The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1838-09-28 00:00:00

_..„ .. - Con sllrr"Mipe-ed ,e :e yesterday, 93% 94. for Money. „ fol. the Atto ,•„ -:: fir cbequer Bills, 69 71; India Bonds, 6i 71; Bank Stock for • opening 208 209; India Stock, 261 265. In the Foreign 4 Mai ket very little doing; Spanish Active s , 124, with coupons; - Portuguese, 31 35 . ; do. Three per Gents.,.22l 2.3; Brazil ian, 83.4 il.; Mexican, 2'2 234; Colurnbian,24l2s4; Dutch Two-and a-Halt per Cents. 53i :54 ; do. Five per Cents. 102} 103. HALF-PAST ONE. A Quarterly Court ot tiftProprletOTs . of East India Stock was held this morning at the India House. Sr J. L. Lush ington in the chair. In answer to a question from Sir C. Forbes, the chairman said that the trade in Hill Coolies had been peremptorily interdicted. A sum of £5OOO. was then granted to the family of. the late Mr. Fraser, who was mur dered in March last while in the execution of his duty. • During the whole or the morning there has not been a feature in the British market worth attention. Consols eontinue in the same steady state as in the early part of the morning, 93! 91 for Money, and 93 for the Account, with little business doing. Exchequer Bills, 69 71 ; India Bonds 71 • Bank Stock for opening, 208 209; India Bonds, 264 265. In the Foreign Market scarce a bargain doing. Spanish Active continues heavy at 18i ; Portuguese, 3-11 Xi; Three per Cents. 221 2.3; Brazilian, 8314 I; Mexican, 22451 ; Colombian, 2115 ; Dutch Two-and-a-half per Cents. 54i ; Five per Cents. 102 3. FOUR O'CLOCK. Consols for Account,9-IX. Spanish Bonds, 18% X. Por tuguese Five per Cent. New Bonds, 341. (From the official list, containing the business actually transacted.) BRITISH FUNDS THIS Bank Stock, 3 per Ct. Red., 3 per Ct. Con., 9-13% 43 3i per Ct. Anns. 1818, 3!,6 per Ct. Red., New 3}6 per Cents. 10211 2 Long Ans. 1860, 15 11-16 Ditto, 30 yrs. 1859, Ditto, 30 yrs. 1860, Isi 7-16 SAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. India Stock, India Bonds, 70 69 71 pm. Bank Stock for Acct. Consols for Acct., 94 ft £lOOO Es. Bills, 71 69 pm. £5OO, do. 70 72 p.m Small do. 70 72 pm. Ditto Commercial, S HA (The quotations give the actu, LIES. kl price, without reference to discount.) London and Croydon New premium or Cobre Copper, 37 8 Birmingham and Gloucester, 18 Cheltenham and Great Wis tern, Great Western, 81 80 London & Erighton, 94 9 London & Blackwall, 51651 London and Birmingham, London,: and Southampton, Scrip, 91 [llanchester and Birmingham, 10% Northern and Eastern, 61 7 Colonial Bank, 274 I Colonial Scrip, 27% London Joint Stock Bank, 121 National Provincial Bank of London and Croydon Trunk, 164 S. Eastern Counties, 51 England, 35 Manchester and Leeds, South Midland, Bristol and Exeter, MISCELLANEOUS. The Dublin Evening Pea of Saturday says that, with the exception of wheat, the crop in Ireland will be more than an average one. Madame Alberrazzi, who appears at Drury-Lane on Mon day next, although the prima donna of the Italian stage, is English by birth. We regret to announce the demise of Sir Henry Oxenden' Bart., who died rather suddenly at Broome Park, near Can terbury, on Friday morning last. Sir W. W Wynne, Bart., the lord lieutenant of Denbigh shire, has retired from the command of the yeomanry of that county.—Shropshir e Journal. FAILURE OF THE FIG Caop.—We learn from Patras that the currants, raisins, and figs of the Levant have generally failed in produce this season.—Galignani. At a late meeting of the Working Men's Association, at Coventry, one of the placards called for " cheap law, cheap religion, and cheap money "—Coventry Herald. Lord Leicester's second son, the Hon. E. Coke, who has just attained his fourteenth birth-dav, on Wednesday last, shot 2-11 brace of partridges.—Norwich Mercury. A letter from Alexandria of the Ist instant states that the Nile rose on the 26th ult. to its accustomed height, and that all fear of an unproductive season was therefore at an end. Coat,. —The Cheltenham and Forest of Dean Coal Min ing Company have hit upon a vein of coals at one of their pits at Newham Bottom ; a third shaft has since been sunk with similar success. Mr. Berthon is about to build a new church at Bradford, at his own expense ; the site fixed on is in the centre of three methodist chapels, and five other dissenting ones.—Halifax Guardian. GREAT WESTERN Ilaisway.—The receipts on the line frera the London terminus to Maidenhead (only about '26 miles) have, in the 88 days from June to the end of August, amounted to nearly £2l,ooo.—Reading Mercury. The noble premier, being shut up in a close carriage at the late review at Windsor, while his royal mistress appeared on horseback, is looked upon as a precious specimen of cock neyism in the military circles. A French literary gentleman, the Count de la. Ville Mar quette, has been commissioned by Louis Philip to write a history of Wales; he has been invited to attend the next anniversary of the Abergavenny Cymreigyddion. GLOUCESTER MUSICAL. FESTIVA 1..—1 S is reported flint the stewards are £l5OO out of pocket by the late Gloucester fes tival, the expenditure being £5OOO, and the receipts little more than £3500. We hope this may turn out incorrect.— Hereford Journal. A remarkably fine Colley dog recently followed the " Union" coach from Cockburnspath to this town, a distance of ninety miles! With the field running, which could not be less than thirty miles, it must have run altogether one hun dred and twenty miles in one .day.—Newcastle Journal. - Mrs. _Tame, the widow of am Lela_ Ilt ...5i 10 "... _kiss ~.sostts ---Oe the journals, announcing that a pension had been granted to her by government, is untrue. Messrs. Gurney and Espinasse, the revising barristers for East Surrey, have fixed their court to be held at Wandsworth on Monday the 31st inst., a day not to be found in the calen dar, either this year or any other. Proceeding from this mis take all the subsequent days are wrongly appointed. Her Majesty has subscribed £3(X) in aid of church extension in Scotland. We trust that her example will be followed by her numerous subjects of rank and fortune who have hitherto delayed sending their subscriptions. William Cotton, Esq., high sheriff for the county of Essex, has no intention (as was stated to be the case in the London journals) of offering himself as a candidate for the Tower Hamlets, in the event of a general election.—Clielmsford Chronicle. CAUGHT IN HIS OWN SNARE.—On Thursday, MT. Levick, of Wellington-street, was shot in the leg by a spring gun, placed by himself in his warehouse, in order to catch any thieves that might attempt to rob the premises; he received part of the charge of shot, but the wounds are not considered dangerous.—Sheield Iris. "One of our ministers," says the Journal de Paris, " has the singular mania of venting his ill humour by throwing his hat on the ground, and, as his irritation increases, the unoffend ing castor gets kicked all round the room. The affair of Prince Louis Napoleim has already cost his excellency three hats !" The Great Western Steam Ship Company are about to build another vessel, of equal size to the Great Western, and she will be called the City of New York. A large cargo of African oak timber has been purchased by the company for this and other ships. The Great Western is to sail from Bristol the 27th of October, on her fifth voyage to New York, O'Connell has in his last letter to the riot-payers fallen foul of his once-dear friends the English radicals, whom he openly assails as "doing much more harm than good." For once the agitator speaks truth - but then his once dear friends may at least return the compliment. There is no better tes timony to the cowardice and insincerity of this man than this, that when here there is no flattery too excessive to load us with, but no sooner is he returned to his own dunghill than England and everything English are the objects of his ceaseless vituperation.—Morning Herald. A YOUNG DESPERADO.—A boy, named William Robinson, was brought before the Mayor on Saturday, having run away from his father, at Barton, in Lincolnshire. for the sixth time, and taken several other boys with him. The companions of the defendant, who is only 13 years old, stated that he pro posed to them to rob an attorney living at Hull, who usually bad a great deal of money about him! to rob the windmills ! ! and, lastly, to break in and rob the Hull bank !!! The youthful gang had followed their captain from Lincolnshire upon the above-named desperate expedition.—Hull Paper. MURDER.—On Tuesday, Mary Evans, a very young girl, who had been discharged, with her infant, from Tenbury Union Workhouse, where she had lately given birth to the child, whilst on the road to her brother's, with whom she had declared her intention of leaving the child, and going to ser vice herself, threw it into the river Teme, where the body was afterwards picked up. At the inquiry the wretched mother, who bad been taken into custody, acknowledged having thrown the infant into the water, and the jury returned a verdict of wilful murder against her. The child was a female about a month old. The mother was committed for trial.—Hereford Journal. THE VlNTAGE.—According to accounts froni Bordeaux, the vineyards are in a promising state, and it was expected that, if the weather should but continue fine there for another fortnight, the superior quality of the wine would in some degree compensate for the reduced quantity of produce. The reports from Orleans, on the other hand, show that the ga _ thering will cot be one-fourth of the average produce. - The St. George Steam-packet Company's steam-ship Sirius left London on Sunday, the Ist instant, and arrived at St. Petersburg() on Sunday, the 9th; left Cronstadt on Sunday, the 16th, and arrived off the London Docks on Sunday after noon, having performed the outward voyage in eight, and the homeward in seven days, including considerable detention both ways at the Sound.—Morning Herald. WARRANT AGAINST A BENCH OF COUNTY MAGISTRATES. —The parish officers of St. Nicholas, Worcester, applied to the corporation magistrates for a warrant against the justices of the peace for the county of Worcester, for refusing to pay poor-rates for the judges' lodgings in that city. The over. seer said, that on applying to the county treasurer, the clerk of the peace, and one of the judges' officers, they refused to pay the sum of £295., being , the rate assessed on a presumed rental of £l2O a-year, alleging that the lodgings provided for the Queen's judges were not liable to rates. The Mayor of Worcester said it was a hard case on the parish that the justices did not pay for the rates of the dwelling-house: it seemed to him an equitable claim, and he did not know on what grounds they refused payment. A warrant was granted against the justices of the peace for the county, who were ordered to attend before the corporation magistrates, to show cause against the rate.— Worcester Journal. IMPORTATION OF FOREIGN CORN.—We understand that Messrs. Latham and Co., aeents for Lloyd's at this port, have • orders to detain several vessels, foreign as well as British, now on their passage to Liverpool, laden with wheat. The names of the vessels are—from Dantzic: Christina, Ida Ma ria, Isabella Dick, Monarch, Guiseman ; from Hamburg— Mary Scott, Malta, Hope, Courier, Nancy; from Elbing,— Eclips e ; from Bremen—Hermann, Anna Maria; from Wis mar —Fanny, Fortuna; from Rostock—Dorette; from Stral sund—Cornmerctum. We presume the reason for their de tention is to enable the merchants to take advantage of the present rate of duty on that description of grain, which might be much higher before they could reach their original port of de stination.—Dover Chronicle. HORRORS OF THE PRIZE-RING SYSTEM.—After the prize at Corse Lawn, on Monday, the gang of thieves accompany ing the combatants passed over Corse-bridge, refusing to pay the toll ; and after the fight the took possession of the Green Dragon Inn by storm, placing one of the combatants in the best bed in the house. The thieves then went into every room in the house, turned out every cupboard, box, and drawer, which they broke open without ceremony, and openly helped t h erwe i sse i--- ... 1... whatever th ey pleased; a f ter this robbery they wetit,t(2.l.h.e +St° Nbtige, where they acted in the same way i ti 6 , tcue lq• 7 us.. 4 ~..id pi rg e ii i i g •', a tal eY chose, -th ey wantonly broke and de -0 t* e t t lyiii t ifi 41 not find it convenient to steal.