The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-05-18 00:00:00

-imperial Parliament. tiOUSE OF LOILII -4 .-MONDA Y Lard MK art vtoitz, t Ay next, i^ rqnsPitience of the 'absence, from indisitqsition 4 t! , e Duke or Wellington, toe secon,i reading of the Po' r Relief r Ireland) Biil. trl SraNiiioOK ptesented mans' pe'itions against the Podr Ltw Amendment Act, one of them being resisted on account of irregularity in the signatures.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MoNrwr. The Marquis of Blandfoid took the oaths and his seat as mem i",er for Woodstock; and a - petition was, at the same moment, 'presented against his return. Tho Gloucester election committee reported, that Mr. Hope, the sittiu , member, had been duly elected; and immediately afterwards a new writ was moved for Gloucester, Mr. Hope 7 havinfr, accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. The Norwich election committee reported, that the Marquis of D inro, one of the sitting members, had been duly elected; that the Hon. H. C. Scatlett, the other sitting member, had not been dul . V elected, but that Mr.• Smith ought to have been returned. IRISH TITHES Lord Russxr.r. then moved that the Sneaker do leave the chair, in order that the house might go into committee on the SObject of tithes in Ireland. Thenoble lord spoke at some length with reference to the promised amendment by Sir T. D. Ackland; and contended that the recent proceedings of the tory party had been adopted with the view of deceiving ministers, and inducing them to believe that the three great Irish questions were to be amicably settled, whilst they (the tories) were secretly preparing to assail ministers upon those very questions. He concluded by calling on tha,house to reject the amendment. Sir THOMAS ACLAND immediately moved, that the appropria tion resolut lin' of 1835 should be-rescinded, which was seconded 1 . 4 „Sir 4 fint.Ey Air CHARLES LElnors, who had opposed the passing of the resolution in 1835, now opposed the motion for rescinding it. Mr. Cor.nuitouN, Col. CONOLLY, Mr. MILNES, Mr. LRFROY, and Lord STANLEY, supported bySir Thos. Acla ud's motion; and Mr. St.AKRY, Sir W. SuAIRRVILLE, MT.FITZ4TEPHEN FRENCH, aril Lord M0140E114, opposed it. Mr. LITtON then rose, and moved the adjournment of the de bate until to-morrow . (ruesday,) which was agreed to. CHURCH LEASES. On ti l t, mo ti on (zeLord J. RUSS6Lf„ it was ordered that the 'church leases'cotarniitee consist of twenty-one members:—Lord J. Hassell, Mr. Goulbii•rn, Mr. Vernon Smith, Mr. Pusey, Mr. Latrihron, Air. Granville Vernon, Mr. Pease, Mr. Childers, Mr. ( ;ally Knight, Mr. Hector, Mr. Inzham, Mr. Solicitor-General, Lord Eliot, Mr. Baines, Mr. Wm. Evans, Mr. Hope Johnstone, Mr. Ward, Mr. Raring Wall, Mr. Hawes, Lord Viscount San don; Lord VitiCount brington. The other orders of the day being disposed of, the house ad journed at half-past twelve. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TtrEspsy. The Lord Chancellor took his seat at five "Mock. A great number of petitions on various subjects were pre sented. Lord G.LCNELG brought in a bill to itnprove the condition of East India labourers in i he British colonies.—Read a first time. The vestries bill amendment act wai read a third time and passed. 'Several hills on the table were forwarded a stage. The house adjourned at a quarter before six o'clock till Friday. HOUSE OF COMMONTS.—TuisbAY. The gallery was not open till a quarter ;11erfOU - r - o'clock, in "c - ic,quence of the ballots having been fixed for Bolton-le- Nef . ‘irs and Bury St. Edmund; but neither were proceeded with. Mr. M rt,Rs, the chairman of the Waterford committee, re p.irted that H. W. Barron, Esq., was duly elected, and that neither the petition nor the opposition thereto was frivolous or vexatious. EASTERN CI3UNTTES RAILWAY M r.'ltocitn inos;ed the second readingot the eastern counties railway bill. Captain PacHELt„ Mr. R. PALMER, and other members, presented petitions against the bill• A desultory discussion ensued, after which Mr. O'Cosmkti. moved as an amendment that the bill be read R second time that day fortnight. The amendment was agreed to Without a division. A ,(rent number of petitions, on various subjects, were pre sented. BIRNIIINGKAM AN'D IMISTCM RAILWAY. Mr. lie N DLtiY moved the second reading of the Birmingham, Bristol, and Thames junction railway bill. Captain Woon opposed the bill. Afters short explanation from Mr. lisrtinxy, Captain Wool, withdrew his opposition, and the bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. The report on the Londonderry bridge hill was brought up and agreed to. SAviNGs' BANKS . Mr. IlinuN gave notice that on the 22d of May he should sub mit a motion to the house on the subject of savings' banks. M r. E. "rENNENT gave notice that on an early day he should call the attention of the house to the necessity of a direct mail conveyance between Duhlin and Belfast. - Several rout hills were read a third time and passed. The notice 4 of motion which stood for this evening were post poned until future days. A short discussion ensued as to the new mode of lighting the himse. No decision was come tn. A DJOCIVIED DEBATE.-A PPROPIIIATION Ct.A CSF. The'order of the day for resuming the adjourned debateupon the Irish tithes bill having been read, Mr. Lrisroar said he would, as briefly as he could, state the noinions which induced him to vote against the details and against the principle of the resolutions, and to support the ino tremor the hon. baronet, the inerfiber for North DeVoti. It was 's great !satisfaction to him to know that his opinions co'ssacided l-ais those art. 0.-e a t mass of the protestant population of Ire and s and•that there were - rers or the mein tier,.. or rriO - establigne'd church in that country who did not perceive the injury which those resolutions, if carried into effect, must inflict on protes tantion. (Hear,- from the opposition.) The clergy them %elves ought to beconsulted on a question of this kind, and they were all unanimous in opposition to the measure. There was therefore no ground•for the assertion which was so boldly made on the other side, that the bill was a boon to the clergy. They, on the contrary, considered it a measure striking at the roots of private property, and tending to the ruin of the chnrch. The noble , lord , optrilsite had-very truly stated, that this measure shpnlit: he looked upon with a view to its effects upon the peace oft Ireland. (Hear, hear.) But he thought that the more fair . course for the noble lord would be, to give the opponents of the areasare, on his (the opposition) side of the house, the oppor tunity of explaining fully the principles which would induce them to vote for the motion of the hon. baronet, and against the resolutions. If the disenssion were fairly, fully, and plainly taken, the resolutions of 1835 must be removed from the books, because they forced on the house in advance the principle of appropriation, which every one sitting upon that side of the house most strenuously opposed.. He thought it important that the house, and especially the English members on both sides of the house, should know "the exact state is which the property of the church of Ireland was at present placed, what were its gene ral receipts, what was the state of the payments of the tithes of that country owing to the working of the various acts of parlia ment which had been introduced, that they might appreciate the suggestion that in offering what was called a boon, by the present resolution, anything of service was done to the clergy, or anything effected, save a spoliation of their incomes. By the operation of Lord Stanley's Act, which was passed in 1832, two modes" were suggested, by which the payment of tithe Mat taken from the occupier. ( Hear, hear, hear.) The first was by the landlords who hail the imwer to undertake the pay ment of tithes, to enter into a contract which made them liable to the clergyman for the entire tithes of their estates, giving them for the trouble of collection and the risk of loss, a bonus of Iles per cent. In the province of Ulster six-sevenths at least of the ithes of that province were paid by the undertaking land lords.- The clergy in that province had not to encounter the hostility of the tenants, for they were dealing with those who throughout all Ireland were paying the tithes—he meant the landlords.' The clergy of Ulster were thus paid five-sixths, or six sevenths, of their income, without the slightest difficulty or loss. They had just as much title, as easily enforced; arid as staCceaSfully aetedupors, as any landlord had to his rent. There ' fore, as to that - course ; he would ask what bonus was given to them by deducting at once an additional 15 per cent., without the slightest necessity for it, or the slightest return being made for it. They dist not come into collision with the occupier; they 'hada fixed stettled title—settled ha law, for which both remedies at law and in equity hadheen given them; and he would venture to say, that there was no instance in the province of Ulster, in Nvhicit•the landlord had forced the clergy to sue him at law for that which was not tithes, hut rent charges; with respect to the other clauses, stheother provisions of Lord Stanley's art, in every eiv ouof a tenancy from year to year, subsequent to August, 18.33 in every case of a lease mods-sit - ice that period, the landlord was, by that,very act, of having his lend discharged, charged with the tithe, without deduction. Every tease made since 1832, and every existing tenant from. year to year, is not liable to the pay mental, tithes, but the landlord is liable I'm , it. Now, his object was-to alum that in the southern and western parts of Ireland I bogs most disaffected towards the payment of tithes were now willingSto pay them, Ile would also say with respect to the eccuviers, that the great proportion of them paid their tithes. Now' be would undertake to say; that when the returns which he should move for were laid upon the table, it would be shown, opoh an average, that the clergy-received 50 per cent. of then- tithes without" deduction: 'Was •it any boon to take anything from fifty per cent., which was really paid? Do they produce peace, and any absence of litigation ? Do (hey produce regularity of collection with respect to this fifty per cent.? Regularity and punctuality they already had without litigation, and with the assistance of his lay brethren of the protestant faith, who were in fact the real payers of the tithe, the landlord was the real payer of the tithe both in England and in Ireland ;• the clergyman was in peaceable re .ceipt'of 50 per cent. The fifty per cent. paid without the trouble of collection, and without its being the source of litiga tionf was it a boon to gw'e him at a loss of thirty per cent.? The,fifty per cent. was now secured to him—as secure to him as the well-paid rents of any gentl eman in the house. It was upon these grounds that he impugned the first resolution—it was an sincalled-for reduction of the intanneof a clergyman, upon which he depended, and might reduce him to- beggary and ruin. So far he had endeavoured to show the house that by,this first re solution they were acting most unjustly. It was very well to talk of taking off fifteen per cent. from the incomes of the clergy, but it would by and by reach one hundred per cent., (hoar, hear,) and that merely for the sake of satisfying a cer tain party, and if the clergy refused they would then be called A grasping and grinding set, who preferred money to the safety - of the -realm. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) With respect to the incomes of the successors ot' the present clergy, he begged 'the attention of the house while h© stated his total dissent from the version of the noble lord who closed the-debate last night • 'moan the effect of these 'resolutions. Notwithstanding the government had avoided any very distinct enunciation of an in tention to appropriate to secular purposes any income of the "present clergy, be must be allowed to say that he would demon - strate that with respect to their successors, those resolutions, if passed, hound the house and the country to appropriate for every year four-fifths of the income of the church. (Hear, hear.) . The house would please to observe that, by the second of these resolutions, so much of the rent charge as was now paid ' in lieu of tithes should be purchaseafde by the government, at sixteen years' purchase, at the rate of seventy per cent. The clergy were no longer to receive tithes, or the, existing rent charge ; but, instead of either, they were to receive an an nuity from the consolidated fund, which, be contended, would not, according to those resolutions, produce more than 3 1 per Jo hn s (Hear, hear.) The noble lord opposite (Lord s I - cried " Hear, hes r," hut he (Mr. Litton) would assert p Oti. I oe, We ore info; le of the clergy was cersidered, the riittslif) 'Wso s • sil pr :•c‘ , -..e •,;* the rent-charge• would be 'to it 1 0 . P , i . AV: t ,ytre e . - int. talti ,•,,, r ....eat., but to 515 per cent. (Hear, Na t WO o .* O n ' 00 .• -- . .ik m,ble 1 - wan to saY that the sixteen Vears' • IL '''' ,'' . - invr,tpd not in the funds' Emit in ssso ' s at i5 r.... .) agrt '' - ' '. • .1741 . • '- ' Jvn , , ~!I.—• No, no not inland.") , ~4 ' - • ' 1. • , . ' .7, ~,... ,„ - ~i, ,- •-• . ~ , ,w,t, A„ y,,,,, lo ,71,1,;which would give the - . e .e.... , ...A.,-. --,:‘ .. Y 4'Sq4 ll , ti ....mt , in many parts of Ireland, 1r ;61 ~,42. ," 1 . v! • 4 l'falgaissi:woula o, ' ield reose than PI per WI 4% 1:: • -; 1- • •,. • • , • . _ n2F.:3,5.4✓. cent., anal in those places wher.t land was cheapest land ,cas worth from-thirty to thirty-three years' purchaSe, and in some instances he knew it to be woith forty years' purchase. , All the difference, therefore, would go into the' pockets of the state for secular purposes, such as county charges, &c. It was for this reason that the learned Member for Dublin was principally pleased with the resolutions. Why did not the government dissi pate the doubt which now enveloped the question, by leaving th discussion on these resolutions open to fair and free debate? What right had the government to chain hon. members to the principle of appropriation, established in the resolution of 1835? Every hon. member was entitled to come free and unshackled to the consideration Of the subject, without being tied doWn to the principle of appropriation, to which so, large a portion of the - house strenuously objected. He should be wrong in entering at large into the question of whether there would or would not be a surplus. It Was perfectly well known that there was a large body in this house, as well as of those attached to the church of England out of doors, that would never yield to the question of appropriation. It was perfectly well known that the tithe ques tion could not be settled while they hung upon it the resolutions of 1835 as a necessof ingredient. - He therefore arraigned them as the parties who were seeking to prevent this question from being settled—who 'themselves preserved in the country the apple of discord, by reason of refusing to withdraw the resolu tions which kept up the discord. (Hear.) Let therri introduce any resolution or bill, which should contain the assertion of such principles as they though fit. Let them be discussed then—but let them not he said, as free agents, to enter into the discussion of any bill Whilst they were clogged with these objectionable resolutions. Mr. LA SCE ILES followed, on the same side. Mr. Redington delivered a wild and unmeaning harrangue, in 'favour of the appropriation clause, or rather of voluntary principle. Mr. Townrey expressed his determination to support government. Mr. Young spoke in favour of Sir Thomas Acland's motion. Mr. l3enett renewed his oath of allegiance to the whigs—but but protesseil himself unable to understand Lord John RUssell's resolutions. Lord SANnoN did not rise for the purpose, in any degree of impugning the motives of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, and he fully and entirely believed that the opinion .t which he had arrived was as honest and as conscientious as it was possible for any man to exercise. He rose for the purpose of vindicating himself and his hon. friend, the member for North Devon, who sat beside him, from the charge of bringing for ward this motion merely as a trial of party strength, involving no practical consequences. If he realty felt that the resolution which it was now sought to rescind was as obsolete and effete as the .h in. lentleman opposte considered it, or as effete as the act ittkii-tichard 11., whiclesas quoted by another t 5,4 4 ., gentle man last night, he should certainly never have thought fit to interpose an obstacle to the noble lord's resolutions the motion of his hon. friend, " But," continued the noble lord, " this question obsolete ! obsolete! why, the resolutions are only three years old altogether. (Loud cheers.) These were the constant boast of the gentlemen who brought them forward, and this is the first year in which the principle which they embody is not avowed. It is said that the proceeding did not take place in the same parliament; the objection is purely technical—(cheers) —the party which brought forward the appropriation clause is the same, and there is the same ministry, and the motion to re scind it is opposed by gentlemen who have re-asserted their abomination almost of the Church of Ireland as an institution. (Cheers from the opposition.) his surprising, then, that we should view with jealousy the continuance of these resolutions on the journals ? Obsolete, sir ! Idle! Why, we find the hon. gentleman opposite looking into the resolutions now proposed by the noble lord, and exerting all the energies of his practises mind in trying to ascertain, if he could, whether the principle of appropriation was involved in them or not; and are we to he taunted—are the clergy of Ireland to be aspersed, because they thought that they saw the principle of appropriat ion contained in them ? ( Hear.) I believe that that principle is not here in sub stance, but in shadow. What, I ask, was the object with which the sixth of these resolutions was preserved ? I believe it was to delude the people of Ireland, and to enable their friends and leaders to tell them that the principle of appropriation was still preserved, although it was not distinctly marked. out in the government measure. What other object can you point out in your sixth resolution ? It says, "'That it is the opinion of this committee, that the rent-charges for ecclesiastical tithe should be appropriated by law to certain local charges now defrayed out of the consolidated fund and to education, the surplus to form part of the consolidated fund." I see by this resolution that von have still a lingering desire to per suade the people of Ireland that there will be a surplus, and that it shall be devoted to other than ecclesiastical purposes. How else is it that you calve to talk of a surplus, and of local charges, unless you wish to make it appear that like the prin. 'ciple of appropriation is retained, though the substance is gone, and it is found, after a curious examination, not to be in ex istence!. (Continued cheering.) The hon. 'gentleman who entered upon that exami na ti on asser t s th e p r i nc i p l e o f appro priation to be obsolete, but I suspect that there are many mem bers on his side of the house who would not find it quite conve nient to avow to their constituents in Ireland that the principle of appiopriation is out of date. We are met by the taunt that this motion is idle, and that, as the hon. gentleman said, we are raising cock robin for the purpose of killing him again. (a laugh.) But, sir, it is no light or trifling matter to shake a great part of the property of Ireland to its foundations. (Cheers.) It is ne light matter for the ministers of the crown to have en gaged the House of Commons to assert that the surplus of the property of the church should be devoted to objects not con nected with ecclesiastical institutions, and that no settlement of the tithe question can be considered final or satisfactory which does not embody that principle. It is no light matter for mi nisters to •have told an excited population this; • and in my opinion the only way of restoring the value of the property placed in such imminent hazard, is by having these appropria tion resolutions rescinded and disavowed." (Heat, and loud cheers.) The noble lord proceeded to obserie, that those who represented the church were now called • upon to make a great sacrifice, to make a trial of the state as a paymaster, and to sever their interests from the land with which the clergy had hitherto been connected. They were also called upon to enter into a proposition for extending municipal corporations to Ire land, which many conceived would seriously endanger the in terests of the Irish church, and ought they not to see that the Church was placed in a position of safety, and secured from fur s - lbws <.ss a ni,,r- 7 --Its , to the ch....