The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1842-02-11 00:00:00

imptrial Varliainntr. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MoNDAY. The SP AVER read the most gracious answer of her Ma jesty to the address in repiv to the speech from the throne; and Albert, in reply to the ratulatiog him on the Lord LINCOLN read that of Pri address to his Royal Highness birth of a Prince of Wales. In reply to a question from Mr. S. Wonmt Sir JAMES GRAITAM said, it was well known that the Poor Law Commission Bill would expire on the 31st of next July, and it was the intention of tht and in that bill to introdut )vernment to continue it, amendments of the new nt. As to poor law Would say, that at present h duced until after Easter. I; k it could be intro- bill would be introdu previous law would tat ons resp, 13 and IS namely, ti rd ASFILEY asked wheth Sir J. GRAHAM into the details of intended to make a spect to factory labour, a I in will alterations of the afant ace materially affecting t ,en 9 and 13 years of age, as now ) contain some Iterations of .sons between the ages of s in some quarters was supposed— hours of labour ,ns would be the - Hied by the committee of 1840? He r any diminution would be proposed of young persons between 13 and 18 .id it was not expedient to enter then measure in contemplation, hut it was itation in the time of labour of oung persons between 13 and 18 years of age. In reply to a question from Mr. J. O'CONNELL, Lord ELIOT said there was too mach reason to fear that - vitnesses at the castle, in Dub if which the culprit Delahunt had he had been executed. Still as not prepared to say that the practice should be wholly scontinued in tile present state of Ireland, where in many cases witnesses would not be safe unless thus provided for. In reply to a question from Mr. C. BULLER, Sir R. PEEL stated that there was no intention to propose any new judicial office in the Privy Council, and the reports to the effect that there was such an intention, were without foundation. practice of maintaining crime o 1, and for w lin, had led to tion of Mr. B. TENNENT the house resolved tself into a committee on the copyright of designs, and on ;he house resuming leave was given to bring in the bill, which proposed to extend the copyright to nine months. Adjourned. On the ma HOUSE OF LORDS.—TursDAY Lord BROUGHAM presanted a petition from a conference, lately held at Edinburgh, of the ministers and elders of the various dissenting congregations throughout Scotland, pray ing for a total repeal of the corn laws. They were opposed both to the sliding scale of Sir Robert Peel, and the fixed duty of Lord John Russell, passing an equal condemnation upon all projects for taxing food, as being against the principles of religion, contrary to the precepts of morality, and injurious to the best interests of society. He (Lord Brougham) entirely differed from the petitioners on the two ' "-rounds of their objection, but be thought there was a •_suth in the assertion, that the best interests of society required the repeal of those laws. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE called the attention of the house to the petition he had presented on a former occasion from the woollen-manufacturers of the west of England, stating that it was the opinion of the petitioners that there was now a considerable failure in the woollen trade, and that the restrictions upon provisions had reduced and neutralised trade, and pauperised the working classes. These evils•were produced by partial legislation, and more especially, they stated, by reason of the corn and provision laws. The pe tition further stated, that all restrictions and prohibitory duties on provisions were most prejudicial to the interests of all classes of the community, and that all duties intended for the protection of British manufactures should berepealed. His lordship proceeded to comment at some length on the great deal o of the corn laws Lord' ASHBURTON said he could not permit such state ments as those made by the petitioners without entering his protest against the conclusions to which they had come. He entertained no doubt whatever of the existence of great distress prevailing amongst the woollen manufacturers ; but he doubted whether there was not some exaggeration in the that the number of looms which had been em loyed in the particular district Lad fallen off one half. if this were, however so, it was pretty clear that such a declen sion must be owing to something more than the petitioners had described. The principle against which he had entered his protest was this, that distress experienced in any one branch of trade, or even in agriculture itself, however impor tant that interest, or however great the number of persons whose labour was absorbed in that pursuit, was no reason, and should be no reason, to induce the ministry of the period to propose, or the legislature to adopt, propositions which t and shake the whole commercial system of the wouldu Lord CLIFFORD Of CHUDLEIGH again brought forward the claims of the Portuguese government of Goa to appoint Roman Catholic priests in certain districts of India, and asked if any reply had been received by the Board of Control to the letter of Lord Ellenborough, written on the 4th of October last, to the governor-general of India on the subject' Lord FITZGERALD said that no communication had been received until the arrival of the Indian mail, on the receipt of which he learned that a private communication from Mr. Blackburn to Lord Auckland was contained in the papers received by the governor-general; that communication he had been given to understand was considered as anything but satisfactory by the person through whom it had been commu nicated. Lord CLIFFORD said the difficulty arose from the diffe rence in the laws of the two presidencies, as to who was a priest qualified to officiate in spiritual matters. Their lordships then adjourned until Thursday. HOUSE OF COMMONS—TUESDAY. Lord PALMERSTON asked a question relative to the treaty suppression of the slave trade, recently agreed to by great European powers. There had been a confe rence at the Foreign-office, in December, 1838, respecting this matter, and he had to observe, that though at the treaty of Vienna England stood almost alone in her efforts to put yet in December, 1838, France s England, and by both conjointly ►d after a end to the some correspondence towards the end of last summer, the matter stood thus—the treaty had been agreed to by the other three great powers, and matters of form only remained to be settled. He now wished to know if any material alteration had been made in that treaty, and whether it had been yet ratified, and whether such ratifications had been received and exchanged. Sir It. PEEL said he had no difficulty in confirming the accuracy of the statements made by the noble lord. The had been signed by the five powers subsequent to the ssion of the present government to office, but he must hat though there had been some alterations in the treaty, were none that could be deemed important. The rati- fications had not yet been exchanged, but the time for ex changing them would not expire until the 20th of this month. In the meantime, however, some of them had been received. Lord STANLEY obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the 6th Geo. IV., c. 88, for making provision for the salaries of certain bishops and other ecclesiastical dignitaries and ministers in the diocese of Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Lee ward Islands, and to enable her Majesty to separate such diocese. The Noble lord said that the proposed changes and separation of the diocese would lead to no incresse of expense. Mr. GLADSTONE having moved that the house should re solve ' -" " self into a committee of the whole house upon our colonial duties. stated the course which government meant to propose with respect to them. His measure, with the exception of a few alterations, was the same as that the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Labouchere) had brought forward the last session of parliament. The right hon. gentleman en tered into a lengthened statement, to show that the high re strictive duties on the importation of articles into our West India colonies were unnecessary, and then proceeded to state the alterations he proposed to effect. The first resolution he would submit to the committee was, that it was expedient to repeal all existing duties on imports into the West Indies and our British North American colonies ; secondly, that new duties should be established in their room ; thirdly, that those duties should be in addition to any duties levied by the colonial legislatures; fourthly, that there should be an ex emption in favour of all articles required for the use of the British fisheries ; sixthly, that the produce of the channel islands should be placed on the same footing as that which was strictly British produce, and be admitted free of duty ; end, lastly, that all measures upon the subject of these duties should be consolidated. He should propose that wood should be admitted into the West Indies free of duty ; for the tax on wood was indirectly a tax upon the consumer in this coun try. He did not propose to abolish altogether the duty on provisions, and it would be seen by the schedule, that he pro posed that after a fixed day there should be a duty imposed on the importation of wheat and flour of 3s. per quarter, of 2s. per cwt. on salt fish, and of 4s. a barrel on pickled fish. He proposed a duty of Bs. per cwt. on butter, and ss. per cwt. on cheese. With respect to coffee, cocoa, molasses, and unrefined sugar, he proposed to re-enact the same duties as at present. On tea, unless imported direct from China or from the British dominions, he proposed to place a duty of one penny per lb. He should leave the duty on foreign spi rits as it now stood ; but on British spirits he proposed to abolish all duty. With respect to refined sugar, he proposed that there should he an ad valorem duty on that of British manufacture of ten per cent., and on foreign of twenty per cent. He also proposed an ad valorem duty of seven per cent. on wine, bottled or not, on manufactured cotton, slik, linen, woollen, glass, paper, soap, cordage, oakum, pitch, tar, turpentine, &c. ; while on oil, blubber, &c., he proposed to remove all existing prohibitions, and impose an ad valorem duty of seventeen per cent. The hon. gentleman moved his resolutions without intending to press them to a discussion until a future opportunity, Mr. L.suouca ERR said he had listened to the speech of the hon. gentleman with unalloyed satisfaction, because he was proceedin g upon the same principles which he (Mr. L.) had laid down in the course of last session, and any assist ance he could give him in carrying his propositions into effect would be most cheerfully afforded. Any alterations which had been made by the hon. gentleman in his own bill o f last year, were, he believed, improvements; and as right hon . gentlemen opposite saw reason to adopt the views of the late go vernment in this respect, he hoped that having done justice to the .colomes, they wou l d now do justice to Great Brita i n , by reducing the duties which consumers at Amine , nr opelled to pay. _ PALMER hoped the government would pause be idopted the measure of the late government. He remar k because the mea sure now b rought forward as one of those measures which turned the late ministry out of office. Lord J. RUSSELLpIaced hoped that no duti es wou ld be on flour and wheat passing from the United St ates into Canada, for any such duties would, he feared, materiall y interr upt the growing prosperity of .Canada- Sir C. DOUGLAS said that .liany hon. members on the go liouse had during last session supported it measure when produced by the late government. t'Esm, entreated that the , house would draw in f the future course of the government from the lie had formerly stated that, notWith i differences with the late government on other , yet upon this one they s hould have his support, on 'minds