their rights. (Hear, hear.) They had pretended to be the friends of the people, and the way in which they had shown their friendship was by depriving a portion of the people of their rights. They now cried " Cheap bread ;" but the electors would easily dis cover that bread was cheap when they received wages suf ficiently high to buy it, and that when it cost little, and no body had money to pay for it, it was excessively dear. (Hear, and cheers.) If all the ministerial plans were carried into effect ; if foreign ships were put in the place of colonial ; if they were manned by foreign sailors, and rigged by foreign ropers ; and if, in short, all branches of industry were depen dent on foreign labour, how, he asked, would that promote the welfare of England and give good wages ? (Hear, hear.) For his part he thought it would be unwise ; he agreed with Lord Melbourne, when the noble premier said last 3 ear that it would be madness, and that it would uesettle all the insti tutions of the country, to abandon the old channels of indus try. (Cheers.) It required very little argument to prove that her majesty's ministers deserved no confidence. Indeed, he knew not who had ever said they were entitled to confi dence. He knew not whether Sir Joshua Walmsley—(groans) —had ever said so. He knew not whether Lord Palmerston —(renewed groans)—had ever said so. It was a hard thing to suppose a man could have any confidence in himself, if he was mistrusting his own opinions also • but if Lord Palmers ton should happen to say that he had confidence in himself, it might well be asked, In -what self, my lord ? the self of the present administration or the last? Whether the Lord Palmerston who supported Mr. Canning, who op posed reform, or the Lord Palmerston who supports Lord Melbourne, who is in favour of it? The Lord Palmerston who supported the whigs for four years, or the Lord Palmerston who supported the tories for teu ?" (Laughter, and cheers, followed by a cry- of " He's a dirty man.") The fact was, no one possessed confidence in their conduct. Some, to be sure, seemed to admire the measures they had recently introduced, and were inclined to give them a trial ; but how long was that trial to last ? (Hear, hear.) The electors on the present occasion were about to elect mem bers for a certain number of years. (A voice—" Yourself and Mr. Cresswell for ever.") If they were going to give himself and his colleague a lease of the interests of Liverpool he hoped that when the lease ran out they would find their interests improved. (Cheers.) But the electors had a seri ous duty to perform at present. They were not going to elect members for one question or one year, but in order to decide the character of the government for a long series of years to come ; and therefore they had to direct the govern ment in a manner consistent with their ganeral principles. — His lordship, after thanking them for their attendance, and exhorting them to unity and perseverence, sat down amidst tremendous applause. Mr. CRESSWELL next presented himself, and the cheer ing was renewed and continued for a considerable length of time. He said if he had known nothing of the three wards which had that night assembled, he would have been sur prised that they should have put themselves to inconveni ence from the manner in which they were at that moment crowded together, and standing for so long a time to do honour to their representatives. But having been informed that mit of their nine members in the town council, eight professing conservative principles had been • returned, it proved to him.that they were strongly impressed with the value of those principles, and that they desired to have them maintained in parliament. He doubted not that their re presentatives in the council would maintain their principles there, and if himself and his noble colleague should again happen to be the objects of their choice, they would strenu ously maintain the same principles in the house of Com mons which they had ever done before. They had this ad vantage over their adversaries, they had pot promised much. They had, however, stated their principles openly, and he defied their worst enemies to charge them with deserting them, or with having failed to perform whatever promises they had made. (Hear, hear.) Could her majesty's minis sters say the same ? (Laughter and cheers.) Perhaps they might say, and with truth, that they had not deserted their principles, because if they never had any, it was impossible they could ever desert them. (Great laughter and cheers.) He had always, from the first moment of his going into par liament, a shrewd suspicion that this was the case, for soon after he had got there a certain gentleman connected with the radical party handed to Lord John Russell three mea sures which he wished him to give to the people, namely— , universal suffrage, annual parliaments, and vote by ballot. It was a medical gentleman who handed them, and shortly after Lord John said that he had inspected the three powders —(a laugh)—that they were very nasty—and that be thought the physic would do the country no good. (Great laughter.) But was that any principle? It it was, Lord John had de serted it since ; if it was no principle, then he had not de serted it, having had no such thing in him at the time. (Cheers.) The sort of refusal then given by Lord John led him (Mr. C.) to suspect that it was not very sincere. He meant not to say that Lord John had supported those mea sures since, but he had taken into his cabinet men whom he knew to be supporters of them ; and instead of governing England as she was wont to be governed, he had adopted the sneaking plan of open questions. (Hear and cheers.) Again, two years ago Lord Melbourne had said that that man would be downright staring mad who would attempt to deprive the agriculturist of protection. People then thought him sincere, and that his professions could not bedoubted. If, in so say ing, there was any principle, he was guilty of violating it ; if not, he was guiltless, having had no principle at the time. (Cheers and laughter.) Accordingly, in the present year he had dissolved the parliament and appealed to the people. But what reason had he for supposing that the people were of a contrary opinion to the majority of their representatives ? (Hear.) His (Mr. C.'s) principle had been, and would be, to advocate the interests of Liverpool, so far as they were con sistent with the interests of the country at large : and one of those interests was the shipping interest. Would the cry of " cheap corn," and the promotion of a foreign trade, serve that interest? Oh, no ! Where did Mr. Brocklebank, for instance, the worthy representative of the phantom candidate—(hear) — build his ships ? (Several voices— "At Whitehaven.") Where did he rig them ? (" At Whitehaven.") Where did he repair them ? (" At Whitehaven," followed by cheers.) It appeared, then, that Mr. Brocklebank was very willing to give the people cheap corn, but equally willing, at the same time, to give them no work. (Great cheers.) After some further remarks on the subject of religious education, and the necessity of preserving old England as she at present existed, the learned gentleman concluded amid loud cheers. Thanks having been voted to the chairman, on the propo sition of Lord SANDON, seconded by Mr. CRESSWELL, the meeting separated. When our distinguished candidates arrived outside the building, they found that the horses had been taken from their carriage, and that they must. nolens volens, be drawn through the several streets by the thou san d s w h o surroun d e d and greeted them with the most enthusiastic cheers we ever heard. Accordingly they had to enter th e carr i age, accom panied by their several friends, when they were borne along through several of the streets, amid the loud applause of the multitude. ST. PETER'S. PITT-STRET, AND GREAT GEORGE'S WARDS. Last evening, at seven o'clock, Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell met the electors of St. Peter's, Pitt-street, and Great Geor g e's Wards, in the Music-hall, Bold-street, which was completely crowded by an enthusiastic body of conserva tives. Among those present we observed Sir Thos. Brancker, G. H. Lawrence, Esq., James Aspinall, Esq., J. Lawrence, Esq., &c. &c. &c. Mr, J. Ferguson was called to the chair, on be mo ton of Mr. Toulmin, seconded by Mr. Rimmer. The CLIAIIIIIAN, in opening the proceed D i s, said, that yesterday parliament was dissolved, for the ouject of ascer taining whether her majesty's ministers deserved the confi dence of the country. The question for the consideration of the constituency was, whether they would vote for minis terialists or anti-nainisterialists—whether they would vote for Lord Palmerston, a member of a condemned cabinet, and Sir Joshua Walmsley, an active partisan of that cabinet ; or for the true friends of the people, Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell. (Loud cheers.) 