* - tablisronent of Ireland, it was ttteir (the oppositioics) desire to erase from the-statute-hook that fatal resolution, the pernicious consequences of which had been denounced at the moment to honourable gentlemen on the other side, as fettering future legislation, and interposing insuperable obstacles to the final settlement of this question. (Hear, hear.) Did they not now feel the force of that practical inconvenience, which was at the present moment, one of its worst visible consequences—that not only in argument, but in fact, the most serious obstacles on, peded the definitive arrangement of this great question ? It bad not been his (Lord Sandon's) intention to enter into this quess • tion at large; but he had been stimulated by the remarks of his hon. friend who last addressed the house into an effort to re establish himself, and those with whom he acted, in this matter, in the good opinion of the house; and to prove not only that this was not a mere party questien, but that the resolution which it was their object to induce the house to rescind was neither an idle nor an obsolete reso l ut i on; that i t was not at th i s moment withoutits practical e ff ect; an d t h at, i f they absta i ne d from rescinding it, it was in vain for them to expect that security fur the Irish church .establishment without which it was impossible for them to proceed to the consideration of introducing any change into the system of municipal 'government in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Entertaining; these views, he had no difficulty in supporting the motion of his hon. friend. Mr. Want, rehearsed these principles in regard to church property, which have long been associated with his name. He declared that church property possessed none of the attributes of property —that the Roman Catholic ought to be the established religion of Ireland; and, (borrowing the phrase from Mr. Car lyles History of the 'French Revolution) he styled the established church of Ireland "a political lie." Lord TEIGNMOUTH grappled with Mr. Ward's statements; and showed, that viewed even on temporal grounds, the esta blished church of Ireland had been a blessing to tout country. Mr. Baccew followed Lord Teigninouth in a speech, to which the house, ( valuing it at its real worth) paid not the'slightest at tention. Mr. SUIA iv, after entei ing into an investigation of the princi ples of the Irish tithe-composition scheme, called the attention of the house to the extraordinary position of the Queen's govern ment, in regard to the established church of Ireland. That church had been designated by the Irish Secretary, "a badge of conquest over the Irish people!" Now, Mr. Shaw begged to ask, whether, in that functionary, such language was not highly unbecoming? Mr. O'CoNNEt.i., in the usual strain. The able summary in the Times says of the sribch of this learned gentleman, " We had the misgovernment of seven centuries: the Scotch, on the mountain side, compelling, with their broad swords, the esta blishment of the religion of the majority; the Irish corporation bill ; and the general topics of justice to Ireland. The Mer chants' Hall had convinced him that so far as professions of re form went. whigs and tories were both acting the same part, and it should not he forgotten that some of the tories who were then sitting opposite hint had been at least in profession whigs. (Ministerial cheers ) The difference between the two parties was, that the tories professed reform to a certain point. lip to that point the whigs were prepared to grant reform, but the to ries were not. (Oh, oh.) The quest ion to be decided that night was, "shall Ireland be governed by a faction for its own interests and against the interests of its people?" (Derision flom the opposition benches.) "I thank you," said Mr. O'Connell, "for that shriek ; (the same noise trim the same quarter continued) —many a shout tat insolent domination—(continued uproar) despicable and contemptible .as it is,—(uproar continued) have I heard against toy countm (Uproar continued, during which Mr. O'Connell, vs ith *lifted, fist and great violence of manner, Uttered several sentences which were inaudible in the gallery.) The_SPEAKER was at last obliged to interfere and call the house to order. Mr. O'CoNNELL continued.—Let them shout. It is a sense less yell. (Confusion worse confounded.) It is the spirit of the party that has placed you there. (Uproar.) Ireland will hear your shrieks. (Continued uproar.) Yes; you may want us again. ( Roars of laughter.) What would Waterloo have been if we had not been there? (Ministerial cheers, and opposition laughter.) I ask not that question for your renowned com mander-in-chief, who is himself an Irishman, hut for the hardy soldiery of Ireland who fought lhe battle for him. ("Question." and laughter from the opposition.) I say again, that is the question. (Hear.) The question . is, shall the people of Ireland be amalgamated with the people of England ? Refuse to receive us into that amalgamation, and abide the consequences. (Cries of "hear, hear," from the opposition benches.) Sneer at tire as you like—(laughter from the same quarter)—hut recollect that I speak the voice of millions— (renewed laughter)—who will hea: again of the base insult offered to me this even ing. '( Loud cheers from the Irish members, accompanied by an observation from , Mr. Grattau, which was not heard in the gallery, but which created a titter from the opposition.) Why should not the son of Grattan say —t hear the cheers and laughter (frowned the remainder of the sentence.) The English people, too. are auditors of your taunt. You tell us you can command a majority. I say to you, in reply, carry your bribery a little farther, and you will really have a majority. (Question, question.) More extensive brittert than you practised at the last election never yet was practised in this world, and the high est amongst you shrink from its investigation. (Loud cries of "Question.") Do the hon. gentlemen opposite wish to know what-the question is ? It is how shall Ireland be governed, fur it is impossible to think that such a paltry motion as that which the honourable member for Devon proposed and the Iron. mem ber for Warwickshire seconded is .the real question. That, I admit, is nominally the question. Is it so really ? The resolu tion yon want to rescind is this, and recollect that it is not only the people of En. land and Ireland, but the people of • the whole civilized world that are attending to the question which you have this evening raised. From the camp of Don Carlos to the throne of Nicholas, the whole world is listening to your debates and will overwhelm you with contempt y hen they hear the mighty reasons which are urged to prevent you from consolidating- two great nations into one, and from forming them into one united empire. Ai to the good intentions of Sir T. Acland, be totally dented them. At all events, there was a proverb alluding to a very hot place, said to be payed with good intentions. Sir E. Wilm,'t's course pleased him u.n hotter. " 1-leaven preserve us," piously ejticulated the learned member, " from these Eng lish baronets !" The property of the church, added he, was given oroinally for masses and other uses which yon call super-; stitions. ' The doctrine you thought bad, 1,0 the sonnet , Your protestant s gentry have great compassion tor West Indian slaves--none for their fish countrymen. I wish they , Y ere ne gross, then they wou'd have an advocate., To reSeind the np ; THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD: propriation clause would he aminsalt to.thein....,You offer them a c sliitolatiun ; but you prescribe it as a condition that they shall walk under a yoke—a condition which is not to be accepted or endured. In the course of hi. speech the learned member more than once repeated that the question to be settled was how Ireland should he governed. To us it appeared that the ques tion was not how she should be governed, but whether she was not to be exempted from the irksome restraint of being governed at all." Sir R. Peal. desired no ampler justification than the speech of Mr. O'Connell. If to rescind these reaolutions explicitly be an earnest of 'severity towards Ireland, what must be inferred from the tacit abandonment of them, as proposed by ministers! If the appropriation of church property to secular purposes be necessary to any final arrangement whatever, how could Mr. O'Connell sanction an arrangement not involving it? Or did Mr. O'Connell consider it involved in these resolutions ? Was the house, On this, point, to credit him or the ministers ? The learned member in his pleading for peace never forgot to talk of the Scotch way of working out a religious establishment with the broad-sword. Oh ! but no such extremity was proposed for Ireland, because the Irish catholics repudiated the notion of touching the property. And yet, since these resolutions were published, the learned member hail addressed the Irish recom mending that catholic pries.S he endowed' with the Protestant's glebe —not with the tithe; tithe might be a precarious provi sion, but land was a stable one. Sir Robert then reviewed the history of the appropriation resolutions. On coming into office at the end of 1831, he had taken up the tithe bill of his prede cessors. He had been encountered by these resolutions, and bad warned his opponents that their triumph would be short; that is, as to the principle affirmed, not as to the tenure of office—for it was very possible to hold office with little triumph. (l'his just apothegm was received with great applause.) On these reso lutions he had quitted tlie government in 1935. In the same year, on 'the bill of these ministers, Lord Stanley had proposed a separation of the tithe enactments from the appropriation clauses, and the answer of the chancellor of the exchequer then Was, that it would have been better candidly to propose the re scinding of the resolUtions—the very course- now, pursued. In . 