of policy and of justice to our colonies. This -fore no new policy adopted b y the government ; but say that he would take the earliest ffovernment, when he 0 1 0 house would inures, ailed in be sore Mr. G 1 leis colleag.ues a dopting their moved for leave to bring in a bill of!ailways, The object he had in Lter protection of the public from accide nts for this purp,se he proposed to have more of inspection of new railways, and power heir opening if necessary. He also proposed ,L).t!i_tx;l2_l,,,, returns e a larger power ( __„„), could only require a return of such accidents ,ed to the loss of life or limb ;hut it was equally ne ,.ary to have a return of all accidents, as there might be as much negligence in the one case as the other. It was also proposed that in future the gatesat level crossings should not he across the railway, but across the road, and that the on railways b e rwpunation- ,, ates opening .11: the bill would not effeetqfleo'i;fei."l. a; of t h h e e ,0 lion. ,tnover. It Was n ot strin gent .. ,an feared, if It was suffi c iently stringent, the proprietor • Mi.. NV railways had sufficient influence in that houso to prevent its passing. Nothing effectual would be done until two or three lords were killed in one of these accidents. The hon. mem ber strongly animadverted on the negligence displayed by the Great Western Railway in the case of the accident at Son ning-hill. Mr. C. RUSSELL said he solemnly believed that that acci dent was as much a visitation of God's providence as if it had been occasioned by the blow of a thunderbolt. After a few observations from Mr. HARDY a:Itl Mr. EWART, Sir R. PEEL, said that in any establishments which alto gether superseded all other modes of travelling the house was justified in legislating to prevent the occurrence of acci dents. He did not, however, think it advisable that the house should prescribe the hours for the trains starting, or indeed prescribe any details of that description, for that would be to relieve the directors of railways from all respon sibility, and in the event of an accident their defence would be, after all vigilance on their parts had been relaxed, that they had acted according to the rules laid down by the law. The motion was then agreed to. Mr. WALLACE moved an address to her Majesty, praying that she would be pleased to direct an immediate and dili gent inquiry on the spot into the nature and extent of the misery and destitution under which the inhabitants of Pais ley and other towns in Renfrewshire have been suffering for so long a period, and are still enduring. The hon. gentle man drew a feeling picture of the distress prevailing in those districts, and suggested an inquiry on the spot, as being the most efficient and least liable to delay. Sir J. GRAHAM said he believed the distress prevailing in those districts to be very great, but he objected to any such inquiry, because it would lead to unfounded hopes and ex pectations. If the lion. gentleman desired to have the special circumstances which led to the distress in Paisley investi gated, the better way would be by a committee of the house, before whom a few competent witnesses might be examined. If the hon. gentleman thought this course satisfactory, he should not object to it, but if he divided on the present mo tion he must oppose it. Sir R. PEEL said that such an inquiry would be apt to diminish local exertions, while it could lead to no ultimate benefit to the unhappy sufferers. He therefore expressed a hope that the hon. member would not press his motion to a division. Mr. WALLACE assented, and the motion was withdrawn accordingly. _ _ _ _ Mr. GIBSON obtained leave to bring in a bill to secure (not to extend) copyright in books by having the original right and all assignments of it registered in the. Court of Chancery. _ . The house having resolved itself into a committee of sup ply, on a motion that a supply be granted to her Majesty, Mr. WAKLEY strongly commented upon the practice of making royal speeches as unmeaning as possible, instead of making them worthy of being considered as state documents. The speech of the present year he characterised as being a vapid, senseless, and useless production. Sir G. CLERK said, that the preceding Thursday would have been the proper time for such observations. The motion was then agreed to, and the house resumed. The other orders of the day being disposed of, the house adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY Sir H. DOUGLAS took the oaths and his seat for Liverpool. The lion. member was introduced by Sir R. Inglis and Lord San don. The house shortly after went into a committee of the whole house, to consider the laws relating to the importation of foreign grain. Sir R. PEEL.—Sir, I rise in pursuance of the notice which I have given to submit to the house the views of her Ma jesty's government with respect to the modification and amendment of those laws which regulate the import of foreign grain. I should consider it a reflection upon this house, if I preferred any claim upon its patience and indulgence. Whatever may be the demands which I have to prefer, and however ill qualified I may be to relieve a subject necessarily of detail, necessarily abstruse, by any illustrations of fancy, yet I am convinced that the paramount importance of the subject will induce the house to lend me that patient atten tion to which under other circumstances I might have deemed it necessary to prefer a claim. Sir, her Majesty's govern ment have considered it to be their duty to consider the corn laws with a view to their modification and revision. (Cheers.) They undertook the consideration of the question at a period when there was great commercial distress—great suffering and privation connected with that distress. But, sir, I con sider it to be my duty in the first place to declare that, after having given to the subject the fullest consideration which I can, I cannot recommend the proposal which I have to make by exciting the hope that it will tend materially and immediately to the mitigation of that commercial distress. Hear.) My belief, sir, is, while I admit the distress—while I deplore the suffering and sympathise with those who are undergoing it, yet I feel bound to admit that I cannot attri bute that distress in any degree, such as has been supposed by some, to the operation of the corn-laws. (Cheers.) Sir, I do not view with those feelings of despondency, which some are inclined to do, the commercial distresS now prevail ing in the country. I do not believe that the elements or sources of our commercial and manufacturing prosperity are dried up. (Hear.) Ido see a combination of causes acting concurrently and simultaneously, sufficient in my opinion to account, in a great degree, for that depression which unfor tunately prevails in our commercial and manufacturing sys tem ; and I have that confidence in the native energies of this country, and I have had such frequent opportunities of perceiving depression, and of revival almost as sudden and extraordinary as that depression, that I do entertain the confident hope and belief, that we may still look for ward, by the operation of natural causes, to a revival of our national prosperity. (Cheers.) Sir, it is impossible, I think, to take a review of those causes which have affected our in dustry, and, therefore, which have affected our commercial prosperity greatly, without perceiving that they have been in operation during the last four or five years. There have been several causes, the separate effect of which would have been considerable, but the concurrent effect of which has been sufficient to account for this depression. If I look to the stimulus which was given particularly, I think, by the faci lities of credit to great undertakings, in the years 1837 and 1838, to the connection which existed between the companies and the directors concerned in joint stock banks and in ma nufacturing establishments ;—if I look to the immense efforts which have been made for the increase of our manufactures — for the building of houses for the reception of those indivi duals labouring in those manufactures, the emigration of la bourers from rural districts into our colonies, &c., the im mense increase of mechanical power which has taken place in consequence of the operations going on in the years 1837 and 1838, I can hardly be surprised at the consequences which followed a similar excitement, and which a similar stimulus was likely to operate. The same causes which were in oper ation in the United States of America at the same time—the same consequences which, in a greater degree have resulted in that country, the derangement of the monetary affairs of the United States, have acted powerfully upon the demand for the manufactures of other countries; and, Sir, concur rently with that excitement and stimulus, and the depression which followed from it, has been the effect of the same causes in the United States—the diminished demand for our manu factures. There has been at the same time an interruption of our amicable relations with China, which has caused a considerable deficiency in the exports of our manufactures which had been going on in recent periods, as compared with former periods of our intercourse with that country. There has also been, during a considerable portion of that time, the alarm of war, and with that fact, the necessary stagnation of odr commerce in some degree, as compared with former periods. The united effect of those causes will, in my opi nion. go far to account for the diminution of our prosperity. Sir, I am admitting the extent of the depression in trade, but I am equally disposed to admit the extent of privation and suffering which prevails ; but here again I am bound to say that I cannot recommend the measure which I am about to propose with any hope that any alteration of the corn laws will be a remedy for some of the evils, which in a great manufacturing country like this seem to be insepara ble from such commercial institutions. Extend your foreign commerce as you may, depend on it it is not a necessary con sequence that the means of employment for manual labour will be proportionate to that prosperity. (Hear.) Speaking of particular districts, whatever may be the extent of your commercial prosperity, or the demand for manufactures, it is impossible not to see that the working classes must be sub jected to the severest privations. It was so at the period of the greatest manufacturing prosperity, and it is the necessary consequence of a sudden improvement in machinery, which ruins the demand for manual labour, and exposes those de pendant on it to the greatest privations. (Hear, hear.) You find hundreds of persons employed in a great manufacturing district, relying for sustenance on their labour, and by the exercise of ingenuity, or some improvement in machinery which is copied by others, they are thrown entirely out of employment, and deprived of the means of support. This has been the case with the hand-loom weavers in England, and with many other classes of persons engaged in works of manual labour, and I admit that it is ahard condition of manufacturing success that such should be the case. ( llear, hear.) But it is no impeachment of manufactures that such great privations exist. (Hear, hear.) Let it not be supposed that I am deprecating the improvement in skill in machinery, which is everywhere progressing. It would be madness to attempt it. (Cheers from the opposition.) It would be folly to deny that, in the aggregate, this country has derived its greatness and its wealth from these resource. (Cheers from the same quarter.) I know that to have attempted to obstruct its progress would have been only to encourage rivals already too powerful. (Hear.) In proportion to manufacturing im provement, in proportion to the stimuli to which I have re ferred—to the stimuli of speculation, and the facilities of un dertaking it by undue advantage, and also the facilities of credit, in that proportion we must expect that in certain in stances and in certain classes privations must occur. But looking at the general