The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1841-10-05 00:00:00

MPFIL tershall has reminded me that the privy council do not change. Well ; but they have not introduced any. They have not introduced a single Romanist, nor kept one that they could get out. (Much laughter and cheering.) Most of .all do I rejoice that there is not a single Romanist in the circle of her majesty's household. She is surrounded by true-hearted Protestants, who will let her hear the truth, and what are the real feelings of her faithful subjects, who have been ca lumniated to her, but who are prepared to shed their blood for her if need be. (Loud and continued cheers.) So far as I am aware, there is not'a single conservative connected with her majesty's household at present, who is not a man of unblemished mural character ; and none but such should come near that palace which ought to be the palace of purity and peace. But while we feel that there is much to encourage and rejoice us in the present state of things, there is nothing to lead us to relax our efforts, or repose in a dangerous and self-complacent security. We have learnt not to trust to an arm of flesh, and God has taught us that if we trust in any arm save his own, it will surely prove a broken reed that will pierce the hand that leans apon it. We have not forgotten that our present noble premier, much as we admire his talents and his political tact, showed; on a former occasion, the want of that greatest element of character, moral courage. And we fear that he may still have that lack, and that he must be supported. by the Protestant feeling of the country, against the counter-tide of influence which the Romanists and priests will bring to bear, to try to warp burn ,from the straightfor ward course of Christian legislation, and induce him to tack about, and turn like his imbecile predecessors, who were serving Popery even when they seemed to be serving Protestantism. (Cheers.) The ark of the covenant is too dear to our hearts, to induce us to devolve the custody of it, . even on the honoured Sir Robert Peel, or the more honoured Duke of Wellington. We cannot but perceive already some too obvious symptoms that our Protestant movement will be looked upon with coldness and suspicion by our former friends. I passed by your town on the eve of the general election, and much, I believe, of that change of public feel ing which brought in the conservative administration on such a spring -tide of popular favour as had never before set in since England had a representative government, was due to the Protestant enthusiasm awakened and sustained by our Protestant associations, though little acknowledged and less thanked by those whom it seemed to bring into power : I passed, I say by your town on that occasion, and while wait ing for the steam-packet, I looked at the addresses of your representatives, and I was sorry to see, that though the corn laws, and free trade, and other topics were touched upon, there was not a single syllable about our Protestant interests and institutions. Why, my friends, if your public were ashamed to hold out the Protestant flag in Liverpool, where will they show it? (Hear.) I see my ,reverend brother, Mr. M`Neile, looks a little misgiving at me. (A laugh.) Mr. M`NEILE.—My look, which Mr. Stowell has so in terpreted, was a look of inquiry. In Lord Stindon',s address there was a distinct and emphatic recognition of our Protestant principles, id very excellent Christian terms. (Cheers.) Mr. STowai.L.—Our reverend friend Mr. Parry has said, that lie would have been glad to find himself a false prophet, by the Romish relief bill bringing to pass all the good things spoken of it, and none of the bad. And I can very safely say, that I am very glad to have brought a false charge; but assuredly, if my eyes did not deceive me, there was ~ no refer ence in the address to our Protestant principles. (A voice in the gallery.—•' There were two addresses, a long and a short one.") Aye, well ; it was the short one I read. (A laugh.) Ido 'not regret, Mr. Chairman, committing what seems to be a mistake—it only seems to he so, for we are both right and both wrong. (A laugh.) Ido not regret that I introduced the subject, because of the feeling it has excited. I trust it will convince any individual who may wish to be come a candidate for your suffrages. that he must show the flag of our Protestant church dyed with the blood of our martyrs, if he expects that Liverpool will return him to re present her in Parliament. (Hear. and cheers.) Ido assure you, that if our Manchester electors had only brought for ward men of Protestant principles, and showed their Pro testant views, we should have returned one, if not too, — (hear, hear)—and stood in some degree the rival of Liverpool. Let me remark, in defence of Manchester, that while you sent only 20,000 signatures to the petition against Maynooth, we sent 27,000 ; and what is more to the point, while our treasurer does not owe Gd., but has £lO or £l2 in hand, you are more than £lOO in debt. Let it be seen, by your contributions to.day, that Manchester has not the only solvent association; let us owe nothing, but to love one another. Set us an example, and we shall be glad to follow it as we have on former occasions. • (Hear, hear.) There are not wanting evidences that our conservative ad ministration will need the watchful eye and the earnest • prayers of the defenders of our Protestant principles. When Sir Robert Peel regards the measure of 1829 as one on which he is entitled to look with pride and satisfaction, we cannot but feel some degree of apprehension ; and though we do not wish to embarass the government, or to force measures upon it, wo cannot hesitate to express our belief that that measure will in the long run be repealed. (Applause.) Either Romanism must be put back to her former station of not being allowed to legislate far a Protestant country, or she will creep in and turn the Church of England out of doors, and establish once more her own dark despotism. Sir Robert Peel is enamoured of his own act. We trust he will carry out its enactments, and not allow so many Jesuits to be creeping up and dowrr, contrary to - its express provisions. We are told that it hasi hitherto been worked only by whigs ; let it now bo worked by a conservative ministry, and it will work admirably. Let us see how this prediction will he fulfilled. When one concession hes been made to Popery after another, when one aid after another has been granted to build Popish chapels and establish Popish bishoprics, when the Church of England has suffered spolia tion, when her bishoprics have been cut down, her revenues threatened to be appropriated, her provision for education converted to the uses of Popery, her colonial endowments torn from her and transferred to her antagonist—was this carrying out its provisions. Let our conservatives work it as it ought to be worked, and produce the fruits promised from it, and we shall acknowledge we were in error. (Hear.) I see another symptom in the attack of that wary and cau tious journal, the London Times, on our Protestant Asso ciations. While the liberal government was in power, it was thought that they would be useful engines to help the cause of conservatism, and bring the conservative party into office. But now they think that we shall only embarrass and impede a conservative administration. Our - wish is not to impede and embarrass, but to influence it to the truth as it is in Jesus, as it is in the articles of our church, as the antagonist of Romanisni, as the foundation and top stone . of the constitution of En&land, as the bulwark of her strength and the diadem of her glory: (Applause.) — The Times has begun by throwing out insinuations against us, as being ex ceedingly political. That was more likely so long as the conservatives were out of power. Surely we are giving proof that we are no party politicians l Our very radical opponents must allow now that we are honest men. (Hear.) We are not secretly actuated by a desire to put Mr. M'Neile and some other of our friends into snug deaneries and bishop rics, (Much laughter.) We left that to their predecessors in office, who made some their deans because they turned round and attacked their own brethren. (Hear.) But, when we now go on with unabated zeal and earnestness, though against a conservative - administration, we so certainly deserve credit as honest Christian men. (Cheers.) It is something more than party, something more than temporal advantages, that we contend for; it is the truth of the liv i ng God, unde fi led by Popish superstition, unmutilated by infidel and latitudinarian lacerations, unbetrayed by hollow friends within, unimpaired by open adversaries without. (Cheers.) But I see greater danger still from the signs of the times, which I would to God it were right for us to overlook or to shot our eyes upon—l mean the now no longer concealed or disguised wishes of many, that there should be a reunion of the English and Romish churches, The British Critic has got so tar in advance of the age, as to tell us that Protestant ism is the corrupt religion of human nature. (Hear, hear.) Poor, unhappy Ridley, and Hooker, and Latimer! who bled at the stake for what they believed to be the truth as it is ir, Jesus, but what this sage reformer of later days has disco vered to be " the corrupt religion of human nature." (Hear.) Does he not know that Protestantism is Christi anity? The name, as our worthy chairman has well said, we owe to Popery, and not to ourselves. We should love to be in harmony and peace, and that the storms of cmitroversy should be for ever hushed from the firmament of the church. But as long as the Church of Rome continues to bind her self to the creed of Pope Pius and the decrees of the Council of Trent, we must protest against her. (Cheers.) Ina pam phlet published by the Rev. Francis Diedrich Wackerbarth, A. 8., we find the author addressing our prime minister, wishing to tell him how he may pacify Ireland.—"We have at present. in Britain, two branches of the church Catholic kept divided by the authority of the state, viz., the Anglican, " established" (i. e. subjugated) "by the law," and the Roman, persecuted by the law ; and what is it else than the oppression and tyranny of the state, which for three centu ries has been grinding down the one as a bondslave, and har rying the other as an enemy, that keeps these two branches from uniting under the shadow of the perennial rock I own I am greatly at a loss to see. In doctrine (as Mr. Newman, Mr. Oakley, Mr. Ward, the British Critic and others, have abun dantly shown) there is absolutely no difference between them." Hear it, Latimer, Cranmer, and ye other noble mar tyrs ! It is enough to bring you back from the other world to protest against it. (Applause.) " Both maintain the same faith, both administer the same sacraments, both acknow ledge the same spiritual vicar of the universal Lord, both teach the same principles of loyalty and civil obedience, and one is even the daughter of the other." Why does he not go back to his true mother, then ? (Laughter.) For let me say that the church of Rome was never my mother, nor yet the mother of the church of England, unless this man be an Irishman, and has been perpetrating a bull, and making the daughter older than the mother. (A laugh.) Baronius tells us that St. Peter first went to Rome in the year 44, and our own author Gildas says that Christianity was first brought to Ragland in the year 39. which was , live years before it was carried to Rome. The first Christian King was the British Ring Lucius, and Britain gave birth to the first Christian emperor Constantine, who was horn at York. (Hear.) Are we to be told then, that she was the daughter of Popery We were her slave for a time. She was a cruel stepmother. Our noble ancestors delive re d us . A n d are t h ose who re ceived their own episcopal ordination through those ancestors to tell us we are mother and daughter, that we have the same spiritual head, the same doctrines ? Away, away, with such absurdity ! I hope this clergyman ' s spi y rited . su perior ' . will call him to order. [Several erso i li e s o h n as th a T r stage in timated that he was'under suspension . ] petided ! Here then is matter for congrat u l a tion . y You een have been taunted with the divisions in o might d been referred to this man as an example .y ur ownßut c t heirr c e b h , u a r n e h bas done its duty . ; the proper authority as suspended the offender, and he is a cler gyman no longer. (Cheers. ) I wish all our temporal and civil rulers would manife st same spirit, holding the scales of justice equally between man and man, but determined to uphold the Protestant reli g io n o f the rea l m. I will read you th i s writer's proposal. " A union of the Anglican Chum% with the C en t re of 'Unity, might with but little difficulty be accomplished. L e t th ose hateful enact ments, which preve nt the Anglican Bishops from entertaining ' such a scheme, be repealed, and let the Bishops of both branches of the Church be requested to meet an d concer t measures for bringing about so glorious a consummation, and I feel, persuaded th at terms, and eas y terms too, for a complete re-union