'The Chairman of the acts of th then proceeded to co mment upon many - present administration after which he introduced Lord San don and Mr. Cresswell, whom he publicly thanked for their votes during the last session, in support of conservatism, and especially for their support of Sir Robert Peel's want of confidence motion. At the close of the chairman's address, nine hearty cheers were given for the candidates. Lord SANDON then.addressed the meeting, and said, the manner in which he had been received was a strong testimony and assurance of the fact, of which, indeed, he was conscious himself, that he had not made professiops which he had not performed, or held out expectations which he had not realized. He was not sensible of having departed in any essential point from the principles he had professed. He had always held out to them principles of warm attachment to the throne, and the altar, and to our Protestant religion, whilst at the same time he was willing to leave to others the most free and unfettered exercise of their opinions and that tole ration which had been his creed through life,which he hoped to maintain to the end of his days. (Cheers.) Those opinions himself and his colleagues had maintained from the beginning, and he hoped that the testimonies which they had received of election after election in every part of England, were a just reason to expect that their opinions were gaining ground day after day ; and that having been for some time struggling through a feeble though resolute minority—the conservatives had at last properly assumed the position of a triumphant majority. (Hear.) The noble lord then referred to the corn-laws, and showed that thedistress existing in the manufacturing districts was caused not by the operation of those laws, as contended by the Manchester gentlemen ; but by the markets of several of our best customers being stopped by various causes, which should have been foreseen by a wise and prudent government, and by the stimulus given to pro duction by the facility of obtaining fictitious capital. The conservatives, his lordship then observed, had been taunted in the House of Commons, when they complained of the state of our finances, caused by the extravagant expenditure of the present administration, with being the cause thereof, because they bad supported the government. What were the facts ? With regard to Canada the conservatives sup ported the government when insurrection broke out, and when it was necessary to put it down, because they preferred the honour and safety of the country to gaining any advan tage over the administration which they opposed. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) But did they approve of the policy of the government which led to that outbreak ? Did they sup port that neglect which had led to the fatal confusion of affairs in Lower Canada, and which ultimately broke out in insurrection ? He was a living witness to the Contrary ; for he himself moved a resolution in the House of Commons, condemnatory of the neglect and want of foresight which distinguished the colonial administration of the country, upon that very question of Canada. (Cheers.) Therefore, al though the conservatives were responsible to this extent, that they encouraged ministers to put down the insurrection, and agreed to support the expense which was naturally incurred by it, they were not responsible for the events which led to that insurrection, for they repudiated and opposed the policy , of ministers. (Loud cheers.) Another cause of expendi ture had been the unfortunate state of our relations with China. The conservatives did not approve of the war with China—(hear, hear, and cheers) ; but when affairs had come to that point when it was necessary to take strong measures for the protection of British interests and the protection of British character, then the conservatives did not think it their duty to oppose the passing of those estimates which were necessary to be incurred, in that necessary but unfor tunate undertaking. But did they concur in the policy which led to that expense' No. Upon the contrary, .they condemned the policy, and Sir James Graham brought for ward a motion condemning it. Therefore, although the con servatives were responsible for the expense, which was one cause of our present embarrassment, they were responsible only so far as her Majesty's ministers had made it necessary to to be incurred. We must remember, in this melancholy picture of the condition of the country and the state of our finances, which we were told made it necessary to abandon all her ancient policy. creating confusion in all the settled channels of industry, that Frederick the Great had said, that if we wished to ruin a country, we had only to give it up to the philosophers. We were told that the country was in such a state as to make the changes proposed necessary. Now, he denied that the country was in that state. The re venue was not falling off; but the expenses were increasing. There was nothing to lead us to the conclusion that the re sources of the state were impaired, and it was his conviction that the deficiencies in the revenue were caused by the lavish expenditure of her Majesty's present ministers, and by their unwise management of colonial affairs. The noble lord re ferred to their conduct towards Canada in support of his views, and concluded by expressing his conviction that the verdict of Liverpool, in their election, would give great en couragement to conservatives all over the country. Mr. CRESSWELL next addressed the assembly, and after some remarks upon the principal topics suggested by 'the election, he observed that the country had now before it her majesty's account of the reasons which had induced her to dissolve the late parliament. The meeting must bear in mind that the statement made by her majesty was not her own, but the statement of her minister. The minister, then, stated, that he had dissolved the late parliament, and appealed to to the people because the late parliament would not pass certain measures which he bad proposed. But, then, he could not get rid of another appeal which was this—an appeal to the people to know whether her majesty's ministers had their confidence or not? Now Lord Mel bourne had dissolved parliament because parliament would not pass certain of his measures, but he forgot to advise her majesty to state in her speech that parliament had voted that they had no confidence in her majesty's ministers. That was not stated to the people as the ground of appeal. The parliament also stated that her majest'ys ministers had violated the spirit of the constitution, but they had not put a word of that