—Cor- C 7:rdolocVlettrpfikfie.A cester Journait -'.. Ft y . ~. . , . .; •..... N . k ' :- \` /7 1 'lO Pl. ....t .. ' •,....:.t....: , ‘ i •.‘ ) . /7.: rrS ' o ' j•• • • Vi r . ..;: . : , '-e _..... ‘ ,., ; V/ P" : ~, '' • I 1,, t- . • 1 / 4 ' -..,! 17"P1T1P . 7 the contract will be throWo coin, We need not point out the advantage t . merci Atininications which will result.—Gocernmen'- , -- The British Association for the Advancement of . .ce has awarded £lOO for a completion of the level of tne - lines between the Bristol and English Channels made by Mr. Bunt under the direction of the Rev. Mr. Whewell; and £lOO to the Rev. Mr. Whewell for discussions of the tides at the port of Bristol...:_ SHARK IN THE FIRTH OF, FORTH.—On Wednesday last week, the boat's crew of Mr. James Kelly, of Cantabay, (a few miles east of North Berwick,) when fishing for herrings in Dunbar bay, were much surprised in finding a shark of great size entangled iu their nets, which they with great diffi culty succeeded in getting into their boat, where they accom plished his destruction; but not before one of the crew had his arm slightly lacerated. The monster was upwards of seven feet in length, three feet nine inches in circumference, twenty-three inches across the tail, had three rows of formid able teeth, and was supposed to weigh (coin 10 to 12 cwt. The fishing village of Cantabay has been in a slate of com motion ever since the monster was brought to land. GREAT WESTERN COTTON WORKS.—The following no tice of these great works, will show that our neighbours at Bristol are beginning to exert themselves in earnest. The establishment is one of the most splendid in the kingdom. The cotton mill contains five floors, each 60 feet in width, and extending 300 feet iu length; the whole of which is fire proof. The machinery of the. mill will be wrought by two steam-engines, of eighty-horse power each, having six fifty horse boilers. These engines are so constructed as to work together. The fly-wheel of the engines weighs forty-live tons. The weaving room is 250 feet by 350 feet: it will con tain 1000 power-looms, employing 500 hands, and producin g from 160,0(X) to 180,000 yards of coarse calico per week. There are no fewer than 900 windows in these immense buildings. It is said that this establishment will give em ployment to 4000 persons. There is also a building where a part of the machinery necessary for the establishment is ma nufactured, and which combines five or six different trades. An engine of 20-horse power is employed for this depart ment,—Gloucester Chronicle. , A CURIOUS METHOD OF FINDING THE OWNER OF STOLEN PROPERTY.--A few nights since Sergeant Reeves, of the M division of police, stopped a man carrying something bulky in a Sack through Snow-fields. The sergeant questioned the man as to the contents of the sack and where be was taking it at that late hour of the night, when on a sudden the fellow threw down his load and made a hasty retreat. In Reeve's attempt to follow the fugitive he tell over the sack and hurt himself seriously, and was unable to pursue him. Upon opening the bag it was found to contain 57 live pigeons, which the sergeant took to the Station in Southwark-bridge- road, where in the morning a consultaton was held among the police-officers about the readiest way of discovering the real owner of the birds, when it was suggested that one should be taken from the sack and sat at liberty, with a label attached to its leg, informing the person owning it where the rest of its companions were to be seen. This was accordingly done, and in the course of a short time after the pigeon's depar ture, Mr. Brown, of Long-lane, Bermondsey, came to the station and claimed the pigeons as his property, which had been stolen on the night previous from his premises, and they were delivered to him. " 80-PREe."-.—There seems to have been more than one instance lately of what may be called playing at "bo-peep" with courts of justice. One gentleman walks into Newgare, and tells the keeper that he is come to be tried. " Really, sir," says the keeper, " I have not the pleasure of your ac quaintance; so pray go about your business," which the self devoted accordingly does ; and, like a man of gallantry, gives place to a lady, who, having been acquitted, the gen tleman aforesaid re-surrenders, walks into the dock, bows to the court and jury, and is acquitted also. Then comes another gentleman, also accused of murder on the verdict of a coroner's jury, and sends word to the Queen's judges at the Old Bailey, by means of his counsel, politely informing them that if they will only appoint a day for his trial he will do them the honour of waiting upon them. The judges, with the utmost urbanity, alter consulting the list of their other engagements, name a day; but when it arrives the gentleman in question sends an excuse, and declines keep ing. his own solicited appointment on the score of his coun sel being ill, Now all this is very polite and amusing, and what not; but is it consistent with the dignity and respect which ought to belong to a court of justice ? We think it is not. It resembles rather too much a game at " bo-peep," which, on such an arena, would formerly have been consi dered very much like " playing with edged tools."—Morn ing Herald. GOING AS FREIGHT:—AR Irishman, whose funds were ra ther low, had footed it all the way to Wheeling, and was still desirous to get as far as Portsmouth, thence to proceed by canal to a point not far distant from the latter place, where work was to be obtained. Having worn his toes through his boots, and the heels of a pair of old shoes quite low, he gave up the idea of using " Shanks's mare" any longer. There were plenty of steam-boats puffing and blowing at the landing, and he became quite fascinated at the idea of such an easy mode of conveyance. '• Captain, dear," said he. stepping on board a beautiful craft, "Captain, dear, and what'll You charge to take me to Portsmouth?" "Seven dollars in the cabin." " Siven dollars ! arrah ! siven dollars ! Why, captain, dear, I hav'nt the half of that sum." "Oh, never mind that, Pat, I'll take you as a deck passenger for three dollars, if you'll half work your passage, that is, help the hands to wood the boat." Pat mused some minutes on this proposition, and then put another question. "And captain, clear, what'll you take about 1601bs. freight for ?" "I'll charge you 75 cents. for that." "Then, captain, you see, I'm just the boy that weighs that—so you can enter me as freight, and I'll stow away snug enough, somewhere below stairs." A proposition so novel pleased the captain highly, and, calling one of the hands, he gave directions to have 'Pat stowed away in the hold, and ordered the clerk to enter on the freight list:—" One Irishman, weighing 1601b5." Pat kept snug until he reached Portsmouth, a distance of 365 miles, having shown himself but twice, and for only a few minutes at a time, during the passage. There he paid his frieght of 75 cents. honourably; and was next seen with his bundle, tramping it along the tow-path of the canal for his desired destination.—Baltirnore lit WC nobility of radicalism and republicanism had a grand field day on Kersal-moor, Manchester, on Monday last. They mustered an immense number of persons to hear the orators in favour of universal suffrage, cote by ballot, -.vages for members of parliament, and the abolition of the corn-laws. The town was in a state of excitement from so early an hour as five o'clock in the morning; processions of men marching through the town to the place of meeting. It is said, that nearly '250,000 people were present; a vast number of these however, were indifferent to the object of the promoters of the meeting. About 50,000 might he c , ngregated in the neighbourhood of the hustings, and the remainder scattered over the moor, some amusing themselves by playing at leap frog and other games, whilst vast multitudes were drinking in the.booths. The speeches were of the same character as those delivered here. The principal persons present were Mr. Fielding, M.P.. chairman, Mr. W. G. Seed, Mr. J. W. Hodgetts, Mr. Fearus O'Connor, Mr. M. Fletcher, (sur geon, of Bury,) Mr. Fitton, (of Royton,) R e v. J. R. St ep h ens, (Ashton,) Mr. Whittle, (editor of the Champion, of London,) Mr. Wroe, Mr. Nightingale, Mr. R. I. Richardson, Mr. Richard Cobbett, Mr. Holladay, Mr. Douglas, Mr. Collins, Mr. Wheeler, Mr. Cliffe, Mr. Pearce, Mr. Doherty, Mr. Duffy, Mr. A. Taylor, Mr. Lowry, (of Newcastle-upon- Tyne,) &c. Immediately in front of these, upon a lower part of the hustings, with a temporary desk erected con veniently enough for their use, was the press, amongst whom we observed Mr. Bean, editor of the Liverpool Albion, Mr. Dignan, of the Literpool Chroniele, and others. The above may be considered the representaves of the people of Eng land, and the architects of the national convention for the protection of the people's rights ! LONDON, EDINISLIIIGH, AND GLASGOW RAILWAY.—AII the lines of this great national undertaking between York and London are expected to be finished in the spring of 1840. That portion of the line between York and Darlington will be let to various contractors during the course of the present month, and the line from Darlington to Newcastle will, it is expected, soon be entered on. In refere.%ce to an extension of the line northward, we find the owing remarks in the Report read at the fifth half-yearly meeting of the Great North of England Railway Company, which was recently held at Darlington :—" Looking at the Great North of Eng land Railways, forming part of the national line of communi cation between the northern and southern caeals, the share holders will learn with satisfaction, that Mr. George Stephen son has recently been engaged, under the authority of an influential committee in the north, in making a general in spection of the country between Edinburgh and Newcastle: the opinion of that gentleman being, from his acquaint a n ce with the country, that the eastern side of the island presents greater facilities for an excellent locomotive line into Scot land. An act for the formation of a railway between Edin burgh and Glasgow being already obtained, and there being no doubt of the eastern line to Edinburgh being now prose cuted with energy, and the necessary steps taken to obtain. parliamentary powers for its formation, this undertaking cannot fail, by enhancing the revenue of the Great North of England Railway, to promote its interests to a great extent." —Newcastle Journal. EFFECTS OF GAMBLING IN AMERICA.—The reckless sporting with fortune as well as lives on the great rivers of the west has become alarmingly important, and too often leads to assassination and murder. The Grafton Backwoods man has an article on the prevalence of gambling on board of the steameis on the western river. It records the deaths of several individuals in an unaccountable manner, and the following extract shows a state of morals almost too degraded for belief :—" Numbers have come to the west, taken passage on board a boat, and never been heard of again. In re peated instances, witbin the last few years, letters have been addressed to us from a distance, with anxious inquiries for a friend from whom no tidings had come since he was on the point of embarkingon board of a boat. It was feared that he had fallen overboard or died on the passage, and we were implored in the most affecting terms to seek intelli gence of his fate. Our earnest endeavours, in most in stances, have proved unavailing. Could the deep an d t urg id waters of our rivers reveal their secrets, they would hut ex plain but too often the long silence of those absent friends. The midnight gambling, the fierce quarrel, the dirk, and the sudden plunge of the ghastly corpse, with heavy weights attached, all follow each other i n qu i c k succession, and with the unerring certainty with which effect follows cause."— New York Paper. SWINDLING IN THE COMMERCIAL. WORLD.