state of the commerce of this country I must confess I cannot see the grounds for the despondency with which some are apt to view it, nor can I see any grounds for imputing it to the onetation of the corn-laws, or that those laws have any material share in creating the various evils which are so loudly complaied of in this respect. (Hear, hear, from the ministerial benches.) It appears by this paper— bdt we are too apt to think that there must be a constant and rapid increase in our exports to other countries, and that we are too apt to despair when any occasional check is given to our commercial prospects in this regard. We are used to compare the extent of our commerce for the last year ; in fact, we generally insist on comparing it with some year im mediately preceding, and if we find any decline in that extent, we are apt to suppose that the sources of our prosperity are declining. Sir, as I was about to observe, it appears from this paper which I hold in my hand, that in the last year, or rather the latest period to which the returns have been made up—l mean the year 1840—on comparing the state of trade in that year with that of the year preceding, and during the operation of the corn-laws, I can see no ground for the infe rences which are sometimes drawn, that the corn-laws have been the cause of our misfortunes, or that the repeal of those laws would afford any immediate relief. In 1840, the exports of British produce in manufactures—that is the declared value—to all parts of the world, exceed the exports of 1837 by £9,355,000, and exceed those of 1838 by £1,345,000, but fall short of the exports of 1838 by £3,827,000—a falling off sufficient to create anxiety. But the cause of that falling off will be amply accounted for if you will refer to the state of our commercial transactions with the United States of Ame rica—with that country with whose prosperity our own is so immediately interwoven ; for in the United States, during that period, there were causes arising from monetary affairs which operated very considerably on our commercial exports. But in 1839 our exports with the United States amounted to I £8,839,000, whereas in 1840 they were only £5,283,000. leaving a deficiency in respect to our exports with the United States of £3,556,000. Now, this fact showed that there had been a falling off in the amount of our exports to the United States in 1810 as compared with those of 1839. The differ ! ence, however, has been made up by the amount of our ex ports with our colonies. (Hear, hear.) It was satisfactory to see the improved condition of our corn trade with our colonies. In 1837 the amount of our exports was £11,280,000 ; in 1838 it had risen to £12,025,000 ; in 1839 to £11,363,000 ; in 1810 to £15,497,000. (Hear, hear, hear.) Let us then look to the state of 'al mate of our commercial transactions t with those rivalry with our ma pcoosuendtrwiees b o a n d th m e o Continent d i na as r reference egards whom it was sup nufactures. Let us see what was the state exports with Germany, Holland, and Belgium. In 1837 the of our exports was £8,742,000 ; in 1838, .£9,000,000 e ; in 1839, £9,860,000 ; and in 1840, £,9704,000. Thus showing in the course of those yefirs that even in respect to those countries which w ere supposed to be formidable competitors with us in respect to our manufactures, our exports to those had gradually increased within the last four years. I believe that arnongSt the agriculturists themselves there is a pervading feeliug that the corn-laws may be altered With advantage.. (V*0;0 So far as I can collect from the com municatibriswacrelb 11:1& . , I think that the great body of the agricultural class- are in favour of a modification of those laws. , (Heat, hear.) There are others, on the contrary, who caitsrtain altogather a different opinion who will he Con: tented with no modification whatever, but will insist on the immediate and absolute repeal of the corn-laws, It is ins, possible not to feel that they who advocate a total repeal of the corn-laws, and a removal of any imposition cf any kind on the subsistence of the people, are enabled to appeal to topics which give them great advantage; to complain that there was a tax upon bread—a tax on the subsistence of the people, and that those taxes were imposed for the particular advantage of a separate class of the community. (Cheers and counter-cheers.) Doubtless arguments of this kind must make a great impression on those to whom they may be ad dressed. (Cheers and counter-cheering.) Comparisons are made with facility and with efficiency respecting the cheap ness of food in this country and in other countries, and the inference is drawn that the people of this country ought to be placed on the same footing respecting the articles of sub sistence as that on which other countries are placed, and that their happiness and comfort would be promoted by the total abolition of any impost on the subsistence of the people. Sir, I am persuaded that any conclusions drawn from such arguments would be utterly fallacious. The question is, can you infer the comfort and ease of any country from the price of provisions in that country ? (Hear.) Sir, reference is made to the price of food in Germany, and to the facilities which the low price of articles of subsistence give to the establishment of manufactures; and the inference is hastily and unwisely drawn, that the people of this country must necessarily be placed on an inferior footing to what they would be if the price of food underwent a corresponding re duction, and was equalised with what exists there. Now, sir, I apprehend the question is not what the price of food is, but what the labouring classes have over the means of procuring it. (Cheers from the ministerial benches.) Under the opera tion of the corn laws let us compare the condition of the labouring classes in this country with the condition of the labouring classes of those countries in which I admit the price of provisions is greatly less. There is nothing to im pede the cultivation of corn in the Prussian states, and the price of corn is greatly less than it is in this country ; but can it be from thence inferred that the condition of the people in the Prussian states is preferable to the condition of the people of this country—(hear, hear) ?—or that the con sequence of an immense reduction in the price of the various articles of consumption, and particularly in the price of food, must necessarily lead to a great influx in the comforts and enjoyments of the labouring classes of the community? Sir, these are the means, from sources of unquestionable authority, of forming a judgment as to the degree of corn parative comfort of the people of the two countries I have mentioned. And before you determine that a low price of provisions is necessarily essential to the manufacturing in dustry, to the general consumption, or to the comforts and enjoyment of the people, it would be well to weigh the de tails of the. materials of which you are possessed for drawing a safe conclusion from them. (Hear, hear.) In the report of the committee which sat upon the import duties, there is evidence upon this point—evidence given by the honourable member for Bolton, whose attention has been directed to this subject—who has collected materials of information and comparison, and who, before the committee, and in the re port he made upon the Prussian league, and the state of our commercial relations with the Prussian states, and the laws which exist in Prussia with respect to commerce, has given information on the comparative consumption of the people of this country, and of the inhabitants of the Prussian states. Let us look at the great articles of consumption, and we find that meat is dearer, and corn is dearer, and the great bulk of all articles which constitute the subsistence of the people, and administer to their comforts, are dearer in this country. But, as I said before, the true test is not the comparative lowness of price, but the command the people have over that which constitutes the comforts and enjoyments of the great bulk of the people. I shall begin with meat, and I shall quote an authority which cannot be disputed. I shall take my in formation from a perfectly unsucpicious source; it is that of a gentleman who differs from me as to the operation of the corn-laws, and who is a decided advocate for their repeal. Dr. Bowring's calculations with respect to meal are these, and his evidence is given in 1840. He is speaking of a period when the corn-laws were in operation thirty years, and afford ' ing, as they must have done, if it is their tendency to afford, the comforts, and, consequently, the means of consumption of the people. What is the report of the hon. gentleman. He says in Prussia, and in that country there are means of ascertaining its exact amount, 14 millions of persons consume 485 millions of lb. of meat, that is, 351 b. per head during the year for the whole of the inhabitants of Prussia. But the 1 hon. gentleman says there are 25 millions of persons in this country who consume 501 b. per head per annum, and it can not be less than that. It has been frequently stated at double that amount, but I will take it at the lowest, and it will ap pear that whereas the inhabitants of Prussia consume, ac cording to that statement, 351 b. a head, the people of this country consume, at the lowest, 501 b. per head for each of the population. Now, sir, I will take the article of sugar— but observe, I am not at all denying the severe distress which prevails—l was present at the debate last nightrespect ing the distress now prevailing at Paisley, and I cannot but feel a perfect conviction that in many parts of this country there is much and severe distress. I, therefore, do not mean to say that the 17,000 persons in Paisley who are supplied with a livelihood by charitable means consume so much meat—not I. But it is impossible to argue such a question without drawing inferences from general facts. (Hear.) I must not be taunted by the remark, that in Paisley, in Stock port, or some other places, there is an amount of population which does not add to the consumption. I admit there is no such consumption ; but I am compelled to draw general conclusions from general facts. In respect to legislation, you have no other alternative ; you must deal with general averages and results. Well, I will now come to the article of sugar, and I call upon you to pause before you come to the determination that high prices are necessarily an evil. I rely upon the authority of the honourable members opposite. In France the consumption I take at 51b. ; the hon. gent gives it 41b. 30z., but calculating that there may have been some consumption of sugar made from beet-root, of which he has taken no notice, I take it at the highest calculation, viz., 51bs per head per annum. In the German states he gives the consumption at 41b. per head, other places in Europe at 211 b, while the consumption of Great Britain is calculated by him at 171 b. per head per annum. (Loud cheers.) I will now take the consumption of corn, of the very article now under consideration. (Hear.) Mr. Deacon Hume, whose loss we must all regret,—(hear)—calculated the consumption of the people of this country at one quarter of wheat for each per son ; he calculated the consumption at 25,000,000 of quar ters, being one quarter per head per annum. The honoura ble gentleman opposite makes his calculation thus, 24 mil lions of population, and the consumption of grain 45 millions of quarters, that is of grain of all kinds. Now, I beg the house to bear in mind that with reference to the consump tion of corn, we have the estimate of consumption of two gentlemen the best qualified to form a judgment, gentlemen whose moderation in politics renders them above all suspicion. They compared the consumption of this country with that of other countries in which corn was cheaper. The honourable gentleman opposite gave a total of 24 millions, and a con sumption of 45 millions of grain—not far from two quarters from each individual. The gentleman to whom I allude