1836 anisther tithe bill passed the House of Commons, and was sent back front the lords amended, by the omission of the appro priation clads -s"; hitt ministers refused to consider the amend ments at all with that omission. To omit the clauses, they ar gued, Would be to recant the principle. As to 1837, ministers now said that ; the declaration's of the conservatives itt that year had deceived them. He denied it in terms as peremptory as would consist with courtesy and parliamentary usage. When Lord John intimated that ministers would not be restrained by false pride from doing what they thought heat, be (Sir Robert) had said, that he would het taunt them for having turned him out upon this point if they would consent to abandon a clause which caused so much of bitterness in Ireliind; the more, be cause it was neither executed nor repealed.. He must say now, as he always had said, that he would not consent to a settleMent on the basis of appropriation ; and he had never led ministers to think otherwise. In this very session. when Lord John inquired what course would be taken by the conservatives on the Irish corporation bill, he (Sir Robert) had again referred to the ap- I, propriat ion resolutions, and had declared he was willing to settle the other Irish questions, but must insist on security for the church. He had heard with deep regret the bitter tone of Lord John, especially the sueer at the clergy. After all their sufferings and privations, it was too much for a minister to say, that because the sum which they expressed their readiness to forego for the peace of Ireland was only 15 per cent instead of 30, therefore 15 per cent was the precise and outside value which they put upon their country's peace. It would have been difficult, no doubt, for ministers to agree to a 'solemn vote of abrogation, which must materially lower them; but they might at least have said they would practically abandon the appropriation, and do their best to make the settlement final. Very opposite to this had been the tone of Lord John Russell's speech and the fortrOf the resolu tions indeed, even after the speech, the house had been left as completely in the dark as ever. It was not till the close of Monday evening that the house could collect whether appro priation were included in them or not. Was it not fit that when this principle had been used as an instrument for heaving a government from its base, the house should at least understand whether this principle was now intended to be applied. A letter had been published by Mr. O'Connell, intimating, that the arrangement now proposed involved the principle of appro priation, but that this arrangement was not likely to be a final one. After protesting against the purchase of a short respite for the church by the sacrifice of £5t),000 or £60,000 of her re venue, which would only let in a principle for absorbing in like manner all the rest of her income, Sir R. Peel observed, that the church now rests upon firm grounds —on the.act of Union, which was an express guarantee to her, and the catholic relief bill, which was an implied one. On these grounds he would de fend her. He was willing to grant-funds for the education of the catholics, but not at the exclusive expense of the protestant church. They would desert their duty of protestant legislators, as legislators, whatever their religious creed might be, if they consented to adopt any principle by which the protestant esta blishment in Ireland would be weakened, whether by immedi ate, aggregate, or any other means which would ultimately. lead - the way to its inevitable destruction. He, therefore, cordially supported the proposition of his hon. friepd, (Sir T. Acland,) and continued his adherence to that principle, to the mainten ance of which he had sacrificed the possession' of office, and to which be again said, he adhered with equal fidelity. (The hon. baronet sat down amidst loud cheering.) Mr. Rice denied that the resolutions in 1835 had been got up to turn out Sir Robert Peel. But he would not rescind them, because that would involve the degradation of ministers, and would be in opposition to his own opinions. In an - angry strain he charged the conservatives with having lost their tempers, and deprived him of the hope, which belied entertained some little time before, of bringing the fith lion to an amicable termi nation; but, in his opinion, th M . shown themselves only Conservatives of riot, confusion, and disorder. This figure of speech, which would robahly be called Hibernian if he had not himself invented the happier term—West British, was received by the conservatives with good humour, which fully acquitted them of the right hon. gentleman's charges of virulence and asperity. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the house divid ed, when the numbers appeared— For the original motion For the amendment '29B —l9 . The honse haVing resolved into committee, Lord T. liiissEti. said, that at that late hour he should pro pose that the cnairman immediately report progress, and ask leave to sit again on Monday next. This motion being carried, the house resumed, and adjotirlied at half-past one o'clock. lIOUSOP COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY: The Speaker 'took the chair at four o'clOck. Mr. R. STEUA RT moved that the house at its risingdo adjourn until Friday.--Agreed to. A number of petitions on various subjects were presented. The Middlesex County-Courts Bitt was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. The Dean Forest Roads Bill was read a third time, and passed. Mr. C. W. WYNN gave notice that on the 31st of May he should move an Address to the Queen, praying that her Ma jesty would be pleased to give some ecclesiastical preferment to three late chaplains of the House of Commons. Mr. H AWES gave notice, that on bringing up the report on the Benefices Pluralities Bill, he should niece a clause to abo lish all pluralities under any circumstances. ( near.) Mr. P. TitomPsoN expressed a wish that the hon. member for Dudley would withdraw the British Manufacturers Bill, and he would pledge himself to bring in a bill ori the satne subject, or introduce clauses into sonic other measure, which would obtain the object the hon. member had in view. Mr. HAWES was understood to assent to this arrangement, and withdrew the bill. In answer to a question by an Hon. Member, Lord J. RUSSELL said, the commissioners sent out to Malta had finished their inquiry, and .he believed they were now on their way home. . , . The hionse went into committee, pro forma, on the Glass Duties Bill The bill was then ordered to be printed. SMALL DEBTS (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the order of the day being read for going into committee on the Small Debts (Scotland) Bill. Mr. WALLACE said he should be ashamed of himself if he did not oppose the bill at every stage. He moved, as an amendment, that the bill be committed on that day six months. A discussion ensued, in which Sir W. RAE and the LORD ADVOCATE took part, after which Mr. WA LLACE withdrew the amendment, and the house went into committee on the bill. The first clause was agreed to. The second clause was under discussion when we left the house. • UNIVERSITY AND CLERICAL INTELLIGENCE. CAMBRIDGE, May 12. On Friday, the 11th inst., Edmund Lloyd Birkett obtained the Mickleliorrow scholarship in cnemistry in Grenville and Caius College, in this University. R. H. Smith, Esq., 8.A., of Caius College, in this University, has lately been elected to the mastership of the Grammar Schoo l of Andover. The Rev. James Saunders, of Sidney Sussex College, and the Rev. John Lodge, of Alagdalane College, in this University, have been appointed Woodwardian inspectors for the year ensuing. TITHES (IRELAND) TurEqoAy. MAY 15, Order for Committee read ; Alotion made. and proposed. "That Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair Resolutions of the House, of 7th April, 1835, read, as fol low : " Resolved, That any surplus revenue of the present Church Establishment in Ireland, not required for the spiritual care of its members, be applied to the moral and religions educa tion of all classes of the people, withotit distinction of reli gious persuasion, providing for the reiumption of such sur plus, or of any part of it as may be required by an intrease to the number of the members of the Established Church." " Resolved, That it is the opinion of this House, that no mea sure upon the subject of Tithes in Ireland can lead to a satis factory and final adjustment, which does not embody the principle contained in the foregoing Resolution." Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word " That" to to the end of the Question, in order to add the words " the said Resolutions be rescinded," instead thereof :—(Sir Thomas Acland :) —Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question :"—The House divided : Ayes 317, Noes 298. _ . AYES. Abercrombv, G Ferguson, Sir it Phillips, Sir R Acheson, Lord Ferguson Sir It A Phillips, M Adam, Admiral Ferguson R Phillips, G H Ag,lionby, H. A Ferguson, It C Phillpots, J Aglionby, Major Finch F Pinney W Ainsworth, P Fitzgibbon Col Ponsonhy, C F A Alston, R Fitzroy, Lord C Ponsonhy, Hon J Andover, Lord Fleetwood P II Potter, J Anson, Hon Col Fort, J Power, .1 Anson, Sir G French, F Power, J Archbold, R Fenton, J Price, Sir R Attwood, T Gillon, W D Protheroe, E Bainbridge, E T Gordon, R Pryme, G Baines, E Goring, H D Pryse, P Ball, N Grattan J Posey, P Bannerman, A Grattan, 1-1 Ramsbottom, J Barnard, E. J Greenway, C ltedington, T N Barron, H W Grey, Sir C E Rice, E It Barry, G S Grey, Sir G - Rice, Right Hon T S Beamish, F. B Grosvenor, Lord It Rich, H Bellew, R M Grote, G Rippon, C Benett J Guest, J J Roche, B B Bentinck, Lord W Hall, B Roche, W Berkeley, Hon 11. Halliburton, Ld DG Rolfe, Sir It M Berkeley, Hon G Handley, H Runnhold, C E Berkeley. Hon C Harland, \V C Rundle. J Bernal, R C Harvey, D W Russell, Lord J Hewes, 'l' Hastie, A Russell. Lord Blackett, C Hawes, B Russell, Lord C Blake, M J Hawkins, J H Salway, Col Blake, W .