in the queen's speech. (Hear, hear, hear.) They had not reminded the people of that, but it was just as if they had—(hear, hear, and long continued cheers) — because at the last election for this place and throughout the empire, certain parties were returned who showed by their votes that they were not minded ,to adopt the measures of government, both this year, last year, and the year before, yet the ministry held office. Why did they not appeal:to the people then—(hear, hear)—if they thought that the ground upon which they were justified in advising their government to appeal to the people, was this, that their representatives had not acted according to the wishes of their constituents, or upon the principles on which they were returned ? But what reason had they to suppose that ? (Hear.) If they sup posed, because they were defeated in parliament, the wishes of the constituency was not represented, two years ago, why did they not appear to the people then? (Cheers.) Why did they not appel last year, when they were defeated ? Why did they reserve it for this hour, and not upon their Ist, 2d, 3d, and 4th defeat? (Cheers.) Why, because they thought they could delude the people by the cry of cheap bread. (Hear.) They did not appeal at once, but stayed till measures had been put forward, which shewed their policy, and when they thought the peope ripe for agitation and ex citement, then they sent the parliament before them. The learned gentleman then proceeded to oppose the hollowness of the cry of cheap bread, one of the subjects on which ministers had dissolved the parliament, and the miserable fallacies put forth by the anti-corn law leaguers to establish, that the abolition of the corn laws would not lower wages. He concluded a most eloquent address by observing, that it was because he loved his country and all her institutions, that lie wished to see conservatism triumphant. The meeting was next addressed by Mr. G. H. Lawrence, Mr. Mackford, Mr. Arthur Henderson, and others, and the usual resolutions were unanimously passed, pledging the electors present to support Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell. The meeting then separated. On the candidates arriving in the streets, the people took the horses from their carriage, and dragged it amidst the most enthusiastic cheers, through Concert-street, Bold-street, Ranelagh-street, into the spa cious yard of the Adelphi Hotel, where the electors of ABERCROMBY AND RODNEY-STREET WARDS were assem bled in immense numbers, to welcome their appearance. Mr. ROBERTSON GLADSTONE occupied the chair. Mr. HENRY LAWRENCE moved the first resolution, which is as follows : " That the conservative electors of Abercromby and Rod ney street wards d o most cordially resolve to join heart and hand with their brother conservatives in the approaching contest, and, by the union of zeal, firmness, and exertion, to maintain in this borough' the ascendancy of those legal and constitutional principles, for which it is so proudly distinguished." MI: PROCTOR seconded the resolution, and it was carried unanimously. Mr. Busx ELL proposed the second resolution, as follows— That Lord Viscount Sandon and Cresswell Cresswell, Esq., by their undeviating support in parliament of conserva tive principles, by their untiring resistance to the dangerous and destructive measures of her Majesty's ministers, by their faithful discharge in all respects of the trust reposed in them, and particularly by their anxious attention to the local inter ests of this borough, have entitled themselves to the renewed confidence of all their constituents, and that the conservative electors of Abercromby and Rodney -street wards will most strenuously exert themselves to secure their re-election." Mr. Brimarr seconded the resolution, and it was carried. Lord SANDON and Mr. CRESSWELL then delivered each an able speech, and both were loudly applauded. At the conclusion the populace again dragged their car riage through the streets until they arrived at the Queen's Arms Hotel. Nothing in fact can exceed the estimation in which s they are held, and the enthusiasm which their presence create. MONOPOLY. WHAT IS IT? (For the Liverpool Standard.) A word more frequently used than rig htlyunderstood. A term of rep roach ever in the mouths of those who are stirring heave n an d earth to accomplish measures for their own aggrandisement, under the specious plea of , th for the distre sses o f their poorer countryme. 33 mpa A cry which has been caught up and re-echoed by the mi nistry of this country when, in articulo mortis, with the same desperate eagerness with which dying men clutch at straws ; not improbably too, with the same result. An expression which, however successfully it may have been used by the designin g to tickle the ear s o f th e uns kilf u l , has ever been estimated by the judicious at its true value of but " sounding brass and tinkling cymbal." A very brief consideration of the real meaning of the word, and of the signification to which it has lately become the fashion to twist it, will, we think, serve to abuse the minds of the unprejudiced of what we conceive to be a very gross misconception of the idea represented by this term. The derivation of the word from two Greek words, signi fying sole (right of) selling, indicates its meaning to be an exclusive privilege of buying or selling, possessed either by an individual, or, in its widest sense, by a small body of in. dividuals, and entirely loses its force when attempted to be applied to great and influential classes of the community— how utterly meaningless, when the rights of the greatest, the most numerous, and the most influential class of all, those interested directly or indirectly i n t h e prosperity of agricul ture, are summarily narrowed down to the comprehension of an epithet of so essentially limited an application. Monopoly may be defined to be a privilege granted to the few, sometimes, no doubt, to the p reju di ce of the many, but cannot, without doing violence to its real meaning, be wrested so as to indicate that salutary protection considered essential to the prosperity, na y to the v ery ex i stence, of the most im portant of all our national interests. Monopolies have, from time to time, b een granted by all nat i ons to individuals, or to incorporated bodies, either to remunerate them for useful discoveries, or eminent past services, or to stimulate them, by the hope of ultimate profits, to embark their skill and property on the uncertain ocean of human events. Of :this description, are the patents granted to disc overers or inventors in the paths of science and art, th e privileges granted to the East India and other. Companies, to the Bank of England, W railway companies, and a host of others ; and though some of these have doubtless ou tli ved the period originally intended for th eir existence, and have consequently been annulled, and thrown open to public competition, this is no reason why all others should be sacrificed at one fell sweep, or why ev en newcharters, und er pecul i ar circum stances, should not be granted. We all thought that when the trade to the East Indies and China w as t h rown open , and the exclusive privileges of the East India Company withdrawn, that there wus an end to the cry of monopoly in that quarter at least; and so th ere was for a time, when the temporary purpose which gave it birth, or rather breath, was served ; but, strange to say, this word, camelion-like, has changed its hue, and when another purpose was to be served, such as on the late oc cas i on of the agitation of the sugar dut i es q uestion, it w as st i ll the same cuckoo note in the mouths of the same ever-restless faction. Verily this monopolyis a word of of wondrous powers of ex pansion and contraction : it quite rivals the stretch of the very