gave the consumption of the Prussian states ; there were there 14 millions of inhabitants, and the consumption of wheat was riot more than thirteen millions of quarters ; observe, that is less that one quarter per head. (Hear.) But while Mr. Hume calculates the consumption of wheat at a quarter in England. and nearly so in Prussia, it must be borne in mind that of all the grain used in that country nearly three-fourths are rye. The hon. gentleman says that in the States the consumption of rye to wheat is in the proportion of three and four to one. He says that the consumption of 1241bs give a consumption of 651bs of wheat and 2411bs of rye to each individual. That is to say, that in the 1241b5, the consumption of each indivi dual is little more than one bushel instead of one quarter. The hon. gentleman then goes on to say that in England the consumption of tea is as one pound to each person, whereas in Prussia it is only one quarter of a pound ; that in the article of salt the consumption in Prussia is 16111os per head, where as in England it is 221bs. Of cotton goods it appears that the annual consumption in Prussia is as 4 1-3 d to each person, or about one-half of what is used in England. In woollen cloths, in Prussia, the consumption to each individual is in the proportion of two ells and 1-6th ; in Great Britain it is fire ells and 3 -sths. It appears, in fact, that the consump tion is greater in England than in Prussia ;—in tobacco there it is 31bs : it is only one pound in England. In Prussia the consumption of butter is 2lbs ; in England Ilb. But now let us take other great articles of consumption, simultaneously going on ; with respect to cotton goods, woollen cloths, salt, tea, meat, and sugar. Then corn, the consumption of each individual in each country, as estimated in 1840, though corn was then high, exceedingly high, as compared with the prices in Prussia. If I look to the share or com mand which the industrious classes of this country have over the comforts of life, that command far exceeds that enjoyed by the same classes in those countries where the prices of grain exceed so much those of this country. I do not wish to push this branch of my argument against our giving an increased demand over the comforts of life to the industrious classes,—not in the least. But, sir, it is an argument to show that it is not fair to point at the diminished price of food in another country as compared with this, and to infer from that fact, that there is an increased comfort thereby secured; arid that, to that extent the people of other countries are better off. Sir, information has recently been laid on the table of this house with respect to the consumption of the working classes in Belgium. Look at the prices of wages in Belgium ! It is said there is a great manufacturing population there, and certainly there is. In this document I find the average prices of manufacturing and agricultural labour. Agricultu ral labour I find put down at lid per day, and manufacturing labour at Is; masons is 3d per day, locksmiths is 3 d; ope ratives in manufactures, is 3 d ; ditto in furnaces, &c. is 4d ; jewellers and goldsmiths Is Bd. Now in the last year I find the market price of wheat was at Ostend from 51s 9d to 53s 4d, and at Antwerp from 51s to 56s 2d, and therefore it does appear to me, taking the averages of the price of corn in Belgium, and comparing them with the wages, that notwith standing the manufacturing and agricultural prosperity the wages in that country do not give the same command 'over the enjoyments of life as they do in this country. (Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, I refer to this for the purpose of confirming my impression that to look for any rapid or great change in the-conditon of the people of this country from any change in the corn-laws, would only be subjecting it to the greatest disappointment. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) My firm belief is (I am speaking now of those who are in favour of the ab solute repeal of the duty on corn), that if this house were to consent to a total repeal, the effect would be, instead of miti gating, even in the slightest degree, permanently at least, the manufacturing distress, it would superadd to it by the se verest disappointment. (Cheers from the ministerial benches.) Any such disturbance of the capital of agriculture would in evitably lead to fatal results, not only to agriculturists, but also to those other classes whose prosperity is essential to the welfare of the country. There is, however, another por tion of this house who advocate a material alteration in the corn-laws, and who do not go the length of advising a total and absolute repeal, but merely the substitution of a fixed duty for the duty as at present imposed. With respect to these the ground is narrow which we occupy. They are in favour of a fixed duty on corn. They admit that agriculture is entitled to protection, and, therefore. would impose a duty invariable in amount on the importation of foreign corn. (Hear.) Now with respect to this proposition it must be re membered that whatever odium attaches to a variable duty it must necessarily apply with equal force to the imposition of a fixed duty. (" No" from the opposition, and cheers from the ministerial benches.) I am sure the hon. gentleman who says no does not understand me. 1 am not saying that the same objection applies to a fixed duty as to a variable duty ; I am only saying that as far as odium attaches to the imposition of a tax on the chief article of subsistence it ap plies equally to either proposition. (Cheers.) Both the one and the other assume that agriculture is entitled to protec tion, either on account of the burdens to which it is subject, or on the ground of public policy; but on principle, the im position of the duty rests upon the same ground, and on the same arguments. (Hear, hear.) After giving the fullest consideration to the question of a fixed duty I cannot recom mend it as an amendment to the present scale of duties. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") I do not think that you can de vise such an amount of fixed duty during an average year of supply of corn that would apply to all years (hear, hear), if von will take into consideration the important question as to the probahlity of this country being capable, from its own growth of corn, of meeting the wants of our own population. I am not prepared to admit that this country is not able to meet those wants. (H tar, hear.) At the same time I will admit that if we take the last four years into consideration it would be shown, that there was an average of foreign corn imported into this country of 2,300,000 quarters in each of imported into this country during thos e y e ars these four y ears. (H ear, h ear. ) If th e y also took the last twelve or thi rteen years it would b e seen th a t the quantity of foreign corn ported was from 12,000 ,000 to 13,0)0,000 o f quar t ers . (Hear.) That is the quantity imported during the entire of those years. This is, shewn by a return which I hold in my hand, from which it appears, that from July, 1828, to June, 1841, the quantities of wheat and wheat flour imported into thi s country from foreign countr i es, amounte d to 13,475,000 qrs. (Hear.) Indeed, If you take an average of ten years, it is clear that there will always arise a necessity for the im portation of foreign corn into this country. Nothing would be so absolutely mischievous as to attempt to pass laws which would have the effect of giving such a great encouragement to domestic produce. (Hear, from the ministerial benches.) But, sir, I have been speaking generally. I say it is im portant to a country like this, whose chief means of subsist ence are derived from its supply of wheat—l say it is important for a country like this, if we are obliged to resort to foreign countries for supplies, that those supplies should be occasional to make up any deficiency that might arise, rather than to constitute the chief source of our dependence. (Cheers from the ministerial side of the house.) 1 draw my inference from what has taken place during the last four years. 1 shall of course be bound to admit that this country was, during that period, dependent in some degree, in consequence of an increase of the population, on foreign countries for supplies of corn. But I will take the last ten years, and what is the fact wish respect to the first six of these ten ? Why, that the produce during that time was nearly sufficient for the support of its population, inasmuch as the average im ports during the same period amounted only to 137,000 quar ters annually. And this, then, having been the case in the years 1832, 1833, 1834, 1835, 1836, and 1837, it would be too much, I think, to inter that the population has so rapidly increased that we must abandon all hope of subsistence from our own domestic produce. Within the last ten years the population has, of course, exceeded any former ten years in the annals of this country. During the last four years there has been a demand for foreign corn, but in six years out of the ten the productions of the country have been sufficient for the consumption of the people ; and 1 am not, therefore, prepared to admit the conclusions that there must ne cessarily he a periodical annual importation of foreign corn for the supply of this country. In determining, therefore, the duties which should he levied on corn, we should take care to provide for periods of comparative abundance and comparative scarcity, as well here as in other countries. Six years of good harvests may occur in this country, when the produce would be amply sufficient for our own consumption ; if such should be the case, what he feared, supposing the enactment of a fixed duty, would be the unlimited right of import, which would be given at a certain amount of duty, which could always be maintained, and which would sub ject the agricultural producers of our country to the great est distress and injury. (Hear, hear, hear.) A similar result would be produced at periods of scarcity. when the greatest misery might prevail amongst the population. It has been observed by writers of-great authority that favourable and unfavourable harvests recur in certain cycles, and we shall find, if we look back at the productions of former years, that though perhaps a year of abundance followed a year of scarcity, yet we may find five or six years of comparative. abundance followed by five or six years of comparative scar city ; and under such circumstances the effect of a fixed duty on corn would be at all times, and under all circumstances, to admit of the importation of foreign corn in this country, and the inconvenience of such a result may easily be seen. The periods of favourable harvests, it will be found, also generally correspond in this country and in those countries from which we obtain, when we require it, the principal sup ply of our corn. The great producing countries of Europe lie under about the same latitude, and are affected generally by the same causes; and it is proved, for the most part, that an abundant harvest in this country is contemporaneous with an abundant harvest abroad. The consequence is, that when there occurs a great abundance of corn, by a sudden addition to the quantity in this country, the price is affected very dif ferently from the degree which would be inferred from the actual amount in the country. (Hear, hear.) It is stated by Mr. Tooke, in his work " On Prices," that "the price varies in its ratio very differently from the variations in the quantity in the country, but the variation is greater in the price of corn than in other articles of extensive consump tion." It is also remarked by the same author, that on a comparison between the deficiency and abundance of har vests in this country and in others, it will be seen that abun dance here is generally contemporaneous with abundance in those countries from which we chiefly derive our supply ; and the consequence therefore would be, that in a time of sufficient production here by the imports from