The Sun. — London, England, 1847-03-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY __EVENING, MARCH 3, 1847. ANNEXATION OF CRACOW. --- GREAT PUBLIC MEETING. A public meeting was held in the Freemasons' Hall, Great Queen-street, yesterday, at one o'clock, for the purpose of p e titioning the Crown with resp ect to the annexatio a n ion of the free city of Cracow to the Austrian empire,in violt of the treaty of Vienna." T here was a numerous attendance. A number of ladies occupied seats immediately below the platform. Amonst those present . we observed the Marquis of Northampton, Earl Fitzwilham, Earl Rosebery, Viscount Sandon, Lord Beaumont, Lord Hherton, Lord Arundel and Surrey, Lord Wharncliffe, Lord Dudley. Stuart, Sir W. Clay, M.P., Sir C. Napier. M.P., Mr. Willams, M.P., Mr. Milnes, M.P., Mr. J. S. Buckingham, and a number of other gentlemen interested in the cause . of Poland The Marquis of Northampton was voted to the chair on the motion of Lord Dudley Stuart. He was supported on his right by Earl Fftzwilliam, and on his left by Lord Wharacliffe. s , et ca lled upon Lord Dudley Stuart to read The ,WAIRMA. several letters which he had received from various noblemen and gentlemen with respect to the question which the meet ing had been called to consider, and explanatory of their reasons for not attending the meeting. Lord DUDLEY STUART said he had received a number of letters from different gentlemen regretting that they would be prevented by circumstances over which they had no con trol from being present, but expressing their cordial con currence in the object for which it had been called. Amongst them were letters from the Duke of Bedford, the Duke of Sutherland, Earl Lovelace, Lord Ashley, Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, Mr. flume, M.P., Mr. IVyse, M.P., Mr. D'enision, M.P., Colonel Angerstein, the author of " The Revelations of Russia, " Mr. T. Mlkey, and a number of others. As it would consume too much time to read the whole of them, he would merely refer to two or three. which he thought the meeting would be glad to hear. One from the Duke of Bedford, dated. Woburn Abbey, Feb. 28, stated that it would have given his Grace pleasure to have aided by his presence so good a cause, but that be had for some time, owing to ill health, given up attending public meetings. Lord Ashley did not conceive that it was a judicious course to hold such a meeting, but he added that " no ene could regret the annexation of Cracow more deeply than he did, and that he considered it as one of the blackest deeds in modern history."—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN, who was received with loud applause, then addressed the meeting as follows :—Ladies and gentle men,—ln taking the chair on the present occasion, I have departed from a rule which I have, in a great measure, laid down for my guidance with respect to public meetings. The rule which I have adopted is similar to the one alluded to by the Duke of Bedford, in the letter which has just been read to you, as the state of my health does not generally allow me to attend public assemblies of this kind, at least they ge nerally interfere with my health for some time after ; but there is another reason why I have adopted such a rule, namely, that I bold the office of President of the Royal Society, to which I was elected by men of science in England ; and, therefore, I feel it right that I should abstain from party feeling as far as possible—as far as my duty will enable me to do—as I think that that abstinence enables me more effectually to perform duties of another kind.—(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, there are occasions of a peculiar nature, and I think this is one, on which no man in England—undoubtedly no states man in England—who considers that the maintenance of public faith and public treaties are the great mainstays of universal peace in the world, and the true promotion of intellectual pur suits, (for peace could never be secured,and can never continue if breaches of faith take place between nations), should hesitate to express his opinion. The expression of public feeling in England will have a great effect upon the Continent, and have a great effect in preventing the repetition of similar events to the one we have this day to deplore. It is on these grounds, therefore, that I have consented to take the chair. I will not, however, address you at any length, as there are several gentlemen to address you. I can only say that it is of the greatest importance that we should be, as far aspossible, unanimous in the expression of our sentiments; that we should not push them to violent lengths, in which all cannot concur; but that we should all combine together for one common object ; that we should be temperate arid moderate, but at the same time firm in our purpose.—(Loud cheers.) Earl FrrzWILLIAM then proposed the first resolution. In doing so he said—Ever since the present state of Europe had existed, ever since the expiration of that period which they generally now called the "middle ages"— when the various families of European civilization had assumed their present form—it had been held that that was a law of nations, which had the effect of binding toge ther the separate civilised families into which the world was divided, by receiving an understanding between all. It had been held that those nations which suffered from an infrac tion of the common understanding created between all should be entitled to call upon those who had committed the viola tions from which they suffered to act justly, and that, if they refused to do so, they must be contented to meet with the condemnation of the other nations of the world.—(Loud cheers.) Now, it undoubtedly appeared to him that if there ever was a violation of the public law of Europe, and not merely of the public law, but of an acknow ledged, an existing treaty, the suppression of the free state of Cracow certainly came under that definition, and afforded A glaring example of a violation of the law of nations to which he had reterred—(Cheers)—for let it be borne in mind that they had nut merely that written law to which the chairman had alluded, but they had a clear, a distinct re cognition of the freedom and independence of that state in that last settlement of Europe, which was enacted at the Congress of Vienna, in which it was most distinctly affirmed that without " restriction or proviso Cracow should not be occupied by a military force on any pretext whatsoever; and should for ever remain a free and independent city." He had thought it necessary to call, in the first instance, the attention of the meeting to the expressions in the resolution, because they were probably not unaware that ex pressions had been made, with the view of making out a case, for the three aggressing Powers arising. as it was stated, from this circumstance—that though there was a stipulation that Cracow should continue an independent state, nevertheless, that etipulation did not form a part of that Congressional Act, by which the public ear of Europe was thenceforward to be regulated ; but, instead of that, it most clearly appeared that that stipulation did form a part of the Act of the Congress, and that, therefore, the suppression of the state of Cracow was not merely an act of violence against that state, but a breach of faith with all the other Powers of Europe.— ( Hear, hear.) It was necessary, in the first instance, to draw attention to this, because they were probab.y as well aware as himself that expressions had been nude, and pro bably might hereafter be made, to show that however much Cracow had reason to ceinplain, the other Powers of Europe had none; but he thought time words he had read were sufficient to satisfy them t hat time suppression of Cracow WAS not merely a violation of the treaty with respect t. , • Cracow, but a - breach of faith with ail the other Powers 01 Europe.—(Applause.) Another question would probably be asked—what good could be done by a few hundred gentle men meeting in Freemasons' Hall to express their opinion:, oa the subject? It would be said that the act was dens— that it could not be rectified—c'est no . bait accompli. It might be asked if they expected to get that meeting to annul the suppression of Cracow? He meant no such thing, but he knew that the opinions —the serious and deliberate opinions of the people of England, were powerful ; and he trusted that meeting was a sample of those opinions, and that it would fearlessly express its opinion with respect to the conduct of the most despotic Governments of the Continent ; for even the most despotic Governments respected public opinion, and no public feeling was so powerful as that ot England.—(Hear.) Therefore, he thought that the expres sion of their opinions on the transaction would not be with out utility. Let it also borne in mind that Cracow was not the only weak state in the empire.—( Hear, hear.) There were other feeble states with powerful neighbours ; and it was, perhaps, as much for the sake of defending and throwing the Shield over those weak nations, as well as f,r the purpose 01 expressing his opinion on this particular transaction, that lie agreed to he present, to join them in giving expression to their opinions. He would not detain them further, but pro ceed at once to the resolution which he was to propose. It was to the following effect : " That in the opinion of this meeting, the military occu pation of the town and territory of Cracow, and their an. nexation to the empire of Austria, are manifest and flagrant violations of the general act of congress or treaty of Vienna. concluded between England, France, Austria, Russia, Prussia, and other Powers, by which it was stipulated, without, re striction or proviso, That Cracow should not be occupied by a military force on any pretext whatever, and should for ever remain a free and independent city.' "—( Loud cheers.) —He would ask them if, after that stipulation, Cracow was no longer to remain a free and independent state, what security was there fbr the safety of Geneva from ag gression ?—of Frankfort ?—of Hamlnirgh ? These were all small leeble states. But lie would go fur ther, and he would ask what security was there that a similar proceeding might not be adopted with respect to Wirtemberg and Saxony? What security was there for the safety of the small states into which Germany was di vided, if Cracow was to be thus ( destre,ye ? thought, therefore, that they would agree w i t h him that thewould adopt a wise step in giving expression to the sentiments of the resolution which he had proposed for their acceptance. Lord WitAaerceirese on rising to s econ d the -resolution, was received with great cheering. He said it was his inten tion only to say a few words, as his Noble Friend had already so well discussed the subject. The feelings of the people of England, be was sure, as well as the feelings and sympathies of the present assembly, were with them on the question of the suppression of Cracow.—(Hear.) And the sentiment was one confined to no party or body of men, but pervaded all.