-J Hayter, W G Sanford, B A Blewitt, R J Heathcote, J Scholefield, J Blunt, Sir C Hector, C J Scrope, G P Bodkin, J .1 Heneage, B Seale Col Bowes, J Heron, Sir It Seymour, It Brabazon, Lord Hill, Lord A M Sharpe, Gen Brahazon, Sir W Hindley,C Shell, It L Bridgeman, H Hobbouse, Sir J Shelborne, Earl Briscoe, J 1 Hohhouse, T Slaney, It A Brocklehurst, J Hodges, 1' L Smith, .1 A Brodie, W B Hollond It Smith, B Brotherton, J Ilorsman. E Smith. Hon It Browne. R D Hoskins, K Smith, It V Bryan, G Howard, I' Somers, J P Buller, E Howard, P H Somerville, Sir W M Bulwer, H L Howard, R Speirs, A Busfield. W Howard. Lord Vis Spencer, Hon F Butler, Hon Col li time, J Standish, C Byng G . Humphrey, .1 . Stanley, M Byrw, Rt Hon G S Hurst, R H Stanley, W 0 Callaghan, D 1-Ititt W,, Stansfield, W It Campbell, Sir J Hutton, R Staunton, Sir G James Carnac, W F James, W Stewart, Carnac, Sir J Jephson, C Stuart, Lord J Cave, R 0 Jervis, J Stuart, V Cavendish, Hon C Jervis, S Strangways, G Cavendish, Hon G Johnson, Gen Strickland, Sir G Cayley, E S Labouchere, 11 Strurt, E Lambton, H • Langdale, C - Style, Sir C Chapman, Sir M Lefevre, C S Talbot, Cll Chester, 1-1 Lemon Sir C Talbot, ,J Chetwynd, Major Leveson Lord Tallourd, Serjeant Chichester J P Lister, E C Tancred, ti W , Childers, .1 W Loch, J Thomson, C 1' Clay, W Lushington, Dr Thintely, 'l' Clayton, Sir W Lushington C 'Townley, It G Clements, Lord Lynch, A H Troubridge, E Clive, B B Macleod, R Turner E Codriugton,Admiral Macnamara, Major Turner W Collier, J M'Taggart Verney, Sir II Collins, W Maher, J Vigors, N A Colquhoun, Sir J Marshall, W Villiers, C P Craig, W G Marshall. H Vivian, Major C Crawtord, W Martin, J Vivian, J H Crompton, S Maule, Hon F Vivian, Sir R Cur rie, B. Maule, W 11 Waklev T Curry W Melgund, Lord Walker, C A Chalmers, P Mildmay, P Walker, R Dalmeny, Lord Milton, Lord Wallace, R Dashwond, G H Moreton, Hon A Warburton, H Davies, Col Morpeth, Lord Ward, H G Denison, W.. 1 Morris, 1) Wemyss, J E D , rinistoun, J Murray, Hon J Westenra, H It D'Eyncourt, C Muskett, G A Westenra, Hon J Divert, B Nagle, Sir R White, A Duckworth S O'Brien, C White, L Duff, J O'Brien, W S White. S Duke, Sir J O'Callaghan, C Wilbraham, G Duncan, Lord O'Connell, D Wilde, Serjeant Duncombe. 'l' O'Connell, J Wilkins, W Dundas, C W D O'Connell, M J Williams, W Dundas, Capt 1) O'Connell, M Williams, W A Dundas, F O'Connell, M Wilshere, W Dundas, Hon J O'Ferrail, R Al Winnington,T Dundas. Horn T Ord, W Winnington, II Easthope, J - - L'-- , -.Pt. Lord A Wood, C Ebring,ton, Lord Paget, le vv 'mu, oar lit Edwards. J Palmer, C F Wood, G W Elliott, Hon. J E Palmerston, Lord Worsley, Lord Ellice, Capt A Parker, J Woulfe, Serjeant Ellice, Rt. Hon E Parnell, Sir H Wrightson, W Erle, W Parrott, J Wyse, 'l' Etwall, It Pattison. J Yates, J A Evans, De Lacy Pease, .1 -- E,rans, G Pechell, Capt TELLERS. Evans, W Pendarves, E W Stanley, E G Fazakerley, J N Steuart, H - - NOES. Acland, Sir T D Farrand, It Maxwell, H Acland, T 7 Fector, J M Meynell. Capt A'Court, Capt Feilden, W Miles, W Adare, Lord Fellowes, E Miles, 1' W S Alford, Lord Filmer, Sir E Miller, W El Alsager, Capt Fitzroy, Hon 11 Milnes, R M Arbuthnott, Hn Fleming, J Monypenuv, T Archilall, M F o ley, E T Mordaunt,Sir J. Ashley, Lord Follett, Sir W Morgan, C M It Ashley, Hon II Forester, Hon G Neeld, Joseph Attwood, W Fox, G L Neeld, John Attwood. M Freshtield, J W Nichol], J Bagge, W Gaskell, J M Norreys, Lord Bagot, Hon W Gibson, T Northland, Ld Bailey, J Gladstone, W E O'Neill, Hon J B Bailey, J jun Glynne, Sir S It Ossulston, Lord Baillie, Col Goddard, A Owen, Sir J Baker, E Godson, R Packe, C W Baring, Hon F ' Gordon. Capt Pakington, J S Baring, Hn WII Gore, 0J R Palmer, R Barneoy, J Gore, 0 W Palmer, G Barrington, Lord Goulburn, H Parker, M Bateson, Sir IL Graham, Sir J Parker. R T Bell, M Granby, Marquis Parker, 'l' A W Bentiuck, Lord Grant, Hon Col Patten, .1 W Bethell, R Greene, T , Peel, Sir R Blackburne, I Grimstlitch, T Feel, J Blackstone, W Grimston, Lord Pemberton. T Blair, J Grimstoo, E II Perceval, Col Blakeinore o R Hale, R B Perceval, C J Blandford, Marq Halford, H Pigot, H Blennerhassett Harcourt, C G Planta, Rt Hn J Arthur Harcourt, G S Polhill, F Boldero, H G Hardinge, Sir H Pullen, Sir J W Bolling, W . Hawkes, P Pollock, Sit F Bradshaw, J Hayes, Sir B Powell, Col Bramston, 'l' w Heathcote, Sir W Powerscourt Broadley, H Henniker, Lord Lord Broadwood, H Hepburn, Sir 'l' B Praed, W M Browniigg, S • Herbert, Hon S Price, R Bruce, Lit E (. Herries, J C ' Pri ng l e, A Bruges, W, II L ' Hill, Sir R Rae, Sir W Buller, Sir J Y •',q, Hilborough, E R e id, Si r J It Burdett, Sir F •,.' Hinde, J H Richards, R Burr, R Hodgson, F Rickford, W Burrell, Sir C Hodgson, E Rollestou, L Burroughes, H Hogg, J W Rose, Sir G Calcraft, JEI Homes, Hon W Round, C G Canning, Sir S' Holmes, W Round, J Cantelupe, Lord Hope, G W Rushbrooke, II Cartwright; W Hotham, Lord Rushout, G Castlereagh, Lord Houldiworth, T St. Paul, H Chandos, Marquis Houstoun, G Sanderson, R Chapman,:A Howard, Hon W Sandun, Lord Chisholm, A W Hughes, W B Scarlett, Iln J Y Chute, W L W Hurt, F - Shaw, F Clerk, Sir G Ingestre, Lord Sheppard, T ;; Clive, Lord Vis Ingham, It. Shirley, E J ,Cdere, Hip. It H Inglis, Sir R H Sibthorp, Col Codring,too, C W lrton, S Sinclair, Sir G Cole. Hon A /I Irving, J Smith, A Cole, Lord Vis Jackson, Serj Smyth, Sir G H ,C.olquhoun, J C James, Sir W C Somerset, Lord Compton, H C Jenkins, It Spry, Sir S T Connolly, E Jermyn, Earl Stanley, E Coate, Sir (3 H Johnstone, H Stanley, Lord Copeland, Ald Jones, J Stewart, John Curry Hon H. Jones, T Stuart, El Courtenay, P Kelly, F Stormont, Lord Cressweli, C , Kemble ; /1 Sturt, H G Crewe, Sir G Kerrison, Sir E Srrgden, Sir E Cripps, J Ker, D Teignmouth Dalrymple, Sir A Kirk, P Lord Dinner, lion D Knatchbull, lit Tennent, J E Derby, G Hon Sir E Thomas, Col H Darlington, Lord Knight, 11 G Thompson, Ald Davenport, J Knightley, Sir C Th orn hill , G De Horsey, SII Lascelles, W S Trench, Sir F Dick, Q Law, Hon C E Trevor, lion G D'lsraeli, B Lefrov, Rt Hon T Vere, Sir C B Dottin, Alt Liddel, Ho II T Verner, Col Douglas, Sir C Lincoln, Earl Vernon, El Douro, Marq of Litton, E Villi Dowdeswell, %V Lockhart, A NI Vivian, J E Duffield, 'l' Lowther, Col Warldingt-in, II Dogdale, W S Lowther, Lord Wall, C B Dunbar, G Lowther, J li Walsh, Sir buncombe, W Lucas, E Welby, G E Duncombe, A Lygon, Hon Gen Whitmore, T C East, J B Mackenzie, 'l' Wilbraham. li East nor, Lord Mackenzie, W F Williams, It Eaton, It J Maclean, 1) Williams, 'l' P Egerton, W 'l' Mahon, Vis Wilmot, SirJ E Egerton, Sir P Maidstone, Via Woilehonse,,E Egerton, Lord Manners, Lord Woo d, Cot 1 Eliot, Lord Marsland, T Wood. t' Ellis, J o h n Marton, G Wyndhatn, W Esteourt, T Master, TW C Wynn, G\V Esteourt, T Mathew, G B Wynn, Sir W W Farnham E B Maunsell, "I' 1' , Yorke, Hon E T , Young, J Young, Sir W TELLERS. Fremantle, Sir I'. Baring', H B The following ntembers voted with ministers in suppo-t of th e very same resolution AGAINST which they voted on the 7th it 1835 : Benett, J Ferguson, Sir R Fleetwood, El Lemon, Sir G Martin, 1 Pusey, P Stewart, ',ME PEEL BANQUET, On Saturday a sumptuous and complimentary entertainment was given in Meichaut Tailors'-hall to Sir ltobert Peel, Batt.. by 313 Conservative members of the House of Commons, as a mark of their admiration and respect for his personal cha racter and undeviating confidence in his talents, sagacity, and prudence, as the great political leader ofthe part y. The beauti ful hall was tastefully decorated for the occasion, banners, with various emblematic devices, being suspended from the roof. The magnificent and costly service of plate, candelabra, and other ornamental paraphernalia belonging to the ancient and wealthy company of Merchant Tailors were displayed on the tables. The galleries at each end were filled with ladies in beautiful dresses, among whom were Lady and Miss Peel, the Dowager Duchess of Richmond, the Countess of Harrowby, the Duchess of Beaufort, Lady Jersey, Lady Catherine Jermyn, Lady F. Egerton, Lady Wilton, Lady G. Somerset, Lady Graham, &c. The Marquis of Chandos officiated as chairman, supported on the right by Sir R. Peel, Lord F. Egerton, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. Alliston, (Master of the Merchant Tailors' Company,) Mr. C. -Wynn, Sir Edward Sugden, Sir Henry Hardinge, Lord Lowther, Hon. Henry Corry, Mr. G. Knight, Sir R. Inglis, Sir R. Planta, Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Lascelles : and on the left by Lord Stanley, Lord Castlereagh, Sir James Graham, Sir George Rose, Mr. Herries, Sir Edward Knatch bull, Lord Granville Suinerset, Sir S. Canning, Mr. Shaw,' Mr. Lefroy, &c. The health of the Queen, and the other customary loyal and patriotic toasts having been given and drunk with appropriate honour. The CHAIIIIILiN then gave "The health of the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel ; and may he long enjoy life and happiness and rule over this Country as a minister." (The toast was drunk with nine distinct and most hearty rounds of cheers, the ladies in the galleries joining in the compliment by waving their handkerchiefa.) Sir RonEnT PEEL rose, and was greeted with renewed and prolonged cheers—when they had subsided he spoke to the fol lowing effect:—Lord Chandos, and gentlemen, I am deeply grateful for the motives which have influenced you in paying me this ;nark of respect, unparalelled in the political annals of this country—(cheers)--and for the corresponding feeling with which you, gentlemen, have just received the proposition of my noble friend. Gentlemen, I wish 1 had any command of lan guage, at least of appropriate and befitting language, to convey to you the sensations which, as you must perceive, almost over power ine—(cheers)—but I feel that it is infinitely better to ap peal to your feelings for an estimate and vindication of mine— to the consciousness of each of you that, were you placed in my. present situation, you would rather remain perfectly silent than try to express your gratitude by the trite and exhausted forms of complimentary acknowledgment. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, you have conferred upon me the highest reward that can be conferred upon a public man, who dues aspire to distinction', but to that distinction, and that alone, which is founded upon the esteem and confidence of intelligent and enlightened men— (cheers)—who is ambitions of power, but of that power only which, having its roots in much esteem and confidence, adds life and vigour to the authority derived from office, and does not wither and decay when official authority is extinct. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, you have also proved to nie and others that there are other bonds of connexion—other sympathies which unite us besides a cold concurrence in political sentiments. You have proved to those who are treading the rugged and laborious path which leads to political eminence, that they may on their way be cheered by the cordial voice of friendship, and the cheering tones of personal attachment and esteem. (Cheers.) By this feeling, gentlemen, you have done much more than even the honour it confers upon me; you have given a public demon stration that the great object to which, for some years past, my exertions have been mainly directed, is completely accomplished. My object for some years past, which I have most earnestly laboured to accomplish, has been to lay the foundation of a great party, (cheers), which, existing in the House of Commons, and deriving its strength from the popular, will, should diminish the risk, and deaden the shock of a collision between the two de liberative branches ofthe legislature—which should enable us to check the too importunate eagerness of well-intending men, for hasty and precipitate changes in the constitution and laws of the country, and by which we should he enabled to say, with a voice of authority, to the restless spirit of revolutionary change, Here are thy bounds, and here shall thy vibrations cease." Gentlemen, I was deeply impressed with a conviction of the necessity of forming such a party from the period when a great change was made in the representative system of the country ; and 1 am confident that those who were the most convinced of the abstract merits of that change, who saw its absolute neces sity in the progess of events, and the change of public opinion, would now admit (because I heard them admit it at the time) that although a necessary, still it was a fearful experiment— that there was a danger that the great shock given to prescrip tive authority might lead to too hasty prescriptive and irrational future changes—that those who were strongest in good intentions might, in their too sanguine hopes of reaching a species of per fection which could not be aaltainable—that there was i risk that those who had become possessed of a new power might think it useless if permitted to remain quiescent, and if not brought into constant and daily exercise. Gentlemen, that con viction led me to the conclusion that it was necessary, by prudence, by patience, by assuming a new position, by the re jection of the old tactics of party suited to other times, and adapted to other circumstances—that it was desirable at that time to form a party whose bond of connexion should be the maintenance of that particular measure of reform, but a deter mination to resist further constitutional changes—(cheers)— chan , es having a tendency to disturb the balance of a mixed government. There were at that time in operation other causes which powerfully and mainly influenced the changes of opinion which so rapidly took place with respect to the necessity of re form. There had lately been exhibited to the empire those events which in France, in three short days, had trampled to the dust an ancient dynasty, and haul shown physical power triumphant over constituted authority, hut of those who had resorted to a system of violation of all law and order. Gentlemen, I did not disguise to myself the difficulties attending the forma tion of such a party. Our own party had been red uced" by the reform act to little more than one hundred members—at least, I believe that in the session which followed the passing of the LAI ,p ~t more than 100 voted with me on any great oc casion, but I did nut despair. ( urieer,) ci..•tioien,),.,w count • I dispair—(cheers)—acting as I was in intimate concert and union with that illustrious man—(lond cheers )—t he Duke of Wellington, whose name does not shed a lustre merely upon a party, or upon the country which be has defended, but sheds a lustre upon the age in which he lives ? (Loud cheers.) Acting in intimate union with that man, who has exhibited through his life a conjunction of qualities, rare in their separate excellence, but which are wonderful in their combination—that man who is not without ambition, but is without the ills that attend it— who would highly but holily asoire—who has shown at dif ferent periods of his life, both in military and civil affairs, a combination of the utmost fortitude ami d valour, with the greatest circumspection and prudence—acting in concert with such a man I could not despair. Gentlemen, I need not speak of the military career of the Duke of Wellington, hut I may remind you that it was he who in civil life stood forward to assume, on his own undivided responsibility, the whole func tions of government fur the purpose of exhibiting an instance of self-denial without a precedent, and who has at other times, when a sense of public duty impelled hitn, had the real courage to assume and maintain a defensive attitude, and it I may so say, to retire within those moral lines which are forfeited by circumspection and prudence. Aided by his authority and his approbation, I looked forward ultimately to the formation of such a party as now exists. I (lid believe that the good sense of time country would at length place confidence in a party which did not profest hostility to improvement, but which manifested a determination to abide by the leading principles of the British constitution. Gentlemen, allow me to say th a t 1 did l oo k with confidence to the ultimate formation of that nappy union which now exists between us and the men to whom we were formerly opposed. I looked forward to it with confidence, because relied upon their adherence to the principles which they pro fessed—because I heard them say, and I believed them, that they desired that reform should he according to the acknow ledged principles of the constitution—because I heard them declare that they would not assent to it if they believed it in compatible with the maintenance of the prerogatives of the crown and the privileges of the other house of parliament. I looked to it with confidence, because I heard them declare that, in their opinion, reform would add new stability to the settled institutions of the country in church and state. I did think, without personal acquaintance with their views, that the union which must be formed would not be the result of conferences— not the offspring of negotiations—(cheers and laughter)—but a union about which nothing would ever he (as nothing has to this hour ever been) said, but which should originally be brought about by the force of circumstances and by a sense of common danger, and which, having been formed, would after wards be cemented by mutual co-operation and reciprocal con fidence and assent. And here, gentlemen, was the difficulty that I saw, the man who was then chief pride, and ornament, and mainstay of that party, which he has since vacated— experto cl-edite quantus In elypeum essurgat, quo turbine torqueat hastam. --(Cheers.) I knew the sacrifices that man would be called upon to make. I was the man who could say how painful it was to separate from all party associations. I could tell what a sacrifice it was to forego all party connections, from an over powering sense of public duty. I knew that all our hopes are not bounded by the prospects of. official life, but I knew how painful it was to observe the averted eye, or experience the alienated regard of personal friends, whom we sincerely loved. I knew that that sacrifice they would he called upon to make, without the prospect of the generous return which I myself had experienced; but I had that confidence in their acuteness which assured me that it would enable them to discriminate between the path which leads to improvement, and that which conducts to revolution ; and I hail that confidence in their integrity and moral courage that convinced me that when the de termination was once made, office, friendship, party. con nection—all would be sacrificed rather than they would lend their aid to any attempt to undermine the protestant establish ment of this country. or disturb our mixed goyernmeut and limited monarchy. Gentlemen, as I said before, without con ference, without a ny o th er nego ti a ti on than that which l ed to the rejection of o ffi ce , w h e n th e y r em oved from office, t hat union has been f orme d, an d I thi n k I m ay say that the a nticipations 1 hail formed — the hopes which I had entertained—that, being once formed, it would gain strength from reciprocal es teem and confidence, are fully justified by existence, and result. 