abroad there would be an increared discouragement and loss to the pro ducer of corn in this country. which he would consider and deprecate as a very great evil. It is argued that the con sequence of imposing a fixed duty would be the pre vention of those alterations ; that although it would be very difficult to maintain a fixed duty in a period of severe scarcity, yet that the tendency of that law would be to pre vent scarcity, and a recurrence of those deficiencies, which we, admit it is difficult to prevent. (Hear, hear, hear.) Now I must say that all experience appears to me to prove, that, with respect to corn, there are such fluctuations in its priceeon account of the variations in the seasons, that it would be impossible for you to take any precautions by legis lation against that alteration in price—(hear, hear, hear) ; that no law that you could pass permitting the free importa tion of corn at a fixed duty would, in case of a deficient har vest here and on the Continent, prevent the rise of price to such a point that a fixed duty could not be maintained. Take the United States. They are not subject to the operation of the corn-laws, yet there you will find, on account of the fluctuations in the seasons, great fluctuations in price; fluc tuations as great as prevail in this country. (Hear, hear.) In Prussia you will find that with respect to rye, a species of grain not affected by the corn-laws, on account of the fluc tuation of the seasons, as great fluctuations in price as in the price of wheat in this country subject to the operation of the corn-laws. And in point of fact, that as the fluctuation in the price must necessarily depend so much on the vicissi tudes of the seasons that no laws you could pass, restricting comercial intercourse, could guard you against high prices in severe seasons. If there be that high price, will you be able to maintain your fixed duty ? (Hear, bear.) If the fixed duty be Bs. or 10s., and if your interposition by legislative enactment does not guard against the rise of price, if scar city takes place, and the averages rise to 80s. or 908., I retain the impression I stated in the course of last session, that no government could undertake at such a period to enforce a duty of Bs. (Hear, hear.). If that is admitted you must make some provision for the relaxation of that duty. If you entrust the power of relaxation to executive authority, you introduce uncertainty into the operation of the law; you give a power capable of being greatly abused—(cries of " hear, hear,"—and yotedestroy altogether that confidence in the permanency of your arrangement, which you rely on, for the encouragement of commercial enterprise. Therefore, with reference to a fixed duty, both as applicable to a state of abundance as to a state of scarcity, I have come to the conclusion (after again considering this subject) that it is not advisable for parliament to alter these laws on the principle of the application of a fixed duty. (Cheers.) The alteration of the law which I shall propose will proceed on the principle of retaining a duty on corn, varying in amount with the price of that article in the home market ; that is the principle of the existing law. The maintenance of that principle necessarily involves the sy s t em o f av erages. It is said there would be a great advantage in sweeping away altogether the system of averages. It is quite true that it might be competent for me to abandon the present system ; but with respect to the imposition of a duty on corn, you must maintain the system of averages—because the annual payment on account of tithe is founded on calculations con nected with it. It does, therefore, appear to me that, as averages must be maintained for the purpose of tithe compo sition, it would not be expedient to adopt any other system of averages, materially varying in principle for determining the duty on corn ; and I say that it you determine the amount of duty by the system of averages, it would be inconvenient to have two systems prevailing at the same time with respect to corn and tithe, while it would be unjust to depart materi ally from that system on which the averages with respect to tithe is founded. There is a very general impression through out the country that a great deal of fraud has taken place with respect to the averages. (Hear, hear.) There is a very general impression, particularly on the part o f th e agricultu ral body, that there have been, either great frauds with re spect to the averages, or very extensive combinations entered into for the purpose of influencing the averages, and pro curing the rates of corn to be made at a lower price than they ought. (Hear, hear.) I am not prepared to deny that such combinations may in some cases have been entered into, nor that in some cases such frauds have been committed ; but I very much doubt whether they have been practised to any extent, or to the amount - that has been generally supposed. It has been supposed, that generally speaking the returns for London have unduly influenced the averages. It has been generally supposed that in Leeds, Wakefield, and in other parts of Yorkshire, great and successful combinations had been entered into to influence the averages. Sir, as I said before, these impressions may not be altogether without foundation, but I believe that they have been greatly exagge rated. If I take the averages of the kingdom for six weeks in 1840—if I take the averages of the kingdom for the 6th, 13th, 20th, and 27th of August, and the 3d and 10th of Sep tember, 1840. the average for the whole of these six weeks was 735. ld. as the price of wheat. ' If, sir, I exclude the London market the aggregate general average would be 72s 8d in place of 73s Id. If I exclude York the general average would be 71s 10d. These are sufficient, under particular circumstances, peculiarly to affect the case ; and it may pos sibly be argued that in London the prices may be mainly in fluenced. It is difficult to estimate the effect upon other markets; it , is extremely difficult to form conjectures on this subject, but as far as we can judge from figures, I think that the apprehension that extensive frauds exist in respect to the working of the averages, though not altogether unfounded, has been greatly exaggerated. (Hear, hear.) The difference of the aggregate average, excluding London would be Is 3d ; if London, Leeds, and Wakefield were excluded, there would be a difference of la 10d in the amount of average. That difference might affect the amount of duty ; but the price of corn in London is usually higher than elsewhere—therefore there would - be no imputation. if I find this the case in Lon doe, of fraud—it would afford no necessary inference of fraud. Then again, the London averages quantity exceed those of the country. For instance, in the year 1838, taking the weekly averages from the 13th of August to the 7th of September, the weekly average was 735. Exclusive of the London market there would be a further difference. In the year 1840 the aggregate averages between the 24th July and 20th August was 70s 2d; the average excluding London was 70s Ild ; now that difference makes a great difference in the amount of duty—the duty on the aggregate average of 70s 2d is 25.8c1; and the average, including London, would raise the duty on the price of corn to 10s Bd. But, as I said before, I do not infer fraud from excluding London. Various proposals have been made with respect to the amend ment of the law of averages by various parties; and • those proposals, have received the utmost consideration from her Majesty's government. I think there will be a general agreement in this, that whatever system may be devised, fraud should, as far as possible, be excluded. It is advised by some that the returns should be made by the growers— that they should make the returns connected with the aver ages : a proposal has been made, that it is necessary the growers, and the growers only, should make these returns. Now, sir, it is impossible to adopt such a principle or system. At present Irish corn and Scotch corn are admitted into the averages. It would be impossible, therefore, to exclude Irish and Scotch corn from the averages, because this would have a natural effect , in raising the prices of corn. This, I must say, that I think we ought to guard as far as we can against fraud, but I do not think we ought to attempt to in crease protection by any indirect operation. If, sir, I thOught that a certain amount of protection was requisite, I would make it directly and openly ; but it would not be fair to procure an indirect protection and encouragement for our domestic agriculturists by any alteration with respect to the averages, except with a view to prevent fraud. Various al -1 terations in the law might be made by which the averages might have the effect of rendering it impossible to guard against fraud ; but I say that for the purpose of granting any indirect protection for the agricultural interest, I will not be a party to a proposal of any such eature. (Cheers.) It has been suggested by some, that the seller should be required, under a penalty, to make a return of the corn sold by him. Sir, it is difficult to foresee what would be the effect of an enactment like that requiring every farmer, under a penalty, to make a return of the quantity of corn sold by him, and its price, instead of its being made, as at present, by the factor. I conceive the great security and only effectual remedy is to bring the temptation so low as to give no colour for fraud by an adjustment of the protection to be afforded. (Cheers.) The proposal of her Majesty's govern ment, therefore, with respect to the taking of the averages, will be thus. They will propose to take the averages in the present mode, from the factor, the miller, or the purchaser, the same party who now makes a return at the close of each market day of the whole of the purchases made by him dur ing the week. We see no advantage in departing from that principle, trusting that the alteration to be made in the mode of levying the duty will effectually prevent fraud. We shall propose that that the duty of collecting the , returns shall be devolied upon the excise—a d e partment hich is perfectly competent to the due discharge of the duty. They have an officer employed in each market town—an officer perfectly qualified for the duty by being in the regular discharge of higher and more onerous ones—qualified too by his general habits of busi n ei s ; and' the' 'responsibility, attaching to him by his being a public officer, and thereby giving a greater security against fraud than if the averages were taken by other per sons, as at present. We therefore propose that the averages Should be taken as at present ? but that the return should be made to an officer acting under the Board of Excise. We also conceive that in order to lessen the chances for the per petration of fraud, it is very desirable to widen the range from which the averages shall be taken. At present there are 150 towns named in the Corn Bill from which returns should be made ; from that number of 150 many very considerable towns are excluded ;' towns have grown up' since the passing of the act, which have become considerable markets for the sale of corn. We propose, therefore, not to leave it to the , discretion of the government, orof any body, but to name in the bill which we shall propose, many of the principal towns, now corn markets, which are excluded from the 150. It appears to me that the more you widen the range from which ydu get the returns the greater security you take against their being influenced by fraudulent means. (Hear, hear.) I should propose to limit the number of towns, as at present, to England and Wales, although I propose to add to the number of towns from which the returns are to be made, still I shall propose that they should be confined to England and Wales. Lord J. RussEL - L.—How many ? Sir R. PEEL.—They will be named in the bill. Lord J. RussELL.—State the number. Sir R. PEEL.