—(Cheers.) It would not be necessary for him to enter at large into the subject; but he would confine himself to the plain and simple circumstances of the case—the violation of the treaty of Vienna—which he pronounced to be a wanton violation of the holiest engagements. He should not, in expressing himself upon this point, go into the great field of argument and declamation about the wrongs of Poland. He knew the feelings of the people of this country on this subject, and he could testify to the sympathy and feeling which they had everywhere excited. But with regard to the question more immediately before the meeting, the Act referred to, it had received no defence from those by whom the art of aggression had been induced. But no defence would be admitted. There had been no provocation for the suppression of Cracow, or if there had that was not the course which the three Powers shou'd have taken. The course which they ought to have taken was clear. They ought to have appealed to the other Powers who had been parties to the treaty of Vienna, and asked their sanction to the course they were disposed to take. No defence, no explanation could excuse the act they had done, and it was right that they should meet here, and to pronounce their opinion that the suppression of Cracow, as a violation of a treaty, was one of the most flagrant recorded in the pages of history. They might truly say, in the words of a more exalted person in another place, that if this treaty was to be violated with l o m n p t r e ity, such engagements would be found not more sacred V istula. —(Hear, of the Rhine and the Po than on the banks of the hear.) His Noble Friend, as he before observed,had so well alluded to the facts of the question that longer, thane (Lord Wharncliffe) would not detain them but present was to remark, that if such a meeting as the deemed necessary, : it was desirable that it should not be a fail ure , hut strong feeling of the p m e ri o Ts, as he believed it would, the t of hereby i 4 country respecting the suppression of Cracow ; tt e e Gra cious Majesty, in opening present session of Parliament the speech of her th on this head, might find a response rd sat down, amidst Eng lishman.—(Cheers.) The Nobleise herd the breasts of ling loud cheers, by seconding the resolutio Ae n wit icli vr w as as carried The CHAIRMAN then the put resolution,' unanimously. Lord DUDLEY S [TART, who on rising cheered, said he did not get up to make a Sp eec h , but to read a had m l e tt e r which he received f ro an d well known to the World for em inent person , the interest he bad taken in the affairs __of Poland— he alluded to Si r Stratford Canning—(Cheers)—esho was her Majesty's representative at the Ottoman Porte. The Noble Lord read the lett er, which condemned in very d h ec e id b e e d . language the suppression of Cracow as an act, which, Roved, in its consequences would yet shake the foundations of the states of Europe, and expressing a regret that it was impossible he could attend the meeting on account of the official position he held. Sir EDWARD CODEINGTON rose to move the next resolution. He said a resolution had been placed in his hands, and as ha had been all his life in the habit of obeying orders, he had vaboaitted to the word of vountuad ou the Proca4 I occasion.—(Hear, hear). He was no public speaker, and if he had his own way he would read the resolution for his speech. But he would only say that, in his opinion, the example afforded by the suppression of Cracow would prove of the most serious consequence to Europe and the world. — (Hear, hear). If the suppression of Cracow was justifiable, where were they to stop ? They had heard that the French had an eva on the Ba;earic isles, and - .-..-.. why should they not take possession of them, if Cra- I cow was to be suppressed ? Why, in fact, should not all the states of Europe follow the same example ?—(Hear, hear.) If it were right for the three Powers to confiscate Cracow, why should not Britain (which, he trusted, she would never do) take possession of some islands that might suit her convenience?—(Hear.) On this ground, therefore, he held the example of the suppression of Cracow was most injurious and dangerous to the peace of the world—(Hear, hear)—for if oue country committed an act of aggression, others might consider themselves justified in following in the same wake ; the effect of which would be, that the despotic and strong powers would take possession of the weak. It was to prevent such a consequence that he thought the sup pression of Cracow should be protested against, for though his trade was war, he had an anxious desire for peace.— (Cheers.) If they were to sanction such a violation of trea ties and engagements, he could not see why other countries should not make reprisals, and every one take what he sould and do as he pleased.—(Hear, hear.) It was important that the resolutions of that meeting should go forth to Europe, as expressing the sense of the people of this country on the subject. He would now conclude by moving the resolution entrusted to him, in doing which he begged leave to observe that he fully agreed with the observations of the Noble Lord, who preceded him. The resolution was as follows : "That even, if the existence and independence of Cracow had not been guaranteed by treaty, the aggressions of Ens- Austria, and Prussia on that city , would have constituted a glaring infraction of the principles of justice and interna tional law : but that being so guaranteed, the conduct of those states in abolishing the independent existence of Cra cow, notwithstanding their repeated assurances that no such step was in contemplation, and without the consent of the other powers, parties to the treaty of Vienna, must be further considered as involving an affront to those powers, and to England as one of them." (The Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.) The Earl of Ann NDEL and SUILREY seconded the resole tion. He should not detain tkem with a speech, but he rose to express his satisfaction at the assembling of so many dis tinguished Englishmen to protest against the most unjusti fiable act of the suppression of Cracow, in defiance of every principle of honour and justice among nations.—(Cheers.) The resolution was put and carried unanimously. Lord BraultorsT moved the third resolution. It was one in which he must cordially agree, and he thought he would have no difficulty in getting the meeting to agree to it also. It embodied the chief features of the transaction to which it alluded. It referred not only to the great moral injustice committed by the three aggressive Powers, but also to the impolicy of the other Powers allowing such an aggression to take place—(Hear, hear) —not only to the infraction of the treaty of Vienna, but to the moral dereliction of allowing the weak powers of Europe to be trodden under foot.—(Loud cheers.) With such a subject, were he to consult his own feelings, he would carry them far into the question, but that he did not intend to do. He simply proposed to give v ent to the sentiments which such an event as the suppression of Cracow was calcu lated to call forth, and which must excite the feeling in this country, that if it were allowed to pass by with im punity, as it had not been the first time such deeds were com mitted, so neither would it be the last.—(Hear, hear.) Were he to go back to Poland and her sufferings, which he did not intend to do, he would have to go over a large por tion of the history of Europe. The aggressions com mitted on Cracow was but one of many similar committed on Poland. Already there had been four monstrous aggressions committed, since the first great one, when, in spite of every right of man and law of God, three great nations divided Poland, like robbers after they had made their plunder.— (Tremendous cheering.) That nation and that people, to whom Europe was s more indebted than any other, was thus divided.—(hear, hear.) He would want words to state it as he ought. But for the protection afforded by Poland, Austria herself would not have existed as a nation, and a Turkish Paella would have ruled in Vienna. —(hear, hear.) lie could read to them how, for many ages, and in many bloody battles, the people of Poland stood the bulwark of Europe and Christianity against the Mahometan nations, and the barbarism of the East.—(Cheers.) There was not a European nation which was not indebted to Poland for the advancement of civilisation and the spread of letters. —( Hear, hear.) But, though he might expatiate on the topics, he would not dwell on them at present, but confine himself to the great danger there existed to the peace and stability of Europe, in allow ing those acts of aggression to take place. Every publicity had already been given to the circumstances connected with the suppression of Cracow. They had now on record the whole of the correspondence which took place in consequence of the Austrian and Prussian dread of the overwhelming power of Russia. They knew that at the conclusion of the war, when the provisions of the treaty of Vienna were ratified, they knew that then—and they had the correspondence which passed upon the subject— Austria and Prussia dreaded the conversion of the large king dom of Poland into part of the dominions of Russia ; but the English Ambassador, Lord Castlereagh, fought their battles for them, he got the consent of this country to fight their battles for them with Prussia, and he defeated her pr(ject.— (Cheers. ) But let them look at the consequences of the ar rangement made between the three Powers on the 3d of May in consequence of the correspondence of Lord Castlereagh with Russia. It was England, then, that protected the dominions of Austria and Prussia with their express wish, and in compliance with that wish it was she that afterwards secured a settlement ; and had nothing further taken place, had England done nothing more, surely Austria and l'russia were bound, in gratitude to her, and in honour, even if no treaty of Vienna had ever existed, and it' the treaty of the 3d of May had been the only treaty concluded to respect her views on the subject. Chat treaty was signed by the Three Powers, and these two countries were protected entirely iy the exertions of this country. But not only that treaty was negotiated, there were three treaties at length ob 'ained, and that great treaty of Vienna was in existence; all of these, together with the great treaty of Vienna, set forth the strong obligation that lay on the three Powers to respect the independence of Poland in the republic of Cracow. (Cries of "Hear, hear," and cheers.) This country nlid not only obtain for them the three treaties between the 3d of May and the 9th July; not only did chese exist by themselves, but they were set forth and were '0 be considered as a part of tae text—those treaties were actually combined as integral parts of the great treaty which was ratified in the Congress of Vienna, the words of which most distinctly state-1 that on no ground whatever should any trilled force ever enter the free republic of Cracow—(cheers) — that she should be a free and a neutral state ; and aiming •he last provisions of that treaty it was distinctly set forth that the Polish provinces themselves should enjoy their own constitution.—(Great cheering.) Therefore it was clear, it was evident, that by the treaty of Vienna alone, the obliga [nine were binding upon those Powers. Supposing there was no other treaty in existence than that, by that the obliga tion lay upon them which they violated ; and that treaty itself , and the treaties which formed parts of the text, that of the 3d of May, and the others constituting afterwards t portion of the treaty of Vienna,: these were planned and arranged by the English Ambassador, Lord Castlereagh But now, in spite of all these the strongest obligations which could exist, these Powers slighting them as nothing, deluding the other Powers, misleading—(Hear, hear)—professing to .to one thing and doing another—(Hear, hear)—not boldly in the mode, but meanly—(Cries of ‘.Hear, hear," and cheers)—not openly, but behind the backs of the other Powers, pounced upon Cracow—(lmmense cheermg)—and destroyed not only that republic, but with that republic the bonds between the nations of Europe.— (Great cheering.) Now they were aware that there were great epochs in history, that these epochs marked the times, ind that from these the times themselves took their colour. There were the treaties of Westphalia, of Utrecht, and of Vienna, all concluded for the same object, to repress 'he strong and to protect the weak ; but he asked them, if that was the object of them all, whether they could violate .me of them without a convulsion in Europe ?.