'Thus, gentlemen, has this party been brought have this day given this evidence of its strength. to o lt d e h t a e s r been m n e submitted twice to the test of public opinion—twice has a disso lution taken place under circumstaes c alc ulat e d which took place when whether that party has or has not t he pu blic confidence. O ne dissoluticn took place when it was in power, an d the other wh e n itw o a l r i , tl en ts. bower, thethe s t t h other s , • ) h l e u r t r i h r as in the hands of its s I was at the head of the government of the country, the conser vative members were suddenly swollen front about 150 to more than douLle the number. I believe we divided on the nomination of the speaker 306 members, but it was said, "You Owe your success to the possession of power—wait till another dissolution takes place—till your opponents are exercising the functions of g evernmeut, which you were discharging when parliament was assembled in 1835, and be prepared for a reduction of your num bers mare rapid still than this increase." Gentlemen, to that second test we have been subjected. The dissolution took place in the course of last year was attended by every circumstance calculated to be favourable to our oppon en t s . Th ere was the accession of a youthful and beloved Queen. There one ni versal feeling of a p ersona l loyalty and attachment to was the Souve reign ascending the throne with everything calculated to pre , possess in her favour. There was a lavish use of her Majesty's name for the purpose of influencing elections—(lo u d cheers;) there was a happy coincidence of fortunate events for the govern ment; we had public despatches, approving of the conduct of public officers, printed and circulated on the eve of a general election—(cheers and laughter ; ) there was no fastidious deli cacy in the choice of candidates—(laughter) —for the hustings at Westminster exhibited the spectacle of a secretary of .state c• , ting in favour of one who had defended insurrection in Canada, and espoused the cause of the Canadians in their revolt. And vet, notwithstanding all these favourable circum stances—not withstanding the accession of her Majesty—not withstanding the unsparing use of her name—notwithstanding the eh:wove of all squeamishness—still the result exhibited our numbers unbroken, and as we voted in 1835 to the number of WI, having all the advantagesof a dissolution during the tenure of government, I think the names attached to the rwvitation of this eventing, the oames of 313 members of the [louse of Com mons, will show that, not withstandtug the adverse re redictions • PREFERMENTS, &C. The Rev. Paul Ashmore, 8.C.L., of Christ College Cam bridge, to the living of Porthkerry, Glamorganbhire, on the presentation of the sons of the late Sir Samuel Romilly. The Rev. Armine liarring, NI.A., to the perpetual curacy of Ashmanhaugh, Norfolk, on the nomination of Sir Jacob Henry Preston, Bart. The Rev. Mr. Hughes, to the vicarage of Llanbister, Rad norshire, vacant by the death of the Re& David Lloyd. Patron, the Bishop of - St. David's. ThOrenerable Archdeacon Musgrai,,, 1). D., has appointed the Rev. Edward ftamsden, :MCA., lately incumbent minister of St. James's, Lower Darwen, to St. John's Church in Brad shaw, near Halif ax . T he Rev. Edward Salkeld, A.M., minister of Trinity Church Carlisle, to the vicarage of Aspatria, vacant by the death of the Rev. Edward Thompson. The Rev. Charles Hawkins, 8.C.L., canon residentiary of York Cathedral, to the vicarage of Stillingtleet, Yorkshire. Patrons, the dean and chapter of York. The Flev. James Coiquhoun Canipbell # 8.A., assistant curate of Coychurch, to the curacy of Michaelston-le-Pit, near Cardiff, vacant by the removal of the Rev. Hely 11. Rickards, to the curacy of Woodford, Essex. The Lord Bishop of Kilmore has been pleased to nominate the Rev. Thomas Carson, LL.D., to the living of Cavan. The Rev. William Pollock, M.A., of Newry, has accepted the curacy of St. Thomas's, Stockport, void by the resignation of the Rev Thomas Peters. OBITQA P.Y. At his residence. Hereford, in the 78th year of his age, the Rev. John Glutton, D. D., canon residentiary of Hereford Cathedral, rector of Kinuersley, and vicar of Lugwardine, in that county. After a few days' illness, in his 54th year, the Rev. George Berry Godbold, rector of Greatham,' near Peterstield, Hants. Suddenly, the Rev. William Hardwicke, rector of Outwell, Cambridgeshire. At his residence, Eaton Bishop, Herefordshire, the Rev. Henry Stonehouse Vigor, rector of that parish, a gentleman highly respected by all who knew him. The Rev. Robert Walker Bamford, 8.D., vicar of Bishopton, and minor canon of the Cathedral of Durham, aged 42. 'The Rev. W. Poole, vicar of Moulton, near Northampton. The Bev. Thomas Cornthwaite, vicar of Crick, Derbyshire. At his house, in Great Dean's-yard, Westminister, the Hev. George Preston, M.A., of Trinity College, Cambridge, in the 63d year of 'his age. FATA L AccinENT ON THE RivEn.—The captain and helms man of the Britannia have been comtnitted to take their trial 14,r manslaughter. lionsEs —A considerable numberof very valuable horses and brood mares have recently been. shipped at Hull for St. Peters burg.' The Russian government take vast pains to improve the hired of horses, whilst our government, by selling off the royal stud, and similar measures, do all, in their power to discourage sock attempts. , r \' itlitty 18, IS3 § tai the ronteiry, the public ,confidence has no' permitted our nullifiers to be iook en, not w ithstanding the dissolution. (Hear.) Gentlemen. my noble friend has truly stated that in the whole course of toy public life no event has been so gratifying . and so satisfactory to me as the meeting of this day; but there are connected with it some feelings 01 a more serious and anxious character, which chasten and subdue the disposition to triumph and congratulation. Gentlemen, Ido not disguise from myself the power which I possess in consequence of your esteem and confidence; and when I see that number around me—when I recollect that their sentiments are shared by all the great in terests of the country—by the clergy, by the magistrates, the yeomanry, the gentry of the country, and by a great proportion also of the trading community of the country—it would be im possible to disguise front ourselves the influence which. we pos sess in the national councils; and amongst the feelings which, as I said before, restrain and subdue those which vanity or per sonal congratulation would inspire, is one of anxiety, as 1 do possess your confidence, 1 may exercise the !lower which it con fers in such a manner, as shall contribute to the permanent in terests of the country, and that by no act or advice of mine may your interests and conduct be compromised. (Gheers,) The possession of strength, the demonstration of power, naturally brings with it some slight inconvenience. There is an impa tience in some quarters, seeing the strength we possess, that it should be called into more frequent action. It is said, and said, justly,—for allow me to observe, gentlemen, that, if I have any well-grounded title to your confidence, it is because 1 have al ways ventured explicitly to state my opinion, and to give you the best advice of which I am capable, although it may not al ways he precisely in accordance with the prevailing opinion;• but I have boldly taken that course, confident that you would place the proper construction upon my motives ;—it is said, with perfect truth, that the opposition is at piTsent conducted upon different principles from those upon which opposition would be conducted to us if we were in power. (Cheers and laughter.) Nothing can be more perfectly true; but we must bear in mind that the practical course which an opposition must take must partly depend upon the principles of that opposition. Our friends, who are more impatient, musOyecollect this circum stance, and must recollect that we are the same conservative opposition which formerly constituted and supported a con servative government. We adopt the principles which formerly prevailed in administration. We not only adopt the principles of government, but we perform many of the functions of government; and it must be borne in mind that we cannot, in conformity with our own principles, take that line of action which would be adopted by an opposition acting upon precisely opposite principles. An opposition which professed to think the ancient institutions of the country a grievance, and the whole order of English society a mass of abuse, would have a double ground of resistance to the government; first, personal dissatisfaction with the course puieued by that government ; and also no indisposition to inflame popular discontent against the institutions of the country. But we must bear in mind that our duty—the duty prescribed by our principles—is the maintenance of the ancient institutions of the country. We have no desite to exalt the House of Commons above the just prerogative of the crown. We have no desire to undermine the privileges of the House of Lords. On the contrary, it is our duty to maintain those institutions. That instrument of an opposition which seeks to reduce and curtail the establish ments of the country is denied to us. We wish to see the naval and military establishments of the country main tained in proper vigour and strength. It is denied to us to inflame popular discontent against existing institutions—to assist in any attack upon the House of Lords, or to lend an arm to shake the throne, Therefore those who are impatient at our apparent indifference and passiveness must recollect that the principles of an opposition du impose some restraint upon the course which it must pursue. I have said, gentlemen, with perfect truth, that we discharge some of the functions of govern ment. I prove that the principles and the position of the present government are imperfect. We have all the principles which are generally said to belong to government. I have heard it laid down, a few months since, as a principle upon which government might be conducted hat there •should be a constant concession to popular demands. This is an excellent principle for an opposition, but a very dangerous and hazardous one for a government. It was quite possible for Mr. Fox in opposition, when speaking of Ireland, to say " I would there fore concede, and if I found I had not conceded enough I would concede more. I know no way of governing mankind