-At present there are 150 towns named in the bill. I propose to add to the numoer, not leaving it to the discretion of the government, or any board, but that those towns to be added be named in the bill. The three protections then, Sir, we propose to take against the com mission of frauds, are first, to widen the range from which the averages are to be taken ; secondly, to employ a respon- Bible officer in the taking of them, one acting under the orders and superintendence of a public board ; but the main security will clearly be such an alteration in the duty as shall diminish the temptation of fraud. (Cheers.) I trust I have made myself sufficiently clear upon this point. Sir, I now approach the more important part of the proposition which her Majesty's government have to propose to the house. Now with regard to the proposition which I am prepared to lay before the house, I will just refer to the manner in which the duty is at present imposed. I find that when the price of wheat is from 665. per quarter to 675. the duty is 20s. Bd. It then falls 2s. in price until corn is between 68s. and 695., when the duty is 16s. Bd. At 70s. the duty is 12s. Bd., and at 715., 10s. Bd. ; it then falls 45., being Gs. Bd., and at 735. it is 2s. Bd., and at 735. and upwards, ls. only. Now a great objection has been urged to this mode of levying, on the ground that the reduction of the duty was so sapid that it held out temptations to speculators in corn. At 60s. the duty was 265. Bd., and at 735. only la., therefore leaving an increase of price of 135., and a decrease of duty of 255. Bd., being an inducement to speculators to retain corn, or to com bine to influence the averages. At 665. the duty is 20s. Bd., and between 665. and 735. the inducement to retain corn is 7s. rise in price, and 19s. Bd. ; being a total amount of 265. Bd. Between 70s. mid 735. the difference was 3s. in price, and 9s. in point of duty, being an inducement to keep the price of corn at 70s. of 12s. It is said that the present scale of duty is injurious not only to the consumer of corn, but to the pro ducer and also to the revenue. It is said to be injurious to the consumer, because, "when the price of corn was varying between 665. and 70s. the great object of those who specu lated in corn was to keep the price at the highest possible point, in order that they might, when necessary, pour in a quantity of foreign corn for their own advantage. (Hear.) It is said to be injurious to the agricultural classes, because it induced them to keek back their corn until a period when, by the very operation to which I have already adverted, foreign corn could be admitted, and thus the protection which these classes had was taken away from them. (Hear, hear.) It is injurious to the revenue, because it enabled parties to hold back corn until the shilling duty only was payable, and thus the revenue was defrauded of the amount which it was entitled to, between the ls. duty and that which would be the duty on foreign corn if it had been brought in when home grown corn was at the lower amount to which I have ad verted. (Hear, hear.) It is also said to be injurious to the speculator in corn, who, calculating upon corn remaining at a particular price, enters into a speculation, but finds upon returning to this country that the purpose of his speculation has been defeated by the altered. amount of duty. (Hear.) These are the objections to the present scale of duty arising from its rapid fluctuations. Our object in applying a remedy to this system is to propose one that will diminish the temptations to fraud which at present exist. In the year 1838, the total amount of wheat taken for home consumption was 1,728,000 quarters in the course of the year, and of that amount 1,261,000 quarters were entered to come in at is. duty. In the year 1840, the total amount of wheat entered for home consumption was 2,020,000 quarters, and of these 1,217,000 quarters were taken out at a duty of 2s. Bd. Now, the house will observe, that the rate of duty at which this corn was brought in is not the only important feature which attaches to these circumstances, but the period of the year at which it was released from bond is also a mat ter for very great consideration in dealing with this subject. In 1838 the corn taken out at a duty of Is. was so taken out in the week following the 13th of September, and in 1840 the corn taken out at a duty of 2s. Bd. was released after the 3d of September. Now, in each of those two years by far the greater part of the wheat taken out was taken out at a duty of is. and 2s. Bd. ; but at the same time it must be borne in mind, that it was taken out at a most critical period-at a period when the farmers were thrashing their corn and pre paring it for consumption. At this time, therefore, there was a great depression in the corn markets of this country. But the circumstances which I have just alluded to will tell with peculiar and unfavourable effect on the farmers of the north, whose harvest is generally late; inasmuch as they had to contend against a sudden influx of corn into our markets . at the lowest rate of duty. (Hear, hear.) Now, this ought, and I am sure will, prevail with those who approve of protec tion to agriculture, to listen with favour to a plan for the modification of the existing system. (Hear, hear.) Sir, with the permission of the house I will proceed, in the course of a few minutes, to read to the house the scale of duties which we propose to apply in this respect,-(" Oh, oh !" from the opposition benches,)-and, sir, the scale of duties is devised with the sincere desire to tiffs , s :sericulture and agricultural interests every protection whets they can by pos sibility have, and at the same time it is devised for the purpose, when foreign corn is required, of facilitating, as far as possi ble, commercial intercourse with respect to corn. Sir, nothing can be more difficult than to attempt to determine what is the amount of protection which is required for home consumption? A thousand circumstances should be taken into considera tion by any person who would undertake to determine what amount of duty should be imposed on foreign corn, so as to leave a sufficient remuneration for the grower of corn in this country, and to establish something like a settled scale of prices. These were the two great points to be observed. All persons wishing to protect domestic agriculture, must consider, taking a comprehensive view of the subject, what duty would leave a sufficient encouragement to the grower of wheat. A further element of consideration was the price at which foreign corn could be brought into this country. To attempt to gain any accurate conclusion respecting a matter that depended on so many varying circumstances would be indeed fruitless. Respecting, however, the price of wheat in this country there were some means of judging what its fair average might be. If, for instance, I take the average of wheat according to the commutation of tithes, the average of seven years on which that commutation depended, is about 565. 10d. If again I take the average of corn for the last 10 years in this country, I find it to be (as we understood) about 565. Ild. But for the last three years the price of corn in this country had been higher than I am convinced it was generally desired that it should permanently remain-(loud cheers)-and I would say, for the agricultural classes, that if the oscillation of the price of wheat could be limited to be tween 545. and 58s. a quarter, that it would not be the de sire, as I believe it would not be the interest of the agricul tural classes that it should be higher. (Cheers.) If I take the average of seven years of the last ten years, and, exclu ding those three years in which it reached an extreme price, I find that the average is about 565. (Hear.) He could not see any great advantage of a diminution of the price of wheat below that price. The variations of price it was impossible for any legislative enactments to remedy. In the year 1835, when there was a nominal protection of 645., then the price of wheat in this country was 395. It was impossible, in fact, to calculate from any amount of duty, the price at which fo reign corn would be regulated. After these observations, he would proceed to read to the house the scale of duty which her Majesty's ministers meant to propose. When the price of corn was under 515., he proposed that the scale of duty should be 20s. When the price of corn was from 51s. to 525., he proposed that the duty should be 19s. Here he proposed to make what he might call a rest in the scale, and he pro posed that when the price of wheat should be from 525. to 555., the duty should remain uniformly at 18s. Then, when the price was from 555. to 565., he proposed the duty should be 17s. ; 565. to 575., the duty should be 16s. ; when the price was from 575. to 585., the duty should be 15s. ; from 58s. to 595., the duty should be 14s. ; from 595. to 605., the duty should be 13s. ; from 60s. to 615., the duty should be 12s. ; from 61s. to 625., the duty. should be Ils. ; from 625. to G3s., the duty should be 10s. ; from 635. to 645., the duty should be 9s. ' • from. 645. to 655., the duty should be Bs.; from 655. to 665., the duty should be 7s. Then when the price of wheat should be from 665. to 695., the duty should remain at 6s. ; from 695. to 705., the duty should remain at,ss. ; from 705.. to 715., the duty should be 4s. ; from 71s. to 725., the duty should be 3s. ; from 725. to 735., the duty should be.2s., and when the price of whest should be from 735. to 745., the duty on its importation should be but ls. When .the latter price is arrived at, I propose that the duty should cease altogether. (Hear, hear.) That is the scale I .propose. I will read the scale again if it be required ; . perhaps . the house may like to hear some of the leading items again. (Hear, hear, hear.) When the price is under.sls. the quarter, I propose thatl the duty be 205., never to be exceeded. I am quite satisfied that a larger amount will not be attempted; and what is meant is quite fair, and will secure fairness in the amplest sense. (Hear, hear.) It is not meant that any small amount taken out for home consumption shall be allowed to alter the returns. When the price is 565. to 575., then the duty to be 16s. ; when 60s. to 615., 12s. This scale will have the effect of diminishing the temptation to practise on the ave rages. It would not hold out the temptation to hold back for the sake of a lower duty. I think the scale will be found' to be so arranged as to guard against those evils that have been heretofore complained of, by so arranging as that the diminishing duty shall act in concert with price, thus guard ing against the temptation to hold back. Heretofore the contrary was the case ; there was the temptation to hold back until there was the lower duty ; and further, there was mo tive for greatly tampering with the averages. Those evils will, I think, be effectually guarded against by the scale now proposed. That such was the effect the returns have shown, for a greater amount of wheat was taken out than of any other grain. That was not the case with oats. I will enu merate what took place with respect to oats. There were 3,513,002 quarters only taken out ; of that quantity 248,000 qrs. were taken out at Is. 9d., 659,000 qrs. when the duty was 3s. 3d., 243,000 qrs. when it was 4s. 9d., and 940,000 qrs. when it was 6s. 3d. duty. That, sir, was the effect of a gradually falling duty of Is. 6d. Now, I propose in no case to exceed ls., and consequently I am entitled to think that, by applying the duty to wheat, there is every prospect that wheat, like oats, will be taken out at a higher rate of duty that the revenue will profit in a proportionate degree-and that the consumer and the agriculturist will be equally bene fited by wheat being taken out at a legitimate time, when the demand shall require it. With respect to other articles of grain, I propose to adopt the proportion which I find in the existing law. The proportions of the existing corn-law are that, valuing wheat at 100 s., the value of barley may be taken at 535. ; the value of oats at 40s. ; rye, peas, and beans at 58s. If it b e assume d that 565. being applied for wheat, a duty of 16s. should apply ; that when barley is at 295., a duty o f 9 s . oug ht t o app l y ; that when oats are at 225., a duty of about 6s. 3d. ought to apply ; that when rye, peas, and beans are at 325., a duty of 10s. 31d. ought to ap ply. I am then not aware of any reason for an alteration of the proportions which are at present to be found in respect to other kinds of grain. And I propose, therefore, in adjust ing the duties applicable to other descriptions of grain, that the existing proportion of t he corn laws should be applied. The scale o duties I should propose for those several articles of consumption will correspond with the relation of the price. In the case of foreign oats, I propose that the maximum they of Bs. should be levied. It is, probably, scarcely necessary for me to read the whole of the details. I propose that the duty should fall with the increase of price, to Bs. to 75., and then that it should continue at 65., for the three items of price of 215., 225., and 235. ; that on its reaching 2 ls., a duty of ss. should continue. and that, with the decline of price, it should be increased by ls. ; so that the extremes of grada tion of duty would be Bs. and Is., the duty of Is. being the minimum rate, and continuing at that rate when the price of oats should not exceed 28s. In the case of barley, I propose that under 265. there should be a duty on every quarter of Ils., that being the maximum ; that between 265. and 275. the duty should be 10s.