elastic fancy of Polonius. Now it is almost in shape like a camel, anon it is dwindled down to the pigmy propor tions of a weasel, and then again it has expanded to the di mensions of a whal e — a ye, i n d eed, very like a whale. A word endowed with such slippery powers, is, however, quite as likely to elude the grasp as bend to the wishes of those who endeavour to twist it into all imaginary shapes, to suit their own purposes. If by the term - monopoly, those who use it mean (as seems very probable) every description of trade which enjoys the benefit of protection, who shall we say are not monopolists ? Is the wealthy manufacturer, with his protective duty of from 20 to 50 par cgpt., to keep out the competition of foreigners, less a monopolist than the landowner or farmer who enjoys a protection nominally of 20 per cent. for the same purpose ? The proposition to break down the agricul turtsts' bulwark, of protection, comes then with a good grace truly, from those whose interests require a yet higher line of circumvallation to ensure their security from the same common danger—foreign competition. The true object of attack, then, seems to be the principle of protection under the specious guise of an assault on mono poly, and if this wild crusade should prove successful in the present instance, there is not a single protected interest in this great nation—and what interest is not more or less so — which must not bow its bead to the same influence, which, like the devastating blast of the desert, will leave the coun try over which it is permitted to sweep, a naked, leafless plain, one wide waste of desolation. M. [Another correspondent suggests a mode of exposing the absurdity of the monopolists' cry, by calling attention to the fact of the corporation having purchased the only two situ ations suitable for docks on the other side of the river, to se cure the revenues of the town against rival docks in the hands of other parties.] EMIGRATION TO NEW SOUTH WALES. The following extract from a letter written on board the Frankfield, and dated the 26th of March last, from a passen ger to a friend in Liverpool, contains information which may probably be interesting to some of our readers. The Frank field was chartered by Messrs. Smith and Sons, of this town. " It was with much regret that I was obliged to steal from Liverpool without taking (perhaps) a last farewell; probably, you are already aware, that myself and family left under dis couraging circumstances, having all the horrors of a steerage passage in an emigrant vessel before us ; but Providence has been most kind to us. You know, that lam no friend to puffing, and, therefore, you will give me the more credit for what I assert. The Frankfield, under the command of Cap tain Mitchel, left Liverpool on the 7th of February, for Port Phillip, New South Wales, and with the exception of the first ten days, we have had a pleasant passage, being now close to Rio Janeiro, and all passengers on board healthy. We buried seven sickly infants. The vessel is a good sea boat, (900 tons burthen,) and, under her present commander, we cannot fail of making a speedy and prosperous voyage. The general conduct of Captain Mitchell to the passngers on board is that of a kind and generous benefactor; and, in deed, he has very rough materials to deal with, having above 340 passengers on board, of a poor and disorderly description, of Englisk and Irish. But by a persevering system of regu larity, he has brought them from being drunken and turbulent to sobriety and good conduct. We have divine service twice on Sunday, with so much devotion and piety, that it would be a good example for many of your churches at home. For myself and family, I am poor in language to say what we owe Captain Mitchell for his kindness. He has risen us from an anticipated voyage of misery to that of pleasure. I will, at a future period, give you a more detailed account of our voyage. Doctor Wilson, of Raphoe, near Londonderry, is profes sionally engaged on board of this vessel. His reputation about Londonderry is well known ; but I cannot avoid say ing, that he adds to his professional abilities that of the kind est and most benevolent disposition to the poorest person on board ; in a word, few emigrant vessels can boast of such a commander, or a more skilful physician, and every passenger on board seems to feel it." .___ - -~ i --- - -- `._ _ . i -~-~~~ ~_,_______ PALMERSTON AND FREE TRADE. Such is the placard which makes many a smile rise on the countenance of thinking men, as they pass through the streets of this great town. The impudence as well as the imprudence of staking the election of Lord Palmerston upon his principles of free trade, are amusingly equalled by the claim which Lord J. Russell makes upon the merchants of London. His seductive and honest appeal to the suffrages of the Lumber Troop, the codgers and other influential bo dies of Cockney voters, runs thus : " RUSSELL AND NO CORN-LAWS !" Mark this !—No corn-laws—not any I—not even his own proclaimed duty of Bs. per quarter ! Prepared for any mo derate degree of electioneering trick on the part of the whigs, we must yet confess astonishment at beholding at almost every step this bold device of my Lord John, in large, and not by even a moderately dim-sighted person to be-mistaken type, RUSSELL AND NO CORN-LAWS. Only last year did the minister announce in parliament, in terms rather needlessly strong for a man of principle, that any alteration of the corn laws would be " madness." A few months afterwards his government, being defeated on the Irish bill, the " madness" began to exhibit undoubted symp toms. As disaster followed disaster, the ministerial mi❑d became decidedly unequal to its adversity, and according to the diagnosis of Dr. Melbourne it gave way—it showed itself non compos. Within twenty-four hours of a con t:mptuous defeat, our corn-law ministry grew fervently anti-present corn-law, but still clutched at a phantom of " protection" to British interests in the shape of Bs. per quarter—but, alas ! as the moon waxed the little remaining degree of " sanity" wained, and before she had quite " filled her horns," Sir Robert Peel expelled them from a house of their own gathering. The " madness rose to its height, and now Lord John, without even the lucid interval of Bs. per quarter, calls publicly on the largest, town constituency in the empire to have RUSSELL AND NO CORN-LAWS. For ministers in power, these shifis would be but sorry exhibitions ; but emanating from the powerless, the fallen, the sunk in political mire, from which not even their own friends will raise them, such appeals create only pity or con tempt. Whilst Lord John rests his claim to be returned to par liament, upon his advocacy of " No corn laws," his colleague, Lord Palmerston, (who, by the way,) it is whispered, is painfully anxious as to the result of the election, whe ther he is destined to be " unexpectedly called upon to represent the great commercial interests, &c., which the phrase " Free Trade," as more likely to win all hearts in this commercial rival of the metropolis. But like consideration might have made it occur to my. Lord Pal merston, that the merchants of Liverpool have wise heads as well as good hearts, and are peculiarly likely to test the value of his assumed principles of free trade. Is the foreign secre tary's name identified with those principles ? or are they an election squib, or an election motto ? In the very last session, previous to that just made, did the ministry advocate free trade ? Did they not only scout such ideas, but practically lay new restrictions and imports upon every article of trade, and that as a feeble and ineffective means of cobbling up the rent which their financial whiggery had made? It is well that the electors should remember that the