of the Churches of thi s kingden , ,, under the Holy See, would very shortly be agreed upon. And I am moreover morally sure that however the State may choose to harry and oppress, it cannot long keep th e English Church from the arms of our . loved but long.lo s t mother. " The sooner he goes back to h is long-lost mother the better. (Laughter and cheers.) But, however, such productions may do a little more than excite a passing smile, we must return to the same point, and say in sober sadness and grief, that there are men of a different character who talk about our being in a state of schism, and that we shall never be well till we return. I should rejoice from my soul if the Church of Rome came back to us, but we can never go back to • the Church of Home. (Cheers.) There cannot be peace with RoMe Withoot Peifidy to gut reformed faith; there cannot be peac e w ith R ome unless we are prepared to sit Own under the lirand of schismatics and heretics. .Such is nature of the c on t r o ver sy. Either she is a sch i s matic and heretical branch of the church, or we have no right to he separated from her. There is no alternative. hither we must rush haek to her arms, or hold up our arms in genial opposition to her. (Loud applause.) Other sects adroit that there may he other branches of the church that may be in union with Christ ; Ilomanieni gives us no guar ter, she leaves us no ground for our feet, she claims us as her ronegade subjects, she tells us we are under her curse and the curse of God, and that dying so we must perish for ever. Therefore we have no alternative but to maintain the holy struggle, or allow ourselves to he schismatics and heretics, who have no right to be separated. (Hear.) In the name of - our gospel, the gift of our 'Father in heaven — for we call no mall lord or master on earth —in the name of our freely-circ ulated bibl e —i n th e name o f our great reformed constitutionin the name of our coon try, who has derived all her glory from her Protestant cha- • , :•.;. • • ' 't ' t • • • •4••••••••:••:•.•••::1::' ' racter and laws—in the name of our queen, who holds the sceptre of a reformed government—in the name of your children and your children's children—in the name of your church and your God, let there be no trimming or compro mise with Popery, whether in or out of power; never rest ' till the reformed faith of our fathers fills all England and Ireland, and the pope of Rome has not one vassal left within the dominions of our queen. (Much applause.) The resolution, having been put and carried, The Rev. W. W. Ewaasix rose and said—l rejoice with all my heart and soul at the resolution I have to propose, 'declaring our complete attachment to the objects of this in stitution. This is the first opportunity I have had of appear ing before you to declare my unfeigned adherence to the principles of Protestantism. (Hear.) I will first of all read the resolution which it is my duty to propose—" That the pre sent condition of our poor Roman Catholic countrymen is such as should engage the best symphathies, and lead to the most strenuous efforts, of this great Christian community for their spiritual instruction and deliverance from the bondage of their fellow-men into the glorious liberty of the gospel of the grace of God." We have hitherto been speaking chiefly with regard to our own situation. You are here called upon to sympathise first of all with others in a very different situa tion from that in which by God's good providence and the exertions of your Protestant ancestors you have yourselves been placed. It is necessary that we should duly and rightly appreciate what Christian sympathy is. The best exhibition of Christian sympathy we can possibly have is the sympathy of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. We hold that it is not necessary for us to have been placed at any time exactly in the situation of those for whom we are to feel. But it is ne cessary that we should have a distinct and perfect under stand•,ng with regard to the actual condition in which our un fortunate brethren are placed, and be able rightly to appre ciate the blessing we enjoy in having the holy scriptures, and the right to exercise our private and individual judgment upon them. God has given his word as the right of all men, to lead them to everlasting salvation. (Hear, hear.) Let me then in the first place attempt to set clearly before you those great principles of holy Scripture by which we are actuated, and which it is our glory and our constant enjoy ment to hold fast even unto the end. We hold, then, most unreservedly, that the right of every man to read the holy Scriptures for himself is a right which no man has ever given him, and which no man, therefore, can ever take away. (Hear.) It is as free to every man as the breath of heaven and as the sun's light ; and you may with just as much reason incarcerate a man, put him actually in prison, as take away from bins that glorious Gospel which God in his mercy has granted for oils salvation. (Cheers.) This is the condition in which, in this Protestant church, we are now placed. We have the full power of reading for ourselves the unsearchable riches of Christ Jesus. Now the question comes, if this be the right, ought it not to be secured to every man in these do minions as his right? Is it not incumbent on our Protestant Government, acting as God's vicegerent on earth, to see that this right is never taken away from any man within the limit of these realms? It may be said in answer to this, that many willingly deprive themselves of this right. But just take a case like the following. Suppose sonic de signinit man were to administer some drug, some narcotic medicine, to some other of his fellow-creatures, on whom he wished for his interested purposes to practise. And suppos ing the man, after being thus drugged, to have a pen put into his hand, and to be induced to sign away some temporal inheritance. Would it be right in the government to stand by and see this man so grossly abused and not to punish the ungodly swindler, and protect the man from his machinations? We are bold to say that the very same argument applies to the holy scriptures. (Hear.) If it be a right which God has given to every man, it is the bounden duty of every go vernment to see that that right is kept to those to whom God has given it. Therefore we are called upon by this resolution not only to sympathise with our Roman Catholic fellow countrymen who have the scriptures taken from them, but to use our utmost exertions, our most strenuous efforts, to enlighten them. This ought to be our first step. The go vernment ought to be petitioned to pass a law, which should prevent any man ever having it in his power to take away this great right which God has given to evey man, and which ought to be constantly and feelingly exercised by him he may breathe and live. It is simply by taking away t right that the Popish priests in every part of the wor d are to exercise that unjust authority and dominion which they do exercise over the consciences of our unhappy bre thren. Just let me read one or two quotations to show you the power the Romish priests thus acting have over the con sciences of others. The passages I shall quote are from an examination taken on oath before a committee of parliament, which is not mere ex pante statements, not mere vague reports, but sworn testimony. and we may therefore very fairly believe them. This is the evidence of a person who was asked with regard to the cursing of a woman : "Q. Were you in the chapel on the day of the cursing ? A. I was.—Q. Did you hear it? A. I did.—Q.—What did the priest say ? A. I'll be bound he cursed her well. " I asked," says the writer, " some more questions. but the man seemed disinclined to answer, and I did not press him." The next witness came, pro mising to tell all about it, to oblige Mr. —; but evincing the greatest dislike to be known to have done so. 'Q. Were you in chapel the day the woman was cursed ? A. I was.— Q. Did you hear it ? A. I did.—Q. At what mass ? A. At second mass.—Q. Did the priest give a reason for cursing the woman ? A. He said it was for going here and there.—Q. What did he mean by that ? A. i ecause she was to and fro, going sometimes to mass and sometimes to church.—Q. What did he say to her ? A. He said enough, I'll be bound. Q. What did he say? A. lie cursed every inch of her carcass. Q. Did he bid the people not to speak to her ? A. He desired them not to speak to her, or deal with her, or have anything to do with her.—Q. Did he curse her child ? [the poor creatnre was pregnant at the time.] He cursed everything that would spring Irons her.—Q. Did he say anything about the child she was carrying—did lie curse the fruit of her womb ? A. I did not hear him say that: he cursed every thing that would spring from her.—Q. How was he dressed ? A. He threw off the clothes he had on, and put on a black dres s ._ Here we may remark, that the idea of these deluded men is, that the priest, out of his vestments, has not this extraordi nary power ; but that as soon as he puts on these clothes, the curses will be registered in heaven. "Q. Did he do any thing with candles ? A. 'Tis the way : the clerk quenched all the. candles but one, and himself put out that, and said, •' So the light of heaven was quenched upon her soul ;" and he shut a book, and said, the gates of heaven were shut upon her that day.—Q. What do you mean by saying "he cursed every inch of her carcass? A. He cursed her eyes, and her ears, and her legs, and so on every bit of her.—Q. What did you think of such things? A. I wished myself at Carrolnole—[a proverbial ex pression]. Q. What do you mean by that? A. I wished myself a thousand miles off from such a thing.—Q. Did the rest of the people in the chapel seem to like it? A. How could they like it? They all disliked it : some were crying, some women fainted.—Q. Did anv one speak to the priest about it? A. I'll be bound they did tut; they left him to himself—they would be in dread of their lives to stir." The priest to all intents and purposes is their god, their medi um ; they dare not look up to heaven for themselves. They nannot behold the face 'of Jesus Christ, except through the medium of their priests. And it is to deliver your fel low-men from such dismal bondage as this, that you are called upon to unite all your exertions,—to unite in such institu tions as this, and especially to cultivate the holy scriptures, without which it will be impossible to do anything to remove the darkness from these unhappy men. (Applause.) With regard to the difference between protestantism and popery, I should wish to draw another distinction, in order to set the matter clearly before us. You may call protestantism reli gion, and popery superstition. I will explain what I mean. It may appear pedantic to be always going to the derivation of words, but it is sometimes the only way to get clear ideas of things. Religion means that by which a man is bound. What can a man be bound except the commandment of a God. Nothing else can bind a man in the first instance ; for every temporal commandment can only bind him as it is founded on the commandment of God. Therefore I say this is protestantism—the being bound simply by the command ment of God, as He has been pleased to reveal it to us in holy scripture. It is the religion of the bible, the whole bible, arid nothing but the bible. (Cheers.) Look again at Popery. We call it superstition. What is the meaning of superstition ? Simply a standing above the foundation ; not coming down sufficiently deep. One foundation has been laid for us—the bible, and Christ in the bible; and on this the church must stand. The church that cannot find itself in the bible is no church at ail. We say of Popery that it is essentially superstition. It requires a man to take his stand above the foundation. It never allows a man to go deep and far enough. All the doctrines of Popery may be resolved into this word " superstition." The not bein g satisfied with the revelation of God—not giving at once to God through Jesus Christ, but stopping short in the creature. From this simple fact we deduce all the doctrines of transubstantiation, the worshipping of saints and angels, the deifying of the priests, the trembling before a fellow-man. (Hear.) Believing this most firmly and fully, and believing that now is the time, if ever, for us to exert ourselves—see ing the dangers without us, and seeing so clearly the danger already alluded to, which is within our own church ; I have the greatest pleasure and satisfaction in joining myself, and giving my humble testimony to the worth of, such institu tious as this ; and I can only say, God speed them, and may we all go forward, not in our own strength, but in the strength of the living God, as religious men holding forth the Word of life, exhorting men to read and study the Bible for them selves, acting as ministers of the gospel, not as having do minion over men's faith, but as being helpers of their joy, always reminding them that it is by faith they stand, that the work of faith must be that which passes between the soul of man and God himself, and that no priest, no minister of the gospel, can ever perform any opus operatum for them, but that