—A system of swindling almost unprecedented has recently been brought to light—a system the most or gan i se d and complete and carried on with a success which h as hi t h er t o been unpar alleled. Not less than eight or nine individuals in different parts of the town and country have constituted the iniquitous gang. The principal lived in Botolph-lane, to whom references for the respectability of the other parties were made. Upon in quiry about either party, the ledger of the Botulph-laue con cern was opened and freely shown to the inquiring dupe. Debits and credits to large amounts appeared, and the cus tomers appeared most desirable ones, and not the least sus picion was therefore entertained. Goods were bought, taken to Botolph-lane, and disposed of at an immense sacrifice. Such goods have been traced to the neighbourhood of Tower hill. Not content with this system of fleecing, they had re course to the manufacturing of fictitious bills—a large amount of which has got into circulation both among the bankers and discount brokers of this city. It is supposed that the Fra Diavolo of this banditti is now on his way to America in the Great Western.—Morning paper. HUMAN INCUBATION.—Mr. B. Wetherall, of Lincoln, (the father of a lady of high rank in Guernsey) has been for many years an invalid, and spent the last thirty years of his life chiefly on his sofa. His disease kept him awake night and day, and, being a man of placid temper, and devoted to animals of every kind, he spent much of his time in rear ing them. Amongst those that he particularly patronised wete to be found the finest specimens of monkeys, hedge hogs, and the various breed of birds. It happened one year that one of his cropper pigeons during incubation rejected one of its eggs; bat, determining that no part of the pro geny of his favourite Fanny should be frustrated, he resolved to rear the egg himself. He accordingly took it into his own bosom, wrapped it up in flannel, and turned it night and day, watching over it with a mother's care. At length the event ful period arrived when the feathery wonder was fo be ushered into the world. It tapped at first lightly.at the shell, and its beak was soon peeping through the opening which it made. It was fed at first by Mr. Wetherall with bread and water from his mouth, and it throve famously. The only peculiarity of the little animal was that its legs were a little bowed, so that its claws was turned inward.—Guernsey Sun. Wday. Opresite to liondon-road, egg 5 le' building formerly used for a Cholera flog): form, capable of containing about thirty persot i. In front of this were three small flags or banns dle one being a miniature royal standard. At the t' . cor ner of the yard fluttered a British ensign. On ptatform were Messrs. Feargus O'Connor,' Macfarlane, G. Edmunds, Thomas Smith, J. Aclant, and several individuals whose names we coultrb - brreErd. Am - THlT.lsrthe persons pregent (with the exception of L. Heyworth, Esq.) we did not ob serve a single individual of respectability connected with the whig, or what is termed the liberal party of the town. Ac cording to the nearest calculation we could make there were present on the ground from eight to twelve hundred persons. During the whole time individuals kept arriving and others departing, but we should say that not more than twelve hun died persons were present at ally one time. Mr. Feargus O'Connor and Mr. Edmunds, attended by several other per sons, arrived about twelve o'clock. On the motion of Mr. John Robinson, seconded by Mr. Poole, Mr. Goodfellow was appointed to the chair. The CH M AIRAN addressed the assembly as fellow-workmen, and said he had been appointed to take the chair on this mo mentous occasion. He assumed the office with great diffi• dente as he was not accustomed to address such an assembly, but lie might safely say that this was the proudest moment of his life. The working classes of this town had long been noted for their good behaviour at public meetings, and h e doubted nut on this occasion they would show that they merited the character which they had attained in this respect. He need not say he was glad to see the working .lasses thus stepping forward to assert their rigla*.s. It would be unne cessary for him to repeat his hope that every individual would keep the greatest quiet and order. Their enemies must not have it to say that they were an unruly and disorderly mob. They were met that day for the purpose of considering upon the best means of attaining universal suffrage, vote by bal lot, yearly parliaments, no property qualification, (hear) and payment of members— (hear, hear, from Feargus O'Connor) —for the duty which they performed; these were the rights which they wished to have granted to 'them, and to which he conceived they were entitled. He would not trespass further upon their time, as they had many eloquent speeches to hear from individuals much more capable than he was of expound ing to them the principles which they advocated. Once more he recommended peace and good order and should proceed to business. He should call upon a working man,—his friend Mr. Robinson, who would propose the first resolution. Mr. JOHN ROBINSON also addressed the assembly as fellow workmen. He was called upon to bring under their notice a resolution which contained a great and important principle; a principle which, if carried out to its full effects, could not fail ultimately to bring peace and content, and to work bene ficially for the people of this laud. The principle to which he alluded was universal suffrage, (hear and partial cheers) or the right for every man in this nation to vote for those who should represent the people in the Commons' House of Parliament. This was a principle which was grounded on truth and justice, and their worst enemies, while they opposed it, dare not deny the justice of it. It was their right, and no arguments had ever yet been advanced which could impugn that right. While their enemies dare not deny the justice of this principle, they visited them as ignorant and unlearned : —they said they is ere so ignorant that they' were not to be entrusted with a privilege so peat as that of voting fur them selves. If they were to change places with those who talked thus, if they had the power, what would be said if they acted, "not upon the principle of Christian charity, which said, " do unto others as you would they should do unto you," but upon the principle of doing unto them as they had done while they were in power? If they did thus, would they not usurp all the place and power, and grind down their oppressors as those individuals had ground theist down? (Hear, hear.) But they would not do so,—their principle was not of that nature; —it was too holy and just and good,—they were for equal rights and equal privileges. They were told by their enemies that they were a disorderly, wild, and untractable mob. But they were no such thing. They were individuals quietly but firmly looking for that which was theirs by every principle of justice—theirs by the inalienable rights of man. They told them that they were levellers. They said that to the radicals of Liverpool, and he would ask diem it, even as ra dicals, they had such a subject under their consideration, if ever such a thing was contemplated by them? As ignorant as they were, as they had been stigmatised with being, they knew well how to respect the sacredness of property; and their property, be it little or much, was as sacred to them as was the property of the most wealthy man in the kingdom to him. Their property was sacred to them, as it was acquired by the labour of their hands and the sweat of their blow, and they knew how to value it. If they had no other property than that which was the fruit of their labour, they aught say they wanted no more than a good day's work and a good day's wages. (hear, hear.) Their enemies said they were disloyal, but they never were, and they never intended to be disloyal. While they respected the rights of others, they also respected their own, and all they sought were those rights. As ignorant as they were, they had learned to know their rights, and they would not be worthy of the name of either 'Englishmen, Irishmen, or Scotchmen, if, knowing them, they did not seek to obtain them. They had met for an important duty, and one to which they were bound to give the most calm and attentive consideration; but as other speakers would claim their attention, he should draw his re marks to a conclusion. Mr. Robinson here read the resolu tion, and said, he hoped they would take into earnest consi deration the great principles which it embodied, and that when the petition came before them for signature, they would not neglect it. Let them remember that all they wanted was their rights; that. they wanted their full rights, and nothing more, but that they would take nothing less. (Partial cheer ing) • Ar. GF.OII GE EDMUNDS, of Birmingham, was next called upon. He said, when he came on that platform, in looking out for a radical face, he had accidentally hit upon one, which was that of the last speaker who had addressed them. It was a remarkable circumstance that, twenty years ago, that indi vidual was present at a great meeting in Birmingham, which was held at Newhall-hill, for the purpose of advocating uni versal suffrage. He must say that if the meeting had had no other effect than to extend principles that had such an effect,—if ithadbrou.ht forwaral,saah amazato , INoLjsima . mingham political connexion, and he was glad now to find at the present Moment, that the people of Liverpool were asso ciated for the attainment of their rights, for advocating which he was sent to prison for nearly twelve months. Doctor Dodd had written his Prison Thoughts, and he also could tell them of prison thoughts, many and bitter; but the fruit had been knowledge, and they knew that knowledge was power. He had assisted his excellent friend Mr. Attwood, in framing the Political Union of Birmingham ; and if that body had done nothing else, it had at least established the important and essential fact, whether the reform bill, for which they had so long contended, was a delusion or not. It was admitted on all hands, that the association to which he had alluded had been mainly instrumental in carrying that important mea sure. If that union could carry that measure, what ought the people now to carry, with the additional knowledge and power which they had obtained? He rejoiced that he was called upon to take part in the first grand struggle for their just rights, in the attainment of which he knew they should not fail. He rejoiced in this first grand movement. It was a grand movement, because it called for an arrangement on the first principles of society, for the rights of man, the inalienable rights of the people. Instead of the compara tively trifling number he saw before him, there ought to have been tens of thousands present. What was the reason? Why, that their oppressors had extinguished the souls out of them. (A laugh.) But the time had arrived when they must bestir themselves. He wished to be distinctly understood. Some expressions of gentlemen near him had been greatly misre presented. It had been said, that Mr. O'Connor had recom mended physical force. Mr. O'Conner simply maintained what he (the speaker) maintained—what the whigs had always maintained—that on which the right of the present royal family to reign depended—the right of Englishmen to resort to physical force, when driven to it by a tyrannical, oppressive, unyielding body. As Mr. O'Connor had said in Birmingham, the man who recommended physical force was himself a 'traitor. If ever the time arrived when physical force should become expedient, it would not be necessary for Mr. O'Connor or any body else to recotnmend it. Their duty . was to explain to the people their rights, and to convince them they were oppressed and injured. It was moral force, and not physical force that they wanted. And he would tell them what moral force was. If they could imagine that to be what it was not, i fine sunny day, and some fellow, who, like a certain class or politicians whom lie would not mention, was fond of getting his hand into other people's pockets,—if they could suppose the sun to to be at his back, throwing his outline on the ground before him, and that he were suddenly'to see another shadow surmounted by a cocked hat, and holding in the right hand a trouncheon—'twould be but a shadow—no thing on earth else—but so familiar was the man with the constable of the parish that he would know there was a sub stance behind about to knock him on the head and to take him into custody—that was moral force. It was the shadow of physical force. They showed the people their