but by conciliatton, and, according to the forcible way which the Irish have of expressing their feelings, I know no way of govern ing a people but by letting them have their own way.'' (Hear and a laugh.) The leader of the government in the House of Commons said he adopted the principle of Mr. Fox, and of course nothing could equal the satisfaction that was created or the compliments that were paid to so Wise and liberal a minister for having formed so perfect a canon of government. The people of Lower Canada thought they would apply the same principle—it was fairly put to the test, and then it was found that there must be some other mode of governing a people than by letting them have their own way. (Laughter.) It was found that that was a dangerous principle for a . government, however convenient for an irresponsible opposition, to s uggest to a great empire that, when enough had not been conceded, there must he more; and it became necessary to convince the people of Canada that, however enlightened and philosophical the maxim might be in itself, yet, in its application to Canadian affairs, it was necessary to make the first exception from it that had yet been called for. So much for the principle; and now I want to convince you we have been exercising some of the prac tical functions of a government so far as legislation is concerned. I will take three great questions as a specimen, without refer ring to innumerable divisions, in which, were it not for the aid of the conservatives, the government would have had to lament the smallness of their minority. I will take three questions — one connected with our religious establishments, another con nected with a great branch of our domestic industry and inter nal commerce, and the third with the foundation of civil govern ment and the maintenance of the constitution of our represen tative system. The first question ; to which I refer merely as a specimen, is the motion fur excluding the bishops from parlia ment, which took place in 1837, and was called, I think, a mo tion for relieving the bishops of their legislative duties. Th at motion was manfully resisted by the government; but noes th _ e 197, of in favour of excluding the bishops were 92, mustered 50, which number the adherents of t l A . government oot i give that and the conservatives 147. That- intbe i fi rst a y that we do exercise am not overrating our influence w of government. e The second some of the important functionsand the l9 question involves the repeal of 303; t he corn laws: On that occasion but 236 the ayes were 95, and the noes, of those 300 were conservatives, without whom the government would have been left in a minority of 2 1 . The last question t o wh ic h I s h a ll re fer took place in the presen t session . I mean the vote by ballot,. Now, don't let it be said th at I am overrating the importance of this question. It was declared by a minister of the crown in the House of Commons, to be not only important in itself, but also as it it involved mighty changes in the representative con stitution of the country. It was said by him, and said truly, that it must lead to extending the suffrage, shortening the duration of parliaments, and a complete revolution in the constitution, and practice of voting. It was resisted on that ground, not merely on the abstract objection to the ballot itself, but because were for the motibn 198, again st it , 315 - 25 4 being conserva tives,it was interwoven with ot h er i mportant consequence.. 'were conflict tn as t ho a t h vb e ee i rb decidede ' e l e n a d i r e r we, by and nh the hd e s a u sb p t a p r ne o nd r og t h im and 61 only compose d of those who acknowledge the mi nt h e To. of u the hWe d utyhg e o r v e ae nrwndomu l e ft el t h bo a er t their opponents? (cheers.) On other occasions, also, we have had to interfele, to express our opinions in disapprobation of the policy of the government. It has been our duty to hang over them the roil of censuse, and that rod has onlv'been pre vented from failing by nominal majorities. When my noble friend proposed a vote of censure—for so it was considered by the government—with respect to the expences of the mission to Canada, two votes only rescued them from that censure. Gen tlemen, it is absolutely necessary that we should continue, as my noble friend has said, united heart and hand, because see what has taken place since the question of the ballot. The go vernment, with the aid of those whom it professed to conciliate in opposition to the ballot, consisted of 61, and yet so grateful were they for the assistance we rendered them, and so much did they feel interested, 1 presume, in its continuance, that on the first occasion which occurred of making an appointment to a high and confidential office connected with the government , there was selected for it not an opponent of the ballot, but a gen tletnan who advocated it. I will ask our friends, who are im patient for what they consider more decisive action, to remem ber the steps by which our power was gained. Let them re member that it was by moderation and an adherence to principle. This, gentlemen, I would advise, if I may venture to offer you advice, that now and on every occasion you enforce the princi ples which you profess; that on every occasion, be the conse quences what they may, you resist those acts of the government which you believe to he injurious, and amid no contention of pat:* ties to hesitate in enforcing the principles of the constitution, for the purpose of averting any change of the principles of the go— vernment, and In no instance to evade, in the slightest degree* any one of the principles which are essential to the maintenance of the interests of church and state. But I hope we shall never be betrayed, for the sake of any temporary advantage, into union with those front whose principles we dissent. I also hope that we shall never adopt the advice which I have some times received from ardent friends and professed admirers, to. abandon our duty in parliament, and for the purpose of creating. embarrassment to the government, to leave it to fight the battle' alone. My object Is, that by steadily attending to our duty, b censuring the government on all occasions when they deserveit enforcing our principles by aiding them to carry those mea sures which we think right, even though by so doing we mal. be rescuing the government, we may establish new claims upon the approbation of the country. I own I have felt on some occasions, when we might have relied upon a majority in favour of those principles which the government professed to share in common with us, yet I have found that when a ques tion involved the existence of the government, the principles were forgotten, and the only consideration was, how most ef fectually the government might be preserved. It cannot be satisfactory to be told—'. You deserve censure, but rather than inflict it upon you, we will vote in your favour to rescue your Gentlemen, there was an observation made more than a hurl — . dred years ago by Mr. Addison, who lamented the violent party'. heats and resentments which appeared to obstruct the perform—. once of public duty, and suggested that it was a bounden dutv• to combine all neutral men in defence of the common ee° 44- He thought it possible to form some sort of covenant to which , ' moderate men might adhere, and by which, rising above WV considerations, and only seeking for the the y might, public go be bound. He found great difficulty in framing suchen instru— ment, but at length he hit upon a form of covenant for mode rate: men. I will rea d the foim of association which Mr. A d dison proposed, and which he expected to be subscribed O r moderate men, but which, I believe, would find but little fav our in these d a y s . I t was to this effec t;—"We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, do solemnly declare that we do con scientiously believe that two and two make four, and that we shall adjudge any man to be an enemy who advances or pre tends to the contrary. We are likewise ready to maintain 8 ,1 any hazard, a ga i ns t a ll men, that six is less than seven in a" times and places. We do finally declare our firm determinati on to call black black, and white white, and that we shall, on !_1(1, occasions, oppose such persons a s shall, on any day of I n . year, h o ld black to be white, or white black, to the utm.o,!..b period o f our l ives. " (Cheers and laughter.) if Mr. A° of dison were now alive he would perceive that this form . association was not mu c h a pp rec i a t e d b y t h e friends of th e . government; but if he had drawn it in a different form —i f th e_"„ he had said, " W e w ill, sin a ll occasions, on eve ry day o. year, vote black t o b e w hi te , or w hi te bl ac k, whenever the_g vernment is implicated," th a t w ould insure more signature s t, _ the declaration whi c h h e prop co s " osed m ak e _ that two and two os_a_ four, and ',that on every day of the year, black shall be I sidi- red black, and white white. (L aug hter.) am conscioes that ( have ,interrupted twitch of your soci al ex bondex joyment, and in drawing my observations to a close, let a new press an anxious hope that this meeting may suPP. I Y f t hk ot connection, to this party ; that the recollection o tion. day may long animate us in active and united co.° r . Pe Lvice I believe the motto under which we ate assembled, the of this ancient company, is, " Concordia parece res •tescuri l. Those words are taken from th e d y i ng .ex h ortat i o n addressed bY n. Micipea to Jugniftlsa and his son , w h eu h e exerte d them to met lain concord and union as th e ma i n i nstrumen t a nd sourc e a., success—' . Concordia ponce res crescent," added to whicit,. • said, " Discordiet saa.sisnm dilatlintur." Gentlemen, let : profit by the maxim i nvo l ve d i n the f i rst par t. We __e concord, good Understanding, and union increased fruits. s 7 s; beginnings to streneth an d i n fl uence now a l mos t ptedontll The solemn warning involved in the latter part of the ad a „ r n i7 • to remember that the utmost pr os p er ity' and the highest su • tr.