they must look up to God alone through Jesus Christ. (Loud applause.) The Rev. W. KM, of Norwich, seconded the resolution. It is not said the rev. gentleman, in the language of any common-place that I say I rise to second the resolution which has just been read, in a spirit of very great timidity and apprehension —not that my heart is not warm in this cause, but because I am deeply sensible how deficient I am as an advocate of that cause. Many a time since I came into this room, and saw around me the array of talent here col lected, and saw this spl en did assembly,' the most splendid, the most magnificent that my eyes ever beheld, have I at tempted to ask myself " Why, my good friend, has any body brought you here so many hundred miles away from your own home ? what business have you in such an assembly as this, otherwise than as a pleased and delighted and gratified. and a profited hearer ?" And as many times have I been tempted to ask " What can possibly have induced the Committee of the Liverpool Protestant Association to ask one like me to come from such a distance to address them, who has little else than a warm heart, and ordinary zeal to bring to the aid of such a cause ?" The little energy and the little power that I might possess, by the energetic and powerful eloquence of my brother and friend Mr. Stowell, has been thrilled and drawn out of my poor brains. But, sir, I should be guilty of affectation did I pretend to be ignorant of the motives which actuated the committee of this association in asking me to come here. 1 can appreciate, and with gratitude, the motive which actuated the committee. It was simply this : Being thrown by the force of circumstances into rather a difficult and painful position in maintaining my testimony in my own place, the committee of this association kindly and generously resolved, by asking me here this day, to mark their approbation—not of the individual—but of the cause in which he has been engaged, and of those truths and prin ciples which it has been his privilege, though imperfectly and unworthily to maintain and to defend. (Hear.) I can then quite understand the motives which actuated the committee of this society in asking me here, and also the kindness of your reception—a reception for which I beg to assure you I feel most deeply grateful. Putting private feelings altogether out of the question, I do assure you, Christian friends, that I feel it to be a very high and a very distinguished honour to have been invited to this meeting; I wish from my heart that I was better worthy of the invitation, and more deserv ing of your reception. Christian friends, I could almost find of my heart to wish that I possessed some portion of that power which distinguishes your own much loved and much respected Protestant advocate, Mr. M'Neile. I speak not, God forbid I should, as envying his gifts. No ; in com mon with the church of Christ in these realms, I rejoice in them ; and I rejoice in them a hundred-fold more than if they were possessed by myself. I speak not in the language of flattery, albeit I speak in his presence, for flattering lips, like lying lips, are an abomination to the Lord ; but I speak in the spirit of sincere and devoted thankfulness to my God who has bestowed him as a rich and precious gift upon his church in these realms. (Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, I look upon him and those other advocates whom God has so richly and rarely endowed, to staild in the breach in these dark and dangerous times, as so many tokens of his faithfulness and long suffering, and laving-kindness towards his church— (hear, he ar ) ; —and if I desire a small portion of their talents, eloquence, and zeal, it is not because I wish to gain your favour or t o w i n your applause, but in order that I might be more worth y o f using - them in defending those truths, and those privileges, and those principles, and those institutions wh u i t, ch si a r r , e yo so u near and the and soolddatin rto pr a o l v l e o rh ur :_ bearts. (Hear') B Non cuivis h om i n i contingit ad ire Corinthun3. —lt does not happen to every man to go to Corinth ; and as I am quite sure I neve r went to Corinth, I can only address t o you a few plain, Pe r h aps Unpalatable, truths, in a very plain and a very humble manlier, I said, sir, I esteemed it a very distinguished honour indeed to have been desired to at tend this Weting ; and perhaps you will say that the reason , I am going to assign for that feeling is very singular and odd. Here is a paper belonging to your town which fell into my hands some short time back, a paper—for I love to give credit where credit is due—as remarkable for the accu racy of its reports as for the soundness of its principles ; and I rejoice to think it is not the only paper of that character in this place. I only wish we had such a paper in my portion of the country, and in every other part too. I. find in this paper, the LIVERPOOL STANDARD—(cheers). — an extract from another paper of a very different character. The editor is commenting upon it, and the extract is to this effect : " In this town there is more intolerance, more absence of true Christian feeling, and more disgusting presumption, than in any otherin the kingdom, or in any part of the world with the history of which we are at all acquainted." This was a very singular reason for a man to allege for accepting the distinguished honour of an invitation from such a town. The rev. gentleman with much humour explained this seeming pdradox, and in the course of his observations he described, in a very happy stile, the difference between " liberal Protestant" and " Protestant liberals." He next glanced over the principles of the Association, with the whole of which he expressed his admiration, and he concluded a speech of forty minutes' duration, amidst loud cheers. We regret that absolute necessity has compelled us to withdraw the main part of Mr. Ker's speech ; but in all probability it will appear when the proceedings are published in a separate form. The Rev. THOMAS NOLAN, of St. Barnabas' next rose to address the meeting, and he met with a reception which must have convinced him that his advocacy of Scriptural principles is as highly appreciated in Liverpool as it was in the town (Stopkport) he recently left. The rev. gentleman spoke nearly as follows :—Mr. Chairman and Protestant Brethren, In rising to introduce the third resolution to this numerous arid influential meeting, I would fain follow the example set by my friend and brother opposite in introducing the first. I would acknowledge the presence at this moment, and the influence of feelings seemingly at variance. I would with Mr. Parry plead guilty to the unfeigned gratification that I feel at being allowed to identity myself with the mighty movement now in progress in defence of Protestant princi ples, and in support of those Protestant institutions which are at once the pride and bulwark of our country ; and, at the same time, I cannot divest myself of the humbling con sciousness of inability to deal with the subject in a manner at all worthy either of its nobleness or its importance. But appearing as I do, for the first time, a stranger as yet amongst you, I am sure you will kindly allow me some claim on your indulgence—that you will balance the one against the other, my zeal in the cause of Protestant truth as a set off against the weakness which only I can bring to the de fence of it ; and that I may not trespass too long, (at this advanced hour,) as well as too much on the indulgence which I bespeak, I will proceed at once to the subject of the resolu tion. First of all, I think the vigilance with which our pro ceedings are watched, and the unscrupulous virulence with which we are assailed, are not without considerable advantage to us in an indirect way, by compelling us to be even more patient in our investigations, as well as more minute and laborious in our details, so as not to leave " a hinge or loop to hang a doubt upon," with reference either to the state ments which we put forward, or to the facts which we enumerate. (Hear, hear.) Knowing well the character of the enemy we have to encounter, we must leave no room, either for quibble or subterfuge, inasmuch as the page of past history, inscribed with the policy of Romanism, while it shows us the wisdom of the serpent marking all its mo ments, makes out for it by no means an equally clear title to the innocency of the dove,—(applause,) —so that, for such of our arguments as are unanswered, and of our facts as remain undisproved, we demand the utmost extent of public ponfidence. Romanism must not be permitted to shelter itself behind both sides of the hedge, at one time assuming a lofty silence, and again darting from its den, and to this day ring ing the changes on the satisfactorily and honestly explained mistake of our dear brOther M'Ghee—springing again on another beloved brother, Stowell, when, in the honest bold ness of his Protestant heart, he placed himself within the grasp of a contested point of law—and more recently in the case of our own beloved champion M'Neile, endeavouring to fasten upon him a false and calumnious charge, the rebound from which is not yet forgotten by my Lord Lovelace or the Protestants of Market Drayton, although their reminiscences respectively of that event are of a widely different character. (Cheers.) 1 mention this, sir, in order to prove, that inas much as Romanism, upon so slight grounds, or upon no grounds at all, ventures to assail our champions and our proceedings, she would not forbear if the opportunity offered of fastening any valid accusation upon us. (Hear, hear.) Our arguments, sir, we contend to be unanswered, only be cause they are unanswerable (hear); and Romanism assumes the dignity of a convenient silence only when enormities are laid to her charge which are too glaring to be defended, and too palpable to be denied. The resolution which I have the honour to submit for the approval and adoption of this im mense and influential meeting, speaks thus:—" That the principles which elicited the energies of our Reformers in resistance to the novelties of the Church of Rome, remain in full force, imposing upon us the obligation to exercise similar energies, to give efficiency to the truths of Holy Scripture among the population of the whole realm." (Hear, and applause.) Upon reading this resolution, it appeared to me as if a palpable truism had been given to me to state — that it needed no argument—that it needed only to be stated to win concurrence, and that it brought conviction along with it. The past labours of our Protestant champions have proved to demonstration, in the face of the whol3 British public, and challenged the Romish hierarchy and demagogues to disprove any of their statements, tnat the intolerant, un scriptural, and persecuting principles of bygone ages are neither rescinded nor seriously disclaimed, but only in abey ance, and waiting for a favourable opportunity to be enforced as rigidly as ever. (Hear, hear.) So muck for the first clause of the resolution, and the second follows inseparably from it; for the Reformation, if worth commencing at all, is equally worth continuing and completing (hear, hear) ; and no means are so likely to be attended with final success, as those which at the first brought down such an abundant blessing from above. We cannot now be remiss in the cause of Protestant principle, nor cold in our efforts for the promotion of Scrip tural truth, without reflecting upon the zeal and undaunted courage of the highest and noblest ancestry that England can boast of—the fathers and martyrs of the Reformation. (Cheers.) They gave Romanism, as they thought, its death blow in this kingdom, and for years it lay prostrate; but they had only " scotched the snake, not killed it." By and by it shewed symptoms of animation. Let the history of the Jameses and Charleses attest the gratitude with which their indulgent toleration of it was rewarded. (Hear.) In modern times however, fondled on the lap of a spurious liberalism, and fanned by the breath of favour and support in high place, it has thrown off the mask, and openly establishes it-- self in every part of our great colonial empire, in Canada, Australia,—and witness my Lord Clifford's recent com plaint, in effect, almost that an ascendancy is most feared for it in India likewise. (Hear.) .Have we not seen Romanism raising its unblushing front night after night, in our senate house, and until the recent auspicious change, absolutely holding in abeyance the energies, and dictating the destinies of the British empire both at home and abroad. It were well, sir, if we would acquaint ourselves more fully with the records of the past—the terms of the parliamentary remon strance to James the First, seem distorted in an almost pro phetic spirit—" Popery hath a restless spirit, and will strive by those gradations, if it once but get a connivance, it will pass for toleration, if that be obtained, Papists must have equality, and from thence they will aspire to superiority, and will never rest till they get a subversion qf true reli gion."