-; between 275. and under 30s. it should continue at 9s. ; between 30s. and 31s. it should be atßs., and so on ; and that at 375. weshould reduce the duty to Is., that being the lowest amount of duty. I should propose Sir Robert Peel completed the 54th year of his age on Saturday last. The Lords' Commissioners of the Admiralty have ordered that in future all steam-vessels built for her majesty's navy are to be fitted with Captain Smith's invention of boats placed above the paddle-wheels. DEATH OF " INDEPENDENCE."-- , ThiS famous old horse. formerly the property of the late Mr. Beardsworth, died on Sunday week at Hednesford, aged twenty-six years. The Mayor of Walsall has refused to convene a public meeting to deliberate upon the propriety of presenting a pe tition to parliament for the total abolition of the corn-laws. ARREST OF THREE SUSPECTED HIGHWAYMEN.—Three desperate characters were arrested by the police, at Clitheroe, on Friday night, in a lodging-house of bad repute. When taken into custody, they were found to be severally armed with a brace of loaded pistols. Tilt Duxt.—The Herald, in describing the ceremony of opening parliament, observes " We cannot close.our account without expressing our regret at the infirm appearance of ' the great duke.' His, grace looked pale, and walked with a feeble step." A Hindostanee Prince, dressed in a suit of royal purple velvet, and glittering with gold and brilliants, occupieda seat in the northern gallery of the House of Lords, at the open ing of parliament, and appeared much interested with the scene. Mr. Heron, a minister, had a large family of children. When dying, his weeping wife said, " Alas! what will be come of all these children ?" He pleasantly replied, " Never fear : he that feeds the young ravens won't starve the young Herons." AN EAGLE.—On Thursday last Hugh Menzies, one of Lord Ward's gamekeepers, captured a splendid golden eagle upon one of the Glengarry hills. This unruly denizen of the wilds has been for years known to the shepherds in the dis trict of Glengarry, and was much remarked, as well for his size as for his destruction of game and flocks. He measures, between the tips of the wings when extended, 8 feet 3 inches, and from the point of the tail to the beak, 3 feet 2 inches. He suffered little or no injury in the capture. SINGULAR COINCIDENCE.—A HARD RACE.—Mr. David Hincliffe, an operative fancy weaver, residing at Mold Green, Huddersfield, was married upon the same day our gracious Queen was united to Prince Albert; his wile was delivered of a daughter, the same cloy the Princess Royal was born ; and she also gave birth to a son the same day the Prince of males came into the world ! Hitherto the race has been equal; but in the event of Mrs. Hincliffe passing or rather surpassing her illustrious rival—as some of her neigh bours venture to predict she will—it is hoped her Majesty will generally acknowledge her supremacy, by sending her a handsome present. --- A DISSENTERS' LOYALTY.—A grocer, residing in Bir mingham, following the example so generally set by the in habitants, closed his shop on the occasion of the christening of the Prince of 'Wales, but for fear he should seem too loyal or too religious, placarded in large characters the following notice upon his shutters :—" Closed for recreation, not to sanction an unscriptural ceremony." TILE QUEEN'S SHAWLS.—A letter was received in town on Monday, from Windsor, acknowledging the receipt of the shawls sent up last week. Her Majesty expressed much gratification on witnessing such beautiful specimens of Pais ley manufacture, and made a selection from the several par cels. As an indication that the choice of her Majesty will a not be with ou t it s e ff ec t s , were happy to add th a t applica tions, both from Glasgow and Edinburgh, have been received during the week for shawls of the Queen's choice. We hope to hear of similar orders from many other quarters.—Paisley Advertiser. ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE, GREAT CHARLOTTE-STREET, LIVERPOOL. FAREWELL NIGHTS OF DUCROTV'S NATIONAL ESTABLISHMENT IN LIVERPOOL! THIS DAY (Friday), BY DESIRE OF SEVERAL FAMILIES AND SCHOOLS, A MORNING PERFORMANCE Will be given, being THE LAST THIS SEASON. THIS present FRIDAY EVENING, th e 11th i ns t an t, and TO-MORROW (Saturday), the 12th instant, will he produced the magnificent Legendary Spectacle, entitled ST. GEORGE AND THE DRAGON ; OR, THE SEVEN CHAMPIONS OP CHRISTENDOM. St. George of England, Mr. W. D. Broadfoot ; Tom of Coventry, Mr. H. Beverly; Kalaba. Mrs. Nunn. To be followed by an entire Change of DUCROW'S SCENES OF THE CIRCLE ! • To conclude with the Drama of - THE FUGITIVE OF THE TORZA ; Or, The Mill if Keben. On MONDAY next, a Grand Equestrian Fete, for the BENEFIT of SIGNOR HILLIER. Private Boxes may be obtained nightly for Families on ap plication to Mr. F. CARMAN, at the Box-office, from Eleven until Three o'clock. Prices of Admission :—Centre Dress Boxes, 3s. ; Side Boxes, 2s. 6d. ; Pit, Is. 6d. ; Lower Gallery, Is. ; Upper Gallery, Gd. Second Price at Nine o'clock :—Centre Dress Boxes, 2s. ; Side Boxes, Is. 6d. ; Pit. is.; Lower Gallery, Gd. No Second Price to the Upper Gallery. Second Price will be taken for Children under Twelve years of age to the Boxes only. Dorss to be opened at Half-past Six, and the Performance to commence at Seven o'clock precisely. in the case of rye, peas, and beans, that the same proportion should be observed. I now feel it necessary to enter into a short explanation in respect to the subject of colonial duties. I do not think it necessary, however, to go into details on this branch, as the proposition is founded on the same principle. Now the law which regulates the import of British colonial wheat at present is, 1 think, to this effect-That British colonial wheat and flour shall be imnorted into this country at a duty of 55., when the price of British wheat is below 675., that when the price of British wheat exceeds 675., colonial wheat shall be admissible at a duty of 6d. I propose to give the same advantage to colonial wheat, with respect to the reduction of the price at which it is admissi ble, as to any other description of wheat; but considering that the sudden fall in price from ss. to 6d., on account of a difference of Is. in price is at variance with the principle of the law, which seeks to establish an equitable reduction in duty, we propose to make this alteration with respect to colonial wheat, that when the price of British wheat shall be 555., the duty on every quarter shall be ss. ; that when it is 555. and under 565., the duty shall be 4s. ; when 565. and under 575., 35.; when 575. and under 585., 2s. ; and ' when 58s. and upwards, that it shall be ls. This regulation is 'to take away the sudden fall which occurs under the ex isting law. With respect to flour I propose to retain the same calculation which exists with respect to wheat, and to permit flour to be imported on the same relative terms. Now I believe I have put the house in full possession of the nature of the proposal which it is the intention of her Majesty's government to submit. if you compare the reduction in the amount of the duty with the existing duty, you will find that it is very considerable; and those who have appeared to think that the modification which I propose to make in the existing law is of no importance, I shall ask them to compare my scale of duties on the admission of foreign corn with the existing scale. (Hear, hear, hear.) When corn is at 595. to 605., the present duty is 275. Bd. the duty. What I propose at this price is 13s. At 50s. the existing duty is 365. Bd., increasing as corn falls. Instead of 365. Bd. I propose in this case a duty of 20s. without in crease. At 565. I Propose to fix a duty of 165.--the existing duty is 30s. Bd. ; at 60s the existing duty is 265. Bd.-the duty I propose is 12s. At 635. the duty I propose is 9s. ; the exist ing duty is 235. Bd. At 645. the duty I propose is Bs. ; the present duty is 225. Bd. At 70s. the existing duty is 108. Bd. ; the duty I propose is 55., and so on to be reduced as I have already stated, until it reaches one shilling. Therefore it is impossible to deny, on comparing the duty as at present imposed with the duty which I propose, that there is a very considerable decrease in the protective duty on corn. It is a decrease of protection which, in my opinion, can be made consistent with justice to all interests in the country. If the agriculturists compare the nominal amount of duty that exists with my proposition, they will find reason for allaying their apprehensions ; but I am bound to say that I think the agri cultural interest of this country can afford to part with a portion of that protection which in my opinion it is perfectly just should be diminished. (Cheers from the opposition.) I also consider that whatever arrangements can be made, tending to facilitate the introduction of foreign corn, when our necessities require it, consistent with a due regard to our commercial intercourse, should be carried into effect. The protection which I retain for domestic produce is not a pro tection for any particular class, for I am of opinion that such a protection cannot be vindicated on any other ground than that of the interests of all classes. (Loud cheering.) This is me opinion-the only protection that can properly be en forced is that which is consistent with the general interests of all classes. (Renewed opposition cheering.) I should not be a friend of agriculture if I asked for protection for the purpose of propping up or defending their interests as a particular class. Such a motive as this I disclaim alto gether ; hut it is my belief, and it is also the belief of my colleagues, that it is of the greatest importance to the welfare of all classes in this country, that precautions should be taken that the main sources of our supply should be derived from domestic produce, but that any additional price paid for this purpose is an addition that cannot be vin dicated. At the same time we are entitled to place such a duty on foreign corn as is equivalent to the public burdens which agriculture bears in this country, and any addition to this can only be vindicated on the ground that it is for the general interests of all classes ; but I do consider that it is for the general interests of all classes that a small amount should be imposed in way of duty, in order to guard against any calamity that would ensue if we were left dependant ia part, or altogether, on a foreign