position— they told them that half their earnings were taken from them, in the shape of taxes, every Saturday night. , They showed them practical evils, and the remedy for them. They made it known to the tyrants how the thousands, and tens of thou sands, and millions thus trampled on felt, and that they had got in their hearts the passions planted there by the Creator of man for his defence, indignation at injustice, resistance against oppression. The maintenance of the constitutional right of resistance was necessary to prevent the operation of physical force. This was a truth that ought to be perpetually urged upon the people of England. Why? Because if the tyrants knew that the people were acquainted with their rights, and that they were conibined in opinion and principle, they must yield. He begged to cautiou them against one error. They had been advised to take their rights by instal ments—to.receive payment by little and little, as the debtor could afford it. This was sound docirine enough when it ap plied to a debtor who could not pay : but they had to deal with sturdy, impudent debtors who, with their money in their pockets, refused to pay. If ever they accepted a por tion in place of the whole—if ever they adopted that principle again, they might depend upon it they would be defeated: . nothing but a fixed purpose to have all that was due to them would answer the purpose. If they consented to take an atom less, they would forfeit all; because, first, the value of the concession would be diminished, and secondly, they would be divided amongst themselves, and ultimately de frauded of every practical good. Let them not take any in stalments whether from Whigs or Tories. Let them go on promulgating their principles, and combining the universal sense of the people, that their oppressors might see that the seed sown had already yielded a hundred fold, and lie would answer that the same force that would carry the most paltry concessions from the factious, would carry universal suffrage. (Hear and cheers.) The more barriers thrown up against them the better. They might as well attempt to arrest the progress of the sun, as to oppose the inevitable effects that must follow from the principles they were diffusing among the people. Let their enemies raise the barrier as high as they would—let them raise kings, constitutions, feudal tyrants, or aristocracies—when the barrier was thrown down, as thrown down it must be, by the advancin g intelligence, the combined force, the determined res o lutio n o f the people, it would only make their own ruin the more awful—the enemies of social rights would be the victims of social indignation. (Cheers.) It was said the people were not fit for their rights—that they were a bloody, a cruel body, the many-headed monster. Who said so? The very monsters who had always been the first to resort to physical force—those who could calmly send into the field of battle tens of thotisands of Englishmen, to be cut to pieces—for what ? What had been the result of the tre mendous war on the continent ? What had been the resnit of the war with America, where, he thanked God, the people had triumphantly asserted their right to be represented before they were taxed? What did they get by the regal battle of Waterloo, where kings had combined to destroy the right of the French people to choose their own princes? An immea surable sacrifice of blood, for what they had always been taught to consider an evil. The grand monarque of France had been a tyrant, and all the people slaves; but as soon as the people had subverted the cruel noblesse, and delivered themselves from tithes, and the ten thousand other oppres sions to which they had been subject, and under which Eng lishmen were in a great degree now groaning, then all the factions interfered and put them down, and now their voices were raised to call them bloody. (Hear.) He was ashamed to keep them so long. The previous speaker had alluded to the charge, that they wanted to take the property of the rich and divide it among the poor. A more scandalous libel was never uttered. They wanted not to imitate their oppressors, who took £28,000,000 a-year out of their pockets, to pay for wars against liberty and against them. They wanted not to oppress the people with taxes on all•the necessaries of life. 'they did not stand up to rob the people, but to obtain jus ....ward and pu.-dovett na.. _ wanted. There might be ink shed, in, blood. (A laugh.) The factions that O. were but a paltry half million at the bee holes and corners, give up the field at once, . rights, so that by a silent operation.of peace and justice, the country would be delivered from an iron yoke which bed grown out of the tyranny of ages. (Cheers.) lf he could think that their r au - se - was not a jtrst; a righrenus, and bent.= volent cause—if he could think that any base and selfish ex pectation of personal advantage to himself was mixed up with his motives in advocating it—if he could not ask upon it the blessing of Him who would bring all things to pass—he would not stir one step, or utter one syllable, to advance it a hand's breadth towards success. But he bad other convictions, and therefore he told them that their cause must prevail. Pray ing that they might be kept from intemperance on the one hand, and from supineness on the other, but especially from the latter, he would conclude by seconding the resolution. (Applause.) Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR said, he came on behalf of the people of Brighton, as a representative of the Democratic Association of London, and also of the northern Radicals. About two years ago he had personally established the first Radical association in Liverpool. So far from being apa thetic Liverpool had always done her duty, not in elections between Whigs and Tories, which concerned only the elec tive body, but the non-elective, unrepresented people had been always ready to come forward, when duty demanded it. (Hear.) The first speaker had told them truly that his motto was, "A good day's wage fora fair day's work." This was the only principal of legislation worth contending for; and inasmuch as he believed that universal suffrage could alone accomplish their ends, therefore he flung all other points to the wind, relying on that power of self-defence implanted in the breast of man by birth, and engrafted in his right arm by nature. (Cheers.) Mr. Edmonds , had most kindly ex plained to them his views of physical force. He who at tempted to marshal physical force destroyed it. It was not for him to marshal it, and if it should be necessary to appeal to it. God forbid that he should attempt to stop it. (Cheers.) He was for a' peaceful contest. He wanted them to devote all their energies to placing the people in a better position for tesisting the landed aristocracy under the reform bill. They had placed the speculative, gambling interest almost on a par with the 'andel aristocracy, without a consideration of the source from which those classes drew all they possessed, the sweat, marrow, bones, and sinews of the working man. He never should forget that he was an Irishman. (Laughter and loud cheers.) Ireland was his country, and the world his republic. The people of Liverpool supposed, because they were not bowed down by precisely the same description of oppression that many of the manufacturing towns had to complain of, that they would escape unscanned and scot free. They were as a sponge, with two bodies pressing against it. Did he not see hundreds of poor, squalid, half starved Irishmen in the streets, every one of whom he would gladly have taken by the hand; and did not his heart sicken when he felt that he bad not the power to relieve them in a strange land? They had Ireland on the one side, a drag chain on their industry. The Irishman, after his work was over at live o'clock in the evening, would come across the channel, and there he might be seen with his hod on his shoulder, contending with them in their own market. He had a right to do so; and until justice was done to Ireland, there never could, never ought, and never should be, if he could help it, justice to England. (Cheers.) Then they had Manchester, Preston, Bolton, Bury, and Rochdale, to com pete with. There was no cordon to exempt Liverpool from poverty. Railroads and steam would cause poverty, like water, to find its level everywhere. They were fast being impoverished : they ought to spring up likesmen. The un welcome shower that was falling would, he trusted, make them grow into more lusty Radicals. (Laughter.) He had seen half-a-million of men on Kersal-moor taking into their possession the government of the country. The Whigs had no longer any power, except a trifling executive power, which was beyond their control. They had violated all de cency, they had destroyed all confidence, they had degraded the people below their level. And yet these men talked of physical force! What was it made- them pay their taxes ? When the tax-gatherer came and said " Jack Murphy, 1 want 14s. out of your pound," would Jack pay, were it not for fear of the bayonet? How did they pay the interest of the national debt but by the bayonet ? They had swallowed up the entire of nature's gifts to the poor; they had prevented the children of the working man enjoying the fruits of his honest industry; and if no other man stood up to oppose them, he would oppose them alone, though he knew he should fall a sacrifice. And now one word as regarded himself, for " Cresar's wife should not only bechaste but above suspicion." A pigmy Whig or Tory—a scion of the tail-press, had asked him a question ; but as thb interrogater had not had the man liness to make his appearance there, he would both put the question and answer it himself. He would not be put down by a court which acted both as accuser and judge. He chal lenged the whole press of Liverpool or any person connected with it, to ascend that platform and argue any question of policy whatever with him. (Cheers.) But no : they would not. They would sit like geese with quills in their hands in a garret, writing like sows with pigs in their bellies, begin ning with the first person plural—they (the people before him) supposed that " we" meant every one but the person reading it, while in reality it meant no one but the person who wrote it. (Cheers.) The Mercury wished some person to ask Feargus O'Connor his opinion upon the corn laws. Feargus O'Connor never voted against the repeal of the corn laws. He has voted against a fixed duty, and would do so again to-morrow. Feargus O'Connor had voted against Mr. O'Connell's tithe instalments but he had never voted against their total abolition. (Cheers.) The Mercury did not tell them that Feargus O'Connor, when the DorChes ter labourers were to be expatriated, had told Lord Stanley, Lord Althorp, Lord John Russell, Lord Grey, and Lord Brougham to their faces, that they ought to have had the convict jackets on, and to have taken the place of the la bourers.—(Cheers.) These newspapers watched you like a lurcher watching a ferreter. They could make a Whig or a Tory speech out of a Radical speech. A public man, in respect to them, .was like the unfortunate individual who had an old and a young wife; the old one was always pulling ?I"lls ti g I st i gglC tu i l i gig i t s? ilig k a e e v i tilkao n e la b ig - I . l l is hi' h ;la th ' (Laughter.) This was precisely the may - with the press, which they were now completely crippling. The only daily London paper, the Morninu Advertiser, which had Stood. by him when hesfirst established the Radical Association, was the only paper now doing them justice. He charged them never to drink a drop of beer where the Mercury, or Sun, or or Times, or Chionicte were taken.--( Hear.) They wanted, then, universal suffrage. They did not seek to take the landlord's land : they -- did not object to his title, but to his -interference with that which belonged to the people—to his receiving four-fifths of that which did not belong to him. They were agitators it was true, but they were not hired agitators. He never travelleJ a mile at the expense of Whig, Tory, or Radical. The Whigs,- however, as a great com mercial house, had hired a b ag - man, an d sent him to Hol land, Switzerland. Prussia, Austria, and France—one Dr. Syntax Bosvring by name. (Laughter.) This bag-man went about spouting upon the subject of the corn-laws; and he had told them in Manchester that the price of corn was always low and labour high under the operation of free trade; and he had given Switzerland as an example, never telling them of the difference of taxation borne by time Englishman compared by the Swiss—that there was a free road for one and a toll-road for the other. —(Loud and protracted cheer ing.) But till they had universal suffrage it would be in vain to repeal the corn laws; for till they had universal suffrage they would not be able to put the savings in their own pock ets.