—(Hear, hear.) Could the historian of the last half century with more faithfulness describe the progress of Ro manism in these kingdoms ? And yet we are censured on all hands, not only by the Romish and radical party—all this we are prepared for—but by some few of our friends likewise. Now at least that the Romish party is out of power, and Sir Rc.bert Peel at the head of affairs, some think that there is no further need for the !efforts of Protestant Associations. We rejoice, sir, cordially, at the advancement to power of that distinguished statesman, and of that noble and indepen dent party in the state, who honour him with their confidence and support, and we look from his government for a firm and impartial administration of the law according to the true spirit of England's glorious constitution. (Hear, hear.) But we are persuaded that it is by means other than parliamen tary enactments, that the encroachments of Romanism are to be repressed. Romanism by subjugating the minds, enslaves the bodies of her own votaries—and by their help, intimidates and perscutes those who differ from her, and where she suc ceeds erects the banner of an iron despotism—and this she calls peace. The secret by which she accomplishes this, will ultimately be found to be the suppression of God's truth and light. (Applause.) She hates the light because her deeds and intentions are evil. (Cheers.) And therefore her dire hostility to the free circulation of the Bible. It is by the Bible she is to be opposed—and by the Bible she must be overthrown. (Renewed cheers.) By the circulation of the Bible in Germany the triumph of the Reformation was achieved. (Loud and continued cheers.) By the same means it was accomplished in England also, and so must it be maintained, and the blessings of it also extended to Ireland as well. (Hear.) When ever Luther had given to the world his translation of the New Testament, the historian remarks, the reformation was thenceforward taken out of his hand, " God showed himself, and man was seen as nothing." (Hear.) These are the weapons of our warfare with Romanism, and these must not be suffered to rust within their scabbards, no matter who may chance to hold the reins of temporal power. When the Bible is placed in the hands of the Romish population, then a blow is aimed at the citadel of Popery, and when by God's grace the power of scriptural truth is received and felt by them in their hearts, then, and not till then, is the good work commenced, which will assuredly be accomplished unto the day of the Lord Jesus. For this glorious consummation we are ardently anxious,—towards the accomplishment of it our prayers and our efforts through good report and evil must steadily be di rected,—and sooner or later success must crown our endea vours, for God is with us, and if God be for us who can be against us. (Applause.) It was my intention to have en tered at some length into the statistics and working of Ro manism in Ireland, but the lateness of the hour prevents me doing so, except cursorily, at the present. (Cries of " Go on.") Here the reverend speaker quoted from the Catholic Almanack of 1837, as to the numbers of the Romish hierar chy and priesthood in Ireland, and their close allegiance and connexion with the propaganda, and the court and see of Rome, after which he proceeded—We are often asked why run away to Ireland for illustrations as to the - working of Popery ? Sir, there are too many sufficient motives ready iu reply. First, when the state of Romanism in Ireland is of so much importance at all times at head quarters, as ap pears, for example, by the prophecy of St. Lazinanus, quoted by Bishop Mont in his history of the Irish church, (vol. 1, p. 140,) "mother church qf Rome falleth when in Ireland the Catholicfaith is overcome," and by a simple conversion of the terms of this pretended prophecy, it is immediately brought to bear upon England, making Ireland the fulcrum in which the lover of Romish power is to rest for the uproot ing of truth in Britain, for the right reverend historian pro ceeds to relate—" Therefore the council of cardinals have thought fit to encourage your country Ireland as a sacred island, (the extract is from a letterof the Pope, to his son, O'Neal,) being certified whilst the mother church hath a son of worth like yourself, and those that shall succour you and join therein, that she will never fail, but have more or less a holding in Britain in spite of fate. (Cheers.) If the anxiety at Rome, as to the state of Ireland, be as great in the present day, (and why are we to suppose it less,) from the particulars 1 have mentioned already as to the Romish priesthood, you see plainly the facilities of obtaining accurate information are abundant enough. (Cheers.) I will trouble you with one other instance of more recent date. History has on record the reasoe arrived at by Pius VI. for not en gaging in hostility with England, lest, forsooth, his doing so might react prejudicially on the interests of the Irish Roman Catholics. (Hear, hear.) So highly did he value the im portance to his cause of the success of Irish Romanism, that rather than run the chance of embarrassing it by exasperating England, he preferred awakening the wrath of Napoleon himself, and daring to encounter the conquering army of France. (Great Applause.) Contrast with this the con duct of British statesmen at home. It was about this very period that Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Portland established the College of Maynooth for the domestication of Rot - minim in Ireland. (Hear.) Oh, sir, it was a grievous fault, and grievously bath England answered for it. (Great applause.) It is, sir, for expressing these principles, fraught with ruin to Romanism themselves, and danger to the institutions of our country, and for producing documentary and historic testimony, in support of the charges we advance, that we are denounced as disturbers of the peace of this country, and such of us as (like myself) are Irishmen, are set down as slandere.rs and calumniators of our own. But, sir, we are no more disturbers of the peace here than those men of old, whose enemies charged them with troubling Israel, and turning the world upside down—and we are no more the ca lumniators of our own country by telling the truth of it, than we are enemies of it by reason of our desire to tell the truth to it. (Cheers.) The truth of the everlasting gospel, before Whose genial influence and mild sway the wilderness and the solitary place become glad, and the country would be relieved from the fevered frenzy in which Romanism has enchanted it, and become once more clothed and in her right mind. Besides the sympathy with which we ought to regard any People or country, bowed down as Ireland is under the chains of spiritual darkness, her propinquity, and the fact that she constitutes an integral part of the British empire, are additional claims on your interference in her behalf on the score of self-interest likewise; and, be assured it is the maintenance of a n un i te d church, built in the basis of a com mon bible, which is the grand link and real strength of the union that holds the two countries together ; and, the Ro mish party in Ireland, struggling for repeal, exhibits only the wonted wisdom of their usual policy, when aiming their first blow at the scriptural church, which is the band of either country with the other, and the glory and pride and protec tion of them both. (Cheers.) The strong demands of jus tice ought to secure for Ireland tha co-operation of England in this 'nighty struggle, that is now going forward. Ireland, 'tis true, is held fast-bound in the chains and pov.er of Ro manism, like Lazarus in his grave-clothes ; but it is England that, by the arms of her might, forced Romanism upon a re luctant nation in the 12th century. The learned and pious Dr. Murray (the Dean of Ardagh—not the Archbishop) in his valuable outlines of the catholic church in Ireland, has shewn us to be independent of Rome up to that period, and traces our succession of bishops from the Greek or Eastern Church, not from the Western or Romish—from St. John, through Ignatius, Polycarp, Irendus, Pathinus Lupens, and Germanus, who ordained St. Patrick, and made him chief bishop of their schools among the Irish*: (Loud cheers.) It is after this fashion we calumniate our country, by beseeching England to restore her to the condition in which England first found her. When she was called the island of saints, before her virgin soil was pulluted with the presence of a Papal pall, or blighted with the curse of a Papal bull—(great cheers) ;—before she received as a nation the degrading mark of the beast in her forehead. (Renewed cheers.) Oh yes, we solicit the sympathy and aid of Eng land to release Ireland from the iron bondage that enslaves the minds and bodies of her sons and daughters, that para. lyses her energies, obstructs her improvement, and holds all her powers in abeyance. Send the gospel to her more and more, and even though she be fast bound, still in the grave clothes of Popery, there is a power in that gospel of force, sufficient effectually to cry in the name and words of the living Saviour, " Loose 'her and let her go;" and there is no other way more effectual for departing Romanism here than her carrying the war into the enemy's camp, and be sieging her in her strongholds and fastnesses in Ireland. To this effect pleaded one of her sons, of whom two nations may well he proud, the land of his adoption, no less than the land of his birth. Where, in the presence of nobles and prelates, and some of the worthiest of England, urging upon them the maintenance of pure religion, and the blessings of a scriptural church, lie intreated of them likewise to remem ber Ireland, to give her Irish bibles, scriptural schools, and evangelical missionaries... Oh, said be, " in the name of Him who snatched yourselves from the grasp of antichrist as brands from the burning—of Him who raised your popu lation from the crushing. slavery of the confessional at the knee of a mortal man, to the holy liberty wherewith the Son of God maketh his people free—oh ! have mercy, Christian mercy ; and therein true, holy, Godlike—justice to Ireland" —for hint I now make way. Thanking you, Sir, and the meeting, for your kind indulgence, and apologising for the length at which I have trespassed upon it, I have the honour to move the resolution. The rev. gentleman sat down amid loud cheers, and his eloquent address produced a great im pression upon the assembly. The Rev. Hoc's M'NEILx, on rising to second the reso lution, was greeted with loud and long continued applause. He said—Mr. Chairman—Since our intention to hold this meeting was advertised in the public papers, I have received a vast variety of letters upon the subject, from various parts of the country, and from town. (Hear.) One writes, " Sir, —What use is there for Protestant Asssociations now ? (Hear.) I can understand what you were about, and we were all obliged to you, while we had an adverse anti-Pro testant government, but now since the change, what object have you in these associations ?" (Hear.) Another writes, " Rev. Sir,—What sort of Protestantism is your's, does it rise and fall with party politics, pray have you confidence in the present government ?" (Hear.) Another, wishing to make himself facetious, writes, " Right Rev. Sir,—(laughter) —What do you think of Sir Robert Peel's speech about May nooth College ?" Another writes, " Rev. and Dear Sir, — What is to be done now about the Emancipation Bill ?" (Hear.) Another writes, " Well, Mr. M`Neile,, do you think Lord Ashley was right to refuse office for the sake of the Factory Children Bill ?" Another writes about the corn laws ; another about the poor-law. I protest, Sir, if I had been a Secretary of State, and this the meeting of parliament, I think I could not have been asked more questions. It is not my intention to attempt to answer them all, but I think it quite right to endeavour to answer some of them. (Hear.) The first was, what use is there now for Protestant Associa tions ? The answer is, the same use there ever was. (Cheers.) The principles upon which Protestant Associations are based are not principles of party politics or personal interest ; they are the principles of unchanging revealed truth. (Hear.) Unchanging with the things among men, they abide the same ; —(cheers)—and we shall now ascertain who were actuated by those principles, and who among our apparent supporters were actuated by nothing higher than party politics. (He a r.) In this point of view 1 do cordially rejoice in the aspect of the present moment. We are supported to day in some de gree as we ought always to have been supported. Upon one or two occasions lately the support has seemed rather to have fallen away. There were in this town some who began to murmur, to look coldly upon these proceedings; by supporting us now, those persons will truly prove that they are actuated by the vital principles of the association, and not by party politics. (Hear, hear.) I have good hope, sir, that we shall find such support from many seriously minded men who were alarmed at what they called a political movement, but who now seeing it divested of party politics, will join it as a Protestant movement based upon the Holy Scriptures, and in unison with the recorded sentiments of our established