supply of corn. (Cheers.) It is my belief that the alternation of the seasons most form a prominent feature of consideration. You must expect that at some time or other when you have a deficient harvest in this country, such a visitation will be felt abroad also, it is ineuitable ; should you then find yourselves dependant upon foreign countries for four or five millions of quarters of wheat, and the calamity of a scarcity be a general one, in that case you may depend upon it that the interests of self-preservation would prevail in those countries, some impediments would be thrown in the way of exports in grain, and their produce be employed for the sustenance of their own population. Sir, I need not be a party, not on account of the special interests of the agriculturists, but on account of all the most compre hensive interests of the country. I could not be a party to any law that would render this country dependant upon foreign countries for any very considerable por tion of our subsistence. That we have been dependant for a portion of our supply for a series of years I cannot deny. In years of scarcity we must, to a certain extent be dependant upon a foreign supply ; but I can not abandon the hope that in average years we may be able to supply our whole population. But, sir, even if you should be disappointed in that hope, and you must resort to foreign countries for a supply, still there is a very material difference between a supply that is casual and limited in quantity, brought in for repairing an accidental and slight de ficiency, and a supply that would be permanent and extensive. Sir, that is the proposition that I am authorised to make on the part of her majesty's government. It is a proposal which they deem, upon the whole, adverting to the extent of pro tection which for a long series of years past the laws of this country have given to the land, • as worthy of the considera tion of parliament. That is their proposal, prompted by no interest, but by their reason and sense of justice, to which they have been driven by no pressure but their own judgment. (Cheers.) It is the proposal which her majesty's government think necessary, and most for the interests of the country, should it meet with the sanction of the legislature. This, then, I conceive is not an unfavourable time for the adjust ment of this great and important question ; and here I may be allowed to say, that during the period that this subject has been under consideration, and notwitstanding that the great est commixcial distress had prevailed, still the question has been considered with as much moderation and as much calm ness as it was possible that such a question could be consi dered. There may have been great excitement, and there may have been great endeavours to excite agitation, but I must say, that the general demeanour of the great body of the peo ple, and of those particularly who are most exposed to suffe ring in the manufacturing districts, deserves our best sympa thy and consideration. (Hear.) It is now open to parliament to settle this great question. I hope that the result of the proposal submitted to parliament by her Majesty's govern ment will lead to some favourable adjustment of this great question. The proposal which we have made for that pur pose is one which we think will be most consistent with a due consideration of the interests of all the parties in the country. If it is the pleasure of parliament to assent to this proposal, it will of course pass into a law; but if p ar li amen t shall reject this proposition, I still hope that this question will be adjusted with a view to the interests of those parties to which I have already referred : and I conclude by ex pressing a hope that whatever arrangement may be come to, ' it will be most consistent with the interests of all classes, whether manufacturing, commercial, or agricultural, of this great empire. (Loud and continued cheering.) Sir R. PEEL moved that the Chairman do repo\-t progress, and ask leave to sit again on Monday next. Lord J. RUSSELL then said that after what he had stated the other evening in reference to the proposition of the right hon. hart., he certainly did not intend to enter upon any dis cussion of the plan which had lust been submitted to the house. But in order that they might come to the discussion of it with as much information as PosSible-he did not mean statistical information-but information with respect to the plan itself, it seemed to him not only advisable but abso lutely necessary that they should have a list of the towns which the right hon. bart. meant to include in the averages, (hear, hear,) and he hoped that the right ho n. hart. would be prepared to lay snch a list on the table of the house to morrow. (Hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL did not think he would be called upon for such a list, but he would endeavour to prepare a list of the large towns which would be affected, and to lay it before the house on Friday next. Mr. COBDEN then rose. He was understood to say that he did not expect from the present government any measure which would afford any relief to the people connected with commerce, who were at the present moment in such deep distress ; and it was not, therefore, with surprise he heard the present proposition. He must condemn it as most un feeling towards the people, and most unjust towards the best interests of the country. After what had taken place on a former night, after the general understanding on the subject, he should not now enter into a discussion of the measure proposed. The motion was then put and carried. Adjourned at eight o'clock until Thursday. ROYAL Livna TIyATRE, CHURCIT-STREET. LIVERPOOL. FOR THE BENEFIT OF MR: BRCUGH, And Last Night but One of his appearance. THIS preseur FRIDAY, February 11, 1812, the Even ing's Entertainment will commence with U 13 E R To which will be added, the SERGEANT OF- HUSSARS. To be followed by the admired Drama, not acted here these Four years, entitled LUKE THE LABOURER. The whole to conclude with a Grand DISPLAY- OF FIREWORKS! TO-MORROW Evening, (Saturday.) a variety of Enter tainments, being the Last Night of Mr. BROUGII. On MONDAY next, Feb. 11, the celebrated and fasci nating Mademoisele CELESTE will make her first appear ance this season. Tickets and Places for the Public Boxes to be had of Mr. J. FOGG, at the Box Office, from Eleven till Three; also for the Private Boxes for Full Dress Parties. Boxes, 35.; Pit, 25.: Gallery, lid. (to which the number will be limited). Second Price.—Boxes, 25.; Pit, ls. Doors to open at Half-past Six. Performance to begin at Seven. Second Price at Half-past Eight. TO CORRESPONDENTS " C." is unavoidably postponed until Tuesday. We are reluctantly compelled, by a pressure upon our space, to withdraw a notice of the measure brought forward on Tuesday, by Mr. W. E. Gladstone, to amend and consoli date the import duties upon merchandize and produce en tering our colonial possessions. The same reason, also prevents us from returning a little clean water in exchange for the mud showered by the scavenger of the Reform Association—Mr. William Rathbone—upon the freemen of Liverpool. We are also compelled to withdraw a notice of Miss Stott's concert, which shall appear in our next. ne Ziberpool (ttanbarb. FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 11, 1842 The admirable address of Sir Robert Peel, in bringing before the House of Commons his proposed measure for the settlement of the Corn LaWs, will be found reported verbatim in our columns this day; and we entreat for it the careful and attentive perusal of our readers. A more luminous and convincing expo sition of the real bearings of this momentous question upon the present condition of the country we have never met with ; and to the factious outcry which attributes every evil, under which the commerce and the industry of the country languish, to the operation of the Corn Laws alone, it furnishes a complete and satisfactory refutation. It deals in no vague gene ralities ; it contains no appeal to the passions or the prejudices of any party; but is throughout a clear and intelligible developement of the views of the minister and the cabinet, illustrated and fortified with statistical details, and worthy of the best days of British states manship. To enable our readers the more easily to arrive at the principal features of Sir Robert Peel's proposition, we shall endeavour to place it before them in a form which will render it more intelligible, in itself, than as delivered by the Right Honourable Baronet, and more easy or comparison with the existing system. The proposition of Sir Robert is to fix the maximum duty upon wheat at 20s. when the average price in Great Britain is under 51s. per quarter. Above 51s. and under 525. the duty is 198. Above 525, and up t o 55 5 . the duty is 18s. From this point the duty diminishes is. for every increase of Is. in the average up to 668., when "a rest" occurs, the duty being 6s. from that price up to 695. From 6s. it di m i n i s h es ls. with every increase of 18. in price to 745., after which the duty ceases entirely. The following tables, however, which have been drawn up with the assistance of an intelligent Liverpool corn merchant, will better enable our readers to judge of the operation of the proposed system : WHEAT AND FLOUR. WHEAT FLOUR. When average is I Existin g I I Proposed Existing 1 Proposed under duty, 1 duty. duty. 1 duty. - 8. S. E. d. S. 5. (1. s. d. • 51 .... 36 8 .... 20 .... 21 10 ...... 12 0 51 and under 52 ... 35 8 ... 19 .... 21 5...... 11 8 52 „53 34 8.. 20 10.... 1 ~53 54 .... 33 8. . 1 18 .... 20 3. ... 10 10 54 ~ 55 .... 32 8.. 19 8 .... 55 ~ 56 .... 31 8 .... 17 .... 19 1 56 „ 57 .... 30 8 .... 1G .... 18 5 9 8 57 ~ 58 .... 29 8.... 15 .... 17 10 9 0 5 8 „ 59 ....28 8 .... 14 .... 17 3 8 5 59 ~ 60 ....27 8.-13 .... 16 8 7 8 GO ~ 61 ....26 8 .... 12 .... 16 1 61 62 ....25 8 .... 11 .... 15 6 6 8 62 ~ 63 .....24 8 .... 10 .... 14 10 6 0 63 „ 64 .... 23 8.... 9 .... 14 3 5 5 64 „ 65 .... 22 8 .... 8 .... 13 8 4 10 65 „ 66 ....21 8.... 7 .... 13 1 . 4 3 66 „ 67 .... 20 8.. 12 5..... 67 „ 68 ....18 8... 1 6.... 11 3.... 1 3 7 68 „ 6 9 ....16 8. 10 0 .... 69 ~ 70 .... 13 8.... 5 .... 8 3 3 0 70 „ 71 ....10 8.... 4 .... 6 5 71 „ 72.... 6 8 .... 3 .... 4 0 ...... 110 72 ~ 73....28....2 .... 1 7 73 „ 74.... 10.... 1.... 0 7...... 0 7 74 and upwards.... 1 0.... 0.... 0 7 BARLEY I Existing duty. I Propsd. duty. 258. aril 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 under 26s 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 21s. 10d 20 4 18 10 17 4 16 10 15 4 13 10 12 4 10 10 9 4 7 10 6 4 4 10 3 4 1 10 1 0 . 8 . 7 : 6 35 „ 36 36 „ 37 37 „ 38 38 „ 39 39 40 41 and upwards OATS When Average is I Existing Duty. I Propsd. Duty. I9s. and under 20s 20 „ 21 21 „ 22 22 ~ 23 23 „ 24 24 If 25 25 „ 26 26 „ 27 27 „ 28 28 „ 29 29 If 30 30 ~ 31 31 and upwards 7 9 6 3 4 0 3 3 1 0 1 0 COLONIA WHEAT AND FLOUR, FLOOR, Existing duty. 'roposed duty. Existing duty. Proposed duty. 54 1124 e s 55 " cji d 4 s 6 56 7- 3s 57 c •- 2, .0" 2s 58 **: g: k tai.. CA CL,D tn GI" cr O» -4 0 •••• . 3s Od 2s 5d Is 10d Is 3d Os 74d The duties 4pon Barley, Oats, and other grain, are reduced in a ratio similar to that upon which the ex isting duties are regulated—for instance, If Wheat is valued at loos, Barley would be valued at s3s Oats 4os, Rye, Beans and Peas sBs. and the reduction of duties operate accordingly. From the above tables it will easily be seen—and must be admitted by the most virulent of the oppo nents of agricultural protection—that the proposition of Sir R o b er t P e el is, at all events, a large and liberal modification of the existing law. Adhering, as we always have done, to the principle of a sliding scale, we have never concealed our dislike to the abrupt changes in the scale at present in operation. From that source, we think, has arisen a great portion of the frauds con nected with its working ; and by the substitution of the present graduated scale, we feel confident that the two great objects to be desired—viz., an adequate pro- Average