The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1843-05-12 00:00:00

W iNTILL/0/ . If the report 1, then it would CHANCELLOR'S COURT t to tl s to bring, the new trustees be- Before SIR L. SUADWEI urt as defendants in the "present or some other Lave the question raised on the evidence cle at as the case stood at present the former &DY HE CnAN only defendants, had no interest in sets of petitioners under am's order ked to have the report confirmed ejections which on the affi- lich each other had 1 to havi Scotland ad to having Messrs. I Rolf, and Thompson trustees, be ,se they cro we zerce had not said that they ought not to be the effectthatot to be h a Unitariant r* en trustee. dis senter or Church o i it h had sEngland-man aidi n ought n .oe Scotch Secess ion B ut Ido not understand upon the evidence that in the English Indep en- and the others were members of the secession, and Mr. Lona . The dale and the other p ersons were members of the Church of their petition to con- Scotland. It was clear upon the evidence that in Lady ie Independent s insis- Hewley's lifetime there were Presbyterians congregations of repose d solely of mem - in many places in the northern counties—for instance, at _....0e, asked that the Master Whitehaven—consisting wholly of natives of E might be directed to review his report. His Honour said— English Presbyterians did not cease to be English9gland. But In this case the Attorney-General, at the relation of Samuel rasa merely because they were in amit with il Presby te- Shore the younger a nd o th ers, by amended information, Scotlnd, or the Secession Church, or y the R, e Church of stated that during the times of the religious persecutions of and Presbyterians in the north of England, elief Church ; the English Presbyterians and Independents, and other per- both denominations, in amity with the Seceseongregations of sons calling themselves godly dissenters from the Established the Church of Scotland, had actually sion Church and participated in the be- Church, in the time of Charles IL, Dame Lady Sarah Hewley nefits. Tynemouth, Alnw . klc , Long Cramli stood forward as the protector and supportor of the ejected Morpeth, Penrith. Great Salkeld, Plum t ngton, Lewick, ministers of St. Bartholomew's -day (1662), and of the persons and Carlisle, and from them had sprun g P on, Penruddock, calling themselves godly who were non-conformists, and who some of whom were in amity with the Establ i shed Presbyterians, were subject to pains and penalties in those days fort heir Scotland. In some of the congregations there Church of na forms of religious worship; that by her trust deed of 1704 it tives of Scotland, but they were few in were some was declared that the trustees and managers should, in their of the congregations of the charity—of proportion, and some disposition and distribution of the charity, have a primary re- sets of Presbyterians there wa s no doubt. From the orthodoxy of both gard of such objects thereof as should then or thereafter be s ages in the evidence it appeared they h in York or Yoskshire, not excluding those in other places .confession of faith, which substanteld the Westminster and counties. That in the hospital deed of 1707 she directs cles of the Church of England. allyagreed with the Arti the surplus to be distributed and disposed of to poor godlY said his honour, " why gentlemen be nd . I see no reason," preachers and their widows ; that up to the day of her death gregations, or the ministers of them, though longing to these con she was satisfied with the persons she had appointed to be yet resident in England, should not b Scotch by birth, the trustees of her charity ; that the Rev. Mr. Shelton, the made with reference to the distance fr o m York, Objections trustee first named, was a non-conformist. The information en gaged in business, applied to the York, or from being also stated that Dr. Coulton, the original preacher at St. as to the others, and had nothi ng relators' trustees, as well Saviour's Gate Chapel, York, whose ministry Lady Hewley relators objected to the re substantial in them. The attended, and was her spiritual adviser and her sole executor, of each set of Presbyterians to be port because two were selected out is named another of the trustees, and Mr. Hodson, minister the In The number s trustees, and only three of of the hospital, was one of the attesting witnesses of Sir John i n proportion to the number of c even could not be divided. Hewley's will, and private chaplain to Lady Bewley. That ties, or to the number of individuals ch urches of the different par- Lady Hewley died in 1710, that the dissenters from the ches. If four ldepende t composing their chur established church within the protection of the toleration act have a majority o f the w h ole Ts s were appointed, they would ' William and Mary, at the time of the foundation of these number. The numbers adopted gave a preponderance to the larger bong, .ies, and for whose sole benefit these charities were in- others, but not an absolute majority of the whole and in tended to be applied, and who are now commonly orthodox that respect I think the master ri ht. Th ' e . real objection dissenters, were desirous of having a judicial declaration urg ed by the relators against the g as to the proper mode of administering and distributing th a t persons such as the modern Independents other petitioners, viz., these charities. That the great body of dissenters dis- only persons that Lady Hewley intended should were the tinguished in those times by the names of Presbyterians, ticipate in her charity,. cannot, I think, be decided upo n par- Independents, and Baptists, differed amongst themselves present petition ; but it was very fit there should ü b p e on the solely in articles of church government, but as to its Divine persons before the court legally to argue the question s o me e y origin, and as to forms and ceremonies, and as to the articles v i ttth the relators, which must be judicially decided upon fair ly of faith, and religious adoration and worship, they were all words of Lasly Hewley's deeds. What Lady Hewley the per agreed among themselves and the English Church. One sonally or privately felt or thought, or what, if she were eY part of the prayer of the information was that the ministers alive, she would feel or think on the question discussed now e of what was called the Unitarian belief or doctrine, or who fore the court, it might be difficult to say, but, considering were what was commonly called Unitarians, were not fit her piety and benevolence, it was probable that she thought ' objects of Dame Lady Sarah Hewley's charity. Another an English Presbyterian would have approved of the exe part of the prayer was, that such dissenters alone as w er e e r tion,shwt i . th had recently Church of Scotland, more ri idly now commonly called orthodox dissenters can be consid_,ewo. Pre: y erian, e u recently made in favour of the Jews, and as coining within the meaning and intention of Ladyl of would have b e delighted to ponder upon the details of the le charity, or be entitled to participate in the benefitsee.a_ i n t eresting e narrative s which had lately been published b her charity ; that they therefore asked for an inclusived_l s l ssrs. Bonner an Cheyue, two of the missionaries from ration. It appears from the full report of the proceeding witness t h atchurch. t The order I shall make with reference to the • nof Mr. in the House of Lords that Dr. John Pye Smith, a _hetirmly petition to and the. Park and others, Mr. Thompson and the for the relators, deposed he had no doubt, and that, _ _ r. t be to confirmamended petition of the Attorney General, believed the same, that Lady Hewley, Dr. Cou lton , ivl reputed rnui the master's report, and to give all parties Hotham, and W. R. Sh e lton w ere Trinitarians, an d fon their costs out of the estate ; Mr. Park and the others, Mr. to be dissenters. -He could not affirm.of what denonroo i_a i d " doubt cording Thompsonto L an or, ll3j o ot e hers, having but one set of costs ac they were, but as a matter of probability he had mina - the 17th of December , ttnham's order. As to the petition of they were of the Presbyterian or congregational dine term except to give ll 18-12, he should make no order upon. lion. That the ordinary sense and meaning of the amemaouer. a 6 3. 0 ar e ties their costs out of the estate in the Presbyterian or Presbyterian dissenter at or about the time a p a rticular c petitions, but . it must order must be made on all the four of the foundation of Lady Hewley's charity, was • ' a d from - already m entione d. b e prefaced with the statement I have Establishment who differe class of separatists from the Rev. Thomas two other classes in external discipline. The Lady Hew- The suit b the which f Scales for the relators, deposed that he believed Iran, Na- Cork ;Mining Com rso the late Lord peed r. West ley, Air. Bowles, Dr. Coulton, the Rev. IVIr. Hot o __ lli. been finally bysettlecipiannyliuhimhas been so long ing, has thaniel Gould, Timothy Hodson, Martin H o tham, IL.diZt. y la company were decreed to the Lord Chancellor. The Hotham, were all dissenters, and that he believed Ti ational in default their interest inPahY £65,400 within one month, or Hodson and Nathaniel Gould were of the congref p esbYte - as any otherprop er ty h t e mines would be sold, as well f the class called class, and that the rest were o he word or term In the Consistor Co t rians. Dr. Bennett also deposed that t I used as • • y ur on Wednesday, the suitor for the Presbyterian at the time referred to was commotp and T„........ restitution of conjugal rights, instituted by the Earl of Dysart the name or de s cription of a class ° w ere .1 .ci t r u. T r inst h u is eountess (the father and mother of the bankrupt lish Protestant dissenters, and they were so 'ar e . ter : . 1 " Now allega ti o n ol ll beenn b t a mgtower), was proceeded with. A responsive enlist a body as to give the name to all diss . n evidence that I d of given in on the part of the countess, and the statement in the information and the t urpose of the answers Lord Dysart were objected to. The judge have noticed all seem as if made for the direec according to took time to look into the pleas before giving his opinion. procuring an inclusive declaration in the deers, mentioned, THE TOWNSEND PEERAGE.