church. (Hear.) Now, sir, the grand final objects which we have always kept in view are these—to maintain unimpaired what the reformers of the IGth century established, and to continue to advance, and by God's help to complete, in Ireland, what those reformers left unfinished. (Hear.) The grand religious principle of the Reformation is plainly stated in the Gth Article of our church. It is this : —" Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salva tion : so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man, that it should be believed as an article of the Faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation." And the grand politi cal principle of the Reformation is stated with equal power and plainness in the 37th Article :—" The Queen's Majesty bath the chief power in this realm of England, and other her dominions, unto whom the chief government of all estates of this realm, whether they be ecclesiastical oecivil, in all causes doth appertain, and is not, nor ought to be, subject to any foreign jurisdiction. * * The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this realm of England.' (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, we have subscribed these principles ; we are called upon so to do. If these great principles, and such as these, of our Established Church had been always and faithfully kept before the nation by living voices ; if they had been maintained in the pulpit and in the senate-house, as well as subscribed at the universities, and at the ordination, I am free to confess that we should have required no Protestant Association except the Church herself. (Hear.) The Church of England is a Protestant Association,—(hear, hear,) — protesting against those corruptions, those novelties vainly invented and repugnant to Scripture, with which the Church of Rome had overspread the baptised community of Europe during the middle ages. (Hear.) The Church of England, I repeat, is a Protestant Association, and had she been practically true to her recorded principles, which should have required no Prote s t an t Association within her ; she would have been the Association herself. (Cheers.) But, Mr. Chairman, when that faithful dealing ceased, when the re corded principles of our church were allowed to slumber in the pages of the Prayer-book, until they became practically obsolete among the people : when the couduct of church men, both lay and clerical, was such as to prove them either culpably ignorant of, habitually forgetful of, or systematically opposed to, the very principles they had solemnly sworn to as clergymen and as legislators ; when it was pronounced uncharitable and bigotted and intolerant for any one to speak, what we all had subscribed : when the national vessel, though all night upon the chart, and (as to her authorised formularies) pointing up the stream and resisting the cor ruptions of Rome, and bidding fair for a prosperous voyage, was, nevertheless, practically dragging her anchor backward, and going down with the tide of those corruptions ; then it was high time that an alarm should be sounded. (Loud cheers.) It was high time that a voice should rise within her to condemn the culpable neglect of the crew, and call the attention of the chief helmsmen to the chart and compass, and to tell them of the danger and deceitfulness of the tide. (Loud cheers.) This is what the Protestant Association has done. It is the voice of warning from within the house by a friend. (Hear.) Friends indeed we are to the institutions of the country, so friendly that we cannot see them shipwrecked without raising an outcry ; and because we do raise an outcry to prevent their shipwreck, those who are blindfolded by pride, and will not see the breakers, nor be preserved from the danger, find fault with us, forsooth, as disturbers of the peace ! (Hear.) We are disturbers of a false peace, and I hope we shall continue so; and we are disturbers of a false peace in exceeding good company. What, I will ask, did the prophets of God do of old? If the Jewish Church had been true to her standard; if the word of God, that she prided herself upon, had been kept practically before her people ; if the words of Moses had been sounded in the ears of all men in the kingdom, denouncing all graven images, the bowing down to them, the worshipping of them, and the making of them ;—(hear, hear,)—if these words had been practically kept before the nation, and they had been attended to by the people, there would have been no occasion for prophets. (Hear, hear.) The standing priesthood would have been enough. But when those words were neglected; when the awful denuncia tions of God against idolatry were despised ; when the volume of Moses was shut up ; when the men of that nation had it not in their hearts to trust God's word ; when they began to think that righteousness founded upon the word of God alone was not substantial enough, that it was too mean, too poor, too meagre to rest upon, and they began to look aside, and to find the traditions of men upon which they thought they could rest, they began to introduce palpable acts into the religious duties of men—carnal proceedings, upon which the poor unconverted man could find repose when his heart could find no peace with God's word because it did not profit him ; when they began to rest upon the tra ditions of man, and so fell aay to idolatry ; w h en go ld en calves were set up and images were made, and men were bowing down to stocks and stones in despite of the word of God, which word nevertheless they still professed to love, — then there was occasion for the prophets ; then the standing priesthood required to be resisted, opposed, and protested against. (Cheers.) And what were the prophets? The school of the prophets as a Prot es t ant assoc i ation ! (Great cheers.) Was it not? w (Renewed cheers.) The school of the prophets was a Protestant Association, protesting against the idolatry of the established priesthood ;—(great applause) protesting against the apathy of the nation, calling attention to the word of God, telling those who daubed the public mind with untempered mortar, that a storm would destroy both them and their building, telling them they were saying " peace, peace, when there was no peace." (Hear.) Aye, the prophets were disturbers of the peace; and when one of the wicked princes of that idolatrous nation said, " hast thou found me mine enemy, art thou he that troublest Israel ?" The faithful member of the Protestant association—a leader he was—said to him, " No, I am not the troubler, but thou and Jezebel." (Hear, hear.) We plead guilty too to being troublers of the peace, but it is in the same way that an officer of justice is troublesome to a thief. (Hear, hear, and loud laughter.) Now it is a very serious matter, although putting it in this way makes you laugh, to see a nation still professing attachment to the word of God, and then priding themselves upon the possesion of it as a privilege while they have practically fallen away from the power of relying upon it, and have declined into the mire of human traditions and liansan absurdities —still holding the word of God by name and by form, but livi ng i n t h e depth of tres passes and sin. (Heart hear.) Si r , thi s i s instructive, be cause it is alarming. " The thing that has been, is that which shall be; and that which is done, is that which has been done, and there is no new thing under the sun." (Hear, hear, and cheers.) What was written to Israel was written for our warning •, the standing of I srael was said and by t h e apostle to be by faith, and her frilling by unbelief, and though the warning was given to the Christian church that she too stands by faith, s he did not co n ti nue to exercise fa i th i n th e word of God. The very same thing took place in the Chris tian church : the p ower of primiti ve C hr i st i an i ty to con fid e in Scripture was lost, and in proportion, as the power to con fide in the word of God ebbed out of man's heart seemed in the same proportion their confidence in mab may be found. And as in Israel they had in worship, the poi, the cup; broad phylactories, and long prayers ; so in th e Christian church, there came to bs a reposing in men's mi n d u p on outwardacts, an helping of their senses y pictures, by statues, by images : a helping of their ears by music, and of their eyes by sights ; a helping of these feelings by penitences, and by the lacera tions of their flesh. And when there came to be a misstating of that laceration for penitence, and a misstating of that music, and those pictures for devotion; when there came to be a constituting of religion, these things, which were first introduced to help the senses of the poor creatures who had not any faith in the word of God, then there came a reformation. (Hear, hear.) And what was the reformation? Here again we find a Protestant Association. The truth is always the same ; the gospel is one everlasting gospel. We should then remember that redemption was not an after thought for the remedy of an evil that already existed, and in reference to which it might be suited ; but redemption was a forethought, an eternal thought, before ever there was any man, before there was any evil, on purpose that God might be glorified. This truth was revealed when it was required ; this truth was corrupted by man ; this truth was received by Protestants—protester s against the corruptions,—and this has been done repeatedly since the foundation of the world. God raised up a protester against idolatry in the person of Abraham ; Cod raised lip protesters against national idolatry in the institutions of Israel ; God raised up protesters against Israclitish idolatry in the office of the prophets ; and in the Christian church, when the very same truths were corrupted—for it was the same Gospel—by the innovations of Romanism, God again in mercy raised up protesters in the persons of our Reformers. (Cheers.) And has there not been idolatry of late years ? Was not a Protestant Asso ciation required again? Oh ! sir, now we come to the sore place. It is easy for men to admit that the ancient Jews fell away, and for Englishmen now to admit that, to a certain degree, Romanists fell away ; many will admit they fell away wholly : but it is not so easy to acknowledge the falling away which justifies our protest. There has been a falling away, and an attachment to the Established Church should not hinder us from declaring it. (Hear.) There was a deadness which came over the Established Church of this c4untry ; there was a paralysis as to divine truth ; there was an order, a decorum, a propriety ; there was a good deal of learning among some of the clergy ; there were those who could anatomise Greek sentences and tell the structure of a Greek play; there were those who could explain all the arcane of science, though there were not many of that kind, but there were some ; there was order, regularity, decorum, and pro priety reigning about the members of the Established Church, and there was a great cry of " Our Church ! our Established Church ! our Apostolic Church ! What so good, what so excellent as our Church ?". " Our Church," was in every body's mouth ; but th e Scriptures, the articies, the homilies, the formularies of the Church—every one was ready to praise them, but they were lying quiet alllthe time ! (Hear, hear, hear.) Hundreds praised them, but no one preached them! (Loud cheers.) Sir, this is the justifica tion of the Wesleyan Methodists ;—(hear,)--that, in point of fact, if they had preached a better Gospel than they did, there would have been no call fora protest. (Hear, hear.) I am not afraid to say so, though it may be called calumniating my brethren. (Hear, hear, hear.) I love them, I love the Church well, I love her articles well; but I may not doubt the blindness that was in her, and which called for a protest. (Hear.) Now, sir, upon another point, allow me to illustrate this a little. The principles of the Esta blished Church, with regard to the state of the heathen, are very strong ; so they are with regard to. the state of the Jews. The 18th article declares, they are to be had ac cursed who say—who presume to say—that man may be saved by any sect, or by any law of nature, provided he takes care to frame his life accordingly. They are to be bad accursed who say so ; and the reason assigned is, " Holy Scripture does say that there is only one name, Jesus Christ, whereby we must be saved." Our Established Church does not indeed say much about the poor Jews; but what it does say is in the form of a prayer for them that they may be saved, that hardness of heart and contempt of God's word and commandment may be taken from them, and they may . be brought back to the remnant of the true Israel, to be saved in one fold under one shepherd. Here then it is involved distinctly in the principles of our Established Church, that the heathens and the Jews are in a lost and undone condition. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I say that if the practise of our Established Church had been con sistent with her principles, if she had acted towards the heathen as men ought to do who sign that article, if she acted towards the Jews as men ought who use that prayer, she would have been a Missionary Society, she would have been a Jews' Society, and there would have been no occasion for the Church Missionary Society in the midst of her, or for the Jews' Society in the midst of her. (Hear.) But this did not take place : our church held these princi ples, but did not act upon them ; she held that article, but did nothing for the heathen; she used that prayer, but did nothing for the Jews. ( Hear, hear, hear.) Oh, it is a so lemn charge, and I am glad to see you feel its solemnity. Was there not a cause for a Church Missionary Society ? Was there not a cause for a Jews' Society? (Hear, hear.) Was that an unfriendly movement? Was the Church Mis sionary Society an unkind association ? No : it was a re membrancer of the church's duty ; it was an advocate for her sound principles ; a protest againstsher inconsistent prac tice. (Hear.) The same may be said of the Jews' Society. (Hear.) Those societies began, they moved, within the bo-• soin of the church. The attention of a few persons were called to the subject; they felt for the heathen, and they in stituted themselves an association to help them. The heads of the church did not join ; the prudent people did not join ; the large class of discreet people did not join at first. They said, " Oh, this is going too far." Some said, "It is an improbable thing to suppose that the heathen are in a lost state." Some, who had signed that article, nevertheless be gan to feel and say, " Surely men may be saved in any state provided they are sincere"—men who had sworn to that ar ticle, and who cried out, " Our glorious church," " our homilies," and " our prayer book ;"—but th did no thing. (Hear, hear, and cheers.' The Jews Society moved as the Church Missionary Society had moved : they moved by degrees at first; they moved steadily; they got information shout the state of the Jews, about the state of the heathen, and about the fearful doings of heathen ism. They were not accounted enemies to the heathen for doing so •, they were not accounted in an angry spirit against the heathen because they did so. Some of them brought home heathen idols, and exhibited them upon the platforms, in order to excite indignation against idolatry, and to create sympathy for the poor idolaters. This was accomplished, and many joined them. It was the same with regard to the Jews' Society. And what has been the issue ? The issue in these two cases has been very delightful. They sounded an alarm ; they sheaved the inconsistency of conduct that had been going on, they called attention to it successfully, and when they had done so they did not subside back into the apathy of the church, but they persevered till they had turned up the church to the character of themselves, till they had made the church a Church Missionary Society, and the church a Jews' Society. (Loud cheers.) Our prelates have now joined those societies. (Hear.) The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London have become their patrons; and it was well to see the dignity, the graceful dig nity. the unaffected good feeling with which our venerated prelates have joined those long despised societies. It does them honour (cheers) ; it shews they arc above petty jea lousy, and can acknowledge the fault of past neglect ; they are above all this kind of feeling ; and their conduct fills the bosom of every Christian patriot with joy and gratitude un feigned. (Hear.) Well; so much for heathenism and for judaism now we come to Romanism. The church was as neglectful of her principles upon the subject of Roman ism, as she had been upon the subject of heathenism and Judaism. Sir, her principles upon this point are stronger than they are upon the others, they are more pointed' more undeniable. " Our church !" remember, " cm.l great Diana"—l do not say that in despite or ridi cule, I say it honestly as the readiest phrase that occurs— " our church" declares concerning Romanism that its doe trines are " blasphemous fables and dangerous deceits." She declares concerning the practise of Romanism in the mass that it is " idolatry to be abhorred of all faithful Chris tians." What, does our church" use such language as this ? what " our church ?" Do you not love the articles ? Oh, by all means, and the Homilies too. Listen, listen, listen, then to what they say. (Cheers.) Now if the church required upon the subject of heathenism, and if it required a remembrancer upon the subject of Judaism, did she not, nay, does she not, require a remembrances upon the subject of Romanism? (Loud cheers.) Let any liberal in the kingdom answer that. (Cheers.) I have said it in a tone and in an attitude of defiance, and I maintain it. (Renewed cheers.) I will tell you what our opponents will say; the only plausible attempt to get rid of this difficulty will be this—" that heathenism is certainly destructive to men's souls—that we must admit, and that Judaism is so also ; but as for Romanism it is not destructive to men's souls, and, therefore, there is no occasion to adopt the same measures with regard to it that we did with regard to the others— consequently, the analogy and the argument fails." Now, sir, is Romanism not deltructive to the souls of men ? (Loud cries of " Yes, yes.") „ A FEMALE VOICE.-1 say, no. (Much laughter.) ANOTHER VOICE.—Go on, sir it's only a woman. (Re newed laughter.) _ . Mr. 111`NEILE.—I admit the supposition either way, as there seems to be a difference of opinion there. (Cheers.) If it be not destructive to the souls of men, then, sir, I plead that our articles should be altered, that we should not be any longer required to subscribe them as if it were so destructive (hear,)—and if it be destructive to the souls of men, then I plead that our practise should be mended, that we should be no longer required to act as if it were not destructive. (Cheers.) What is it to act as if it were not destructive ? Why, it holds out to you that the Roman Catholic is in as fair a way to salvation as the Protestant : it holds out that men who in defiance to God's word bow down to images, —I will not quibble about worshippiug— A VOICE.--1 deny it. . _ Mr. M'NEILE.—It pleased God to prohibit the outward act of bowing down, concerning which their can be no mis take, for the words are—" thou shalt not worship nor bow down." They cannot deny this, and they know they can not. (Cheers.) I had an opportunity of seeing all this verified within the last few months, in the south- weskof Ireland, on going into th e R oman C a th o li c chapels there. Unknown, and a stranger that I was, I witnessed poor ignorant devotees upon their knees, many of them bare knees, upon the e xi-them floors of the chapels, with scarcely an exception, pointing towards the picture of the Virgin Mary. (Hear.) It would have been bad enough to point towards the crucifix, for we abjure the image of any thing, but even with two objects before them, one representing the Saviour, and the other his mother, I observed them con tinually bowing down to the mother. (Hear.) To say that men who do this, and men who tremble at the wrath of God, and will not bow down to any image, nor worship it at all, may equally be the children of God—this is to treat them alike; this is to act inconsistently with our own profession. (Ap plause.) Now, Mr. Chairman, the only men consistent with the articles are those who go with us, and the only men con sistent with the practice are the Puseyites, who want to make it appear that we should not go against Rome, but that mat ters might be settled. (Hear.) An attempt has been made to spew that the Thirty-nine Articles may be signed without repudiating the Council of Trent. I say that the writers of those tracts are the only really consistent men with the prac tice of the present day, and the only men bold enough to avow it ; while thousands who repudiate their books are acting upon their principles. (Hear, hear.) I therefore ask every man who holds the true principles of the Church of England, and who praises our established church-1 ask them to come forward and act upon her principles. (Applause.) Why will you praise the articles of our church, which you believe to be the truth, and yet neglect to act upon them ? Do you prefer the reputation of prudence, of judgment, dis cretion, and gentility, and therefore forsake the bold, faith ful, honest protest of our reformers, in support of which they died, and in defence of which we live ? (Cheers.) This is an answer to the question, What are Protestant Associations for? They are for rousing the slumbering church, for mak ing her stand to her tackle. (Hear.) is she not roused? It is very hard to awaken her ; but she has lately been awoke, and she is now putting forth her strength. She has put out her arm against heathenism, and there's vigour in it; she has also put forth her arm against judaism, and there's vigour in it; episcopal vigour is in them both. (Hear.) The arm against Romanism inside of her is a little one yet, but me thinks it is a strong one. (Hear.) Aye, it is a strong one, and it will gather strength. If I do not mistake much, if properly conducted now—if there is no flippant excuse for calling this a political movement—if the latourers in our church see to her documents—if the movement of church ex tension shall not be an outward movement only, but a move ment to extend her articles as well as to multiply buildings, we shall have a strong protest against Romanism. (Loud cheers.) lam thankful for, and I hail the specimens of that here. We have a Church Building Society in Liverpool ; and we have, in the course of last year, made three appointments to churches under that society, and two out of the three have stood upon the platform to-day, joining us in our protest. (Load applause.) I might content myself with this sort of argument to conclude this address now, but I want to try to answer another question of those which 1 told you were put to me by letter, and that because I am sure some of our friends have been watching to hear what we have to say about It. It is asked, "Have you confidence in the present go- ._ . _ ~..._ ~ ~,r. said at Whitchurch ; let there be no exclusion for religions opinion ; but let the principle stand also that the Church of England shall be defended against these new legislators. (Cheers.) If the mode they took, then, of seeuring the se cond part has proved a failure, what then ? Then they must either remove the first or amend the second. (Cheers.) The nation will not remove the -first. A government that at tempted it would be immediately hurled from the seat of power ; the nation will not do it, and the government cannot do it till the nation will. What, then, should be done ?, Amend the second—(hear, hear)—and we call upon the government to carry the bill of 1829 into " full and real effect" in every one of its clauses. (Cheers.) We ask them to carry it out honestly. They are carried out, and no doubt will be carried out in that part which gives concession, and all we ask of them is, that they will take the whole bill, not parts of it only—(hear, hear)—that they will take the pelt of the bill against Jesuits, that part of it against the usurpation of Roman Catholic prelates—that part of it which would confine John M'll ale for signing himself John Tuam, and that part of it that opens parliament to members of the church of Rome. (Hear.) Let us have the whole bill — every part of it. (Cheers.) They will say we are madmen for supporting the repeal of the emancipation bill: no sir, we do not ask for that at present. We do not think it possible that the nation would give it, and we should be mad to urge upon government that which must drive them from the seat of power, and open it to men ten thousand times worse than they. (Hear.) We say carry the whole bill ; you are enamoured of part of it, now be honest and carry the whole of it. (Cheers.) If you will excuse one short quotation more from a speech of your humble servant, I will draw to a conclusion. Upon the matter of the in tolerant principles alluded to in the former quotation, I took the liberty of using these expressions at a meeting in the beginning of this year; and now that the political crisis is past, I call attention to them We have been before the public as detectors and exposers of a deep laid dangerous conspiracy against the state. We have named the leading conspirators. We have got possession of copies of their secret papers, and laid them before the pro per authorities. We have challenged them, by name, to come forward and defend themselves against such high charges. We have adduced evidence to prove, that in viola tion of their solemn oaths, they have been secretly circu lating amongst our fellow-countrymen manifestoes, procla mations, and laws of a foreign potentate utterly subversive of the government and the established religion of England." You have heard how the conspiracies of Romanism works in those important statistical items of information given by my reverend friend, Mr. Nolan :—" We have adduced evidence to prove further, that some of our fellow-countrymen, under the delusion that the said foreign potentate was their lawful and true sovereign, have proceeded to act upon the procla mation and laws so circulated, to the defrauding endangering, and, in some instances, assassinating the subjects of our most