—(Grear cheering.) But here was a treaty which fixed what had been called the balance of power in Europe—a treaty by which all the Powers associated for the protection of the weak and for the repression of the strong—that treaty had been infringed and violated, and what might be the conse quence? He would not weaken the words of the Gallant Admiral (Sir Edward Codrington) who had spoken before him, but attempt to quote them, as they opened up the possible consequences as they might ensue to Europe. Now, was the time come for everts nation snatching what it liked, for every people that were strong to seize on every power that was weak, why might. not France pass the Rhine at Belgium, and pass the Rhine at Strasburg, and cross the Alps into Gallicia?—(Hear, and cheers.) Now was the time come when Austria might with justice again be driven from the plains of Lombardy.—(lmmense cheering.) If he had time he could point out the danger which threatened not only the small states of Europe, but even oiler string and likely reasons why there was imminent danger threatening those two powers themselves that appeared to be strong. Never did blind go down into A pit, never did fool throw himself from a precipice with con sequences more evident than that black act—(Cheers) — committed by Austria and Prussia, which would stand against them and be remembered in the day of vengeance.-- (Great cheering.) The Noble Lord concluded a most elo quent speech by moving the third resolution, and sa t down amidst cheering which continued for several minutes. M. C. fIiLL, Q.C., then came forward to second the reso lution. He said he felt, after the eloquence which they had just heard, that he required their indulgence while he en deavoured to point out the grounds on which rested the manifest violation of the treaty of Vienna. lie should not have thought it even pcsaible for a lawyer, which he unfortunately happened to be—(Laughter)— with all that ingenuity which those who had less reverence for it than lawyers, called quibbling and quirks, to have fixed a doubt on the provisions of that treaty brought before their attention by the Noble Lord—a treaty concluded be all the great Powers of Europe and many of the smaller Powers— chat Cracow should remain independent . between Russia, Prussia, and Austria. But an ingenuity had been brought to bear upon the treaty, which, if a lawyer had used, would have bee n termed special pleading. It had been said, for example, that those provisions affecting Cracow were contained in certain minor treaties. But of that quibble the Noble Lord who preceded him had sufficiently disposed. Again, said they, it had been broken before. That might be tr u e, but a treaty was not a china bo wl, that it should be broken im mediately into pieces. And if England had been so phlegmatic as to sit by and look on while it was violated, the three Powers had combined now to rouse them, phlegmatic as they were, by an act which would bring upon these Powers eternal disgrace.—(Cheers.) He would assume that there had been a violation of the treaty of Vienna. The Noble Lord had said that that violation had been done meanly in the mode, but he must say that in the principle they had acted with boldness, in open day, before the face of Europe ,glorying in their shame, ,violating that which their own troth had ratified before all Europe. They had entered into open treaty, and by agreement they had destroyed that Republic, and it had been absorbed into the dominions of Austria, never again to exist.—(Hear ) Why, he asked, did England stand aside? They had treated the treaty concluded byGreat Britain with the powers of Europe with contempt; and why (lid they not speak? England must now speak or be for ever silent.—(Cheers.) He assured them that this act could not be passed over without danger to England, strong as she was ; and if, when the danger threatened themselves, they cried out, what might the other Powers say other than throw back in Tr : i t t i l , l ol l , l:_s her . teeth her former silence. (Cries of " Never.") Some had said of that clay's proceedings that it would be a hmaarroen protest. He disagreed with that. The humblest tirat of many national when he lifted his voice against wrong, had might Cr h d e s • but surely when the greatest Power in against the act, expected that that meeting would be the The Learned Gentleman, she assemblies—lifted up her protest ntle e m aould not be heard in vaiu.—(Cheers.) last great war in Europe , an, after referring to the events of the n Britain, of, reminded Russia o the meeting that a claim reat r fo olland. The question was, had been made by the nitch were weak. who could bear the burde ( P is ti o — pense duri ng laughter.)t t Britain, was the reply. course, had had no ex hid inado lacrulf ocromip of the loM by War ; she PY 119thiagl Of course ; but Britain was called upon to refund to the Dutch creditors the loan of 25,000,000 florins, borrowed by the Emperor of Russia, and she did that by a payment annually of 5 per cent., and 1 per cent. sinking fund. These 25,000,000 florins were equal to about 2,200,0001., and the interest they had still to pay for Russia amounted to something like 120,000/.—(Hear, and cries of " Shame.) Another convention was agreed to between England and Russia in 1831, when the separation of Belgium from Holland was recognised, and the latter end of that convention stipulated the continuance of the 120,0001. yearly, partly on the ground of that stipulation be ing maintained, but much more that the treaty of Vienna should be observed in respecting the independence of the republic of Cracow.—(Hear, hear.) But, Cracow was now no more—it had been destroyed by agreement between Russia and the other two Powers, and now formed part of Austria.—(Cries of "Shame, shame.") He trusted that the men of England were prepared, heart and hand, to uphold !their Sovereign, whose words from the Throne on the first day of the session, he was sure, spoke the sentiments of every Englishman.—(Great cheering.) The Learned Gentlema❑ sat down, by seconding the follow- ing resolution : " That as the tranquillity and prosperity of all communi • ties, whether of nations or of individuals, depend on the main tenance of justice, the repression of violence and the fulfil ment of engagements ; and as, :on the contrary, tranquillity and prosperity are endangered when the weak are abandoned to the mercy of the strong, when sacred rights and duties are permitted to be violated, and solemn obligations to be disregarded, therefore this meeting views with no less alarm than indignation. the measures adopted by the Governments of Russia, Austria and Prussia towards Cracow, and the other provinces of ancient Poland, believing that such measures are not only in themselves, in the highest degree, unjust and impolitic, but that they directly tend to weaken respect for treaties, to retard the progress of civilisa tion, to encourage the projects of ambition, to strengthen the enemies of order, and to endanger the peace of Europe." The NOBLE CHAIRMAN put the resolution to the meeting, and it was carried amidst immense cheering, the whole meeting standing. Mr. D. UIfQI:7IART felt considerable difficulty in bringing the motion with which he was intrusted under the notice of the meeting; but he was so fully convinced that there bad been a gross violation of the rights of nations, that he was relieved from much of the difficulty under which he laboured, for the eloquent speeches which had been addressed to the meeting had placed the matter so fully before them that he had only to turn his attention to the subject which during the last three months had been so urgently pressed upon the i Government and on Parliament, and that was the violation of the Treaty of Vienna. The last sentence which had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman who had just addressed them, backed as it was by his own high character gave the assurance that the highest legal authorities were fully convinced that there had been a shameful violation of the treaty by which the inde pendence of Cracow was secured. Bat it would be his bu siness to show that not only had this treaty been violated, but that there were other Powers who perfectly coincided in that opinion, and that the fallacies which had been put before Parliament had a foundation neither in reason nor justice. They had had the highest legal opinions of this country that there had been an infamous infraction of those principles, and he felt assured that the meeting would sympathise in the opinion that they could never be broken through without exposing any nation to the liability of being themselves the sufferers from the same injustice. That was their position, and he had always found that, in order to be safe, their acts must always be in conformity with their duty. And, notwithstanding the mighty array of power, which was brought to bear on this matter, he believed that England had nothing to do but to express its will, for that will to be listened to and to be obeyed—(Great cheer ing)—for, he believed, that at the present moment, she pos sessed the greatest power on the face of the earth.—( Renewed cheering). By consenting to this aggression, they were leaving the opportunity open for the commission of equal injury against themselves, but if they recorded their deter mination, and acted up to that determination, that no injustice should be done to other nations, they would be raising a barrier for their own defence.—(Cheers). He had never felt the value of public opinion more than he did at the present moment.—(Cheers.) They might recollect how public opinion had been alighted on several subjects, until it was fully, determinately, and per severingly expressed; and they might estimate the value of such demonstrations as this, and how the representations of public meetings had been weighed by the Government , and with what readiness their influence had been allowed by the Ilouse of Commons.—(Cheers.) The expression of public opinion was nothing more than the expression of the sense which was entertained of public right, and they would perceive by this that that expression was not so much a declaration of abstract principles, as it was an assertion of the determi nation to have public right enforced.—(Cheers.) They would see by this, too, what was the value of the pressure from without. He did not mean that pressure from without that had so much force in Downing-street, as that which would oblige a consideration of the rights of nations. Ile believed that such a moving cause was to be found in this affair of Cracow, and that it would, in the end, terminate in a recognition of those rights.