same Lord John who, on the eve of an election, suddenly talks of " no tar upon bread," " a removal of a farthing from every three pounds of sugar," &c., when there was no danger of an election, lately brought back the odious tax upon salt, which, from its operating so harshly on the poor, had been long re pealed ; and that, in conjunction with Lord Palmerston, the Free trade" gentleman, it was only last year that the fol lowing restrictions were placed upon trade . An additional import duty on tea ! An additional import duty on coffee! An additional import duty on sugar! An additional import duty on flour ! An additional import duty on wheat ! An additional import duty on hides ! An additional import duty on, in fact, every one of the ar ticles most necessary to life and comfort, as well as im portant to trade. This is not all, for striking a blow at our manufactures and commerce together, the " free trade" gentlemen also, last year, loaded every article of British manufacture (ex cepting cottons) exported from the kingdom with additional duties. The fable of the dying wolf, who told the peasant's boy, that from his soul he ahborred eating human flesh, and that if he would only bring the most trifling sustenance, he would prove the sincerity of his conversion by not devouring him, is not unlike the expiring ministry, too weak to con tinue doing harm to the country, and willing to avow or promise any thing, if, perchance, they might obtain from the credulous support sufficient to enable them to gasp on a little longer. SOUTH CHESHlRE,—Yesterday a few of the liberal elec tors of South Cheshire met Mr. George Wilbraham at the Clarendon-rooms, and were addressed by him in support of his claims upon the constituency at the forthcoming election. His speech was that of an out-and-out ministerialist, full of the fine promises which are held out to induce the people to support their cause, but was totally destitute of all pretensions to argument. Lord Grosvenor was the chairman, and as might be expected by those who are acquainted w ith his lordship, he appeared to as little advantage as his friend the candidate. Mr. C. Towneley, the nominee of the Liverpool and Manches ter Unitarians and Papists, in opposition to the constitutional representatives of the south division of Lancashire, was present. and, of course, was easily prevailed upon to let off a speech in favour of ministers. There is one consolation which prevents the necessity of considering the pretensions of Mr. Towneley, and that is, there is quite as much proba bility of his setting the Mersey on fire, as of his success in the approaching contest. SERIOUS CIRCUMSTANCE AT BITTERLEY CHURCH, SALOP—At the conclusion of Divine Service on Sunday morning last, just as the blessing was being concluded, a large Newfoundland puppy, the property of the Rev. C. Wal cot, rushed into the aisle of the church, followed by a fox - hound, .which instantly seized and bit him. He then retired out of the church, and went round the house at Bitterley court, meeting a large mastiff, which was never known to run away from any dog, but in this instance he ran away, was soon overtaken and bitten ; the dog then went on and found some young greyhounds one or more of which he bit ; he then went towerds Mr. Walcot's man servant, who was coming out of church, whom he bit (it is hoped slightly) through his clothes. He then overtook a boy of the name of Gardener, arid ivithout any notice or provocation jumped upon him, knocked him down, an d bit hi m b a dl y on t h e shoulder thade, he then bit two more dogs-in the village. By this time the village was alarmed and several suns brought out and the dog was shot, without proceeding any further.— Medical assistance was procured from Ludlow as speedily as possible, and it is hoped by cutting away the injured parts and cauterizing, that no bad effects will be produced.— Salopian Journal. ROBBERY AND APPREHENSION.—On the afternoon of Friday last, a robbery of a daring and somewhat novel kind, was perpetrated in Gorbals, Glasgow, of which the particu lars are as follow:—On the Wednesday preceding, two young men, apparently belonging to a genteel station in life, named John Gould and Christopher Jarvis, both strangers in Glas gow, took temporary lodgings in the house of Mrs. Butler, Portland-street, and remained together till Friday. On that day, Mr. Gould, who is a young commercial traveller, repre senting a London house, went over into the city to look after his business ; and as it wa s un lik e l y h e wou ld be home till the evening, Jarvis, in the afternoon, entered the lodgings, sent the girl for a blacksmith, who, by his direction, picked the lock of a closet door, the lock of a travelling bag, and the lock of a portable desk, which latter, after being opened, he took with him, in addition t o a d ra b waistcoat. and a tartan scarf, the property of Mr. Gould. This gentleman's desk also contained a deposit rece i p t o f t h e M ar ylebone Saving.' Bank for £6O, a deposit receipt of the London Joint Stock Bank for £5O, a deposit receipt of the London and Westmin ster Bank for £4O, a di amon d r i ng , a cornelian seal, c. Jarvis also took away two p a i rs o f s il v er sugar tongs from a trunk, the property of Mr s . B u tl er . Information was given to the police, who apprehe n d e d J arv is, ns h° was proceed ingie- vr on board the Prince ss R o y a l, on her first trip to Liver pool. He was attired in the stolen grea t coat, and in his possession were found a ll th e papers enumerated above, in • addition to a purse co n t a i n i ng SS old coins. Gould first met Monday, when Jarvis in a tavern in D u bli n , on the precedingagain the latter learned Gould' s d e stination, and they met on board the Eagle, on her way to Glasgovv,wlienilywadsidasroa,nagnd it arranged they should remain in lodgings together. They e the robbery took place as detailed. T that robbery was the object of Jarvis all to cash th leor can be little doubt along,andth e atwhen apprehended, he was on his way to L deposit receipts.—Seottish Guardian. place upon various public and private DIVISION S.—Tbe number of d i v i s i ons te bills in whichthe House havetaken f the Poor Law Commons during the past se ssion altogether amounts to Amendment e ; n o d f m w e h n i t c ß h ilzo9loen th leas Coroners' Bill, 5 on thethe anl9 were County upon Punishment of Death Bill, and 6 on Lord Morpoth'a Irish Registration Bill. - CORRESPONDENCE. CORN LAWS. LORD JOHN RUSSELL.-REV. HUGH WNEILE. FAIR TRADE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. SlR,—Finding gross misrepresentations abroad, of what I said last week in London, particularly with reference to Lord John Russell's speech at the London Tavern, I herewith send you an extract from a correct, so far as it goes, but somewhat imperfect, report of what I really did say, and I will feel obliged by your publication of it on Friday " Upon this subject (the corn laws) I find an attempt at simplification made yesterday in the City by the noble lord the leader of this agitation, who has the happiness to com bine at this moment, in his own proper person, the offices of minister to the crown and suppliant to the people. (Hear.) He is reported to have said—l quote from the Morning Chronicle of this day (16th June)— " I will put the instance, as one might paint it to them selves, and it will be better, perhaps. if I take two indivi duals. Take a man in Germany, a small landholder, who is ready to cultivate his land—to work all the year through— to sow and to reap—and who says that he is willing to part with the fruit of his industry, provided he can get clothes for himself and family. (Cheers.) Take another man in Lan cashire, who, by his industry, and by working some ten hours a day, in the hardest way and with insufficient food, is willing