gracious queen. These charges have not been vague in themselves nor anonymous in their origin. No such plea can be put forward to justify the silence of the parties accused. Our accusations have been advanced openly and boldly in our proper persons, and in the presence of assembled thousands. They have been precise and pointed; they have been reiterated. Still the accused parties have made no defence, courted no investigation, adduced no counter evidence, and • the effect, though slow, has been sure. Our speeches and publications have told, and are telling, more, perhaps, than many who are influenced by them are fully conscious of, or willing to admit. The conspirators and their dupes have ai fected to despise us. Professing a wondrous attachment to liberty, the Romish conspirators have obtained the zealous but hood-winked co-operation of the liberal party, and have been endeavouring to persuade themselves that the " no Popery" party in the state is so small and contemptible, that our agitation would produce no effect, and that consequently their best policy was to pretend not to hear us, or to hear of us. In this calculation they are beginning to perceive that they are greatly mistaken. The Protestant feeling of the country has been largely awakened. Many persons who did not see their way to go so far as to join Protestant Associations, have nevertheless associated themselves with Educational Societies and Church Building Societies, and Pastoral Aid Societies ; and the country is in an essentially different condition from what it was ten years ago. !The electoral constituences of many of our towns, great and small, have partaken of this rescuscitation of protestantism and we confidently anticipate a practical exhibition of a great amount of this change at the approaching general election." (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Here, again, I repeat the challenge. (Hear.) The names of the leading conspirators against the religion, the liberties, the properties, and the lives of the Protestants, are Dr. Murray, popish archbishop in Dublin, Dr. M`Hale, popish archbishop in Tuan, and Daniel O'Connell, Esq. (Hear, hear.) The names of the witnesses ready to substantiate the charge of conspiracy before parliament are, Dr. Mortimer O'Sullivan, the Rev. Robert James MiGhee, and the right hon. Lord Roden. Here, now, are the conspirators named, the nature of the conspiracy exposed, the secret papers de tected, and laid before the authorities of the state ; the evidence of Dens's Theology, with all its horrors being circulated by the authority of these bishops in Ireland, whilst they were denying it upon oath in England, is now placed in both your Universities by Mr. M'Gliec ; it is open to the inspection of all your leading scholars ; it is open to an examination before a committee of your heredi tary legislators. The rev. gentleman proceeded to call for this investigation, not for the sake of angry discussion, but as a great judicial inquiry, in which a fair hearing should be given to the case on both sides. He concluded his speech, the latter part of which we are obliged to omit for want of room, by a most eloquent comparison between the emancipa tion of slaves and the glorious gospel emancipation, which our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects would enjoy if they abandoned their errors, and embraced the truth as it is in Christ. The'resolution was then carried. Mr. PARKER, in moving a vote of thanks, said he would put the meeting in possession of the sentiments of Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell upon the value of Protestantism, as there seemed to have been some little misapprehension upon the subject. (Hear, hear.) At a meeting in that very place, on the 21st June last, Lord Sandon used the following language :—" Let us have commercial England, nautical England, colonising England, protestant England. (Most enthusiastic cheering.) Let us support the church, such as she was delivered to us by our ancestors, moral and religious, without being superstitious. (Vehement applause.) As such, we may endeavour to preserve her, and as such we May bind ourselves soletnly to hand down to future genera tions. (Protracted cheering.) I see that your spirit is awakened—l see that you are ready to do your duty ; set an example to all England, and God grant that all England may do its duty to you." Mr. Creisweil, at the nomination of candidates a few days afterwards, said :—" I have been abused here for having alluded to your Protestant Church, and your Protestant altar. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I am not surprised, gentle men, that they should abuse me for it ; they had rather that I had said something about them. (Hear, hear.) They would, if possible, forget. and make you forget, the dis approbation with which their attack upon our Protestant Church, our Protestant religion, and our Protestant educa tion were received, and they blame me, therefore, for still holding them up to the feelings of dislike and disappointment which they excited. (Loud cheers.) He trusted that this explanation would be satisfactory to the meeting. (Cheers.) A doxology was then sung, and the meeting separated at a quarter to five, highly pleased with the proceedings. THE RECTOR OF HEYSHAM.---We are most reluctantly compelled, by the want of room, to withdraw our report of this case, which terminated on Thursday evening in the commissioners deciding that there was not sufficient evidence to justify further proceedings. The steam-ship Caledonia made the passage to Halifax in four hours less than twelve days. WEST INDIA LINE OF STEAMERS.—We understand that government has fixed that the first of this new line of steamers, one of which, the Forth, was built at Leith, shall sail from Southampton on the 25th October. DANCING.—We beg to draw the attention of families to Mr. Harwood's advertisement which appears elsewhere. His mode of teaching is excellent, and his style that which is at once fashionable yet unostentatious. We understand that Mr. Stonehouse's cheerful Masonic song of " Prosper the Art," which has created some little, conversation amongst the fraternity, will shortly be published by Mr. J. A. Novello, London, who is one of the craft. We believe there is already a goodly list of subscribers. IMPROVEMENTS AT BIRKENHEAD FERRY.—Wearehappy to see that the Corporation of Liverpool are making improve ments in the landing place at Birkenhead which will render it one of the most commodious on that side of the Mersey. A number of men are employed in removing the dilapidated and useless pier, or erection, on the north side of the slip, removing the rock below, so as to deepen the approach, and carrying out the river wall, bounding the road to the hotel, a considerable distance to the northward. When the works are completed the steam-boats will be enabled, when the tide is up, to be alongside the new wall, in a sheltered and conve nient position. Mr. George Robins announces in our columns to-day the sale of a " little principality," in the vicinity of Hereford and Brecon, an estate approaching 6,300 acres of land, with manorial rights extending over 20,000 acres. The castle of Langoed is very ancient, and stands in need of beautifying ; it is placed on the bank of the famed Wye; the shooting-box is in the centee of the manors. The present rental is about £4,300 a year, and the property within ten hours' ride of London.—Morning Post. Church preferment is evidently in the ascendant ; it was fully and practically demonstrated yesterday. The Rectory of slack Notley, about eleven miles from Chelmsford, (with a snug parsonage house and glebe, with the commutation upon the tithes, which has recently taken place, leaving a clear income of 1100 a year,) was yesterday sold by Mr. George Robins, at the Auction Mart, for 1,910 guineas. It should be observed, the incumbent is a healthy young gentle man of 37, consequently, according to the tables, his life is worth 30 years' purchase. if it be so taken, the interest and compound interest will approach .£lO,OOO ; and it is difficult to believe an advowson of 4100 a year in possession would sell for so large a sum. We are led to this calculation because we augur well from it ; no longer will it be stated, "The Church is in danger." It is already another and a gratifying instance of the growing confidence in "Sir Robert Peel's Administration.''—Morning Post, Wednesday. NEW MEDICINAL PLANT.—Dr. Jeffreys, of Liverpool, has lately brought into use a plant called Matico, the Piper angustifolium, as a styptic. It is much used in South Ame rica and Belgium, to stop the hemorrhage from small vessels, leech-bites, or incised wounds. It may be applied in leaf, or in fine powder. It is said also to be taken internally for the same purpose, in form of infusion, in the proportions of about half an ounce to a pint of boiling water. In Peru the plant is called Moho Moho, and is extensively used for the same purposes as cubebs, which this pepper much resembles in smell. IMPORTANT TO THE LANDED INTEREST: THE CHESHIRE FERRIES.—We understand that, at a meeting yesterday of the proprietors of the Birkenhead and Woodside Ferries. Messrs. Willoughby, of the former ferry, expressed their determination to adhere to the practice of allowing the inha bitants to cross the river by contract, which has been conti nued for so long a period with advantage to both. The Woodside Ferry Company are still resolved to permit no such contracts to he entered into for crossing by their boats, and we hope the public will therefore appreciate the kind in tentions of Messrs. Willoughby's, who have come to their resolution solely with a view to do all in their power to in crease the convenience of the residents on the Cheshire shore. It will be remembered that this subject was noticed in a very recent number of the Standard. CHARGE OF ASSAULT.—On Wednesday last, haatrthuef thePo ice Court, Mr. Grace, attorney, was placed at Police Court, on a charge of having stated that landlord of the York Hotel. The complainant Grace had ' us night Mr. . about nine o'clock on the previous come to assaulted Air. Hamer. to giveo an l oth ; er person, and some o w h h i i s ch hou h s e e i r n e e fu b s r e ia d ted, and h ha d m ea u ll p ed un fo u r h a iei g i l h a e ssot at tempted to take a glass served t them, he (the defendant) words having ensued betn b •e e en . t ri h d a ant, e being attr i asked attributed s w t i r ) u a c t k he hi thought the com plainant much, and that he regretted h m ad so ru th sa a y t h ru is r n h o e s c e kh his conduct to having ddiedde,,Threahptelidheedefe shown i a more kindly feeling towardshirn. shat had mighr occur red. harc before the public as he had done, as he li towards him. Mr. Rushton, after entertained ldrtut: the defendant, with reference to for olvr nishing than to . bring him w I strongly admo a sin, ilar nature against him, fined hint 50s. complaints of and costs. Mr. Freshfield has offered himself for the representation of Hereford, upon the conservative int erest, i n th e DOR I O. i r Hobhouse. thAefcri.tYAf i • Alderman Thompson, 'ALP, is about being created a I, ,, ronet. A similar distinction will also be conferred on \lr. E. Bond Cabbcll.--3to, rii,g /hyoid. - vernment ?" Now, there is an absolute confidence which we are forbidden to place in man at all—" Cursed is the man that trusteth in man." This sort of confidence for the eventual well being of our country, we can place only in the long-suffering goodness of God, to revive among the people —for he works by means —such an account, and such a de termination of Protestant principle, as shall practically bear up any government, no matter of whom composed. It can only be done in this way. (Cheers.) The days are gone when rulers forced measures or opinions upon the country, and the days are come when the country forces measures and opinions upon the rulers. (Hear, and cheers.) The powers that be are ordained of God, but he works in various ways, and in the movements of his providence either the pro gress of society in this land, the powers that be now, are in the last resort, the electors of the united kingdom. They have lately spoken, and spoken well. (Hear, hear.) Our object is to continue to give them such instruction that the next time they are called upon to speak, they will speak still better—(cheers)—for the success of this will depend upon the scriptural nature of our cause, and the promised blessing of our God. We go on with our instructions to the people. We know very well the sagacity of the remark of the right hon. baronet, now at the head of affairs, " that the battle of the constitution was to be fought at the registry." We know that the men going there ought to have Christian in struction as to how their duties are to be performed ; we know it to be the duty of the Christian clergy to give men instruction with regard to every department of duty, in public and in private, as individuals detached from all others, as links in the chain, to fathers, mothers, children, husbands, wives, masters, servants, rulers, and subjects. (Hear, hear.) It is the high duty of Christian ministers to enlarge over all this fold, and be impartial in the administration of sacred instruction. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We continue to give Christian• instruction to show parents how to act in their families, and rulers how they should act in the state. And who are the rulers ? The sovereign has the chief rule ; the administration rules under him ; and the legi4ature rules ; but these are not the only rulers. Very few months ago the legislature was dissolved into its component parts, and who were the rulers then? (Hear, hear.) Who were the rulers three months ago? The electors were the real rulers. We want, then, to teach the real rulers their duty, to show them how they should give their votes upon Christian principles, to teach them to connect every branch of their duty with the Bible, that so, when they are to be called again to the re gistry or to the hustings ; or when in the mean time they are called upon to pay their taxes, they should pay tribute to whom tribute is due, and custom to whom custom, they will exercise their privileges upon christian principles, and with a view to the glory of God in the representation of the state. (Hear, hear.) To carry on this instruction, to prepare the minds of the people to go t o th e reg i str y, an d to the hustings upon christian principle is our object, and our confidence under God, is in our christlan instruction. (Hear. hear.) When that shall be done, and it shall be plain throughout the united kingdom that such are the principles of the electors, then whoever happens to be in the administration, will find it convenient, as all administrations must find it convenient to act upon the public opinion of the country. (Hear.) Public opinion must go before the acts of the admi nistration in this matter. We appeal to the pub lic, and continue our instruction to the public, and if the public will but be as ready to receive it as in some places they hitherto have been ; and if the thousands who at tend our Protestant churches and our Protestant meetings will carry out the instruction we give them into the details of life, we shall by and by have such an expression of the opinion of the electors of Great Britain, given in the regis tration courts and upon the hustings, as will make it, I re peat, the easy duty of the administration to adopt Protestant principles of legislation. (Loud cheers.) So much for ab solute dependence ; but now, sir, there is relative depend ence. There is a relative dependence to be placed upon some men in preference to others, and if the question be asked upon this ground, " have we confidence in the present go vernment?" our answer is unhesitatingly, " we have confi dence in the present government." (Cheers.) They are the very best men in the whole kingdom, in the present. state of public opinion, to be in the administration of government— (cheers) ; —and I hope and trust that the hundreds and thou sands of our Protestant friends, who have been under our Protestant instruction, they who have assembled so repeat edly in our Protestant meetings, will place a confidence of this kind in the present government, and that they will, in every way in their power, strengthen its hands. What, in deed, must you have if this government retire ? What can you have? Do you expect an angel from heaven to come down and conduct the administration, or do you imagine that the old reformers will rise from their graves to form an admins tration ? (Hear, hear.) Who would you have then? In the name of common sense, give God thanks that you have got the very best men upon the face of the earth for a government. (Cheers.) That is my answer to the question : " Have you confidence in the present government ?" (Cheers.) [A note was here handed to the reverend gentleman, request ing him to inform the auditory that the collections having been comaratively small, increased contributions would be desirable—which he did.] I was asked further, he proceeded, " What do you think of Sir Robert Peel's speech about Maynooth College ?" I will tell you what I think. I think of that exactly the same as the hon. member for Kent, Mr. Plumptre. I would with him divide the house and the country upon it; but at the same time, I say with the hon. member, that I would give the right hon. baronet all the support in my power upon his general policy, notwith standing. Hear.) That was the language of Mr. Plumptre in the House of Commons—a sound Protestant, Christian legislator ; who maintains his protest where principle is concerned, and in every other point he recognises the hand of God in giving us the very best man in the kingdom, per haps, to be the head of the kingdom's administration. (Cheers.) And so must we. (Applause.) We must con tinue to petition that the laws relating to that seminary should be examined ; that the pledge given by the Irish parliament for its support be withdrawn ; and that the sin of giving direct support to error be discontinued. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We must ask for this ; and we must get 20,000 more names added to the 20,000 already appended to our petition against Maynooth before the time of sending it up next spring. (Hear, hear.) It is impossi ble that men who think freely should agree on every point. Men who think will think differently. The unity that arises from good feeling, from admitting on some points that there must be a difference, and maintaining a common ground on others is a Christian unity. Men who are not allowed to think, who are ground under the despotism of a great tyrant, may seem to have unity, as popery seems to have it, but it is the unity of the church-yard ; death and corruption are at the bottom of it. (Hear, hear.) Again, it is asked, " What. now, about the emancipation bill." I will answer that in the language of a speech which I had the honour of delivering in the presence of one of our hereditary legislators, at a large meeting at Whitchurch three years ago. Upon that occa sion I came to the inquiry, " What is to be done ?" I said "This is a serious question. And in rnierence to it I will call your attention to the language of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He was lately, as you know, re-elected at Ports mouth, and of course addressed his constituents. It was a part of his duty to defend the government in which he held so distinguished a place. In doing so he could scarcely avoid some reference to those appointments in the Treasury and the Privy Council to which, my reverend friend has di rected your attention. After defending them, and. finding fault with those who objected to them, he continued thus ; " The truth was, the object of these parties was to raise the old no popery cry. Of all the courses that could have been pursued, certainly this was the most mischievous and silly. There might have been wisdom in keeping to the old system of exclusion ; but, having altered the law,—having changed the constitution in that particular, to attempt to pre vent !that which by law was now permitted, —to say to the Catholics, we have passed, indeed, the law, but we never in tend to carry it into effect, was to pursue a course in which there was neither the courage of resistance, nor the merit of yielding when you can no longer exist. It avoided both the old-fashioned sincerity of expression, and the more recent, and more natural, and more liberal mode of conciliation. In fact, the tories must attempt to repeal the concession to the Catholics,—if they dare attempt it—or they must be prepared to see the bill that emancipated the Catholics carried into real, honest effect." My comment upon that, was this, and I give it again as my answer to the question— " There is good sense in this. It is very fair, and will commend itself, I think, to public opinion. But notwith standing its simplicity, I cannot but think that there is a mistake,—that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has distin guished between things that ought to be united, and said or' when he ought to have said ' and.' We must carry out the bill that emancipated the Papists into real, honest effect, and we must return to the principle of exclusion. (Cheers.) For, let me ask, what was the principle of the bill of 1829? It was this, that no man, because of purely or exclusively reli gious opinions, was to be debarred from political privileges. Let this principle, then, stand. Let there be no priva tion of political privilege on account of merely and exclu sively theological difference of opinion. I am quite aware that many who, on most subjects, are with us, will not be entirely with us on this ; but as long as an indi vidual who denies the divinity of our Saviour is eligible to political power, so long the idolater who asserts the di vinity of a bit of paste, is equally eligible. As long as the belief of the Socinian does not exclude from political privilege, so long the belief of transubtantiation cannot consistently exclude either. I say, let the principle of the bill stand, that merely religious opinion is to be no ground of exclusion from civil privilege. (Hear, hear.) If the members of the Romig' system differ from Church of England Protestants only in religious sentiment—if they differ from them solely on a theo logical dogma—then I say it was the sense of the nation that there should be no exclusion on that account, and that all difference should cease politically. Hence the eagerness with which it was disclaimed that any other difference did exist. For, my lord, although it was a principle of the bill of 1829, that no merely religious difference should cause exclusion, it was not a principle of that bill—it is nowhere to be found in that bill—that principles of intolerance should not exclude. (Cheers.) It is nowhere found that a divided allegiance should not exclude. (Cheers.) It is nowhere found that principles inculcating perjury should not exclude. (Cheers.) It is nowhere found that principles of immorality, which call crimes duties and duties crimes, should not exclude. (Cheers.) Therefore all such principles were denied—denied on oath before parliamentary committees. You have heard some of the denials. (Hear, hear.) The nation believed them, and supposing, accordingly, that there was no difference except on a dogma of religion, the nation said, we want no political exclusion because of religious dogmas, and the bill was passed. (Hear.) The Duke of Wellington, who was the main agent in passing this bill, said. that if there were a dis appointment—if it were found that the bill did not answer the purpose—if Ireland was not pacified--if the nation was not improved by the consequences of the bill, he would come down to parliament and ask for fresh powers to meet the ex igencies of the case, and he had no doubt the legislature would repose the same conftdence in him as they had shown in enabling him to pass the measure. (Hear, hear.) The government and the crown in 1829 tried an experiment. They said, the Established Church of this realm, with all the advantages connected therewith, has hitherto been protected by a species of exclusion which is no longer tenable—exclusion because of transubstantiation. We determine to withdraw this species of exclusion. Instead of excluding because of transubstantiation, which the nation would no longer bear, they substituted an oath, whereby every suspected member of the church of Rome — for they were still suspected—who took power or office under the crown of England, should swear that he would not abuse the privileges he might acquire to injure the settlement of property, or the Established Church of these realms. This oath was substituted for the previous test against transub stantiation, which had kept them out, They would not take the test against transubstantiation. What, then, was to be done ? Some guard must be had for the Church of England. The principle of the bill of 1829 was to remove the religious cause of exclusion, and to secure the Church of England by an oath. 'What, then, becomes the duty of a government, having tried the experiment, and being intrusted with the institution of the country? Here was a long-suspected party, suspected of having designs against the state, and on that account kept from political power. Now came a time when they must be admitted, and a security is taken against the suspected dan ger. The nature of it is clear in the bill. The preamble of the bill sets forth as an hypothesis, that the Church of Eng land shall be secured in all its rights. This provided for the suspected danger, in admitting the members of the Church of Rome to political power; so that a principle of the bill of 1829 is indefeasible security to dm Church o f E ngland. We say, let the bill of 1829 " be carried out into real, honest effect." It contained two principles : one was, that religions opinions should no longer be a ground of political exclusion. That was our agreement, and we have stood to it. (Hear.) It contained another principle, which was, that political privi lege conferred on Roman Catholics should not be turned into an engine against the established church. That has failed." And now what do we say ? We say that the men who carried that measure, and who are determined that one part of it shall stand, are in duty bound to see that the other part of it shall stand also. (Cheers.) Let the principle stand, as I 71_ 4