—(Hear.) The Whigs had been obliged to resort to machinations of every description, and hail lately had re course to a new manufacture of Exchequer bills—a new ap propriation of the people's property, in order to keep up their corrupt system. Let them look at what the Whigs had done, and at what they were likely to do. Did the people make the poor law amendment bill? IL was their share, he supposed, of their reformed institutions, while the rich had got the town-halls, the exchanges, and every thing that could confer emolument and influence.—(Cheers.) They had even gone so far as to build an infant prison in the Isle of Wight for the benefit of the health of the infant paupers. Lord John Russell, the smallest fellow they ever saw in their own lives for nothing,—(a laugh and a whisper of "He is in town,")—so he might be, but if he were they could not see him,—(a laugh,)—he would desire no better property than a life-interest in exhibiting Lord John Russell, who had been trumpetted up as fit to represent the great nation ; what had he been doing session after session, hut basely coalescing with the Tories, because he had not the power to govern upon Whig principles.—(Hear and expressions of disap probation.) Instead of giving them those measures which justice and honesty demanded, he had been truckling to the very faction which he had declared his wish to put down. They had complained of the House of Lords ; they had said there were-too many bishops. Twice he had voted for the re moval of the bishops. But as soon as the Whigs saw they were coming to think about it, they took it into their own hands and commenced by giving them two new bishops.—(Cheers.) The whigs looked upon the House of Lords as a wuolesome barrier—as a body calculated to do their dirty work.' They often, therefore, put on a deceitful appearance of liberality, with the hope that their measures would be stopped in the upper house. (Hear.) Ile complained of the enormous in jury done to the people, that farms and pleasure-grounds might be afforded for the great. In three months they bad been robbed of 6,200,000 acres of common land. - The Irish made better agitation than the English and Scotch, because they had the use of the pratie-hole, to give him food for six months, so that he was ready for any thing during that six months. Those whom he addressed lived all from hand to mouth, trembling for fear their masters should dismiss them. What, then, diu he insist on? The right of the head of every family to-farin so much land, for which he should pay a proper rent. Then they could put their hands in their pockets, and they would slot work any more unless upon a condition of receiving half of what they could earn. (Hear, and loud cheers.)Then, with reference to the means they were to employ, what did Slashing Harry tell them ? (A laugh.) He meant Lord Brougham, and he had christened him Slashing Harry from a famous horse ol that name, who would run like the wind, but could never be depended upon : he would run to the side of the course, throw his rider, bolt, kick, or do anything.—(Laughter.) Well, whet did Slash ing Harry say about physical force? Why he said, speaking of the "three glorious days," he hoped to see the day when all king's heads would be lolling about the streets as footballs for - children; and that an attempt on the part of the Duke of Wellington to force a Bourbon on the people of France would have justified a revolt. What did Mr. O'Connell say? He said, rather than see the injustice which was done to his coun try, he would see her streets running with the blood of her children, and that as old as he was, his arm was not too feeble to draw a sword, should it be required. That sounded very like a threat of physical force.—(Hear hear, and cheers.) Again, at White Conduit-house, what had he said ? Do not talk to him of petitions; let him see petitions from 500,000 fighting men, and he hinted about the Kildare boys corning down to teach the people how to vote. Stanley had said that he would resist repeal to the death. Attvrood haul said that the men of Birmingham would be led on to the death. And John Fielden had told them not to look upon the new poor law bill as law, and to oppose by physical force if necessary. —(Loud and long continued cheering.) He had never said half so much and he was obliged. to go about keeping these wild men in order, and to tell the people par nubile jratrem, not to mind what they said. (Laughter.) When they had real justice, then, no man would leave Ireland but of his own will and pleasure as a speculator, not as he did now to escape his landlord, or the process-server, or because he wished to wipe from his forehead the brand of being dictated to by a law church. He had been rapidly rising to the head of his pro fession. and could have made £5,000 a-year, ifhe could have been contented to live on the wretchedness of his fellow-coun trymen. But he would not without loathing take two, or three, or four guineas from a man who had been obliged to commit crime. 'There was a virtue in crime. The Irish always stole the most homely things : they would rather steal potatoes than a sheep, and nothing, would induce them to steal gold. There was a principle in their crimes. There was a difference between the poor and the rich pickpocket: the one picked the pocket to fill his belly, the other picked the belly to fill his pocket. (Laughter.) As there were several other abler men to address the meeting, he would not occupy their time longer. The CH A IRMAN then put the resolution,—" That from our experience of the past and our expectation of the future, we have no hope in the House of Commons as at present con stituted; we therefore adopt the national petition, demand ing for the people universal suffrage, annual parliaments, vote by ballot, wages for the attendance of, and against the property qualification of members of the House of Commons, and that it be recommended to the inhabitants of Liverpool and its vicinity, to sign the petition." n.—l will. (" Off witli von. aAIRMAN hoped the meeting won, ateation . o a.. speakers. (Great uproar and quarrellink. ,he stage, one party asserting that tbe speaker had a right to proceed, and another that he had not.) Mr. ACLAND.—\Vhat are you afraid of? (Cries of "Off, off," " Hear him," and great uproar.) He was there to 'Speak to the (Denton. - (" You have no business," and up• roar.) That was a public meeting; he was there to propose an amendment to the motion before it; and as long as he confined himself within the same limits which had been marked by the previous speakers in moving and supporting the original motion, so long he should be in order in address ing them on his amendment to that motion. (Hear.) Al though connected with the press of Liverpool, he professed himself to be utterly ignorant of what Mr. O'Connor spoke, when he told them somewhat of the physical force of the press. The press had its moral and universal influence or force; of its physical influence or force he knew nothing, and left Mr. O'Connor to explain the difference between moral and physical farce as best he might. If it were a merit to have been a Radical in the times when it was dangerous to be so, he claimed that merit, and would yield to no - man. If it were a merit to have been imprisoned by the political tyrants of the day, lie would yield to no man in his claim to that merit. At all'events, he begged their indulgent hearing. (A cry, "What was the crime ?" with great uproar and laughter.) The crime was for asserting an independent opinion—battling for that opinion and for the people, and in endeavouring to establish au independent press. That j was the offence, and the punishment had been not one year, but six years' incarceration. (Hear, hear.) He was grati fied in I3eing enabled to state, that at least one-third of all that he had heard had been in support of the amendment Which he shoOld move.' (" No, no," and interruption from behind.) The gentlemen who were there seemed to know nothing of the usual means of proceeding on such occasions; they wished him to - put his motion before he addressed them. The only possible tendency of any such course would be this, to create uproar and confusion—(cries of "Read it")—in favour of those who so sought to restrain his observations. (Great uproar and interruption. A voice, " Fair play I con tend for;" another, " There's always a row where Acland is." Here the uproar, violence, noise, and confusion was an admiiable specimen of a series of petty tyrannies amongst the friends of liberty and the glorious " I will be master" rule of mob law.) Mr. Flostorins here stepped forward, and rose to order. A meeting like that, of many thousands of persons, (loud laughter, and "oh, oh,") had a perfect right to know whether the motion be relevant to the business of the meeting or not. He knew something of order, and the meeting hail a right to know whether the gentleman was coining there merely to occupy their time on an irrelevant matter or not. When the resolution had been read, if it were relevant, then they were bound to hear the gentleman. (" Hear," confusion, and uproar.) The CHAIRMAN.—That is very desirable. Mr. ACLAND.—The chairman had decided on the sugges tion of Mr. Edmonds, and he therefore would read, in order to the satisfaction of the chairman and the meeting, the amendment he should conclude by moving—" That the great majority of the people of this country are in the habitual use of alcoholic liquors (shouts of laughter) ; that by tbat prac tice they continually and voluntarily incur the danger of intoxication (roars of laughter, and confusion)—a danger unproductive of any good (confusion), whilst it subjects the poor and weak amongst our electoral constituencies to all the mischiefs of drunkenness (great laughter), bribery, and corruption—entails want and places much misery on indivi duals, demoralises the community, and desolates the land by the wholesale generation of pauperism and crime. (Great uproar.) That they who thus induce social and national evil for the momentary gratification of a sensual appetite, are, so long as they may do so, incompetent"—(tremendous uproar and confusion, which drowned the speaker's voice, and , loud cries of "Put him down.") . . Mr. EnmoNos.—l rise to order. Mr. ACLAN D.—Before you have heard the amendment? Mr. EDMONDS.—I have heard it; I have heard enough. I don't see, in the name of God, what that amendment has to do with the original motion. Mr. ACLAND.—You have not heard it. Mr. EDMON DS.-1 have heard it; I have heard enough of it. (Great uproar.) Whether the drinking of gin makes people drunk has nothing to do with the resolution that we shall adopt the national petition. I beg to put that to the meeting. (Confusion.) Mr. AC LAN D.—You cannot put anything to the meeting ; here is the chairman. Mr. EDMONDS amidst great uproar and strife on the plat form as well as in the body of the meeting, conferred with the chairman, after which he said he had the authority of the chairman to put it to the meeting. Those who thought that this stupid amendment should be discussed, that gin made people drunk, would hold up their hands; those 'whothought the discussion ought not to he continued, would say "aye." (Uproarious shootings of " aye," followed by cries of " away, away," "go down," and great uproar.) Mr. LAWRENCE HEYWORTII here stepped forward and addressed the meeting as his fellow-men, and implored. them to listen to him fora moment. He looked upon every man present as being his brother and be loved him as such. If they believed him, he was sure they would listen to him for a moment. (Cries of "No teetotalism.") He had listened with great . attention to what had been said since he cause to that meeting,: and he was always anxious that his fellow men should assemble in such meetings as that to discuss their rights and privileges. He considered this was abso lutely necessary for every class of society for their own well fare and well-being, whether rich or poor. It was absolutely necessary that - evely proposition which was to regulate the conduct of men . should be brought before the multitude of mankind. (Hear, hear.) When he had expressed that 'these were the sentiments of his heart, he was sure that they would give a little attention to what he had to say to them. It was true that the commencement of M r. Acland's amend ment seemed contrary to the business of the day, but they did not wait for the conclusion, or, he was sure they would • have come to a very different conclusion. (Great uproar.) Mr:SPCnission (rnnuntinir.tbegTeat Ve - fiehierri l eTh"ge./tIVA arid- manner, for his words could hardly be heard above the babel-like discord and noise that surrounded him)—" I say the question's decided—the question's decided." Mr. LAWRENCE, HEYWoRTH.