to provide clothes fcr him, provided he can obtain a better and more plentiful supply of food. (Cheers.) Here are two men—the one wishing for clothes, and the other for food ; and there is the third person, the merchant, who is ready to negotiate between them, so that both parties may be benefited. Is not that the course which seems, by the natural order of things, to be pointed out—that which will give a scope to industry, and give its reward to industry, and make both men happy and contented ? ' " Upon this, with permission of your lordship and the meeting, I will take the liberty of making a few observations. (Loud cries of " Hear.") The residence of one of the noble lord's illustratives is Germany. There is no special district or province named. He is made to represent Germany. Now, in all fairness, the second man in the illustration should have had his residence assigned to him in England, without specifying any particular locality. But this fairness in the analogy would have exposed the special pleading in the argument. (Loud cheers.) Therefore Lancashire is named as the residence of the second man. Thus the atten tion of the noble lord's auditors was dexterously limited to the English manufacturer, while his analogy had the appear ance of consulting for all England on one side, as for all Germany on the other. This fallacy escaped the notice of his auditors, and he was loudly cheered. (Cheers.) But, my lord, let us suppose Lancashire properly selected as the residence of one man in the illustration, and let us take the noble lord's description of the point to be illustrated, namely, that natural order of things which will give a scope to in dustry, and give its reward to industry' ; then, with due deference I submit, that the residence which in fairness and candour should have been selected for the man on the other side of the illustration, is not Germany, but ESSEX. (Loud and continued cheers.) " The whole subject is not so simple as the noble lord's illustration affected to make it, and I cannot but look upon this part of the noble lord's speech as betraying a most un flattering estimate, in his lordship's mind, of the intelligence and penetration of the electors of the City of London. (Laughter and cheers.) " I will take the liberty of attempting an improvement upon the noble lord's illustration. (Hear, hear.) I will suppose two men in Germany, a farmer and a manufacturer. After their home arrangements have been made they have corn to spare. And two men in England, a manufacturer and a farmer. After their home arrangements are made, they have goods to spare. " Now look first at the case of Germany. In Germany, upon the whole, there is a surplus of corn and a deficiency of manufactures. Still they have some manufactures, which they protect, which they are bound to protect, and to endea vour, moreover, to improve and extend. Ought they, or will they, admit British manufactures to undersell their own, thereby injuring what does exist, and rendering any increase utterly impossible? Or ought they only to admit from Eng land, or elsewhere, the surplus of what they require, after they have taken security for the protection and improvement of their owu ? (Loud cheers.) " Now look at the case of England in the parallel. (Hear.) In England, upon the whole, there is a surplus of manufac tures, and a deficiency of agriculture. Still we have some agriculture, which we protect, which we are bound to pro tect, and to endeavour, moreover, to improve and extend. (Loud and continued cheers.) Ought we, then, to admit German corn so as to undersell our own, thereby injuring our apiculture which does exist, and rendering any improve. ment or increase utterly impossible ? Or ought we only to admit from Germany the surplus of what we require, after we have taken security for the protection and improvement of our own ? (Renewed and prolonged cheering.) " \Vise legislation, like true charity, should begin at home; although, like charity, when really true, it will not end there. My lord, I cannot lose sight of the fact, that all the world is not one nation, but many nations : and that nations are not artificial distinctions made by the caprice of man, but real permanent distinctions made by the hand of God himself; who, by confounding their languages, has stamped his own irresistible authority upon their separation. (Loud cheers.) And I cannot lose sight of the primary duty which every nation, like every family, owes to its own members. (En thusiastic cheers.) is it right to keep nations nationally in dependent? Is it right, according to the noble lord's argu ment in this same speech, to increase the British navy, at considerable expense, and to plead as a reason for so doing, that the French and Russian navies have been increased? Doubtless it is. There the noble lord spoke like an English man ! (Rapturous and continued cheers.) But if so ;if na tions are to be kept nationally independent, if the contingency of war is to be contemplated, and so practically contemplated that armies and navies are to be maintained ; then I venture to conclude, and to expect the agreement of every reasonable man in the conclusion, that both agriculture and manufacture should be encouraged in each nation in the firstinstance, and to the greatest attainable extent ; and the question of intercourse with other nations (so far as the necessaries of human life are concerned) should affect only the surplus on either side, and should never be allowed to go so far as to reach the bulk of national supply ; thereby turning the whole of one nation into a corn field, and the whole of another nation into a work shop. (Loud cheers.) In proportion as such a state of things is approximated, the workshop nation becomes depen dent upon the caprice of its neighbour. For, suppose friendly intercourse suddenly stopped; suppose the contemplated, and at least possible, occasion for the army and navy to arise, then the corn field nation can get no new clothes! Granted. But they can wear the old ones till the workshop nation is starved to death ! (Vehement and protracted cheering.) Free trade ! yes, we shall hear and see on every side free trade as a favourite electioneering hobby, and many will, doubtless, be deceived, as though the legislature of England possessed the power of making trade free. Trade involves the regulations of other nations, and we cannot compel them to make it free. (Hear, hear, hear.) My lord, we are ad vocates for FAIR trade, and we think that free trade cannot be fair unless it is universal, neither can any nation, with even the semblance of wisdom, adopt it, without a guarantee from other nations for its simultaneous adoption ; and even then, though universally adopted, and thus both fair and free, nothing short of a millenial security against war could make it safe. (Reiterated bursts of applause.)" Permit me, sir, to commend this extract, especially the latter part of it to the free dealers in free trade promises in this town. I have had cards very politely left at my house, headed " Palmerston and free trade," " Walmsley and free trade;" and I beg to make this acknowledgement of the favour. Permit me also to suggest to our friends the pro priety of raising the cry of FAIR TRADE, or SAFE TRADE, as the proper and ready antagonists to the delusion of free trade. This cry has on its side the equal advantage of brevity, and the superior advantages of nationality versus cosmopolitanism ; of sound philosophy versus empiricism ; of reference to divine authority versus liberalism ; of regard to social order versus radicalism ; and of enduring truth and immutable principle versus the cameleon shiftings of deceiv ing convenientism. Apropos, and in conclusion, if you can spare me a little more space, I wish to call attention to a letter, addressed by a free trader