—(Cheers.) It should be re collected that this meeting had to do with the, not merely pri vate affairs ota few, but with the blotting out a whole people from the map of nations. They were met for no ordinary occa sion, for they were met to celebrate the obsequies of the Polish nation ; a nation whose existence had not been ob literated by their own crimes, but from the violence of foreign aggression. Mr. Urquhart then went through the whole of the treaties which had been entered into for the preservation of the nationality of Poland, and showed how sensible the Ottoman Government had been of the necessity of uphold ing Poland, in order to preserve that country as a barrier to the several nations of Europe. He concluded by moving— " That this meeting has learned with profound satisfaction that the Government of the Ottoman Empire has on the present, as on former occasions, signalised its condemnation of the injustice of which Poland has been the victim." Sir H. VERNZY, in a speech delivered with great freedom, entered into the principle that the inflection of treaties against one country, might very easily be used as a principle of aggression against others, and detailed the whole of the circumstances which had occurred since the year 1813, and proved how detrimental the infraction of the Treaty of Vionna had been to the general interests of Europe. He concluded by cordially seconding the motion. It is almost needless to say that the resolution was passed unanimously, fur every speech was received wi,h great enthusiasm. The LEW Maxon (Sir G. Carroll) proposed the fifth reso lution, and in doing s'), adverted to the circumstance that, as the Chief Magistrate of the City of London, he was exceed ingly anxious to promote the good understanding between France and England. Mr. BEALES seconded the motion, and stated his belief that if the entente cordial., between the two countries had not been interfered with, that the three Great Powers would never have dared to commit this aggression upon Polish freedom. A resolution in conformity with the speeches was then una nimously adopted. Sir C. NAPIEIt moved " That a humble address be pre sented to her M:'jesty the Queen, humbly thanking her Ma jesty for the distinct expression of her sentiments in reference to Cracow contained in her Majesty's speech on opening the session of Parliament, and humbly praying her Majesty to adopt any measures which may appear calculated to avert the evils which must otherwise inevitably accrue to all the states of Europe from the continued acts or violence exercised by Russia, Austria, and Prussia, towards Poland, and for ameliorating the condition of that oppressed nation." He expressed his opinion that if the pro test of England and France had been followed by something like a hostile demonstration and the withdrawal of the Government agent from Cracow that its annexation to Austria would never have occurred. Mr. J. S. Ilucs - arrunANt seconded the motion, and in doing so expressed his belief that the violation of treaties was a backward step from the onward progress of civilization. Like the others, this motion was unanimously adopted. Captain L. JAMANSKI moved a vote of thanks to the Noble Chairman, stating that the Poles did not rely on the treaty it .etitoiThey ),sioeo: iloid:lLtßinpitdsbva,ol(iealthrraoef : sioicdaaystini o , rsacdkleN f eDla,vsi:(l l lbniethtuti ' bgetstbhe i liteee e iha;tnn: n rehhnd: n ti e:ebeateey a wnasyiriolodsii al ipolitiTls o uchpeoar r otsoeetni(opirt dotiyAfe)STUAßT,ti theparty t.preservationo that treaty, and the i were e re therefore opportunity bnvgkys by Mr. ttn i y wtrry n e:gia . rihale a .coenal . 1 ) l pss o Guoh a wlot oge,vhws Government. tfci p rhrni ineoegemmcwcehtnhhh, what t secondedcdorne conduct cftu tlphls pursued sff m u€ e o r d te.v occurredel le r whilstW i erc in Lordski an t e A Bv e n e nr ito assault ow sk doi hadon with Mr. th been e commit o bje ct of Harcourt, • the meeting. The Marquis of NORTHAMPTON returned thanks, wish ing that every one presentmight go and dream of the wrongs of Poland. The reply was greatly cheered, and the meeting separated. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of March 2.) Suo2.a.—To-day importers of Sugar were desirous to realise, and abundantly supplying the market, caused a fur ther fall in the value of all sorts, notwithstanding the demand was good for East India and Mauritius for the pan and scale; but for brewing and distilling there are yet few operators. The market for West India had a dull appearance, all quali ties being purchased with much caution. FOREIGN.—The stock has been further increased of Foreign Sugar, and merchants being willing sellers of the descrip tions available for home consumption, and supplying the market largely, produced a fall in the value of all descriptions. The demand, however, has been good, and the parcels offered at auction were all sold, chiefly consisting of the better de- E g c r r e i a p t t e io r n t s h . an T i h a e ,t im y p e o a r r t , at a i n o d n otfh allthe quality sortsi is of thatlikely to alreadybe mucli better . than To_ da y t h it a e t fi o n f e thed goods l)as, metses o re ceivedn. ItaF :N s with little attention under export 3 demand, a e n w c t l from the home trade, alth oug h th ere are se ll ers upon further q is n a al l it a y rge a F n o d r Bon it d d e i d ffi C e u r u l t s ht to ed d p u S r u c g n a a r s e there nest reduced terms. The refiners are g e n era lly anxious sellers. is MADRlTltii.—This afternoon two parcels of Mauritius Sugar, amounting to 16,126 bags, were offered at public auc tion, the chief part of which consisted of bright grocery de scriptions. The whole sold, at a reduction on former rates of Is per cwt. EAST INDIA.—ThiS afternoon Madras sugar was not much in demand, and 4,419 bags at auction were only partly sold at a fall on former rates of ls. MoLAssEs.—For West India the demand has been limited for all descriptions. The value of low to fine quality is 22s to 26s per cwt. A small parcel of good St. Kitts sold at 24s 6d, East India Treacle is dull of sale, and 24s to 25s are the nearest rates. Honey is offered upon reduced terms. COFFEE.—This afternoon at auction 10 casks Jamaica sold at 65s for low middling; 331 bags of Plantation Ceylon, fine fine ordinary 60s to 655, fine ordinary 56s to 58s, ordinary 455, low ordinary 41s 6 d, triage 24s 6d ; 101 bags osta Rica 36s for good ordinary, and 45s for fine ordinary. By private treaty there was less desire evinced to operate in Native Ceylon ; but there are not sellers under 43s for good ordinary, and only a small amount of business was done. TEA.—There are further arrivals, consisting chiefly of the better descriptions, still none has again been submitted to public sale ; the stock is not so heavy as it was at this time last year, whilst the deliveries are much larger of all sorts. The town and country trade hold small stocks, notwithstand ing the large purchases made by them of late. Congou is not offered upon lower terms, but the demand has fallen off for all sorts, and only a limited business has been done. Fnum—For export to Holland a good business has been done in Currants ut 52s for !ante, and the market has a firmer appearance. Hors.—The operations have been upon a more extended scale, especially in the better sorts. Holders show firmness, and offer only a moderate quantity for sale. We quote Sussex pkts at 78s to 88s, Weald of Kent 86s to 983, mid, and East ditto 95s to 136 s per cwt. RICE.—To-day Bengal met with little attention privately • and 1,176 bags at auction only partly sold at 24s for good bold white, and at 225 to 23s for damaged, which is the former value. SrxcEs.—To-day at public sale 18 casks Dutch limed Nut mega for exportation only were in part sold at 35 2d to 3s 3d for bold, which is the full value; 16 casks of various sorts for home consumption were offered, and chiefly taken in— Madras wormy at is 6d, Singapore middling brown 3s. to 3s. 2d, fair middling 3s 4d : 1 case Mace sold at 3s 7d for middling red. • CQvuue,Au—All cleacriptioua an much in demand, and the rates paid are rather above those that existed previously. The deliveries are far exceeding those of last year, whilst the stock is less ; at public sale 118 bags of Honduras were all disposed of at 5s 7d to 63 for good ordinary to fine silvers, and 7 bags of black at 6s 8d to Is ld per lb. l'IltITS.—To-day there were sellers of all descriptions of Rum upon lower terms, still exporters and the home trade o p e rated with caution; proof Leewards can be obtained at 3s 9d to 3s 10d; East India 3s 5d to 33 6d; and Jamaica 30 to 38 per cent ; over proof at 5s to 6s per gallon. The sup ply is on the increase of East India. OlLS.—There has been an increased desire manifested to operate in Cocoa Nut Oil, and prices have improved. Holders of Palm are still willing sellers, but submit to rather lower rates. In Rape Seed Oil large purchases have been made, and quotations ruled firm. In Olive large purchases have been made ; holders were firm. In Linseed agood deal hasbeen done. a further improvement in prices has taken place. Cod met with little attention, and there are sellers at 271 to 271 5s per tan. For Seal the market is in a dull state. For Southern further reduced rates have been taken. Sperm is little wanted, and holders are desirous to sell. Lard Oxalis in fair demand, and 44s to 50s are paid for low to fine qty. TALLow.—Russian has been in excellent request on the spot, and a slight improvement again occurred. For delivery in the last three mont hs of the year a good business has bean t ra nsacted at 45s to 45 s 6 d . Home-made is worth 50e to 50s 6d nett cash, at whi ch man y parcels have been sold. Other sorts of Tallow are w anted, and prices are improving. PETITIONS ON PRIVATE BILLS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. There were no unopposed cases on either Mr. Smith's or Mr. May's list. (Room 22, before Mr. Examiner Slum.) OPPOSED LIST. EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN RAILWAY (I M- P ROVEM ENT OF THE FERRY BETWEEN FERRY PORT AND THE NORTH SHORE OF THE RIVER TAY.) This case was gone through, but the Examiner postponed his decision till to-morrow. GREAT METROPOLITAN WATERWORKS. The customary formal proofs wero taken in this case. Adjourned till to-morrow. (Room 23, before Mr. Examiner MAT.) SHREWSBURY AND BIRMINGHAM ACT AMEND MENT, AND BRANCHES. There were four memorials against this petition, but no one appeared to support them. The parties, nevertheless, failed in completing the formal proofs, and the standing orders were declared not to have been complied with. STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The Committee met this day at the usual hour for the dis patch of public business. The following deCisions were an nounced during the course of the day : THE FALMOUTH WATERWORKS BILL. Standing orders complied with, and parties allowed to proceed. EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN (DUNFERMLINE BRANCH). Standing orders not dispensed with, and the Bill thrown out. PARK-GATE, CHESTER AND BIRKENHEAD. Standing orders complied with, and allowed to proceed. OXFORD, WORCESTER, AND WOLVERHAMP TON RAILWAY, No.l (EXTiNSION AND AMENDMENT). Allowed to proceed. EASTERN COUNTIES (BRANCH FROM STRAT FORD TO VICTORIA PARK, &c.) Standing Orders not dispensed with, and the Bill thrown 'out. AXIIOLME RAILWAY (FROM LEEDS AND SELBY RAILWAY TO GAINSBOROUGH). Allowed to proceed. TYNE DOCKS, No. 7. Standing orders complied with, and the parties allowed to proceed. ENFIELD AND EDMONTON RAILWAY. Allowed to proceed, certain clauses being struck out of the Bill. SURREY AND KENT COMMISSION OF SEWERAGE. Standing orders not complied with. THE LONDON SEWERAGE CHEMICAL MANURING COMPANY. Allowed to proceed. MANCHESTER ORD AND SH IRE BIRMINGHAM (NORTH STAY F JUNCTION). Allowed to proceed. BELFAST IMPROVEMENT BILL. Allowed to proceed. LOUGH NEAGH DRAINAGE. Allowed to proceed. TIIE NAVY ESTIMATES. (From the Times.) Sir Charles Napier led the van against the Admire' estimates on Friday night in true family style, and w - e are bound to say that his annual onslaught was not without a degree of success. Architects, constructors, engineers, artificers, First Lords, and secretaries, all received the fire of the gallant Admiral, as he passed steadily along the line, and it was not at every point that he was answered with equal spirit. Mr. Corry 'e remark, that the arguments had been frequently heard before was more accurate than his observe-. tion that they had been as frequently replied to. There is no doubt whatever that the complaints are not. new, but the periodical reports of our naval in telligence leave very considerable doubt whether semi of them are not just. The speech of the Secretary to the Admiralty was a good exposition of the difficulty of getting things without paying for them, and the feeble objections off.xed to the present and prospectivi increase of the estimates showed how completely the in. terest taken in this arm of our defences can overpower even the hereditary economy of the nation. The argu ments in u.,e were highly characteristic. At the pre sent day an orator has nothing to do in the French or English Chambers but to point to the proceed