—The Morning Chronicle of that part of the prayer which I have secure dYnot m erely a Thursday says. the public is probably inclined to pay v ery that is, a declaration of who were entitled, u f the 23d of little attention to the proceeds in the House of Lords, w i th declaration of who were not ; but the decree runs were not respect to the Townsend peerage. It beholds with cam ' December, 1833, merely declared that Unita° rrdered that the difference the zeal with which Lord Brougham bestirs him to objects of Lady Hewley's charity, and it d all the other de- protect his order from the intrusion of persons of mean defendants, John Pemberton Heywood, an the Church of birth, and though his lordship appears to think that heaven fondants, including Mr. Palmer, a ofmemberthe trustees, sub- and earth would come together if the " son of a brewer at England, should be removed from being d that it should be Huntingdon" • were to insinuate himself into the peerage, the trustees, and managers of the charity, an appoint proper per- British people have not yet to believe that the fortunes of ordered to be referred to the master to "Pwers thereof, in mankind would be in any way seriously affected by such a sons to be trustees. sub-trustees, and rosn a g oper scheme result. The allegations, on which the Townsend famil y of a pr the room of the defendants, and to approve mentions and re- found their application for the trial of the right of succession for the application of the funds therein teen . s until after ar e . simply these :—The present Marquiss Townshend in direction ar served the consideration of all further dby the re- ma a lady of the name of Gardner, from whom he separated, confirrne having bad no issue the master had made his report, which is Nnieht Bruce, who by her. Lady Townshend applied for a collection of his honour, Vice-Chancellor 'delaration was divorce in the ecclesiastical courts ; but, without getting it, was second counsel for the relators, so that theL d Chancellor went through the form of marriage with Mr. John Marget , s, ent or . lived with ' framed in that exclusive form, for the pres s desired it should him as his wife for many years, and had a large of Ireland, who led the cause for the relator , tensive with the family by him. The children of this marriage, as they grew be so, and that it should not be made co elut an inclusive 11p, assumed the title of Earl of Leicester (the second title prayer, which not only asked an albexclusivthe defendants of o the Marquis of Townsend,) and the Lords and Ladies declaration. However, the removal °f 1 sive declaration, wifeTownshend, n e s f id, the Marchioness, their mother, being the legal from the trusteeship, coupled with the exc u enciP le °f the te rules Lord townsbend, who is still alive; and according to with reasonable clearness what the Pcliox dissenters, Lords, e law, and the ordinary practice of the House of decree was—namely, that not merely unortho Should be ex h 1 the conflicting claims of these pretenders to the in showedbut also members of the Church of England oestion, who en ance of his title and estates, and of the rightful heirs, eluded. It went no further, but left open thenin be decided c o a , n l n a o w t be d brought into question until his death. Our forms should be included ; w hich question can _o ,?_T is suit , o r by t rights, which o ie n h e admit of an anticipatory decision respecting either upon a decree, on further dirrctions iL. prop sth washave not actually accrued to any one. But the rother of L a decree in some other suit. The decree so 11 the sth Fe b .,•- establishing Lord Townshend complains that his means of brought by appeal before Lord Lyndhurst, oe WI the joint of time his just claims are fast failing from mere lapse 4 1836 ; it was affirmed by him, in accordaneestiee Patteson • to the r ; is a k n 0 that, by the death of witnees, he is exposd opinion of Mr. Baron Alderson and Mr J of their judg accrues ' f having no means of substantialng, when e it It seems, in referring to the printed accountsat the exclusive allowed ' toa right which he could clearly establish if he mints, that they came to the conclusion th b Churchmenofadduce his evidence and have his claim _. were lof t e now. He calls up on dispose d declaration in the decree, and the remove _ hi was right , the House of Lords, therefore, to p, as well as the Unitarians from the trustees s of the chanty bend title at one • d and after hearing the evidence, because none could be included as participathourrs. was satisfied the children of Lady to pass anact for bastardizing ' except orthodox dissenters, and Lord Lynd v d opinions Lady Townshend. on the evidence, that in her religious faith itrof March, 1836, Hewley was a Presbyterian. On the 6t •nisters of the thers, rol a petition by upon the petition of Mr. Park and o ...... u pon Presbyters of the north-west of England f congregations at Cot- Mr. Thompson and others, ministers 0 1 he -C u mber an he petitioners Penrith, Carlisle, Penruddock, in d that t tenham, then Lord Chancellor, ordered . before the master should respectively be at liberty to go ru se proper persons and watch the proceedings, and to Prep ° _ o f the estate to be trustees , sub-trustees, and managers the considers hs the petitions mentioned. and reserve i t goes, seems tion of the costs. That order, as far abst lthat orthodox to indicate that Lord Cottenham thoug rs of Lady Hew- English presbyterians might be participatho is lordship -did not ley's charity, or at least it shows that weedok out of the think they should not partake ; and if. by his lord dry terms of the order to the very words u's note. no doubt shi p as they appear on Mr. Sutton Sharpe 's The words thoug • • can be entertained of what his lordship ise this will theeb an were, " Something must be done, otherw eaning of de independent charity, which is not the_te riley, the master, tree." On the 16th of December Lord ri e al to the House made his report. Then followed the aPhPer Lord LYndhurst of Lords for the purpose of deciding whet e il qu tions to be was right. The House of Lords directed sesioneswes__what put to the learned judges. The second Cia r re proper objects description of ministers and poor person Se veral a of the judges of the trust deeds of 1704 and 1707 ? hought Unitarians gave their answers. One of the Judgestit3e members of the were included ; another i ncluded' htthat thought the lliii Church of England were all phone, all these exce tariaus were to be excluded. But, svith orthodox dissenters agreed ; for all seven thought that all 1842 a decree of Augu st, , and were to be included. On the sth hLo decree , the House of Lords confirmed Lord LYnd rd Brougham the decree made in 1833 (by his honour) cal from his heard the app written being present, who had partly ding to the honour's decree in 1833, and who, Lordaccor Cottenham, who report, concurred in what was said by ts. affirmanceCotten proposed to dismiss the appeal with cos t f in ham's observation in moving the judgmen t. O His lordship the House of Lords was very inaportanold only be judged says—" The intention of Lady Hewley co , _, ~ If that • the aceu g • of by the language and terms used in p referenc es can is the law, no evidence of h er feelings or in this cause he regarded. I consider from the proceedin °comon law, it is to be collected that nine judges of the Lord Chan the present Lord Chancellor, and the two latehe t House of cellors, Brougham and Cottenham , and - dis s enters may Lords, were of opinion that English orthodox charity but participate in the benefits of Lady Hewleys be ' decided whether it be their opinion or not, it remains to Before by decree who are the persons who shall participate. _ ace . in this question has been determined, and this cause pl a effect , such a state that it can be determined, the court is in _ t. of by the petition supported by the relators of the . 9 0 n asks December, 1837, asked to determine it. That petitiont con that the report may be reviewed. It was an originoal Reacieito_ of the relators only, but by the order of the 17th . f -1- ) of the ber, 1842, it was amended so as to become the petitioges 30 Attorney-General at the relation aforesaid. The par w ented petitioned Lord Cottenham in March, 1836, also 4 Par"Ano a petition praying that the report might be conerme..... 1842, thee petition was presented on the 17th of December, f ore in the name of the Attorney-General, at the relation a said, praying that the order of the 16th of March, 1836. 'Dig" be discharged or varied by the addition that such order was without prejudice to any question which might arise on the master's report, under the same or otherwise, and any pro ceedings in the cause ;. and that for the purpose aforesaid all necessary directions might be given. Upon the hearing of these four petitions, counsel for the crown appeared and in sisted that the master's finding was right, and that the order of the 16th of March, 1836, ought not to be discharged. order of the 16th of It appeared on the discussion that the was not in form expressly said to be March, though it the counsel for the crown, yet in made by the consent of _ . , made • and it was agreed by all the effect was virtually so m , wn the relators and the other petition counsel for the cro , dmake for the petitioners, either era, that any order I ghoul should be prefixed w ith this state for or against the report, e with my own hand :—" The went, which I wrote at the tim that the Attorney-General's counsel for the crown desiring d up on the merits stated petition in this cause should be hear order of the 16th of in it, in the same manner as if the Attorney-General's March, 1836, had been made upon the d in that order should be consenting that the petitioners name . h ut adroitting their at liberty to go in before them aster, wit u that the order therefore, right so to do." It appears to me,f or want not be set as ide of the 16th of March, 1836, could Joshua Wilson, of of form. The master had approved of Te le •J. , Highbury-place, Esq., a member of then nner rudp near A baker in the western suburbs of this place, this week, Clapham, of Leeds, Esq.; J. Hodgson, Woodlan s, R o- advertises the tour pound household loaf to be sold at three Halifax, Esq. ; Thomas Londsdale, of Carlisle, Esq o . ; _ , New- pence halfpenny, and the fine at one penny bert Barbour, of Manchester, Esq. ; James Finlay, f to said to he a return - to the • prices of the This • . more. is castle-on-Tyne Esq , and James Ross, of Carlisle, Esq., P th Courier. middle oflast century. of York, a mem- er be trustees - and the . Rev. James Parsons,. of Gar ber of the 'Congregational Ch u rch ; Mr. James Pigott , At a wedding last week at Gainsborough, the third car- York ; Mr. Pritchett ; M r . J am es Bowden, of Kingston- riage was observed to go and return from church empty on upon-Hull, Merchant ; the Rev. Hugh RalPa, of Liverpool ; inquiry it was found to contain two larger black cra e rosettes the Re,. C. Thompson, of Tynemouth ; Mr. Thomas Fair, to represent a brother and sister of tride„who p been Jame of Frenchfield, in Cumberland, and the Rev. s Pringle, de a d several years. . of Newcastle_, to be sub-trustees and managers. The ques- DOG STEALERS AND RECEIVERS.—N lions on the four etitions were ar dat rest length and that etiti RECEIVERS.—We learn from the London papers p ons are in course of • with great abilitybefore but . gue me, it struck me at c bat g the time t ~ • praying that dogs may enjoy the same • signature, the real question before the court—viz whether proper per- and other cattle, . viz., by rendering the offence protection as horses sons were named as trustees and managers, " was in a great and receiving dogs, knowing them of stealing • who and the degree overlooked and confounded with another —Y lO - , felony. participate were the persons entitled to • - in • the benefits of DiscovEßY OF A TIPPERA RY trusts, and . 1,, therefore, thought it right, before I decided the ARSENAL.