to one of his constituents, a Scottish farmer. It is a letter of no ordinary pretensions, thus introduced with a flourish by the Morning Chronicle, in some of its most ostensible types. " Mr. Elliot, M.P. fer Roxburghshire, has addressed to his constituents ("fo the Teviotside Farmer') a letter, in which the various bearings of the corn question are handled in a masterly manner. That members who have to deal with the prejudices of agricultural constituencies may have the benefit of this sensible document, we have transferred it to our columns. The constituents of Mr. Elliot rank, as far as agricultural skill is concerned, among the first in the empire. In discussions on this subject, it is too much the custom to argue as if corn were the only object Nfhicli a farmer ought to take into consideration. Mr. Elliot examines with much fairness the circumstances in the proposed change which would benefit the farmer, from his having other sources of profit besides corn. We recommend the letter to the serious consideration of our agricultural readers." The first heading of this important letter begins with the following paragraph : " The average rate of protection that has been given by the present corn-laws to wheat is under Gs. a quarter. It is shown in a table contained in the appendix to a pamphlet lately published by Mr. M'Culloch, under the title of State ments illustrative of the policy and probable consequences of the proposed repeal of the existing corn-laws, &c,' that from the passing of the act 9 Geo. IV., c. 60, on the 15th of July, 1828, to the sth January, 1840, 9,292,114 quarters of wheat have been imported into England, and the duty received thereon has amounted to £2,670,812, giving an average duty of ss. 9d. a quarter. The average protection, then, during this period, has been ss. 9d. a quarter, but the fixed dut y now proposed to be put on is 8,5. ; consequently wheat will have more than a third additional average protection under the proposal of government than it has had hitherto. This being the case, I cannot understand why, in arguing this question, you should treat it as if all protection Were_ to be withdrawn, ' and as if no grain could th ere f ore henceforth be cultivated in England." So then, after all, according to these competent authorities, the government scheme is a wilful deception, and the cry of free trade raised thereon is an electioneering hoax. Lord John Russell calls the agriculturist who desires a continuance of the present protection, a monopolist ; and to break down the monopoly, proposes a fixed duty of Bs. Mr. Elliot proves I that a fixed duty of Bs., instead of breaking down the existing monopoly, would give the agriculturist me?"' than a third additional average protection I And the Morning Chronicle, says Mr. Elliot, has handled the various bearings of the corn question in a masterly manner ! Who is in the right ? If Lord John be right, Mr. Elliot is a de ceiver, and the Morning Chronicle is helping him. If Mr. Elliot be right, Lord John is a deceiver, and the Morning Chronicle is helping him. Non nostrum tante* eomponere lites. But, in either case, it is clear that there is a ieceiver, and that the Morning Chronicle is an abettor. I have only to repeat to intelligent Englishmen, FAIR Trade, and SAFE Trade. I am, sir, your obedient servant, HUGH 'NEI LE. 24th June, 1841. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. STR,—The dissolution of parliament will give birth to a crisis decidedly more momentous than any which the records of the two last ce n t u ries c an produce. The war in which ere are about to be engaged is a war of extermination ; it is mot one in which a few ambitious courtiers are the sole antago nists, and in which the meat that perisheth is the sole object of contention—it is one in which is jeoparded all that we hold dear to us as men, as Christians, as patriots, as responsible beings—it is a contest between light and darkness—between Christ and Belial—between the God of Glory and the powers of damnation—and the prise to be lost or won in it is the all glorious Gospel of the grace of God. The grand questions then which suggest themselves to every right-minded mover in this momentous scene, are not whether we shall have cheap bread or dear bread, whether we shall have free labour or slave labour. No; these are merely spectres conjured np by insidious knaves to divert the attention of the unwary from the fearful realities of their position. The grand points which now imperatively demand our attention are, whether we are to enjoy any longer the glorious liberty which, under our unrivalled constitution, has preserved our rights inviolate, and made our cottages to be castles, or whether we are to crouch beneath the iron rod of a foreign power, while onr property is subject to confiscation and our bodies to perse cution—whether we are any longer to enjoy the privilege of worshipping in that pure and apostolieal church in which we were made " members of Christ, children of God, and in heritors of his heavenly kingdom," or whether we are to be put to the bitter alternative of either dying at the stake for our profession or rendering that honour which is due to God only to things which are by nature no Gods, to stocks and stones and graven images—whether we are to enjoy any longer the privilege of hearing Christ Jesus faithfully preached in all his justifying and sanctifying righteousness, or whether we are to crawl like beasts, beneath the most grovelling and debasing penances, at the beck of those who have before reduced the country to the most abject vassalage— whether we are to watch the expiring embers of the last copy of God's live'y oracles, or whether we are still to have the inestimable pleasure of reading in our own tongue wherein we were born the wonderful works of God. Permit me then, sir, through the medium of your valuable paper, to address these simple and straightforward questions to every individual who is able, in any degree, to influence the issue of the eemin.- election—and whose desire in so doing is to be gnided by God's revealed will and commandments. Can you, consist ently with your feelings as a patriot, give your support and countenance to a body of men, who though convinced by the series of defeats which they sustained that they had lost the confidence of the country, could yet basely cling to their abused places in violation of the spirit of the constitution ? Can you, conscientiously, keep men in power, who by one of the most iniquitous acts that ever past a mortal legislature have converted into a mere compact of convenience one c f the most solemn and momentous ordinances of the Christian faith, one on which depends all the happiness of our homes, our tiresides,:and our associations—that ordinance which we are told by an apostleis a type of the mystical union between Christ and his church, and who have thus degraded woman from being the partner of man's purest joys, into the slave of his most brutal and most sensual appetites—can you ex pect God's blessing upon yourself as an individual while yon uphold those whose boast is to deal heavy blows, and to give great discouragement to the protestant faith, the mightiest bulwark of the throne and constitution,—can you conscien tiously countenance a government which wrings from the purses of British subjects £lO,OOO per annum to foster and endow an institution which has been proved—notoriously proved—not merely by the journals of every passing traveller, but by the contents of her theological standards, her class books, and her canon laws (books all open to your inspection if you choose to examine them), to be the unblushing organ of treason, perjury, and bloodshed ? Can you conscientiously submit that this vast and mighty empire should be virtually swayed—as it has been—by a remnant of Irish