ings across the Channel, and the reciprocal rivalry o. the nations will do the rest. France has just made a vote of five millions and a half for the year ensuing, and the demand of the English Minister is less that: six. The sum was evidently below the mark, and Mr. Ward began to deprecate the anticipated attack upon his spiritless parsimony, by a gratuitous confession of his shortcomings. While we had done nothing but sur vey D ov er llarb. , ur and build blockhouses at Portsmouth , sta ggering in the idea that thesmithery at Brest our neighbours had garnished their whole seaboard Iron; while that at Portsmouth has old) north to south with magnificent works of which "tilt H , use had no conception." There is really something e a French while with a majority ce 79 furnaces a gainst ire at a time when the world will b: ruled by steam and iron ! The ladies of Sussex will but . f.l 1 n mostnor du thew e minorse never b e able to sleep in their beds till we cal -te perfectly contains tains Fancy l 27 6 resi match the French, bellows for bellows. Seriously. we ma k e no objection to the demands for thi: public service, right spirit reforms which seem to be projected. No person grudges the six mil. lions ; the only question is, how is it to be expended i The money is none too much, but is it certain we art going to get the most for it? No answer was made t, the ma in charges of Sir Charles Napier, that half ou: vote was wasted in experiments. Tee fate of some of Albion's bulwarks " is most distressing. A huge 74 is launched into her "native element" amidst the shout: of admiring thousands ; next week she is laid up it ordinary, w h ere she languishes for 10 or 15 years ; she is the n taken out and cut down to suit new fashion, or a fresh de man d ; a f ter thi d i ,degradation sheis again sent u p t h e b as i l out of sight , and after a second interval of obscurity i 3 at length broken up or turned into a hulk withoiii ever having carried a pennant throughout the whole term of her existence. The moat contented and indul gent contributor to the public burdens may ask that the authorities should first know their own minds, and they; go to the cheapest market, but we seem to put a pre mium upon extravagance and caprice. When a vessel is fairly launched her cost may be said to have just cone- menced. First her stem, then her stern is altered, and when these unfortunate extremities have been repro duced in every variety of contour, she is cut in two amidships and lengthened some six. y feet. The ori: ginal craft is entirely lost—pars minima est ipso puello sui—and some extraordinary chimera is the result, as fabulous and as monstrous as a mermaid, with the length of a three-decker and the beam of e eloop, the bows of a cutter and the stern of a 74. ;sir. Hume put the matter in a form beyond argu. meat. " There never," said the Hon. Member, " b a d been so many instances of ships cut down and ship: enlarged as during the last few years, and there we no instance of any vessel built for any particular purpose which was found fit for that purpose when the necessity arose for its use." So regular and certain, indeed, are these disappointments, that perhaps it might be worth while to try the rule sug gested by Sheridan for matrimony,—to begin with a little aversion, as a speedy change was so inevitable ; or to make the same allowances for contrariness which experience has shown to be judicious in the shipment of Irish pigs. Possibly, if the Scourge had been laid down as a royal yacht she might have come out a good bomb vessel ; and the Cyclops might positively have refused to sail without her guns, if she had never been pierced for any. Except some such experiment as this, we hardly see what resource we are to fall back upon, unless, indeed, all vessels should be built in the gross after a single pattern, like policemen's clothes, anj fur ther or more particular adaptation for the service required being left to the ingenuity of the owner—a scheme which would certainly not be more costly, and might perhaps be more convenient, than that in vogue at pre sent. Every science has the accidents of infancy, but our Admiralty never seems to get out of them. If we had just eschewed the oracles of the ancient Britons, we could hardly be more p e rplexed at our next steps. Sometimes we despise experiments altogether, more frequently we make an experiment of the entire under taking ; but in no case does an induction follow. Nobody blames the authorities for not intuitively con ceiving that a shot would sink an iron steamer, but they might at least have brought the fact to issue before they built three and thirty of them. Even now we do not know that we can confidently assume, not withstanding the experience of the past, that a frigate built for 800 tons of coals will carry more than 350, or that some speculative Lord will not order an additional hundred horse-power on a vessel without reflecting on the consequent demand for tonnage. When a ship floats according to calculation and answers her purpose, the occurrence is thought worthy of special and grateful record, and some such pieces of luck we may doubtless get, but caution and experience must teach us to ex pect 20 Penelopes for one Thetis. En revanche. however —to refer all these matters to their re cognised criterion—the French marine is declared by the people of that country to be no better manag e d, w h atever we may think of it from our more commanding point of view. The discus sions upon the grant to the Minister of Marine last summer disclosed the fact that in the opinion of the people the French navy was ao far from being the better for the millions lavished on it, that it was rather the worse, and that it had slowly and steadily begun to re trograde —a fact which, to every true-born Briton, will doubtless be inexpressibly cheerful and consoling; and may supply an argument, perhaps, for acquiescing con tentedly in the accidents and disappointments apparently inseparable from naval administration, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 2. The LORD CHANCELLOR tack hie seat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock. POOR-LAW (IRELAND). The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition frcm the rate-payers of Enniscorthy complaining of the present Poor law in Ireland. SPIRIT DUTIES. The Duke of RICHMOND laid on the table a peti ion from the agriculturists of Sussex against the proposed reductio❑ in the duty on spirits. LAW OF SETTLEMENT. The Duke of RICHMOND, after presenting a petition from the guardians of the poor of Hastings, praying their Lordships to repeal the law of settlement of last session, and that the poor might be supported by a national rate, on real as well as personal property, proceeded to move the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the opera tion of the law. As he believed no objection would be offered to the motion, he should but brit fly advert to the reasons by which he was actuated in making it. Few agreed with respect to the real object of the measure, and the Attorney and Solicitor-General had put a different construc tion on the Bill to the one put by those who framed it. Some said that it was of a retrospective character whilst others enter- tamped a different opinion. Thus great complexity had been introduced, and as many of the quarter-sessions had decided against the opinion of these Learned Gentlemen, great litigation had been the result, and would, no doubt, continue until an alteration took place. Even the auditor of a union, if he entertained a different opinion, might disallow relief ; and the question would have to be removed from the quarter sessions by certiorari into the Queen's Bench, but owing to the great arrears of business great delays would take place in deciding particular cases.— (Hear.) The Bill was unjust to the rate- payers, and most pre judicial to the poor, as they had no definite opinion as to what place really was their settlement, so much difference of opinion prevailed. The measure was one of those hastily introduced at the close of the session, and passed when many of their Lordships were out of town. As the Act had worked most injuriously, he thought it was right that the matter should be inquired into by a Committee. The ground upon which be rested his motion was the one universal feeling expressed by all parties, that some change was necessary. The Government, if they did not repeal the law, ought at all events to bring in a declaratory Act, declaring what the state of the law really was. It was not necessary to go further into the merits of the question, as the Noble Lord had intimated his intention of not opposing the motion. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the Noble Duke had made a very good Parliamentary case in support of his motion. It could not be dis puted but that very great abuses and disputes had arisen re specting the operation of the law. A Committee of the L ower House had been appointed, who had made a special report upon the subject ; and he would put it to the Noble Lord whether he would not postpone his motion until they had time to see what steps would be taken in accordance with that report. Lord BROUGHAM said that there was no doubt that the Act had been framed very catelessly, and when their Lord ships looked to the Act they would not be surprised that it was so ; he found that it was passed on the 26th day of August last. Now, for the 14 days previous to that date, their Lordships were very little inclined to pay attention to pauper removal from parish to parish, being engaged in a totally different descrip tion of removal—namely, to their count.ry seats or to the Continent —( Hear, hear.) He would observe that none of the petitions prayed for a total repeal of the law. They only sought an alteration in the law, which, in fact, was neces sary to make it tolerable, which it was not in its present state. He had often complained of this careless legislation, He found that out of five hundred and ninety laws, which had been the sum of their legislative labours during last session, the greater portion of them had been passed subsequent to this, which had been so justly complained of. The opinion of Mr. Hill had been tsken upon the conduct of the Poor-law Commissioners, and he gave his answer upon the case as it was put before him. The The Noble Lord (Lyndhurst) and he were of the same opinion with Mr. Hill. Mr. Hill gave an opinion upon a case stated to him, but the slightest difference in facts might have totally altered that opinion. Mr. Hill bad not the slightest idea that that opinion would be made public ; for aught he knew the case might have been submitted by the Poor-law Commissioners themselves ; indeed, he (Lord Brougham) was not sure that it was not. But it was stated that Mr. Hill had taken a great deal upon him in this case. Why, he only gave an answer to the question put to him, and he could not see that any man could do less. But Mr. Hill, when Member for Hull, in 1833, was so far from an adversary, that he was a decided supporter of the poor-law measure, and he had not yet changed those opinions. Lord CAMPBELL heartily concurred in the propriety of granting the Committee asked for by the Noble Duke. He thought his Noble Friend had made out a decided case for such appointment. There ought to be a clau , e in the Poor-law Act which would give to an individual reside:it of so many years standing a claim upon the parish with which he was so long eonnected. The system had worked well in Scotland, and ought, he thought, to be carried out in England and Wales. Lord BEA UMO N T could not refrain from pointing out an error into which the Noble Lord had fallen. The Noble Lord had said, that the purpose of the Bill was to give a set tlement in the parish to a person who had resided in it for FO many years. Now, he conceived that the very fault of the Bill was, that it conferred no such claim. The object for which the Bill was framed was not carried out in this Bill.