—Two three or real question . , to read over the plead' and de days ago, the constable of police belonging pleadings, the orders ma to the Clough in the case, as well as the various• Jordan station, discovered, secreted in historical and other re- .the breast of a large portareferred to by therelater's• d b ditch, and folded up carefully in flannel, counsel, and supplied 9 two guns, four the relators, and all theaffidavits- ' • I ' tols a bullet-mould and , a p ow der-horn. , and having done so, am Pls ' • wder-horn. of opinion the master's report was right, The guns and and ought to be tols were in good , order, and all well loaded and confirmed,—for this reason , most especially, that unless it i mme diate s . Nenagh Guardian. i d from memb the P . a 1 trustees h of Eoglan, a connexion w kirk of Scotland, two fron similarly situated in connexion w Church, and the remaining three frk dent Dissenters, who were the relators in the cause two first bodies of Dissenters prayed firm this report of the Master s, bnt . ted than bers of their bod RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. The further opening of the Bristol and Exeter Railway to Beambridge took place on Monday. The serious illness of Mr. Brunel', the engineer, prevented any exhibition of re joicing, except such as the inhabitants of the district, who very naturally took a lively interest in the event, spontane ously offered. From London to the further terminus the distance in use open, is now 171 miles. It is expected that the line will be opened throughout to Exeter next year. OPENING OF THE PARIS AND ORLEANS RAILROAD — The inauguration of this road took place on Tuesday week according to announcement, the directors having resolved that they would be before those of the Paris and Rouen Railroad in the inaugural file, although on one line of rails a small portion is not completed. Four trains, containing about a thousand persons, who had received invitations, and chiefly consisting of men distinguished in politics, literature, and science, left Paris ; the band of the 23rd regiment of the line and of the 3rd regiment'of dragoons, performing enliven ing airs as each train took its departure. Their Royal High nesses the Dukes of Nemours and Montpensier, iu full uniform, and attended by a brilliant staff, arrived at the Paris Station at half-past seven, and accompanied by the ministers of the interior, public works, and commerce, and the prefect of the Seine, visited every part of the establish ment. The princes, accompanied by the ministers above mentioned, their staff, and a number of other distinguished persons, amounting altogether to about 200, left by the special train at a quarter-past eight, which also conveyed the band of the 23rd regiment.of the line. The train reached the Orleans Station at half-past one. A large crowd of the inhabitants was waiting to greet the arrival of the Royal Dukes. Shortly after their Royal Hignesses had alighted, the Bishop of Orleans and his clergy went in procession, accompanied by the princes, the civil and military authorities and the crowd, to pronounce the benediction of the railroad, at a small temporary altar which had been erected for that purpose. The Bishop, M. Fayet, having performed this interesting portion of the ceremony of inauguration, the princes returned to the railroad, where a room had been fitted up for their reception, and at four partook of an elegant col lation, which had been provided for 140 persons. The train with the princes left Orleans at five o'clock, and arrived in Paris at twenty minutes past nine. The time occupied gen erally in going and returning was about four hours and a quarter, but of this one hour was taken up with three stopp ages on the line for the inspection of the carriages, and other objects inseperable from the opening of a railroad. During the whole passage 102 openings are given for roads of various descriptions to cross the line on a level with itself; 498 pas sages are formed under it for roads, rivers, rivulets, Sc. ; 50 d 35 passages are constructed above it by bridges of vari ous sorts. The Paris and Orleans Line, with a branch to Corbel, was authorised by the law of July 7, 1838, and was modified by other laws passed in August, 1839, and o P i a i r j ti n ni l l y Y ls, 1840. Five years were allowed for its completion but t he works have been executed much within that period. The portion to Corbel was opened to the public in Septem ber, 1840, and in January, 1841, the portion from Juvisy to Orleans was begun. The Paris Station is situated on the Boulevard de and the line terminates at Orleans on the left of the Port Bannier, at the foot of the rampart. The whole length is about 75 miles, and is constructed with the double line of rails. The country through which the line passes as extremely picturesque, and historical asso ciations are not wanting to add :a charm to various spots within view in passing. There is not a tunnel on any part of the line, but there are several splendid works of art. Michael Hayden, the celebrated Irish pugilist, died in Cork-street Fever Hospital, Dublin, of fever. on Tuesday. A subscription is now raising for the purpose of presenting some testimonial to Miss Martineau, whose state of health precludes any literary exertion. In 1828, when the duty upon cigars was 18s.- per lb., duty was paid upon 8600 lb. In 1830, when the duty was reduced 9s. per lb., duty was paid upon 66 , 000 lb. In 1836 duty was paid upon 141,600 lb. There has lately been discovered in a garden in the hold ing of Mr. Edward Perry, near the glass house, about half a mile from Chester, a huge marble stone, containing about 140 feet, and estimated at ten tons weight. We have authority to state, that the office of Governor and Constable of Windsor Castle, vacant by the death of the Duke of Sussex, will be conferred on his Royal Highness Prince Albert.—Court Journal iriatitaintiitarp Prottar HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAY The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved for a select com- 1 mittee to consider the oper a ti on o f th e I r ish poor law, I stating a number of circumstances illustrative of the neces sity of inquiring thoroughly into the system. He thought the present law never could give satisfaction to the people of Ireland, and one should be adopted upon a wholly different principle. He did not wish to delay the bill which was now pending in another place, but he thought the inquiry might be going on during the progress of the bill. The Archbishop of DUBLIN seconded the motion. He had paid great attention to the working of the present law in Ire land, and unless it was most materially altered the growing opinion in Ireland that it could never be properly legislated for by the Imperial Parliament would be much strengthened. He could say of his own knowledge that since the passing of the Irish Poor Law the number of the poor had materially increased, and mendicancy had also very much increased, and there was the additional evil that one effect of the law had been to dry up the sources of private charity. He would not say that the Irish Poor Law Bill was an attempt to raise money on false pretences, but he would remind their lord ships that it was brought in with a view to suppress mendi city. They had, however, rejected the clauses for the pur pose of putting a stop to mendicity, and passed the remainder of the bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON opposed the motion. He ad mitted that there were many defects in the Irish poor law, but the object of the noble marquis was to have the law alto gether repealed, This he would not consent to. for he had the evidence of several of his noble friends near him that the law was upon the whole satisfactory, though it required alter ation. There was at this moment a bill in the other house to remedy its defects, and when it came before their lordships such alterations might be proposed in committee as would remedy the evils complained of. As to any want of attention on the part of their lordships to measures relating to Ireland, he must say there was no such inattention. When the ques tion of the poor-law was formerly before the house, he re marked that much anxiety was evinced by their lordships on both sides respecting the bill which then passed into law. The motion was withdrawn, and their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MoNDAY THE BUDGET After some business of minor importance had been trans acted the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER laid before the house the financial affairs of the country. He much lamen ted, as had been stated by her Majesty in the early part of the session, that owing to the depressed state of the coun try, a great deficiency in revenue had taken place. A great falling off was also to be attributed to the repeal of the import and other duties, for which the property-tax and other duties had been substituted in order to meet the aunual expenditure of the country. But owing to the new duties being charged from the time when the old ones were repealed, they could not be made available until the period of collection arrived which could not occur until eight or nine months after they were imposed. The Customs duties were estimated, by his predecessor, at £22,500,000 but after ma king the deductions required by the alteration of the tariff, the ultimate produce would be, only £20,750,000 ; £500,000 of which arose from the duties on wine alone. A reduction of £200,000 bad taken place in the duties of imported foreign spirits. On timber the loss had been calculated at £600,000 but it had amonted to £676,000. Though the loss on the last quarter of the year, viz :—from January to April, was only_ £87,000, showing a revival of the _timber The same was the result with coffee to January last, the loss was very great but owing to revival of trade in the last quarter the loss on the whole year would only amount to•.