—Have I said any thing to offend you ? If! have, lam sorry for it with all my heart. If not, then permit me to go on. -Mr. WHlTTLE.—Gentletuen, I rise to order. Mr. ACLAND.-1 claim possession of the chair. (Up roarious confusion.) Mr. WHITTLE.—I rise to the question of order. I speak to the question of orders (" We know that," and great disorder,) A question has been put to you whether you would hear a certain amendment on a - proposition put to the meeting? (" No, no, no.") You have decided that the •question before us now is whether you will support your own resolution or not? (" yes,") - whether you will support the chair ?(" we will,")—or whether will you allow any inter ruption on the part of the whigs. (" No we support the chair, and universal suffrage," and great uproar.) Mr.ACLANn.—I disclaim the insinuation; 1 have no more to do with the whigs than you have. (Immense uproar.) The CHAIRMAN interfered and proceeded to read the ie. solution. Mr. A c LANn.—You are going to read the resolution? The CHAIRSIAN.—Yes. Mr. ACLAND. --1 tender the amendment, (handing it to the chairman.) The CHAIRMAN.—AII for the National petition, put up your hands. Those on the contrary opinion. Carried unani mously. (Great cheering and uproar.) Mr. JOHN MURRAY, a working man, then came forward and addressed the meeting. He had always understood that those who were not for them were against them. He had al ways understood that those who sowed dissensions amongst them were not their friends. He cared not whether he were so shallow as to be the tool of whigs or tortes, or whether his own passion for notoriety might make him do it. (Cheers.) He cared not whether he was at the head or the tail of the press of Liverpool. (Continued cheers.) What was it to him that they used intoxicating liquors? He contended that they ought not; but if they did use them it was their own choice. Was taxation their own choice? ("No.") He contended against immorality, he contended against drunken ness, he contended against anything which degraded the hu man character. Take that in its proper place, and he was with them. (Hear.) H e h a d s een, the d a y before, half a million (!) of men, and he protested that there was not a drunkard amongst them—a proof that the radical portion of the community were not a drinking community ; and he was sure his excellent friends. Mr. Heyworth and others, would be gratified to hear it. (Hear, hear, from Mr. Heyworth.) But that was not what he came to address them about; he came to move a resolution respecting the people's charter— respecting an act to provide for the just representation of the people. Why did they assemble in their thousands to ask for a change in their representation ? Was it not because that they who took charge of the national funds left them to work for them, and expended the money for their own benefit? Was it not because a junto formerly exercised the privilege of placing men in the House of Commons, and although they succeeded in aiding others to destroy that junto, had not a many-headed monster taken its place ? Had taxation got removed? Were their homes more happy? 'has the mon ster of intemperance done away with ? Were their electors more pure than they were before? When he looked around him did he not look around on some working men there who had admitted to him, at the last election, that they dared not use their franchise? (Cheers.) Were there not thousands of tradesmen who dared not use their elective franchise in Liverpool ? Did not this principle extend into the mass as broad as the basis of society. If, in wishing for universal suffrage, they were wishing for it for the working man only - and for none other, then would their cause be an unholy and unjust one and they ought not to prosper. But they sought nothing for themselves which they were not willing to give to others; they asked for nothing but a participation in what was.every man's birth-right. (Cheers.) In asking for their rights they would take no less. Their reasons were the fol lowing : the boroughmongers shared in the management of the purse-strings of the nation, and maintained this position, and contrived to spend the nation's wealth for an indefinite period. The phalanx got broken, and the People in the joy of the moment consented to do what they ought not to have done—consented to sacrifice the principle of universal suf frage, in the hope that the power they thus gave over would be used with patriotism, and that relief would be granted to the mass of the community. They had a fair trial. Yes, those who called themselves reformers, defended the worst of the former abuses, and it was high time for them to take their own affairs into their own hands, (Another collection of people who were being addressed by a temperance advocate a few yards from the platform here cheered their speaker and drowned the conclusion of the sentence.) As neither of the systems had done them justice, let them do it for them se l v es. He concluded with moving "that this meeting fully approves of the plan for the outline of au act to provide for the just representation of the people in the united kingdom, in the Commons House of Parliament, in accordance with the principle set forth is the National Petition." Mr. COBBETT next presented himself. He said, he had to return his thanks to their committee, who had done him the honour to appoint him as the seconder of that resolution. And though he certainly did not go there expecting to be appointed to any such honourable office, he had, since he had been at that meeting, found sufficient whereon he thought it was his duty to address to them his opinion as to their conduct. (Hear.) The principles of the people's charter to which that resolution referred, were universal suffrage, annual parlia ments, vote by ballot, no property qualification, and the pay ment of wages to members of parliament. That was the ob ject of that meeting—that was the object for which many thousands (!) had met there that day, and that was the object for which at least 300,000 (! !) had met on Kersal moor the day before. That was the object which they must follow up, determining never to be swayed or deterred by the crotchets of those friends who might pretend to join them. The whigs, the humanity-mongers, the crotchet-mongers, the teetotallers, the abolition-of-slavery humbugs, the education people had alt joined them when they had taken the business into their own hands, as they (lid now, and when they had joined them, (the rads.,) and got into power through them, they (the whigs) had always sacrificed them. What was the trick which was played off on them on the passing of the reform bill? They (the whigs) talked to them about everything but those rights of which they stood in need. They (the whigs) had talked to theirs of education, of abstaining from spirituous liquors, of freeing the black, of repealing the corn-laws, and of repealing the tree trade of literature in France. (Hear.) They had talked to them about everything but giving them a fair shale in the produce of their own labour. (Cheers.) They might honour a man who honestly disagreed with _ v might honour a w•romy said he believed their of his assertions. He concluded by telling an anecdote of be right; but they three brothers in Scotland, tenants of the Duke of Montrose - ouved him for his which brothers voted, in spite of the threats of his grace's ov -• ro , steward, in opposition to his washes, and Isere in consequence • •••-,1 out of ' - eir - -ms, but were by a gentleman in the -"- 11- • P value. --The he truth; nut ici - ent \ I - thaaked God he hopecfbe oidd. r.ese whigs, wity had sent these men there that o and who, he had very little doubt, if they had not paid these honourable men, would have paid somebody else, if they had not come—these very whigs on this subject of spirituous liquors, had shown them the greatest possible evidence of their own base falsehood, for while they maintained a tax on the poor man's small beer, which would not make him drunk, and which kept him from having it at all, they had reduced the tax on gin, which would make any man drunk in very small quantities. (Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) And what reason had they given for it ? This: that it was more profitable to the government to have a email tax on gin than a large one, and so they had, accord ing to this gentleman's own reasons—according to the reason ing of their own noble and no doubt disinterested missionary, (a laugh,) according to this reasoning, the government which he had the distinguished honour of representing there that day,—that very government had sacrificed their moral cha racters, for the sake of what ? A little paltry gain in pounds, shillings and pence. Mr. ACLAND (interrupting).—l am not. at all connected with the government; it is not fair to represent that. (A laugh.) M. COBBETT continued.—He would not detain them. (Loud cries of "Go on.") They had been told that day, by Mr. O'Uonnor, that Dr. Syntax Bowring had been in Man• chester, and had been attempting to get up au agitation for the repeal of the corn laws. Now in the same manner in which Mr. O'Connor was in favour of the repeal of the corn laws, he believed in the same principle. (Hear, hear.) He was in favour of their repeal also; for whenever they did so refomrn the government as to render such a measure just as to render it practicable, he was for it and more if they could do it; if they could repeal 'ens he would say " go at it my boys." (Cheers.) But he was against it for this reason, that it was a whig humbug, always got up to distract the minds of the manufacturing population when they were mov ing for their just rights. It had been got up for every occa sion, and it was a very well calculated agitation to plodues disunion instead of union amongst them, because it was na tural that the population of Lancashire and Yom kshire should differ from the agricultural population on this subject who did not differ on universal suffrage and annual parliaments, and therefore they talked with them on this subject instead of on that on which they were all united. Now he called on them to have nothing to do with theie deceivers. The peo ple of the manufacturing districts and many of the agricul tural districts were now fairly in the field, and he did trust that they would not suffer themselves to be hoodwinked, and be led blindfold from that field by the philosophy of cox combs and the politics of knaves.. (Cheers.) There was only one more subject which he should mention to them; it was this, that the people of South Lancashire—he could speak for them as the secretary of the Manchester political union that called the great meeting the day before—the peo ple of South Lancashire had resolved that they would not assist in getting any of those questions, however much they have been devoted to them, when it had been the fashion. There were a great portion of the people of Manchester who were in favour of the repeal of the corn laws, and a great majority of the people had come to the decision not to suffer them to be discussed. That was the universal determination of the town of Manchester; it was the same at Oldham. From there he had gone to Bolton, and he would tell them chat had been done there by these whig gentlemen. He bad been sent there as a delegate, and a large meeting had been held at the theatre, and he found it turned out that the prin cipal resolutions were to be moved by a - trigs of the first water. A