— ( Hear, hear.) The authorities of the parish could not, it was true, compel the pauper to remove, but they could make him miserable by petty annoyances—they could plague him in every way, and so induce him to go, and thus the provisions of the law were thrown aside. Lord CAMPBELL agreed with the Noble Lord, that it would be better if the provisions of the Aet were carried out more efficiently, but the fact was that the public mind wa. not prepared at the time for a larger measure. But the Bill was so far good, that it laid the foundation for future reforms. The Duke of RICHMOND replied he was opposed to any settlement like that contended for. He had read the report to which a Noble Lord had referred, and which was before the other House,and from a perusal of that document he was more than ever strongly of opinion as to the necessity of the Cora -1 ruittee for which he asked. The motion was then put and agreed to, without any amendment. RAILWAYS IN IRELAND. Earl FITZ \N T ILIIA3 - 1 presented a petition from the grand jurors of Wicklow, in favour of railways in Ire land. He was not going to enter into a long dis cussion, which had been decided some days ago in another place; hut he did not think he would be doing his duty to wards England, if he did not offer a few observations to their Lordships. He had often drawn the attention of their Lord ships to the resources cf Ireland. The effect of the present calamity in Ireland would not be confined to the mere loss of the article of food, but would operate most disastrously in other ways; and it would, therefore, be necessary to provide means of employment. Twenty-four or twenty-five millions, more than luilf the rental of the country, had been destroyed. The rental of this country was 62,000,0001., and if 90,000,000/. had been des; royed, would not English gentlemen consider it a case calling for relief of the most comprehensive character. He did net think that the proposition which had been intro duced into the other House for granting money for the con struction of railways was an ill-advised measure, as he consi dered, if it had been passed, that it would have gone far to remove the distress. lie did not think that it would have been a substitute for the works that had been going on for the last six months ; but still a measure of the kind to which he had referred, would have given employmet.t to vast numbers of the people. Certainly the measure did not deserve the ridicule which had been cast upon it. What was wanted was to make the land of Ireland as productive as possible, and this would ham, been a step in the right direction. On the Con tinent, they would find that all great public works were car ried out by the Governments of the various countries People in this country were too apt to judge Ireland by England, and to consider that great public works could be carried out in the ame way as here; but if they waited until private enterprise carried out public works like railways, they must wait for a considerable time. The state of Ireland prevented the capitalist from embarking his money in Irish speculations. He did not wish to undervalue the loan of one million and a half which had been made to the landed proprietors in Ireland, Out he did consider that there had been a very great disposition to over-rate its effects. He heard that all the landlords were looking for a share of it, and he would remind the House that if such were the case, and if it were divided, it would only amount to nineteenpeace per statute acre. He did not deny that there would be some lucky individuals who would be able to improve their estates by the loan, but they would only be ndivtduals, and it should be their desire to improve the coun try generally. If a proprietor of twenty thousand acres, and with an income of .1,00,q. a year, wanted to improve his estate, he could not burrow less than a sum of 10,0001., which would immediately subject him to a repayment of 6501. a year. He gave credit to Irish proprietors for a greal deal more good sense than the English press were willing to give them, and he believed tkat any prudent Irish gentleman w ould think twice before he would embark in a speculation which would sub • ject him to such a large immediate outlay, and the benefit of which would be only prospective, after a long series of years, and after repealed negotiations with lessees, and sub-lessees, and occupiers. He believed that the Irish proprietors were more prudent than they got credit for. But what was it that [risk gentlemen themselves proposed. They proposed the wisest thing that had been suggested for the last six months; they proposed the substitution of re-productive tor non-produc tive works.—(Hear, hear.) They called aloud for the construc tion of railways ; and although a little jobbing might be iutroduced in the carrying out of the sys tem, still the good would greatly preponderate. He must say that the suggestions made in Ireland for the im provement of the country were worthy of attention. But the House ought to remember that these improvements must be carried on on a grand scale in order to meet a great exigency. But it was said that these loans from the Board of Works were not to be repaid. What did the report of the Commissioners say? They said, " that the re-payments were in general made with great regularity." With respect to the benefits of some of these works. He had been told that in consequence of the construction of roads in the county of Galway, the customs bad increased to an extent that he was afraid to name. The House was perhaps aware that in the eounty of Mayo there was one of the first harbours in the world. He meant Black sod Bay. Well, a road was formed to this place, and whero in 1637 there was not a single stone, and not 20 tons of corn exported, there was at that time 1,600 tons of grain exported; there were nine stores, and a very thiving population. The Dean of Westminster had stated to him that the land of Ireland, geologically regarded, was not to be compared with the land of England. Lord BROUGHAM—He only looked at the surface. Earl FITZ WlLLlAM—Without going into the question of what might be the value of a certain number of acres. Bet as to the general value of land, there could be no comparison be tween the two countries. The surface of the country was studded with rocks and encumbered with mountains. Earl GREY—There are rocks in this country also. Earl FITZWILLIAM said his Noble Friend must allow him to dispute that question with bins. Speaking as a geologist, there were rot rocks scattered over the surface of this country. The soil was different from that in which rocks were frequent. The question was, whether or not they were to raise Ireland to the position of the more favoured portion of the United King dom. He felt perfectly satisfied that they could not get out of the difficulty in which they were at present plunged by any charity they might be able to affor d, it could only be relieved permanently by some otl er means. Earl GRE said, he thought the measures which had been proposed by the Government were calculated to benefit Ireland. The drainage that w wouldposed would be of the greatest advantage. He remind his Noble Friend that there were other measures to be thought for ward. His Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack had prepared a measure to facilitate the disposal of mortgaged estates in Ireland. This he conceived would be most de sirable, for the purchaser would come into possession of an estate which he could improve, and land was thus brought into the market which the purchaser would buy with a view to improvement. Notwithstanding what the Noble Lord said, he believed there was a vast amount of capital in Ireland, of which few were aware, and which onl required to be developed by exertion.—(Hear, be ar . His Noble Friend had pointed out the great advantages which, had arisen in some instances from the public works. He (Lord Grey) never heard that these works had not conferred advantages, and, as they were still in operation, good would continue to accrue from them. One of the most important of [ thew wi t h its nwriptien of the Shannon, ti hick was atill in progress, and which had, during its progress, conferred great advantages upon the people in that part of Ireland ; hut at the same time, he could not help thinking, that there ran through his Noble Friend's speeches, a sentiment of a very dangerous character. He seemed to think that Ireland was to look to England, and to the English Government for aid, instead of muting and relying upon her own exertions. There was no such dangerous delusion, as he was persuaded that no country could be torced into opulence by the assistance of another. The wealth of this country was owing to •he economy, to the small savings, through a vast numbar of years, of the people, which had accu mulated and increased from age, and not by aid from the state; but by individual, by private enterprise. His Noble Friend teemed to think that Ireland was a poor country, and had not within herself the elements of her own success; but if his Noble Friend would peruse Professor Keane's work lie would see how great her resources were, and how much individual enterprise might do to develope them. The improvement of the soil was one great step in that direction. In some places rocks had been removed, and the soil rendered fruitful. It Scotland this had been carried to a great extent, as great blocks of granite had been removed, and fertile crops had been the result. Why, many parts of England were some years ago little better than mere boas, of heaths which pro duced no crops, but which had, by the enterprise of the people of this country, been rendered productive. It was for Ireland to do the same—to depend upon herself, and not, as the burden of his Noble Friend's speech seemed to apply, that in all cases of difficulty she was to depend upon England.—(Hear, hear.) It was a libel upon Ireland to say that she had not within herself the elements of her own prosperity. He was not insensible to the distress in I, e land, and was prepared to do his best to alleviate it ; but it could not be removed at once, hut by degrees. He hoped Ire land would depend more upon herself, and that in the course of time she would become a prosperous nation.—( Hear.) Lord MONTEAG LE agreed with the Noble Eat I that Ire land mutt look to herself for the promotion of her own prosperity ; but there were enterprises which could only be effectually carried out with the aid of the State. In Scotland, for instance, the Government, during no reriod of famine, advanced money for the purpose of improving turn pike roads ; and slr. Telford, in writing on the subject, had stated that Scotland had thereby been advanced " many gene rations." Now, he contended that the carrying out of a similar principle in Ireland would not fail to produce smilar results. Ireland, in her distress, did not come for aid to England; he was speaking in the Imperial Parliament, which was eimpowered to dispense the revenues of the country, to which she contri buted her fair portion. She merely sought relief from the Im• perial Treasury of the Imperial Government, to which she con tributed her fair share. But there was ono thing in which this country stood alone. He meant the relief which England had bountifully raised for the relief of Ireland; and he was glad that the heavenly flame had not been extinguished by the angry and erroneous statements which hat been put forward for the sole purpose of putting a stop to the collection of money for the relief of the Irish distress. Even supposing all the measures that had been passed with respect to Ireland were as effectual as they were stated to be, but if they were they could not fail to have to encounter, at the best, a season of peril. He sincerely thought that some such scheme as that proposed by Mr. DrummOnd and his coadjutors was most expedient for the purpose of giving employment to the people on railways, when the relief which was being given began to relapse. Unless something of this kind were done they must continue to pro mote public works as they were compelled to do last session. They would but add to the difficulties of their position if they did not adopt other means to follow them. He fully con curred in the sentiments of the petition. The petition was laid on the table. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Allarch 2. The SPEAKER. took the Chair at Four o'clock. SECOND READING. The following Bills were read a second time and ordered to be committed : Cork and Bandon Railway. Cork, Blackiock, and Passage Railway. DUlin and Drogheda Railway (Purchase of Navan Branch, &c). Great Western Railway (Amendment and Extensions). . „. Newmarket and Chesterford Rhilway. KILMARNOCK AND ARDROSSAN RAILWAY. The report of Mr. Examiner Smith on this Bill, stating that the standing orders had not been complied with, having been read by the Clerk, Sir W. HEAT I - ICOTE moved that the report be referred to the Standing Orders Committee_ The motion was agreed to. LAN SE ETLENIENT. Mr. GORE presented a petition from a place in Devon. com plaining of the Poor-law of last session. A number of petitions to the same effect were presented, and referred to the Committee now sitting. AIUNICIPAL LAW. An HoN. MEMBE It presented a petition from the Mayor and Alderm n of Cork, praying that the principal in stitutions of Ireland might be_assimi!veJ to those of England POOR OF IRELAND. Mr. AINSWORTH presented a petition from the guardians of Bolton, complaining that the people of this country were called iaiirn to support the poor of Ireland, and praying the House to pass a law to compel the proprietors of Ireland to support their own poor. TEN HOURS' BILL Mr. MITCHELL presented a petition from a person named Tythe, a flaxspinner, against this Bill. LIGHT DUES. Mr. FOSTER presented a petition from the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Liverpool Shipowners' Society, com plaining of the heavy burden of the light dues. GENERAL FAST. Mr. PLUMPTRE presented a petition from Exeter pray ing the House to address her Majesty to appoint a da, for national fast and humiliation, on acaount of the calamity which had visited Ireland and some parts of Scotland. LAW OF SETTLEMENT. Mr. C. BULLER brought up the second report of the Committee now sitting on this subject. HORSEFERRY SUSPENSION-BRIDGE. Mr. HAWES presented two petitions from the borough of Lambeth, and also two from the borough of Westminster, 1 against the Horseferry Suspension bridge. THE ENGLISH FOOH-LAW. —THE LAW OF SETTLEMENT. Mr. BANKES presented b. petition from the parish of Auckland, in the county of Durham. signed by the guardians of the union. They stated that there were twenty thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine inhabi tads in their union, and that they had endeavoured to carry out the provisions of the Poor Removal Act, but they de sired to state their unanimous opinion, that the law, as ex plained and laid down by the Attorney- General, was fraught with the most serio , s injury and inconvenience The Honourable Gentleman also presented severil petitions from the counties o! Dor,et and Somerset, praying for the aboli tion of the law of settlement, and the institution of a national rate. He had kb.° to present a petition from liridport to the same effect. THE ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSIONERS. Mr. E. DENISON would take the liberty of stating to the House the course which he intended to pursue. The motion of which he had given notice was that a Committee be ap-. pointed to i'quire into and report upon tl.e constitut of the' Ecclesiastical Commission. Si..ce he had given that notice the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern:. ment - had intimated his intention to introduce a Bill for the purpose of altering the constitut.on of that. Com mission. Under tho:e circumstances, he considered that it would be rather a retrograde step than one in advance, if he asked the House for a Committee, as the Noble Lord had himself acknowledged the necessity of a reform. Ho would, therefore, beg leave to postpone his motion until this day fortnight. PUBLIC ACCOUNTS. _ Dr. BOWRING postponed his motion on public accounts till the 16th March. PUBLIC M9RALITY. Mr. SPOONF.R gave notice of his intention, on that . day fortnight, to bring in a Bill for the purpose of repressing the trade in prostitution, and giving more effectual protection to females. NATIONAL FAST. Mr. PLUMPTRE said, that in consequence of what had fallen from the Noble Lord (J. on the subject of a national fast, he (Mr. Plumptre) begged to withdraw his mo tion on the same subject. CASE OF SIR THOMAS IMAKDOUGALL BRISBANE AND WILLIAM MALCOLM FLEMING. - Dr. BOWRING moved that the petition of Sir T. M. Brisbane and Wi liam Malcolm Fleming be printed with the votes.— Agreed to. OUTRAGES IN MAYO.—SEED FOR IRELAND. Mr. DILLON BROWNE wished to put the two questions to the Right Honourable the Secretary for Ireland of which he had given notice some time be fore. The Right Honourable Gentleman .had made a statement, in his place in the House, that certan illegal combinations pi evailed in the county of Mayo fur the pur. pove of preventing the cultivation of the soil. lie (Mr. D. Browne) had lately received a communication from that county, stating that the Right Hon. Gentleman was misinformeri in that particular; and among these communications he might instance ne from Mr. Phillips, a resident magistrate, who said that every person, on the contrary, was most anxious fur the cultivation of the land. Now, the question he wished to ask was, on what authority the Right Hon. Gentlerni bad made that statement, the parties who had communicated this information, and whether any motives were assigned as a ground for these outrages, particularly as respected the county Mayo, and as they were affected by the relations between landlord and tenant. He also wished to know whether it was the in tention of the Government to supply seed for Ireland in suffi cient quantities to relieve the necessities of the people? Mr. LABOUCHERE said that, with respect to the first question asked by the Hon. Gentleman, he had every reason to b,lieve that the statement be had made in the House was essentially true ; he did not mean that it was general, but in particular portions of the country an organised combination did exist to di•courage the cultivation of the soil. The best answer, perhaps, he could give would be to read a letter he had received from a person on whose word he could plac e every reliance ; and having sai d this, perhaps the Hon. Member would not press for the name of his correspondent. (The Right Hon. Gentleman then read a letter, dated Feb• ruary, which stated that an organised body were actually stirrisig up the people in Mayo, particularly the small farmers and cottier tenants, again,t cultivating the soil, and representing that they would be better remnnerated by labouring on the public works, which they alleged would continue for an indefinite period. This spirit he (the corres pondent) was sorry to say was gaining ground in the country ) With respect ato the second question, he (Mr. L a b ouc h ere ) would answer it in a way similar to the first, by reading to the Hon. Member, and to the house, a letter he had received on the subject of seed from_ a member of the Irish Government. HIGHWAYS. Mr. RICE, seeing the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department in his place, wished to ask him if Government intended to introduce any Bill this session for the management of the highways,? Sir GEORGE GREY said a Bill was last session drawn up on the' subject alluded to by the Ilonourable Member, which had since been revised and amended, and if an opportunity offered it would be introduced in the course of the present session. _ _ JUSTICES OF LANCASTER. Mr. T. DUNCONH3E said that it was his intention to call the attention of the House to the petitions which he pre sented from Warrington, complaining of the conduct of Messrs. Lyon and S übbi, justices of the county of Lancaster, in i he ex ercise of their summary jurisdiction, on the trial of four working men for leaving their employ, and to submit a motion thereon. lie understood, however, that the subject had been under the consideration et the Government, and he should like to know from the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, the result of the consideration of the Government. Sir GEORGE GREY said that the attention of the Government had been directed, not to the allegations as they appeared upon the face of the documents before the House, but with respect to the irregularity complained of in a petition recently presented to the House. The result of that conside ration was, that the Government had come to the conclusion that the convictions were illegal, and that the petitioners were entitled to take advantage of the informality set forth in their petition. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE raid that having heard from the Government t 7 at the magistrates had acted in an W en t manner he was perfectly satisfied, and would therefore with draw his motion NAVY ESTIMATES. Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was the Intention of her. , Majesty's Government. to proeeed with the remainder o the navy estimates on Friday night, after the ordna nce estire .ales had been disposed of. SITES FOR SCOTTISH CHURCIIES• Mr. BOUV ERIE rose for the purpose of moving, for a Select. Cenmentee to inquire whether and in what part of Scotland, ;nt under what circumstances, largenum bcrs of her Maji sty's subjects bed been deprived of the means of religious worship by the refusal of certain pro prietors to grant them sites for the erection of churches e The subject had been brought before the at tention of th House in the lest sesnon ' and a Bill was it Iroduced by the Honourable Member for Perth, the S, teretary-at- ar, which did not, however, reach to a oecond reading. A disposition had been shown to wait and see what the pro prietors would do in the matter, and the Bill of lastsyeaxce r ti on was withdrawn; but he was sorry to say. that with th-p of one or two, the same wan of disposition to affar d site s for places of worship still prevailed as did in 1845 a .nil 184 ; He was not a member of the Free Church, and "- could not be misled by zeal in its favour ; but he advo coned its just claims for redress, as he was persuaded great iojue nice had been done. No less than 470 of the best ministers of • the E s n, tablished Church of Scotland had left its pale , followed b y 2O- of the lay officers, and, it was calculated, accompai ti ed by about one-third of the people of Scotland. They I, eft b cause they felt it their duty to do so in the maint en ante the principle that the Church was indel endent o f th e Go vernment in religious matters, a principle in which he eild tirely agreed.—( Hear, heat'.)