mendicants, who obtain admission to the legislature, not by the fair and disinterested suffrages of their fellow-countryme n , b u t b y bribery, by pettifogging, by intimidation, by mob viole nce , by illicit , personification of other individuals, and by the curses and denunciations of a tyrannical priesthood, whose wrath is well known to be the never-failing messe nger o f persecution, and, in many a bye-gone instance, of the most barbarous murders? Can you conscientiously support a body of ministers in office who, abiding under the sovereign's roof, are ever found assiduous in their attendance, when the ball-room, the theatre, or the race-course is the centre of attraction, but who can never find either time or opportunity to accompany her to the courts of God's house of praise? Lastly, can you conscientiously forbear from uniting with many more of God's faithful people, to expel from their undeserved station those who, by shielding from merited punishment, have patronised, and one of whom has unblush ingly introduced, at the court of his sovereign, that arch apostle of atheistic sensualism, whose damnable purpose is to overthrow every ordinance, both of God and man, and through whose dire instrumentality many and many a wretched soul has been already consigned to that region of everlasting despair, where there is howling and gnashing of teeth ? And now, sir, I am sure you will agree with me in con cluding, that, if every right-minded elector, who believes in the truth of revelation, will only answer these questions from the sincerity of his heart, and act with regard to them ac cording to the dictates of his conscience, we may still have ground for hoping that our ehurch and nation have not yet seen their best days, but that the favour of heaven will still be our portion, and that God, even our own God, will still give us his blessing.—l am, sir, your obedient servant, A LIVERPOOL CLERGYMAN. THE PRESIDENT STEAM SHIP. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVIRFOOL STANDARD. SIR,—As all hopes of the safety of the unfortunate Presi dent are now at an end, she having been out, without being positively either seen or heard of for upwards of 100 days, permit me to suggest through your columns the holding of a public meeting, for the purpose of originating a subscription in behalf of the families of the crew, and of such of the offi cers, as may have left relatives who were dependent upon them in a state, more or less, of destitution. The owners of the vessel have, in a praiseworthy manner, opened the British Queen for some time past to the admis sion of the public, on payment of a small sum—the proceeds to be appropriated to the use of the distressed families of the crew. What amount has been collected and distributed I am not informed ; but the probability is, that it was little, or ' perhaps nothing more than would suffice for the immediate necessities of those poor persons. Under the melancholy circumstances of the case, I trust that an appeal to the sym pathies of the public would produce a sum that would be of permanent advantage to the bereaved, by enabling them to commence in any small way of business from which they can derive a living. A few days ago, I happened to meet three of the men's wives in the street, making anxious inquiries for any possible intelligence of the vessel, and evidently in great distress of mind. They were, I may add, all far ad vanced in pregnancy, and I have no doubt there are many others, as well as children, and it may be parents, in an equally deplorable state. Tour insertion of this will, I hope, induce sores benevo lent individuals to adopt my suggestion, or some other mea sure, to forward an object which is entirely apart from poli tical considerations. I am, Sir, yourf, Liverpool, 21st June. W. [We shall be glad to forward our correspondent's suggestion in any way in our power. We recommend it to the strong est consideration of all who are likely to carry it out.] " FOREWARNED FOREARMED ;" OR, THE COUNSELS OF ENGLAND'S ENEMIES EXPOSED Scene, England.—SATAN, musing. I hate thee, England! through my wide domain I've not a province costs me so much pain : Rebellion here against my rule gains ground Through strength and counsel in the Scriptures found. I hate the light that baneful volume sheds ; It mars my power, and fell sedition spreads : Both old and young there suck the poison in That fealty to my rightful sway is sin ; Yea some so bold, would course my empire's bound, And through its realms rebellion's trumpet sound. But shall I—Satan—see my power o'erthrown— I, who would rule in heaven, not earth alone ? Forbid it subtlety—forbid it skill— Forbid it pride—that spurns superior will. Come forth, my lords, my councillors, and show How we can best these rebels overthrow, And here, as heretofore, in triumph reign, Sedition humble. and the sway regain. (Enter PLUTUS, MOLOCH, and Luetrzn.) Welcome, my lords, say, Plutus, what is best To set this wide-spread anarchy at rest. PLurus.—Dread lord, I counsel that we try. the spell That riches cast o'er souls that love thee well. The world is thine, its good things freely give, Thy people then contentedly will live ; What most they love, so long as they can gain, They'll be at peace, and bless thy bounteous reign. SATAN.—WeII said, good Plutus. Moloch, speak thou now; Good counsel oft has mark'd thy words, I trow. MOLOCH.—Great sovereign, it has been thy happy lot To reign through fear. We have not yet forgot That golden age, when Popery was free To work at will, and win the mastery. Then racks and prisons, fines and tortures too, Caus'd recreant souls their hardihood to rue. The Inquisition then made rebels quail, Yea, seldom found its potency to fail In checking symptoms of rebellious strife. If thoughts would flow, it check'd the breath of life. My counsel is—we further on the sway That once has ruled, and yet may gain the day. SATAN.—We thank thee, Moloch. Lucifer, proceed To give thy counsel in this time of need. LuciPun..—My liege, I fain would able counsel give ; Advice I'd suit to days in which we live. Now reason toils in many a labouring brain; - Exalt that reason greatly, 'tis our gain ; Pamper it well, 'twill spurn subjection then, And pride will reign, and we do well again. If revelation rebel souls will seek, We'll give it, f or we know full well 'twill speak w a e n fi d lni es t e h td e h n en o S cht o ab c i i er n duoifss'ma state,ai aid \\' 8 1,77 vel e n bringreason'spride t clown, os wk reason inl Then revelation will not mar our fate. SATAN.—NIy lords, I thank you ; each has counsel given Well fl amed to check the growing power of Heaven. Each to his work ; each has my full consent To carry out his mind's matured intent ; While I will aim a sure and deadly blow, And lay the hopes of future promise low. With purpose fair, I'll tamper with that word Through which alone this rebel movement's stirr'd. With specious gloss and artful subtlety I'll mar and alter Heaven's dread mystery; Frame extracts fitted for the youthful mind, blind ; Where, truth and error mixed, their eyes shall Exalt the Virgin 'hove her &Hone Through whom alone the world's salvation' s übt wen , Infuse, in early days, the withering That truth's a dream, and find none can out • That all are safe if but sincere the' devotee : Thus moulding we be, v Mahomet's slave, or Brahmin's f It the strength o fu ture years, We'll bid adieu. to present anxious fears. Lik e mariners, o n trackless waters to ss 'd , No pilot guiding, and their compass lost, E ac h wave or wind shall waft them to and fro, Scarce heeding, and less knowing, where they go. Thus ample throngs shall fill Hell's wide d • omain, A n d you be great, and I supremely reign. PLITT, MOL., and Lye.—Rail, in might and s kill, did! supreme We own thy wisdcn, and they thy wel. [Exeunt. N r 3 1