£48,000, though, if the statement had been made in January, the loss would have been £llO,OOO. Upon smaller articles the loss had exceeded the calculations, which were about £270,000, but the loss had amounted to £316,000. The duties had, however, in- creased in a degree out of proportion, when compared with antecedent years, which indicated a material improvement in the trade of the country. There had been a large increase in the amount of tea imported, amounting to 1,000.0001b5. weight. There had also been a larger quantity of coffee im ported, but it had not been sufficient to counteract the loss occasioned by the redaction of the duties. In sugar, pepper, molasses, and other articles (enjoyments of the people) there had been great increase, which denoted the improved condi tion of the working classes. In olive oil, which is much . . used in the manufacturing districts, the quantity had in creased from 1,500,000 gallons to 3,800,000 gallons. The quantity of cotton admitted for home consumption had risen from 450,000,0001b5. to 537,000,0001b5. The revenue from the Excise had been estimated, including the duties on Irish spirits, at £13,700,000, but the produce Was only £12,500,000, showing a deficiency of £1,200,000, £BBO,OOO of which arose from the deficiencies of the malt duties, owing to the badness of the barley crops in 1810. With the exception of paper, soap, and a few other articles, there was a general decrease in the excise duties. Instead of £350,000, as was anticipated the increased duty on Irish spirits had produced only about £56,000. £200,000 had been lost owing to the decreased de mand for spirits. In England there was a decrease of 200,000 gallons, and in Scotland the revenue showed a falling off of £400,000. independent of the additional duty to which the falling off was ascribed. The estimated produce of stamps was £7,107,000, and the actual revenue only £7,000,000. Taxes were estimated at £4,400,000, and produced only £4,300,000. In the Postoffice there was an increase of £lOO,OOO. Wfth regard to the crown lands, the produce from the ordinary advances would fall short of the estimates by about £31,000, showing on the ordinary revenue a deficit of £2,000,000; but that deficit was diminished by the ran som of Canton £750,000, so that the actual loss on the ordi nary revenue would be £1,280,000. This diminution in the great branches of the revenue was not altogether unprece dented : a favourable or an unfavourable year would produce fluctuations such as those announced. With respect to the property tax, the amount paid up to the last return was £2,500,000. The receipts from this tax, with the exception of payments from the funded property, will not exceed one half the expected amount. He would not recommend the house to get rid of the balance by raising money to meet it; but would leave it to be repaid by ,the successive surplus of revenue as they should accrue. But to do this safely, they must take care that the expenditure of the country be kept within the means. The next point to which be adverted was the estimates of revenue for the forthcoming year. He must, however, draw the attention of the house to two heavy charges, which did not forma portion of the ordinary expease of the country. There was a payment for the opium seized in China in 1839, which amount to about £1,250,000 due to the East India Company for operations in China up to the 30th April for that year. lie would exclude both these charges from his calculation of the expenditure of the coun try. That war had been successfully terminated by obtaining from the Chinese government a compensation for their ex penses and for their opium, and having obtained these terms it would not be just to call upon the country to defray those expenses. But in consequence of the representation of the merchants, the government had declared that the payment should be made in anticipation, and in England. The opium claim ought also to be dealt with fairly and justly. He there, fore should propose that £2,000,000 should be paid on these accounts, to be repaid as the money arrived from China. With regard to the present year, he estimated the customs at £19,000,000 —last year they produced £20,170,000, of that sum £1,200,000 was derived from corn, and as he hoped for a good harvest be had excluded that from his estimate. He also recollected that the timber duties would be further re duced in October. He therefore took the estimate at £19,000. He estimated the revenue from the excise at £13,000,000. The stamps he took at £7,000,000, being about the same as last year. The taxes at £4,200,000, being about £200,000 less than last year. The crown lands esti mate at £130,000. The ordinary miscellaneous he fixed at £250,000, to which he would have to add £870,000 paid by China, which would be carried to the Consolidated Fund. Add to that the property-tax at £5,100,000, making a total of £50,150,000, as receivable from the revenue of the year. The expenditure of the country appeared to be pretty nearly according to these estimates, the army £6,619,000. This includes the charges for the commissariat and the militia. The navy £6,383,000; the ordnance £18,500,000; the mis cellaneous, including sundry smaller rates, would not exceed £3,000,000. That included £36.000 towards Canada, which last year was charged separately. The total of the charges would be £49,387,000, which, deducted from the calculated revenue of £50,000,000, would give a surplus of £700,000, which would go to the reduction of this deficit. Mr. F. BARING, wished to know how it was that while the right hon. gent. proposed to repay £2,000,000 upon the future proceeds of the Chinese money, he yet had taken credit for £870,000, while he made no charge whatever for the repayment of the £2,000,000. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER.—I am glad that the question has been put, as it only escaped me from inad vertence. I propose to advance the £2,250,000, due for the opium claims, and the £BOO,OOO due to the East India Com pany, and the hon. gentleman really wishes to know why I should not apply this sum to the satisfaction of the demands made on the public revenue on behalf of China. I stated in a former year, that I thought the first claim on the money received from China should be the repayment of our expen diture for carrying on the war. He explained that there had been received, on account of the expedition to China, £2,580,000, by payment from that country, pursuant to treaty. That was in addition to the sum of £1,500,000, granted on account of the service of the war, and to which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Baring) had alluded. He thought he was not wrong in stating that £3,000,000 would be sufficient to meet the expenditure of the war in China, and the opium compensation. The amount of the opium compensation would be about 6,000,000 dollars. Mr. LA BOUCHERE asked if no alteration was to take place in the duties on sugar? Mr. GOULUURN said he had no intention to make any alteration. Mr. F. BARING contended that the government had proved themselves to be both false critics and bad financiers. The revenue had produced less by £2,000,000 than the estimate of Sir R. Peel, and all that they had got out of the pockets of the people by means of the income tax they had lost on articles of consumption. The coal tax and their Irish spirit duty had turned out to be failures, and the latter had led to considerable demoralization in Ireland by encouraging illicit distillation. They should try to increase the revenue by a reduction of the duty on sugar, butter, cheese, and wool. They had reduced the duty on coffee, and it would be no norm to enable the people to purchase sugar to mix with it. Sir R. PEEL contended that such reductions had taken place in the great articles of consumption, in consequence of the measures of last session, as would amply compensate for the income tax to all economical householders. So far his prediction was verified, as was also the prediction that com merce would revive as a consequence of the reductions in the tariff. There were also apparent very decided symptoms of a revival of manufacturing industry, although the iron, coal, and some other branches of trade, were in a state of great depression. As there was still a deficiency, he hoped the house would not press any reduction upon the government. In what a position the country would have been had it not been for the income tax. No measure more effective, or less objectionable, could have met the difficulty ; and although the revival of trade had been delayed, yet the owners of pro ' perty would, he was satisfied. sustain the income tax against any attempts at its repeal. It would have been most agree able to him to be enabled to propose a further reduction of of duties • but, in the present state of the revenue, he could not feel himself justified in making any such proposition. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the budget of the late govern ment contemplated the benefit of trade and commerce, while the financial measures of the present government, without that object, still contrived to preserve the whole of the de ficiency for which they had to provide on entering office. The noble lord contended for the reduction of the duty on sugar, which would be quite in accordance with the new tariff, but the right hon. baronet was halting in the course upon which he had started, and nothing would be done for the commerce of the country. Mr. HuTT asked whether it was intended to reduce the interest on the three-and-a-half per cents? The CHANCELLOR. of the EXCHEQUER said he should be guided by circumstances. Mr. LABOUCHERE contended for a reduction of the duty on sugar, though he feared if the right hon. baronet came to deal with that subject he would act as he had done with the timber duties. The result of the right hon. baronet's policy would entail the income tax on the country not for three but for ten years. ie th E e EXCHEQUER gouf the sai d f r a h u e d sh which no ch means lle whatever CHANCELLOR ascertainto had been perpetrated on th e cnstom -house. He ex p ected the report of the commission of in q uir y ver y shortl y , and of the would lay it before the ho use ; but that would onl y refer to the amount of fraud which had been discovered. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated the mode in which those partiesirom whose dividends the income tax was deducted, but who had not an income of £l5O a year, might present. sam e notdto educted.t exempted, x h9 e e m er epaatfletsedor, Itptharetoeviaiidcetoldmaetthttelixer proposition b e a t n k b a w e a k s t i l n i e s instructed y ear s w a l m m e th a e s r a t t h e a ir m ° S m o i u r n ß t t h . o o f p se s E t s o w L c h k d o c ec o w l i i i e t n r i e n e d u t e t i o d lis s t a h y e . as to the sugar duties had been made to other countries as had been made to Brazil. The house then adjourned. - HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAY The Earl of RODEN referred to the agit a ti on i n I re l an d for the repeal of the union , stating that it had given rise to greater alarm and distrust a mongst the loyal portion of the population than had ever before existed. It was true that in Ulster, with which province he was more immediately connected, the people were sound and loyal, and were ready to do in 1843 what they had so effectually done in 1798. He quoted what had been stated by Lord Alth orp an d by Sir R. Peel on former occasions, and concluded by asking if Government were aware of the dangerous excitement pre vailing in Ireland, and whether steps would be taken to put a stop to it ? The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the Irish Govern ment were quite aware of the extent of the agitation and consequent excitement in that country, and of the danger which might possibly flow from it. Every attention had been given to the subject, and the Government in this coun try had adopted measures to enable the Government of Ire land to preserve the public peace should any attempt be made to disturb it. It was the d e termi nation of the Government to maintain inviolate the integ rity of the empire, and he had no doubt they would receive every aid from Parliament in so doing. Lord BROUGHAM said their lordships would not hesitate unanimously to concur in the sentiments expressed by the meal , would p noble duke. A severance , as it was called, of the legislative union, meant in fact the disruption of the empire. To pre vent such a disruption of the two . countnes, the at be whole f once orce ut o fo f rt t h he at k t i h n e gd fi o r m st , inmtiomraaltiaoin of its idpl:ly necessity. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the Government might confidently rely upon the aid of the house in its efforts to maintain the integrity of the empire. The Marquis of DowNsittitE said, that what had just taken place afforded him the greatest satisfaction, for it was highly requisite that attention should be directed to the pre sent excited state of the people of Ireland upon this question. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition, which brought the question of the Scotch Church once more under discussion. The Marquis of BREADALBANE pressed Lord Abeideen to declare what Government would do upon the subject. Lord ABERDEEN said he had done so more than once, but he had no objection to repeat what he had already said upon the subject. He should be very glad if be could prevent the disruption of the Church of Scotland, which it was said would follow the secession of some of its ablest ministers ; but if the church insisted on claims inconsistent with liberty, and with the recognised principles of law in this free Protestant country—if they sought to establish a tyranny which it would be odious and degrading to submit to, it was impossible to support them. The principle which he was prepared to re cognise was the right of the people to object, and the right of the Presbytery to judge. After some further discussion, in which the Duke of Ar gyll, Lord Brougham, and Lord Campbell took part, the petition was laid upon the table, and their lordships ad journed. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-TUESDAY In reply to a question from Lord JOCELYN, Sir R. PEEL declared that, on theVart of her Majesty, he was empowered to re-echo the sentiments expressed by the Sovereign and by the legislature in 1834, with respect to the agitation for a repeal of the union. The government were aware of the necessity of preserving the public peace in-Ire- land; and although they were unwilling to call for fresh powers for that purpose, yet they would not shrink from doing so should the necessity arise in order to put down the attempt at the dismemberment of the empire. (Cheers.) Mr. VILLIERS then moved the following resolution, "That this house will resolve itself into, a committee of the whole house, for the purpose of considering the duties affecting the importation of foreign corn, with a view to their immediate abolition." The hon. gentleman said that the subject had been so frequently discussed, that it might be considered to be exhausted ; but latterly a change had taken place in public opinion upon the corn law, owing to the exertions of the Anti- Corn-Law League, however its exertions might have been in that housd under rated. The distress of the country had compelled the people to think, and the result was the aban donment of those arguments by which the corn law had been hitherto supported, for the act itself was abandoned last year, and a less stringent one passed in its room, while it was de clared that this was chiefly done for the benefit of the agri cultural labourer. In fact, the law was altogether condemned by public opinion, and the termination of its existence only awaited the sentence of the legislature. It had been pro ductive of nothing but mischief—it had interfered with the employment of capital and labour—had diminished the means of consumption—and deranged the transactions of a com mercial nation. Since the year 1838 there had been paid for food no less than sixty millions more than in the four pre ceding years, the result of which was an abstraction of capital, the decline of the home markets, and, as a consequence of that decline, the glutting of foreign markets, until our merchants became ruined, and our whole population were plunged into a distress so deep as not to be paralleled even by the horrors of war. As a proof of the increase of distress, he stated that the number of casual poor relieved by the city of London in 1836 was only 925, whereas in 1842 the number amounted to 2933. The use of wheaten bread was denied to ten millions of the people —a fact as startling as it was dis graceful, while a plague had arisen in Louisiana, because for want of a market the produce was left to rot on the ground. Pitiful remedies had been proposed, but the master evil, the corn law, was left untouched, though it interfered not only with commerce but with agriculture also, by raising deceptive expectations as to prices, and thus preventing such an equitable arrangement between landlord and tenant as would tend to develope the real capabilities of the soil. At the close of a long speech the hon. member warned the house that the people would not long submit to this law now that it had beeia openly avowed by Lord Fitzwilliam, Lord Melbourne, Lord John Russell, and Lord Mountcashel that it had been passed for the express purpose of upholding the landed interest. M. V. STUART seconded the motion. Mr. GLADSTONE at once announced the determination of government to leave no doubt whatever as to its intentions. He denied that the Canadian Corn Bill which was to be pro posed was any amendment of the corn law of this country— it was, in fact, but a portion of the measures of the last year. The corn law, no doubt, like every other commercial law, was an experiment, but it was also to a c er t a i n ex t en t a con tract, and it would be a positive breach of faith to attempt its repeal until its operation had been fairly tested. The legislature, cert a ibny protectionits course o t f i proceeding agricultural interest had con ferred; in consequence of which capital was embarked in i t s operat i ons. A moral obligation was thus incurred, which the country had no right at once to shake off. He could not agree in the argument that the present low prices of agricultural produce were favourable to a repeal of the corn laws. On the con trary, however favourable to the mass of the community. those prices would not enable the farmer to support himself under a further reduction. He deplored most sincerely the sufferings of the people, but comparing our present with our past position, he must say that the me ans o f s ub s i s t ence, both as to quantity and quality, during the last ten years, was far better than it had been two centuries ago. The price of wheat at this moment was rather lower than it had been during the ten years immediately antecedent to the war. The corn law of his right hon. friend had been in operation but one short year = in many respects an extraordinary year, for the spring gave the most unfavourable indications of the abundant harvest which followed, and all calculations in the corn trade were consequently baffled. Under these circum stances the law, he contended, had not had a fair trial. It was most absurd to charge the landowners with obstructing improvements in agriculture , and it might seem paradoxical to term cheapness a misfortune; but if wheat in America could be bought for 225., and brought to this country for 108. more, without the payment of any duty, the sudden change of price would, in his opinion, be a great misfortune to the country. The change which bad been last year made in the corn law was introduced with the intention of relaxing the stringency of the sliding scale, and of relieving the commu nity with the slightest possible injury to existing interests. The unexpected abundancy of the harvest had interfered with the intended result ; but although prices had fallen, he did not think it fairly attributable to the law of last year, for under the old law prices would have been lower still. If this country had a free trade in corn with America, it would have to pay for that corn, under existing circumstances, in gold, which would produce most serious effects on our currency. The right hon. gentleman concluded3a very able speech by declaring his belief that government would be unworthy of the confidence of this great country were they to assent to the motion of the hon. gentleman. Mr. ROEBUCK said that, in 1815, the landlords consulted their own interests, by keeping up high prices and high rents, by means of a law prohibiting the importation of foreign corn. This was the original reason for establishing the monopoly, and it was mere hypocrisy to deny it. He denied that a free trade in corn would have the effect of draining the country of bullion, for in fact the corn must either directly or indirectly be paid for by our manufacturers, and it was a mere bugbear to say that the effect of it would be to leave no gold in the country. He contended that the speech of Mr. Gladstone, though abounding with statistics, had but one argument throughout—that in reference to the importation of corn from America. He would challenge him. when he came to read his speech in the morning, to pick out one other grain of wheat from the bushel of chaff. He did not think that the immediate result of free trade would be to render all the people prosperous; but a free trade in corn would introduce a larger portion of food, and the greater the proportion introduced the greater would be the quantity which would fall to the share of each individual labourer. He concluded by declaring that he would vote for the motion of Mr. Villiers. Mr. MILES then moved the adjournment of the debate, which was at once agreed to. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY In reply to a question from Sir H. NV : BARRON, Sir 1. PEEL said that the subject of Irish railways was under the consideration of the Government, but he was not prepared to propose any grant of public money for the pur pose of establishing them. Mr. MILES resumed the adjourned debate on the motion of Mr. Villiers. He denied that the corn law of 1813 was intioduced, or had been since maintained, from interested mo tives on the part of the landlords, and contended at conside rable length that the repeal of the corn laws would throw a great number of persons out of employment, besides pro ducing many other mischievous consequences to the agricul tural interest. Mr. WARD argued that this country had in 1815 adopted a measure respecting corn , w hi c h f orc ed the Ge rmans , w h o were agriculturists, to become manufacturers in self-defence. He denied the truth of the proposition laid down by Mr. Gladstone on the previous evening, that the corn law could be considered in the light of a contract, for when it passed, it was passed in opposition to the exertions of those who thought it did too little, as well as by those who thought it did too much. The hon. gentleman spoke of the distress in Sheffield ; and said expressions of sympathy on the part of the landowners would never satisfy people who were so deeply suffering, and who were so grossly wronged by this law. He was as much opposed to a fixed duty as to a sli ding scale, although he might have accepted it as a compro mise had it been given three years ago. The landowners, however, had neglected a good bargain when it was offered to them ; and it was very unlikely t h ey wou ld ever again have the opportunity of concluding one so advantageous, for no one now thought of a fixed duty. Lie had no purpose to serve in declaring his opinion in order to win any constitu ency, for he should most probably retire altogether from Par liament at the close of the present session, and under these circumstances he was disinterested in declaring his belief that the landed proprietors were making a deplorable mis take in maintaining the monopoly of corn. Mr. B. COCHRANE said, that last year