whig magistrate was to move one resolution, a whig mill owner was to second another, and a young whig gentleman was to move another, and so on. He was delighted to find that the middling classes had joined them. He began to think them wise fellows, for he knew that that was the only means Ly which they could save themselves with all their wealth and intelligence. But how had it turned out ? The whigs had at present lie believed tories in office in the town of Bolton ; the municipal elections were coming on, and they received a hint, that if they did not give up their corn law nonsense, they should not put whigs into the corporation. Therefore they were at the theatre, for let them mind, a real traitor would almost go any length. (Hear.) They who never could get beyond household suffrage and annual parlia ments and all manner of things about taxes. they not only went, thus far, but they were for downright republicanism. They talked about the expense of the crown ; and they talked about two or three hundred thousand a year for the crown as monstrous, but the thirty million of taxation they could not perceive. They compared the expense of the crown with the expense of the American government, they talked generally against the monarchical government, and, by inference, left entirely their auditors to come to the con clusion that they were in favour of a republican government in this country. But let them mark this, although the meet ing was called for the purpose of supporting the political union in Bolton, and inducing the people to go to Kersal Moor, neither the union nor the meeting were alluded to; not one word would the Whigs at that meeting say about the meeting on Kersal Moor; that showed them how foolish it would be to them to place the slightest confidence in them. But above all, never let them place any confidence in them when they went beyond the mark they wanted them. The moment they asked a man to serve them and he said he would do fifty times more, they had better say—" No, I had rather not "—(Laughter and cheers.) Let them recollect that the great meeting at Birmingham—on Kersal Moor, and there that day—let them recollect that at those meetings their labours must not cease. If they were to do no more than meet, and talk, and demonstrate their power, their ene mies need not fear them. These meetings were called de monstrations, because they demonstrated the power they possessed. That power they derived from union; and it', after making a demonstration pf that kind, they retired for a time into rest, they went back to their homes, and did no more than make senseless demonstrations. He advised theta to form a union; and if they already had one to support it. If they could not pay a penny a week to pay a halfpenny ; to attend every meeting, and never to give up agitation till they gained what they were seeking. Let them always re collect between moist and physical force, Mr. Edmonds had drawn so very fine a distinction that he could not discover ita AVM iSiflYtV intazil t uS h iglEWAToB. l.2 t ear, and ireci:.; Moral force meant this—and it was of nu use to talk about sun and shadows—moral force meant this, " informing your enemy that you have physical force ready when you want it." He was not fur ptysical force. He would never call on a man to use it; because tie thought that a man who so called should be himself ready to lead them; and although he was a very good attorney he was not fit to be a general, unless it were attorney-general.--(Laughter.) Therefore, he did not call upon any one to use physical force, because be was not ready to lead them; bnt this he did say, when a man pre tended to act upon his enemies with moral force, and was not ready to use physical force, he must be a man who was either grossly deceived by somebody, or he had not a proper strength of mind himself. He thanked them for the great patience with which they had heard him, and, in conclusion, called on them to hold frequent meetings of that sort, and join the operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire, and they would lead them a dance that would tell them something.—(Cheers. ) Mt. JOHN COLLINS, of Birmingham, next addressed the meeting. Mr. Lowey, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, another touring operative, who was full of the last place he had been at, that he addressed the meeting as fellow countrymen of Hui:, next spoke. He abused the press and all literary men as base sycophants and hirelings, and concluded 'with seconding a resolution moved by the previous speaker, which the pre vious speaker forgot to move. The CHAIRMAN put the resolution, which was carried unanimously. (No resolution being in fact before the meet ing, though, from the purport of the speech of one of them, we guessed it to he the appointment of a sort of congress of delegates to sit in London, and of course to be paid by their poor dupes.) Mr. M'NALTY moved a resolution, to the effect that Thos. Smith and James Whittle be appointed delegates to a con vocation of the industrious classes in London, the number of which was not to exceed 43. Their duties being to sit nightly in the House of Commons, and repot what was going on. Mr. PETER BUSBY, of Bradford, seconded the motion. Mr. DIxoN, of Manchester, recommended Mr. Whittle and Mr. Smith to the meeting. The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, appointing those persons as delegates, which was unanimously carried. Mr. SMITH and Mr. WHITTLE each acknowledged their appointments. . f l'he thanks of the meeting were then moved to the chair man; three cheers were proposed for O'Connor's paper, the Northern Star. and the meeting broke up at a quarter to four o'clock. THE RADICAL DINNER. It was announced in the placards before alluded to that a public dinner would, in the evening, be given at the Queen's Theatre to Mr. Attwood and the other orators of the party. Mr. Attwood did not attend either the Liverpool or Manches ter demonstration, but in accordance with the announcement the dinner took place at six o'clock. The circle of the theatre was boarded over, a scene was closed in across the stage immediately behind the proscenium, In front of thin was the cross, or principal table which accom modated about seventeen or eighteen. Five tables, very neatly laid, extended from one end to the other nf the apart meat thus formed,—the boxes forming three sides, and the scene above mentioned the fourth. 'the tickets, price three shillings each, entitled each visiter to a lady's admission. Ac cordingly 180 females assembled in the boxes, to witness the ' ceremony of despatching the dinner, and to hear the oratory. Over the Chairman was suspended an union-jack, and four smaller banners of a similar description were placed on each side. A British ensign and two small union-jacks were sus pended from the boxes opposite to the chairman. . Several painted representations of shields, ornamented with armorial bearings, were suspended round the front to the lower tier. The dinner did not consist "of the delicacies of the season," but of very good and substantial stuff, and the guests, who were in number about 220, did due honour to the ample pro vision spread before them. The principal supply was of roast beef and plum pudding, and ale in abundance. The Chair was occupied by Mr. John Clarke, who was sup ported on his ri g ht by Mr. eargus O'Connor, and on his left by+llr. Edmunds. At the cross table were also Mr. Cobbett, Mr. Th o Etta s Smith, Mr. Goodfellow, Mr. Bussey, Mr.Whittie, and others, whose names we could not learn. The CHAIRMAN said, they were assembled for the purpose of celebrating the commencement, of a struggle which had for its object restoration of a right which they once possessed, that of choosing the individual who should represent them in Parliament, that of choosing the men who were to guard their rights and property in the House of Commons. They were now at that time of day struggling for the restitution of what they had been unjustly deprived of. It was a natural and constitutional right, which could not be alienated. it. was constitutional because it was declared in an act of Par liament, and because, according to constitutional law, every man was supposed to be present, by himself or his represen tative, when the laws were made ; but how could a man be said to be there when there were two-thirds of the people of this Kingdom who were not allowed to vote. (An individual here started up, and made some observation. We understood him to deny what was advanced by time speaker. Some con fusion occurred, but the individual who caused the noise was promptly turned out ) The chairman proceeded. It had been asked, on what authority could it be said that the people of this country at large once possessed the e:ective franchise? The reply was on the Statute book, where it stood to this day. There was a petition presented to the King in Parliament. requesting him to restrain th e p owers o f th e peop l e i n choos ing representatives in parliament, under the pretence that they exercised it injuriously, and by the act of Bth year of Henry 6th; the prayer of this petition was granted. Before that every man in England had a right to vote; and every man -in England claimed the privilege with the proudest and most wealthy to vote for the return of those who made the laws for his protection. That act told that the right was once pos sessed, or how could it ever have been taken away? The people had the right by custom, and by the common law of the land. Why should they not persevere in attempting to regain that which they had always a right to enjoy? Another objection made to the extension of the suffrage was, that it would cause corruption, and that the humbler orders bad al ready showed a propensity for cot rupt ion. Corruption at once gave the idea of a corrupter,—for there could not be corruption without a corrupter. And who had been and who would still endeavour to be the corrupters? The wealthy and the great landholders, who gained by corrup ti on. The Chairman went on to remark on the objection that was made to the working classes, because they were no t men o f property, argu i ng t h at they had an uncommon property in their labour, without which all other sorts of property were valueless, and citing the opi nion and calculations of Mr. Sharman Crawford in support The Qat en The thild toas, 4. then given: "111:iv the prine universal suffrage and all the essentials to the free of our political rights become the pole star of every 'his country." (Cheers.) Mr. CORBETT rose and was received with loud After some apologies for his inadequacy to the iris' had been assigned him, he said the peculiar situation tal and the influence which - it possessed, - was the gre; evil which existed in this country. This was an mi . could only be removed by that reform in parliament which they were now seeking. It was capital in land and other things which alone was represented in the House of Com mons. Those who created the wealth were not represented. That was the grievance. If, however, the people followed up properly what had been begun, this grievance they would succeed in removing. Tbey had almost daily under their ob servation throughout the whole of Lancashire and Yorkshire, the horrible evidence that the influence of capital not only deprived the labourers of what they ought to enjoy, but it went the horrible length of confining men, women, and children in prisons of the most unhealthy 'desciiptitin, where their lives were in daily dauge, and where they were so worked that they were deformed in their persons, their sex iirmost changed, and their lives shortened. (Hear.) He did not hesitate to say, though this had not, in outward appearance, all the slavery in this country that 'appeared in some. others that, virtually, no slaves on the face of the earth ,were so in famously tyranised over as the people of this country..";- He did not hesitate to say that the labourers and •hauclloom weavers of this country suffered more than had been suffered by the blacks in the West Indies, ;for whose emancipation the humanity-mongers had made-such a cry; -If they turned their eyes amongst the manufacturing . labourers they:would find scenes which would harrow up their trouts. The• liberal whig, Lord Althorp, once proposed to levy a'tax; a very light one—half a crown in the pqund he believed, on all transfers of stock. They knew very well that the •whigs cutild..earry out the measure if they pleased. What did .