`' ,No better proof co," t be afforded of the truth of this principle , than Vol' ae e that this House, composed of persons of various ineleg,°"- denominations, would be called on to discus the peel iositil of the advisability of adding to the number of the Br ;hoes ° the Church of Enelend. Whether that principle Ito tr u e or not, some of the briehtest arid best Ministers an (I W s zealous and sincere members of the Scottish Kirk had t haig ht it right, on the assertion of it, to leave. the pale wontedthe E s tablishment. ralany expected that this secessio n not last long, but what has since occurred ;hot° that such an anticipation was groundless. No less aSr en th an 1,354,00 e/ had been contributed for the support. of t he lees Church since the disruption had taken place. •,It had to' ° teachers and 4 , 10 ministers in connexion with it. It had tw , normal schools, and had contributed to 191 schools shn s e ' ave raging IOU!. each. It had been stated . that the schism was not likely to be lasting, but the event p roved 11° erron eous was that calculation. He thought, therefore, that such a body had a right at least to a favourable het wing. hau been most prompt in inquiring into and relieving • the P r " .rent famine, and from a letter written by the Lord . ktivocate to the Secretary of State for the Home Departure De comber 10 last, it would be seen how strenuous had lies 're - exertions of the Free Church for the relief of the 'disc lie maintained that if this body were seeking favour at t"" hands of the House, enough had been shown that they e ve r entitled to it. But they did not ask for anything of the lao" all that they asked was that full justice might be done then' They claimed full and free toleration at their hands , and n the tree exercise of their religious belief, without hindrance or interruption. They . alleged that ei had been unjustly treated, and in support of tit°, allegation he would mention one or two of the instances of injustice of which the parties complained.; but, in doing' so , h; did not wish to (liscuse the motives or intentions (. individuals. One of the cases he Wished to refer t O occurred on the property of his Grace the Duke of Ltee cleuch, but in speaking of that particular instance, he hen ntt . wish to speak otherwise than in terms of respect of the matenf. in which the Noble Duke performed the duties which his ran` • and high station in this country imposed upon him ; ;not stilli the Noble Duke was but a man, and of course subjecte d • to all his weakness and infirmities. (Hear, hear.)" Ile said there were two congregations of that Church uP°n,'.: the Duke's property, and both complained of interference wit"' their worship. One of these was at Canobie, in Dunefriessbirer' and the other was at Wanlockhead, in the same connty . a ils church at Canobie consisted of 600 people. The Duke ta, e a . been repeatedly applied to for a site upon which to b uild church, for his Grace was the sole possessor of l i t: land in the district. When the disruption first took places t n n e inn con rogation met at a cress road, and subsequently in a n belonging to his Grace ; but. the Duke applied to the CO° of law, arid obtained an injunction against them. . After thar however, some arrangement was made with his Grace, an cie nt which this congregation were allowed to erect a te i - c , on a field of his, and thus tney continued o f worship in that tent throughout the year, but such a p laee e - ip worship amounted, in his opinion, to a prohibition of altogether. The other church was at Wanlock-headt h,ghest ground in Scotland, a place where only green could be grown for cattle.—( Hear, hear.) The people nets; ,el poor, and miners by occupation ; but seven h ullo to of these, or seven-eighths of the whole population, belongs list the Free Church. 'these people there worshipped in a tenets the open air, but their tent had been destroyed some we ago, and they had been obliged, when the west te r weuld permit, to worship in the epen air. Their el. 01 "‘ had parted from the Seroch Church at the time of t v , disruption, and had cgritinced amongst theM teaching an d e l ,a , hurting his people. But even he could scarcely find a resti ft. place. His family was thirty miles distant from the plaq ee: his ministrations ; and h' , himself, as if almost denied a 104 1 " en in the town, lived in one room, only nine feet Warta. ('the Hon. Member theu proceeded to read a letter written ie. him by an eye-witness of the, mode of conducting worehlP 0„. the Free Church of Scotland ; the writer stated that the :re wegation, consisting o upwards of 1,001 persomh assembled round a canvass tent for the purpose of he n co o Dr. Candlish preach; the tent' would no t hoSe contain one. third of the people, and they were costtio Celled to meve off to a mead .kt the foot o f the no , here ihey listened to the Rev. Gentleman for upwa rds gl ue d_ hour and thr ee quarters in the pouring rain.) Such (c" t h e c ,, • the Hen. I.ember) was the state of the tenant s upon Ondip ta , es of the Duke of Buceleuch, erid such had been thteiirthee lion fur the period ot four years, since the rupture tabest.ed Church. lie wouldeontrast the conduct owfl,V...rettethhaleti: Duke wits that of tl:e Earl of Aberdeen. It was wel l a s ; v ete- - the latter Nobleman used every means in his eo wete eti 4 eenee• bier of the late Governmentoto stay the movel nent a ce , l ee was. Church party ; but so soon as the severance took I t" g ant sites.; among the first ot the landowners ot Scotland •- u pon , for building places .of wo,ship to those Per °n- oo orea' his estates who wished to worship Goo ac e° ing to the forms of toe Free Church of Scotland'" The Duke of Buecleuch had erected a magnificent-chapel . Dalkeith, and he eonencted the worship according to. the rife a -4 of the Episcopal Church, yet he refused .to grant to others. the right of worship which he claimed for himself. Tr; two caes bad retereeee to the Lowlands ; bue ~ _ l . came to the Highlands. in w hich I had been going lorwarrn ln the islands of Skye a n l i d , Oa I there was a large property owned by Lord Maeda: the Free" i this property there were 4,000 parsons belonging , t h „,, people Church, yet hot Lordship had thought fit to refus e - • the rohibtting any sites for their -chapels ; thus practically p bbourboo- Public worship of these people. In the ne.g a boun of ,Ar.lnaniurenan Sir James Riddell had a pron e '. l e north pr oceeio,einor;,.. forty miles in length by five indes broad. It was in M I, west of rgyllshire. , There were 1,100 people belostr'eri. tire Free Church, and Sir James Riddell was I f n ett'' Dissenter from the -Establirhed Church, vet he refuse d SS , lending the right he claimed hiciseli to o thers . ti l er Stratlisi.ey there-was a tract of country miles long t .ig to' broad, with from 2,000 to • 3,00) persons belon earl or the Free Chureh. The proprietor was the t, Seatield, and - he had also' refused sites ; 5° nit the people hail to worship in the open ai r ' 4,0: ' another district in the Western Highlands, in Hayti-h' insren persona were. obliged to worship in the open air. In tZeence' of Mull . they wire obliged to celebrate the °r of their •commen Christianity in a place cattle wee:l . '. housed. Now there were s " in th e e the eases where this body had a right to complain of t ` d ths; convenience to which they were sutnecteri, and he WO% th the recital of them would indu . ..e the House to sanc t ,bell proptasition he made for an inquiry into to O p What were the consequences of this st s things? There was, first of all, the evil to en d , he had. adverted, namely, that a large body of the tl:d were entirely prohibited from worshipping God, a t ejos r f addition to this, whir ha was an evil of no ° ac' magnitude, there was great exasperation and acerbitnvaiio; count of the oestacles which hail oceasioned such a delT io su e t The peril. , were in a frightful state of destitution, ao" t eil' circumstances he shout, fancy the people ought to be Poolis%sn.; with places in a tech to meet and offer up prayers of ere' io tion to the great Giver of all good. But they ' en tivi, privet' of all places of worship by the P re n c e :e he hail already related to the Reuse. He et }i prepared to nvest, any specific remedy. " - t he hi.i.selt he was perfectly ready and willing to go t l Or°, length of the remedy proposed by his Honourable Frie n o him—namely, to refer property required for sites t judicial tribunal to ha , ,e its value decided. That vrae th e e a - it 11 ,. pursued in the ease of a railw iy, and w h y s houle .excluded in this important instance? If A t, b / which could do him no benefit, passed throng net park he could not object to it, and f °r e t t t 9 e lle would remit] I the House that the reply , in that c a- no t tb d that the public convenience was required But it W 55 1 1 , e , s convenience of the commonwealth. A railway from t e e e f en t e Dorchester could not conduce to the aceotnrie-ontio of the c ommonwealth, but only' to the c on we s o l of the public, in the oeighb ,urhood, and the to pe of private individuals. On that ground, and that 0 44, alone the Legislatte e should interfere. Now was the norh t i, taken without compensation. It was damnunt l e o 4 lint t here were oases where no compensation Wa s o , a i nell 4 ., The Hon. Member then quoted the Metropolitan P ne enT, Act, forbidding all to let fur hire certain buildings ° h , it e i j such as were contrary to the provisions of t n o n, s e o h Here he said parties were in the receipt of high r i, e ir f i r e yet the Legislature stepped in and deprived them of t he' P u r e perty. The seine was the case of the Common s fete of Act, when commons, as any one knew, belonged to a d that en divienals; and yet they were deprived of these, a ri , es ioe t the ground merely of the public health. He would go. j q uo- th e ease, which was more in point than any of those he h a bad ne , Under certain circumstances the Court of Sess ion b e d " e r power to divide parishes, and the presbytery al se nt ors te e, power of taking the land of the h e , - „e S e e such parish so divided, to the extent of t°- e for 'no as glebe land and for the purpose of building a rean ie eer e ' clergyman appointed to the parish. He begged' t e tneet l et to move for a Select Committee to inquire into the o f Mr. MART seconded the motion. It was 10 itte ° upon any Hon. Member on moving for a Select Conlin, se te e that House to show, first, that there w as a grievraen;nitri, secondly, that by the appointment of ',n u , b e ep some remedy might be suggested. He le"h . ni e f * thought the existence of a grievance n /hat Of proved by his Hon. Friend—a grievance no less tha ve d of oe , real portion of the subjects of Scotland being deprt tneansin means of religious worship, and if that was n ot a go a d . 1 3i ie he (lid not know what was.—(.T ear , hear.) in a f o r Honourable Friend moved for leave to bringmenneersao upon the subj, et, as was done by the lion. e arl of Perth last session, it might perhaps have_ "tight% two that he was about to interfere with b a d ie ee private property. llis Honourable Frienee, Se onte objects in view in moving the appointment t t hese pt ' ee , Committee—viz., to inquire and expose -- coo :mal t on the legitimate functions of a Parliamentary that elle Poo r The people of Scotland were justified in say ing eht he in e Pb tl ls prietors of Scotland, however excellent they rnin„,, no, respects, had proved themselves intolerant in tn:they Vi they had duties to attend to as well as rights• say with their national poet— " A king may make a belted knight' ke oVI A marquis, duke, and a' that' e st , n , But whether they were rea-quis or duke , th e to e , a nna e _ e they had dun( s to pc: form as well as r ights h t her '" eh 0 1 0 Because he thought the claims of the Free L i_ econ cliog founded in justice, he had great pleasure in 3 !notion. rese i4 On the question being put, Sir G lets II GE GREY said, in reference question, he wound have to call the attentio this _uhiece what took place on former occasions when n hat ' the t' m on o ", brought under consideration. Ile had hope d "; th th e e ri Pen9° „e t e t : d nd th t e it h o ;: at b l e o made and the debate thereon would have ing forward of the subject no longer nteerss r e th sites would opt. comparatively few proprietors who refus t e e eeeling , a nd e,P t e seen the policy of being influenced by fir n st " time the euW to nions expressed by the House. On the Baronet opeoAsir, (term under consideration the Right Hon. i). Al. Stewart, that ha hoped that the re n , el , e re . ( Sir James Graham) stated to his late plraoneic:rre the necessity of giving way not accede to the prayer a the Free C 2 on the subject urcb, that so inetbtteldrtifirfwietciedlYA Si; Prese t 1 , tity had