very considerable concessions had been made by the landed proprietors, with out giving satisfaction to any o ne, and from the agitation which was kept up throughout the country, he feared, how ever injurious it might prove, that in a few years they would have no corn law at all. Mr. H. J. BAILLIE said that our farmers could not com pete with continental agriculturists, for the Dantzic corn was twenty per cent. superior in quality to that which was grown in the north and west of England, and also in Ireland. No civilised country ever presented such a state of things as n ow prevailed in the m anu f actur i ng di s tricts. He hoped it w ould be a warning to oth er nat i ons , w ho were now desirous of following the example of this country, to be careful how they attempted to raise up manufacturing communities. Protection was essential to t h e f ar mer, and it was a matter ~ of indifference whether th a t D r o t eet i on w a s g i ven in the shape of a fixed duty or by means of a sliding scale. Mr. GISBORNE, as a practical farmer, said that improve ments in agriculture lessened the quantity of corn produced, for corn was, in fact, the rudest of agricultural productions. He had carefully observed the course pursued by Sir R. Peel since his accession to power, and found him in the abstract adopting all the principles of free trade, and applying them soundly, to a certain extent, in the new tariff. He was sorry that a government so strong as that of the right hon. baro net's should stop short in its career, and decline to carry its principles any further. Mr. Gladstone had referred to 2,000,000 quarters of corn lying at New Orleans at 225. per quarter, by which, if the corn laws were repealed, the agri culturists of this country would be swamped. But surely the commercial experience of the right hon. gentleman should have taught him that the first symptom of a demand would so far raise the prices that long before the 2.000.000 quarters were exhausted, it would prove to be no profitable venture to attempt to swamp, by its importation, the agriculturists of England. He supported the motion of Mr. Villiers, confi dent that the adoption of the principles of free trade would be as beneficial to the farmer as to any other class in the com munity. Mr. COLCIIIHOUN contended that there must have been great improvements in agriculture, or the produce could not have increased as it had done during the last 30 years. In the year 1801 the produce of 10,000 acres of land supported 4,300, whereas in 1836 the same quantity of the same soil maintained 5,500. Was not this a proof that agriculture had improved, and that the improvements had rendered the land more productive. He thought that discussion upon this subject of the corn laws was useful, for discussion would lead to truth ; but it should be discussion divested of all per. sonality, and kept within bounds, which he regretted had been exceeded by the members of the Anti-Corn-Law League. He commented upon the language used by Mr. Cobtlea, defending the aristocracy from the odium which that hon. gentleman had cast upon them in his speeches at anti-corn-law meetings. Lord Howtex did not approve of the form of the motion before the house, for he was in favour of a small fixed duty, not as a protection to agriculture, but because he thought a moderate fixed duty would be the best solution of the diffi culty which agitated the country on the subject of the corn law. He was, however, not the less prepared to vote for the motion before the house, for he had the strongest possible feeling that the existing corn law should be repealed; but if that resolution should be successful, he would be then pre pared to move a small fixed duty. And even should he be defeated on that motion, he would still be prepared to adopt the alternative of free trade. He wished also to have it un derstood, that although now willing to assent to the compro mise of a fixed duty, he was not prepared to say how long he should continue of that opinion ; for the progress of events was so rapid, that public opinion might very quickly reach a point at which even such a compromise would be no longer tolerated. Mr. BtaexsToNTE expressed the pleasure he felt at the speech of Mr. Gladstone on the previous evening, which was no longer in the strain of unqualified approbation of the principles of free trade, and then contended at some length for the necessity of protecting the agriculture of the country. He referred to the meeting at Hertford some short time since, at which the farmers had voted for a repeal of the corn laws, and said he believed the statement to be true, but that it was the result of a feeling that the alterations made by the government during last session of parliament had caused the farmers to despair, and they were willing at once to see the end ofthe matter in order to know what to do. It proved, and he deeply regretted it, that the farmers were re solved to act for themselves, and this should be a deep lesson to her Majesty's ministers. Mr. WALLACE said the •speech of Mr. Blackstone was a manly and a true one, and such as he had never before heard from the ministerial side of the house. The people were in a state of distress, and wanted food ; but, instead of bread, the gentlemen on the ministerial side of the house were seeking to feed them upon old-fashioned and musty statistics. He would be no party to any juggle for a fixed duty—he would not vote for it, first, because he thought it ought not to be, and, secondly, because he thought he could not get it. Still, the corn-law was doomed; and no very distant day would see the termination of its existence. Mr. A. CAMPBELL said he should have been happy if Sir R. Peel had gone a little further in his measures of free trade last year, for he thought it scandalous that butcher's meat should have been at the enormous price of Bd. and 9d. per lb. He was not afraid of a repeal of the corn-laws, although every shilling he had was derived from land ; but he was opposed to an immediate change, which might be productive of much evil. Mr. BORTHWICK then moved the adjournment of the debate, which was immediately agreed to, and the house adjourned. THE ANTI-REFORMATION PARTY We cannot refrain from noticing the unequivocal and almost declared opposition of Sir R. Peel to those violent and uncatholic views usually designated Tractarianism in the course of the Church Extension debate on Friday night. When Mr. Plumptre very justly observed, " with regard to the doctrines of the Tractarians, who,' according to the ideas of some, exercised so powerful an agency for good in stimu lating the zeal of churchmen, he, for his part, scrupled not to affirm his belief that the uncompromising and unqualified nature of the pretensions which they set up with respect to ecclesiastical power, were calculated to obstruct instead of furthering the progress of true religion, and that the expres sion of sentiments, for example, so uncharitable and un scriptural as those involved in leaving all that differed from them to what they call the • uncovenanted mercies of God,' tended to inflict deeper injury on the church than any thing that could be imagined," we find that loud cries of " hear, hear," proceeded from every part of the house, and that the moat prominent applauder of this just and true statement was Sir Robert Peel. In order to render his demonstration of applause as signi ficant as possible, the right. hon. baronet thus expressed himself in his reply :—" I certainly entertain a strong opi nion on the points referred to. It is possible I may have implied what that opinion is." We rejoice at this manifes tation of English and Protestant feeling on the part of the Prime Minister of England. Delicate and discriminating as his allusions were to the painful position taken up by so many of the Oxford divines, they were yet worthy of the man and the place of power and dignity to which, in the Providence of GOD, he has been elevated by a people, who believe he wall lend his great gifts to the maintenance, in all its purity, of the church of their fathers—a church, retrieved from papal error by the tears, and sufferings, and life-blood of sainted martyrs, of whom the world was not worthy. We regard this manifestation of the sentiments of Sir R. Peel as possessed of greater value, and likely to accomplish more extensive good, than even the allocation of £QOO,OOO to pas toral and parochial purposes. It extinguishes the effort that has been vigorously, and we fear, in some instances, success fully made, to identify the great cause of conservatism with the pernicious heresies of The Tracts for the Times, and shows that the good old-fashioned churchmanship—the churchmanship of Hooker, Hull, and Usher— w hi c h we h ave ever advocated and upheld as the strength of the throne and the glory of our altars, is the creed of Sir Robert Peel. We are confident that it is the creed and the consolation of tha great mass of the English people to whom the Gospel is known. The opposite views, advocated by Mr. Newman, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Percival, and others of the same school, are alien to the spirit, and incompatible with the action, of English conservatism. The advocates of Tractarianism aim at the triumphs of a power essentially popish. They would make the state the drudge, not the supreme supporter of the church—the mere executor of the decisions of ecclesiastics, instead of being the defender of their constitutional rights, and the repressor of their arrogant and unjust pretensions. The theory of our constitution is that of the state recogni sing, endowing, and fixing the church within her spiritual and proper jurisdiction ; Tractarianism would be the church absorbing the state, and attaching to herself all powers and privileges. In fact, if the powers assumed for the church by the Tractarian party be demonstrably divine, England ought to be at this moment, not under Queen, lords and commons, but under a theocracy ; and the opinions of the episcopal bench ought not only to be unanimous, but in every instance infallible and inspired.' Now, ardent and enthusiastic as is our attachment to the church of our fathers—firmly as we believe her to be the ark in which are the living elements of England's freedom, and life, and peace—we dare not so far forget her teaching as to raise her, in our conception, to the level of her LORD, or to regard the doctrinal decisions of her wisest and holiest prelate as equivalent to those of St. Paul.— PRISON DISCIPLINE Sir James Graham has forwarded copies of a code of prison rules to Chairmen of Quarter Sessions, and to the Mayors of Boroughs in which there are prisons. A circular from Sir James accompanies these copies, from which document we extract, as follows, the principle points : I am convinced that it is highly desirable that immediate measures should be taken to introduce consistency and the utmost practicable uniformity into the regulations of the dif ferent prisons. Where the crime is the same, the punish ment, inflicted under the operation of the same law ought not to vary either in its nature or degree. * * * * I desire to call the special attention of the magistracy to those rules which relate to the diet of prisoners. * * It is by no means intended that the precise articles of food specified in the dietaries should be strictly adhered to in the table which you may adopt ; other kinds of food, containing an equivalent amount of nutriment, may. with advantage, be substituted, when those articles which have been named are either difficult to be obtained in your neighbourhood, or are considered not suited to the customs and habits of the pri soners ; * * * while due care should be exercised to prevent any approach to luxurious living in a prison, the diet ought on no account to be made an instrument of punish ment. * * * I have carefully revised the dietaries now in use, and i have come to the conclusion 1. That animal food should in all cases form part of the diet of prisoners employed at hard labour. 