„Lbytt, Althorp do? A banker got up and taxed him with a breack na tional faith, and he immediately, withdrew the 'motion. He asked him, if all the bankers, and, as opposite 'to, them, ail the honest men iu the kingdom, could have induced.the whig ministry to withdrais• a taxprePorentiVepLeed &tithe poor! (Cheers.) He would refer them to the poor law amendment act, and the conduct of the House of Commons in respect to the factory ••labour question. ,Thy passed an act to reduce the hours of labour iu factories and never en forced it. They said it was so complicated, and be would re mark it was of their own frautiog, that it cpuld,nek•lie en forced. (Hear.) But they could „enforce, "tlie. ppor-law bill at the point of the bayonet; yet they never sent any body but one paid commissioner to enforce this act of re ducing the hours of labour. (Cheers - .) • It-wass—ritlieulous then to suppose that they could ever get spy, good from this house. They never would do any good of their own accord —they would never do any good till they were. Therefore it was absolutely necessary to tell them what was wanted by the nation, and that if •Thefivoultfriative it in their way, "we will have it in ours." As they were entering into a struggle which was to end - but. with.:strecess * -it . was proper to consider of the manner, and of the difgeblties which they would meet with in their path. The mode which had been - hitherto used, and to which no dissentient voice had hitherto been raised, was to demand by' petition. They claimed vote by ballot, universal. suffrage, 'annual parlia ments, and paid members. (Cheers.) By taking the course recommended, they were asking for that to which they'were entitled by the very laws which those from whom:the demand was made professed to love and uphold. They,. were, entitled to universal suffrage and annual parliamenfi by law. These were all he asked for. The others were but the•detarils. -They had Magna Charta, which said that .parliamente, were to be annual, and that no man in England sbouldbe rasied - Without his own consent. They could not be represented without vote by ballot, and without paid members they. could not have their work properly performed.' He had anhiher'piece of law to lay down to them, and he should quote'thelautho rity of Justice Blackstone, who had. laid jt down, that „there was no law upon which the punishment oteriine todld be justified but this: that the man had, bY his represtutatives in parliament, made the law under whieh„he He contended that, if that law were correct, a man executed to-morrow for a crime which was 'passed by alcolsocikOt so constituted, as they contended it ought, to .be,,was,jgdicially murdered. He contended that the jodge acting TUT, the crown, who condemned a man by laws passed by atibltastiOuse, Committed an act which, by sound constitutional jaw,..instified rebellion. He liked, on legal questions, to have legal opi nions, and he appealed to the gentleman 'neat but Ong on his left if he was not right. (Hear, hear, and assentirrgs from Mr. O'Connor.) Mr. Cobbeit proceeded to show ,hqw,pecu liarly well England was situated. for a struggle'of,tilsii sort. He drew parallels between the situations of: -A.marioza and France at the commencement of their revolutions,, and of England at the present moment, contending that the L reason why France failed was, because she had not likwaiu•support of her assumptions, while America had. precisely this same laws which England has. He denounced the,crioduct of Lord Brougham and others, who, he said, had fer•years de luded the people with false hopes; and he exhorted them to trust to themselves, to be firm and persevere. • The CHAIRMAN proposed the healths of Thomas Altwood , Esq., and John Fielden, Esq., and success to the unions of which they had been the promoters. .• Mr. EDMUNDS of Birmingham, after eompliinentipg t he chairman on his speech, expatiated at solue.lengllt„.on the importance of union. lie did not know much of Alt... field" , he said, but he eulogised him as a friend of taboos and an enemy of oppressive capital. He expressed liii:'Pleasure at seeing so many females present, and said in :Birrniirgbaa l they hart seen a political union composed eutireh of c e males, from which he predicted great consequences , b`Coa" nell had been pocketing the money of the Irish peopie-,-(bei g the speaker was interrupted by cries of O'Cennell for ever and some expressions of disapprobation, Mingled wit'h'Cheers• There was considerable confusion for some minutes.) Mr. Edmunds proceeded. ,He insisted - upon his right to arg° o his own points in his dWn way; no one had any , right 'to dic tate to him. He would always support Mr. 'O'Connell when he supported the cause of the - people. The best way to get any duty well done was to pay well for ft . .-4 , ehe - ers.)—the unfect or those who had duty to do was by a perfect discharge thereof to please those who paid them. lie would not hold e out any alarm. While he would not hold out anyalisplay 0 ' their physical power, he would arouse all the assions of the people, if possible, in this great cause, a nd 'he would leave the rest to them. (Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN said, the next toast was the healtivmf Thomas Smith and Mr. James. Whittle- the.depattsti" the Radicals of Liverpool • • ij Mr. THOMAS SMITH said, though he 'was a of forty years standing, he had never befereseenso 4,"picioug an opening. In allusion to the law which the•chaterrian said had been introduced in the time ofHeUry Vl,fie *a a con siderable portion of the nation were then serfs or slaves, s° that it could not be said the suffrage, was then,,enioyed by all' Before the conquest all were free, and then iherq,Aas versal suffrage, so that they contended fortheiones, tbat wet ° made by their Saxon ancestors before ibe the Be' roughmonger.s. Mr. Smith informed the meetililecOott ei g ht individuals of the Birmingham politic a l union, five of th e Manchester union, and two, himself and.M.r.,Wbittle, from the Radicals of Liverpool were to lOrtria deputation -.to Lon' don in order to inforce attention to theirclairus...,,,. ..., • d Mr. Wurirt.s: said, the opulent classes;o(thikOn not felt the pressure, and to their own prejudi‘ce..t ey probably keep aloof. The Ministry he suidliiid p o ndere' over the demonstration on Kersal Moor, and had .at, first or dered out the troops. Afterwards they ordered that they should be kept close in their barracks, in 'Veder'iliat the/ mieht avoid the coot amination of the population..;;,.;: The CHAIRMAN next proposed " Real justice to Ireland. Mr. FEARGUS O'CoNNou replied repre senting what he conceived the wretched stater.o ,the Iris people, from coercion, taxation, and bad eovernment. 1 .- denounced the policy of Mr. onne as use ess, as mockery, and recommended thaaitire peoplektioitt ofgngla n ic i and Ireland should stand up for•theroselves v . thsn they vv 00 !,., find leaders who would be 'with the m In't ' fli . 'coti - WI and '" the hattle-field. se toq,sar..: Mr. COLLINS, of Birmingham, proposed Ay s ,ladis," a rid made a long harangue. The memory of William.Cobbett, Nlajoreartwitlst; Hea, l Hunt, and all the illust lions departed advaicate f th, peolu e ' was drank in solemn silence. "'The Great North Union ; and suecest, tti;:lt y Vtoieds and responded to by Mr. Bussy. v af• al :-A The following toast s w ere th en g i v en .: - 6 u i tic Union of Manchester. and may it thria.'e,";aarrile Radiet Press of the three kingdoms," .". the Live,rpoolcialorkip Man's Association." The m ee ting was addressed by 1 ‘ 1 4 ,. /.- , Murray, the Rev. Mr. Stephens, Mr. Robintarii,:. and "'" Looney. The festivities were protracted to a late hour. •• • ! to The morning organ of the ministry says, it isglad• toe that the Duke of Sussex and his friend s , Sir' Etussey Vivq,e and Lord John Churchill, are " clown shooting rabbits" '.O park of Colonel Wildman, in Nottinghamshire,' "where Ws, Royal Highness shot from 11 to 12 couple of rabbits 18 Saturday, and appeared as eager ab o ut th e div ers ion as 't o '. of of the party."—Truly this is a queer thing for our 'cou t , e ,iy porary to be glad about !—Unless, indeed; his' Royal H'b r i 'ness forwarded the glorious spoils to our glad 'conteit.pd r ! l o for the purpose of being smothered in onions for his ° personal sustentation.—Mornioy Herald.' AN INTRUDER-.—A pig belonging. to ..lir. i f s Sedberg, a few weeks ago, found its way into „the,A , llol' owner, and scented out a box of raisins; having found t'to palatable, on Monday last he again effected. - an entrance l ac e the sweet storehouse, but nut finding.,his Oessert, trOls P . of he appeared highly disappointed. T wo .0.r . • three dishesbe, eggs, however, being placed - on th e 'fl oor ; he iti 3 stanth gan capering, a la Taytioni, in the traillst , of theitiVtrired st i ) t° of the family having overh e ard hi s waltzing, reeled obo' the street, and had he n o t been - can& tinte;„4 is P r i ,bil hie that a quantity of glass might h ave felt the w eight c light fantastic toe.— If - earnoreland Gazette. - . r Div EusioN OF ROA DS BY R A 11.1 VA YS.-7—Tbe . . Jo Gratni e ss, tion Railway Company have, with th e ir usua l .c o ° l„ :fter stopped up a road in the neighb o urho o d Perry. jai" , a pe d taking a short•road by the side of th e ra ilw a y, have div e it into the turnpike-road. This, and several other sd' i of instances of stopping up ancient ways, have given great rthe fence to the inhabitants, and the surv e y or o f th e roads district, desirous to try their right, to commit sociLa P ro d' injustice, passed over the r a il wa y to the other Side'Of theireeC He was summoned before the magist rates for an infrillg, e oe 3 of the Railw a y A c t, w h o felt called upon to con vict„aP ° him in the lowest penalty of Not satisfied cision of one magistrate, he again passed' the railroad oil the case was heard on Monday-before the Earl Of and another magistrate, who, declaring' that 110•0P"°,, left them by the act of parli a ment, a ga in inflicted 1 0 .30 est penalty allowed by law. The'cominisaioners orthe a will indict the company for s t o ppi n g up a ncient - :r° Worcester Journal. • 1 .,t0 • . • in e I NIPIt ISON 111 ENT FOR VERT.-'l. „, C!' e , c. f operation on the Ist of next m o uth ; 'and, .We learilL f b e st rious quarters, the harpies of the law are, maliiug•P9urober the interval. Unfortunate debtors ar e in.greate, - 13 6'l than usual arrested on bailable p rocess , or taken:id-o%p a ct on cognovits or judgments; a nd it th ere f ore of pleasurable .duty to give publicityto . a clause in.. tl'be sa which provides relief to unfortunate persons wh° jog ci. , circumstanced. A morning paper containa.the•baiFirs.l rections, given by an intelligent cOrres,p() 1100 ;: o re " 1 persons ' fearful of arr e st on mesne locess should ready to give the sheriff, then t o takeout. a sunimon:.-.1:00e: to justify bail—the judge at ch am b ers ' Will grant , m ac, giving time to the 24th of Oct o b e r, an d as tile act c° r " Jed P. a ' on the Ist of October, the ju s tifyi ng 'b a il' is sullf rse j le a ve entering a common appearan ce . S econ dly, 111 us e execution, if therintend to become insolvent, sh o uld 11 1, f their petitions ready to be tiled on the Ist 4.f Octoue a r sne e , b ; commissioners of the said court will no doubt g rant der ° t' order for hearing their petitions, and after the or eir tained, insolvents giving security to the forthcourt rt i s ed' ea sonal appearance on the day of hearinit, the r is g i .‘ t iel powered to discharge them forthwith, The I g ““: prov 3 ,bio in the 3d proviso of the 36th section of the act—tojer be also, that after any order shall have been inade r d,e r to act:directing any insolvent to be brought fc , r dealt with,' &c., it shall be lawful for said Cour . t„•, , , of Insolvent Debtors, if such court shalt thinic.,u,V y on P io direct 'such insolvent to be discharged out of cus . 7 lit 'oce si a finding two sufficient sureties to enter into a- ric9 B w as s ot the provisional assignee of said *court. in such - s L Y. iiis olv. p g court shall think fit, with azondition. that 'suCP i l e shall duly appear at the timer:Wifd far t ` h .: - of such insolvent.'"—Moritiii Herald',,.,.. • outk.- cip exe r love 1 cheek sk whic of capi. greatest which ;-# .1. ; -