2. That a consi derable portion of the food of every prisoner should be solid ; and, 3. That there should be variety in the kinds of food forming the diet, and that occasional changes are necessary. The dietaries which I now offer for your adoption are framed on these principles, and are upheld by medical science, and by the recommendation of persons on whose authority and knowledge reliance may be placed, but they have been framed without reference to the local situation of particular prisons, or to any peculiar circumstances which may render an increase necessary ; they are, therefore, pro posed by me as the minimum amount which can safely be afforded to prisoners without the risk of inflicting a punish ment not contemplated by the law, and which it is unjust and cruel to inflict : namely, loss of health and strength through the inadequacy of the food supplied. * * * * * I consider it highly desirable, that in all cases every win dow of a prison and of each cell should be glazed. The ex posure of the prisoners during inclement seasons to the open air is, and must be, attended with serious results to the health ; and it is impossible that, with unglazed windows, the uniformity of temperature can be maintained, which is one of the surest safeguards against those diseases by which the inmates of a prison arc most liable to be attacked, and which to persons in their situation are of a most dangerous charac ter. Medical experience has shown that extremes of heat and of cold, and defective circulation and supply of pure air, are productive of the most prejudicial effects upon the health of prisoners ; and that the temperature of a prison ought to range from about 54 deg. to GO deg. Fahrenheit. I strongly recommend, therefore, to the magistrates, that they should take into their immediate consideration both the ventilation and lighting of the prisons under their control, with the view of introducing such improvements as may be practicable un der the peculiar circumstances of each prison ; the advice and assistance of Major Jebb, a Government officer, will be in all cases available, free of expense, to aid them in effecting these improvements. My attention has been called to the inadequate nature of the arrangements which are generally in force for the purpose of providing prisoners, both adult and juvenile, with religious and moral instruction; and I am of opinion that in every prison, however small, a person really qualified should be engaged to give elementary instruction to each prisoner for a portion of every day ; and that in the larger prisons one schoolmaster and one schoolmistress should be appointed, and more than one where a greater number may be requisite. 1 think it highly desirable that every prison sbould be furnished with a certain number of books of various kinds, calculated to improve the moral and religious feelings of the prisoners; and that the books should he selected by the visiting magistrates with the advice of the chaplain. lam convinced that, for the due discharge of his important duties, a room within the walls of the prison should in all cases be appropriated to the use of the chaplain. As regards the subordinate officers of a prison, the visiting jus tices are more peculiarly responsible for the discipline, order, and state of the prison under their superintendance ; their constant attendance at the prison gives them an intimate FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 12, 1843 We have not as yet thought it prudent, or fair, to hazard an opinion as to the step just taken by the Governor-General of India, in the annexation of the territories of the Ameers of Scinde to our Indian empire ; and, even with the information brought by the last India mail before us, we feel scarcely justified in expressing ourselves decisively as to its policy. So far, however, as we are able to form a judgment, that policy partakes too much of an aggressive character, on the part of the government of India, to merit the approbation of the British people. It is not on light grounds that we are willing to see our already exten sive Indian possessions permanently extended ; and unless there have been grounds much more convincing than any which we have as yet seen, to induce to the step taken by Lord Ellenborough, we are afraid that we must withhold from his lordship much of that meed of praise, which the nation so freely accorded to him, for his promptness in retracing the disastrous steps of his predecessor in the struggle with Aff ghanistan. It may be true that the treachery of the chieftains of Scinde, manifested in the unprovoked attack upon a British officer accredited to treat with them upon im portant international affairs, most fully justified the punishment meted out to them by Sir Charles Napier and his gallant army ; but surely, unless there were some additional motives to actuate Lord Ellenborough —some imperious and overruling necessity—there ought to have existed a middle course—one which at least stopped short of this otherwise unjustifiable seizure of their country. We had treated with the ameers, as independent sovereigns, for increased faci lities for the navigation of the Indus through their territories. We were met by the jealous fears of the people living under their rules; and what wonder? When has the approach of the British power in India to the confidence of any of the native powers been succeeded by any other result than their speedy sub jugation to our yoke ? The subjects and the chieftains of Scinde feared, and too justly feared, our approaches, and true to the Indian character, sought to ward them off by an act of treachery. But when we had punished that act, and vindicated the supremacy of British arms, by one of the noblest triumphs ever achieved even by a British force, had we no resource left but the too prompt decision that the territory of these offending people was to be henceforth our own ? Was an op portunity ever offered them for expiation and submis sion ? We have heard of none such as yet ; and we greatly fear that no more satisfactory vindication of this act of national aggrandisement at the expense of a fallen enemy can be offered than ha's existed for any other of the splendid crimes which have contributed to render our Indian empire at once a fertile source of the national power, and a monument of the inex haustible rapacity of the British people. It may be that the end of the aggression may he the opening of vast markets to the enterprise of British industry —and hence the eagerness with which we have rushed to the commission of this crime against the law of nations ! It may be that its result may be the pro gressive advancement in wealth and in civilisation of the people themselves over whom we have extended our sway. But similar arguments might have been offered, and were offered, in vindication of that criminal invasion of Affghanistan, which has been, by the per mission of an overruling Providence, so awfully avenged in blood ; and we cannot with satisfaction contemplate even the spread of civilisation and Christianity, (which God will work out in his own time,) by means which will not stand the test of a judgment by his laws. At present we much fear that such are the means by • which the territory of Scinde has been annexed to the British empire in India. The somewhat unsatisfactory result of the financia. year has not by any means taken us by surprise, how ever greatly it may have excited our regrets. The prostration of the resources of the country—the result of ten years of Whig misrule--has been much more se rious than it was ever imagined to be ; and, instead of at once putting forth its wonted elasticity, so soon as it had thrown off the incubus which pressed it to the earth, the national industry has been able only to re cover itself so slowly, that the effect produced upon the revenue has scarcely as yet been perceptible. Had it not been, indeed, for the very timely aid derived from the large sum paid into the exchequer as duty upon foreign corn, and the excess, over previous anticipa tions, of the amount derived from the income tax, we might probably have had now to lament over as great a deficiency as that which the administration of - Robert Peel set itself to repair. There is, however, in this result little to create despondence as to our future financial prospects, and, most assuredly, there is little over which "liberalism" ought to chuckle overmuch. The national expendi ture,—thanks to that wise measure of the present mi nistry by which the industry of the country was re lieved of its too pressing burden of taxation, and the load placed upou the national income,—is provided for ; and with the brightening prospects whi c h are daily developi ng t h emse l ves we have no right to , tain a fe ar , th at i n t h e course of another year the orenter di- nary sources of revenue will not b e ample for the wants of government. If they have not been SO already, the cause is very legibly traceable to the disabling influ ence of their past mal-administration. To those flip pant philosophers, who may he disposed to be merry over what doubtless they will call a financial failure on the part of Sir Robert Peel, we would recommend a calm examination of the probable effect of such a budget as was proposed, as the expiring effort of the Melbourne administration, of which an income tax was not a part ; and although the almost superhuman cox combry of Lord John Russell displayed itself, d uring the debate on Monday evening, in an assertion that that budget, if adopted, would have provid e d f or the government of the counlitr)y;ill'lithfilud n a few wililnioenu sterling, we we apprehend his lordship hardy as himself to propound with a grave f ace an ab surdity so glaring. That two or three instancteasxoufpfanilcuoraelsinistlaiefafiinluarne-, as finan cial scheme of last year, have o displayed th emselves we are w far fo denying. The t ait would be ; an d , failure or no eanticipated r that The tax on I r pears also to be a failure, as, indeed, w ill b e any . failure, we must continue ish spi r i ts ap to maintain its impolicy, an d to pray for its removal. kilowietio of all that is retilit ; rici of any i3atticulat offi' ; am therefore of opinion that it is highly desirable that their recommendation should be taken before any subordinate of a prison is appointed by the magistrates in quarter-sessions. I also recommend that a plain uniform should be issued to the subordinate officers of prisons. * * * * J. R. G. GRAHAM. TO MERCHANTS, BROKERS, AND OTHERS The largely increased and most respectable circulation which the Tuesday's Edition of the LIVERPOOL STANDARD has now obtained amongst the mercantile body in Manchester affords its proprietors the gratify ing power of urging this, amongst the other undeniable claims which it possesses, upon the favor of that portion of the mercantile community of Liverpool who desire to bring their advertisements before the notice of buyers in the neighbouring manufacturing districts. In most of the surrounding towns of Lancashire the circulation of the STANDARD is steadily increasing. In Manchester, however, the centre of the manufacturing district, our publication of Tuesday—occurring upon the most im portant market day of the Cotton Trade, when its Exchange and Hotels are thronged with country manu facturers, spinners, and calico printers—is firmly es tablished in circulation, and is perused with increased and increasing interest. Under these encouraging circumstances, we trust to receive an increased measure of support from the mer chants and brokers of the town generally ; and it affords us great pleasure to assure those of our friends amongst those classes, who have hitherto bestowed their adver tising favours liberally upon us, of our increased ability to do justice to the interests committed to their care. TO CORRESPONDENTS Will "W. S. R." favour us with a call ? On reperusing his communication, it will require, prior to printing, some little alteration, which we are unwilling to make without consulting him. A " Friend to Improvement" is desirous that the Woodside Ferry Company should avail themselves of the most recent improvements in accepting a tender for their new steam boat, and recommends strongly the adoption of the screw propeller. Ebr Eiberpool &tanDarti. internal. tax ittipoSea . Upon eotinttY with poverty, and so turbulent as is that .Ml 4- happy country. We can scarcely regret, 'however, that this measure was resorted to rather than tax upon income in Ireland raised in any other .rean7', ner than as a tax upon absenteeism ; for .we rather imagine that it is, to a certain extent, to this circum stance—their immunity, when at home, from the pro. visions of the tax to which other portions of the peopl e - of Great Britain are subject—that we o we the with drawal, from amongst us, of not . a few of the choic e e specimens of human kind from that country, who hav for years past been in the habit of favouring us w ith their presence, in the British parliament and elsewhere. We would gladly accede to Ireland immunity from the income and some other taxes, provided we could keep her legion of spendthrift adventurers in their proper locality—at home. The most poignant cause for regret that we are not, as yet, in the possession of any surplus income, we find in the cir cums t ance that it is not in the power of government at present to relieve the industry of the country from the pressure of two very injuriou s lin : posts upon the raw materials of our most important manufactures—cotton and wool. The duty of 16t11 of a penny per lb. on the former is, at the present price of the article, becoming a most serious impediment to_ manufacturing prosperity ; and the best results would flow from its repeal. The manufacturing body the m. selves, however, immersed in a factious agitation, di , rected to the ruin of other interests rather than to the permanent advantage of their own, withhold anything, beyond a whispered protest against this impolitic and heavy impost upon them; and, if they are satisfied, w e suppose we must remain so too ! That incendiary agitation which, for the past five °I six years, has been carried on in Ireland, to fill the pockets of a heartless beggar, and to give to a rapa cious priesthood a hold upon the passions, wh i c h th e y have not virtue sufficient to acquire upon the afectio ns c i or talent to command upon the respect, of a misguide t people, is at length, we thank God, about to be P° down. We have the assurance of this determinati°l/' on the part of the government, from the lips of ° lle ' upon whose decision and promptitude in the execution of whatever he deems necessary for the public welfare l we can fully rely. The denunciation of the repea l treason, from the lips of TIIE DUKE OF WELLINGTON' will, we are assured, prove no brutem fulynen — n ° 11° : et prceteria nihil—no artful demonstration to cl oak fa g in the case of the Whig denunciation of th e sasle treason) a projected alliance with the arch-traitor binu: self; and from Sir Robert Peel we have the additions : assurance that, if the powers of the law be insufficie.°_ to reach one who so artfully shelters himself under the cover of technical evasions of its spirit, they will at once be rendered suffici en t by an appeal to the will °I e legislature. If there could ever h av e ex isted any doubt a s t o the position of O'Connell with respect to the late gov er n went, the conduct of th a t wor thy during the fatp res session .must surely have removed it for ever. spa the Melbourne ad m i n i s t ra ti on held rule byin*); anti-English majority in the House of CommODS, could feed him with inspectorship's, commissionershiPe' and other Whi g -i nvente d sor t s of public plunder could insult the th rone w ith it s fawning subservienrY' whilst busily en gage d i n un d erm ining its foun datioa l ea which are in the res p ec t an d l ov e of the people -4°11 ,4 propitiate the v orac ity o f ram pant Rome by hour blows and g r ea t di scouragemen t" levelled agai nst National Church,--where was to be found so fer veri a an ally, and so assiduous a sitter, as him of Derrynfto and Dublin ? Who " hovered, like birds of PreY' wit use the expression of an eminent patriot of their na of country—" to give their venal votes" at the 5 000 o b the division bell, or the ministerial whipper -in ' ; : te il such persev e r ance as th e mem b ers o f his forty - Pi - 41e tail ? Three years ago the very gales wafted frau : he neighbourhood of p a la c e-yard were redolent ef 1 . 00 brogue of Munster, Leinster, and Connaught' t of might have imagined yourself in the parliatnen College-green, so me y ear or t wo before the n 1 : 13 t wo-. listening to the squabbl e of a congregation ' bo dy legged vultures, fo r th e pi c ki ng o f a bone of the - d of of poor Ireland in her day of native misrule, in st nn gst being, as you expected to have found yourself, arli-e-d.in British g of as ye gentlemen gentlemen e ri debate—some and noblemen re erj o g o; ag e: i i o t u ed s a de b b o a d ti y n question affecting the welfare of a great an u in ., ll inie nation. But with the fall of the Melbourne ar ho - us e tration, and the breaking up, of the Lichfield compact, how changed is the scene ! the air Upon every recent debate on Irish subject s, Bence of the Iri s h mem b ers ha s been m ost h 1; And the great mendicant himself—what has beeorpa course ? Why has not his burly person been allhe or mental, mental, or at l eas t a cons pi cuou s, object uP° 13 .„ 1 ,, - co us° position benches d ur i ng th e pr es ent session ? -1. "" we b have no longer a government which, like th e no rt! ourne administration, will truckle to him for 5111ir ct e The hope of achieving his known traitorous ° D i e or the dismemberment of the kingdom, and the P r : ). aid tion of the Established Church in Ireland ---h f t ; n ie n ger of his influence in the British Parliament, no 0 1,0 1 remains; and he has, therefore, thrown off th em II so 4 professedly p eace f u l an d p ar li am entary agitation, 00 devoted hims e lf t o th e t as k o f precipitating in h : con' country, as the only available means left hini summating his pet measures, a repeal insurrectiotnhe is In thi s e ff or t we are h a ppy to observe thatioitea about to be arrested. The peace of a great 1 and . odo s. nation, and the progressive develop m ent of t he to be trial resou rces o f Ireland herself, are no long er oo bio endangered by the factious and selfish a mbitio n be iei " bold bed man ," w i t h ou t at l ea st an atteruP t of t he made by th e government to asser t the ennie s ir t y dop be law, and t o p revent i mpen di ng convulsion. AV esti, are not that the effort will be successful, becaus e ri assured that the authors of it will act like tile goe rar ein earnest ; and as its result—aided by oth er eve rd 'orating measures, and especially if aided by re to of that suicidal policy which has of pacify the agitation in Ireland by concessinrb tr y hl f than to strengthen the allegiance of that c 0 o f the porticT late S °l3f. ra ther protection afforded to the well-disposed p ert b led tO people —w e look for the approach of first for years past—in which she will be ena D a d reap the full benefits of the act of Vni°'„rtion of assume her ri g h t f u l pos i t i on as an integral n° m e th e a great and fl our i s hi ng emp i re. In the m eant ars e ° I interesting qu es ti on ar i se s—what will b e the cc:, to hiej proceeding, under this " great discouragement oppose traitorus proj ec t s , o f the man himself? W e here we shall have a f ew l ac h rymose a ppeals to th e svo rdic e ditary bondsmen ;" and but for the innate r° h s° of their utter er , we m i g ht have matte r n°t diverting, and infinitely more dangerous. Sir ;dahic of f ib e je o c m t m of o t n l s 1 ' )), On Tuesday last the discussion of the harangues;no tMr. the Corn-laws was commenced oonged through the nu" i n ter tutia s in theoad notwithstanding the . Villiers, in one of bis usual I its an being prolonged n s o a ve e r o , r that discoveries will very new or startlingill thsobject That . anything U e , ti t, the ity. will be elicited we b ' , t in 0° 1 t y lil e l ercyopnrsteai present e eu l oe y t t c wo a elbceeuil a a t e c ° le P .,el li ai s v t e . are, however, soniewoa 0 e ara b and the declaration of the bon ~, lo g Already the imaginative aingenn'.n-law exists as the fertile promoter cif t e . _, O of philosoptelecloor prosperity 3 agriculturist b w League have discovered that a repeal of t h , , i val l high produce cheap bread for the wer l(ll 7 or the "gh prices for the farmer ; high w ages ) loY et; more working man withdrawing by the tacheapernsfer laolboutrhaftorent phieoy7ortvitoisrbv employment and more prosperity for the oil, prosperity to the foreign agriculturist Ow; to r e ' duce l erity pwuhbelt.lsleirn to the landowner, by colliPelling bi tioo, hi his income ; improvements in cultivai. restilt6 g their reward ; with a varietY ° osistegi withequally menteach other ! m th t i l s ci l l in ft e a t t l i i i t e cs p f far, it re s i s s e o a r o i 1 Viewing the e xtent tonal the to da tO Y be r ll ides :oo d tthbe : c will therefore peruse with no grea t uri • n st l ia' various l fact s , theories, and opinions, which ar? .1 6 ge o 0000 yeS, pouring i n ears from 1 s o a continuous stream t i e 4 the n le ft who at present, happily for the world ow' _, t he occupy in the House of Commons the seats 3' hand of the Speaker. .50c• , he saws 00 With • this conviction before us, we h a : c t „ re —B , )r tio nof believing that our readers will a by 11 . an d the m l ar as th corn tedious task of nauseating ourselves tnent on " a ten-times-told tale." So f ar th at , isdebate has gone, we are in possession of 1.1;11 vnt& new ; and , with respect to the stale robbl