The Sun. — London, England, 1857-03-10 00:00:00

the papers had been produced, showed that disco sion did not always follow the production of papers. Lord J. RUSSELL—I do nut km:e that this is a very convenient course to discuss the state of foreign politics on the second reading of the Income Tax Bill; but the house has now entered on the subject, and, therefore, I shall not refrain from making such observations as appear to me fitting to the subject. First, with regard to the proposal of the " ways and means" this y ea r b e fore the as supplies," I quite agree with several hon. members, that it is contrary to our practice and the usual course of our proceedings in this house. But I think, in the pre sent year, if the country had not known what the senti ments of Government and the house were with regard to the. income tax—if it had been left in uncertainty for weeks whether it was to be reimposed for one or for three years, the inconvenience resulting from that course would have been felt as greater than that from bringing forward the Government proposal so early. I believe that there will be another opportunity in the course of another Parliament of discussing the finances for three years, and therefore that it will be quite unnecessary to follow the hon. and learned member for Wallineforcl in the statements which he has made on the subject. With respect to the other subject—of foreign politics—l have a few words to address to the house on the subject of Naples. We have had from the hon. and learned gentle man another remarkable testimony of ,the inconvenience of the course which has been pursued by Government with regard to that country. It appears .to be more and more undesirable to raise hopes among a people who are suffering, and impatient, and who look to foreign assistance for relief—to raise these hopes, and hot to fulfil them. I regret, therefore that those two great ships—the Wellington and the Cressy —names which are redolent of ancient and modern glory, should have been sent to the Mediterranean to go to the Bay of Naples, only in order to go back again to Gibraltar. But;to the proposal that we should resume our diplomatic connection with that country I have this objection— that the only measure which has been taken by the Go vernment of this country is the severing of this connec tion—that it was understood as merelsqa protest against the conduct of the King of Naples with regard to his Own subjects; and that our reason for resuming that con nection ought to be that the King of Naples has ceased from those acts of rigour which he is in the habit of in flicting, and that either an amnesty or an act of clemency on his part has showed that determination to change his policy. But the King of Naples by no amnesty or act of clemency has shown his desire to change his mode of go vernment. That act of transporting his political prison ers is not to be regarded as an exercise of mercy— it shows rather a determination to continue the same po licy which he has been pursuing. I should therefore be sorry to see a Minister sent there by our Government, as though we thereby meant to declare our approval of the course which the King has pursued. I do not say that we were quite right in withdrawing our Minister at all ; but it is a very different thing now that he- is with drawn to send him back whilst the policy that occasion ed his withdrawal continued unchanged at his return. As regards the other subjects, what has happened last year and in the present confirms me in the opinion that no advantage will accrue to the public from the discussion of matters which are the subject of negotiation between our Government and foreign Governments Lastyear much was said with regard to the Foreign Enlistment Act, the course pursued by our Minister in America regarding it, and the question touching the Island of Ruatan. I took the liberty at the time to say that if Mr. Dallas were net to be sent away when Mr. Crampton received his credentials, any expression of opinion on the part of this house upon the subject ought for the time being to be suspended. The effect of that has been that a treaty has been signed which, I believe, we are about to ratify, and which, I think, will turn out for the advantage of the two coun tries, and no angry feeling on either side remains. I thought also that it was not desirable to raise a discus sion on the subject of the Persian war while negotiations were going on ; and now we have seen that, without any interruption on our pit, negotiations have proceeded, and a treaty has been signed. We have there another instance of the wisdom of refraining on the part of this house from any discussion on matters which are the sub ject of negotiation. As to the merits of that war Ido not subscribe implicitly to the opinions of the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli), and I beg likewise not to be precluded from the assertion made on the Trea sury benches from hereafter stating my opinion on that subject. In order to justify the course which you have pursued towards Persia it is necessary not only to say that, contrary to treaty stipulations, Herat had been at tacked and taken, but also that the emissaries of Herat had given no provocation to Persia, and that no attempt bad been made to assassinate envoys which had been sent by Persia to that city, and that no means short of hostilities, short of sending an expedition to the Persian Gulf, could induce Persia to surrender Herat on terms which were satisfact )ry. But I think there was cause sufficient to justify any delay in the production of the papers. lam glad to see that in the treaty which re news our peaceful relations with that power there is no tech article as that which was given by an organ of the Government--the Edinburgh Review —requiring that the Prime Minister should be dismissed. I am glad that that Was not insisted on. There are other articles which. 'while We retain the objects upon which we insisted, ought tone satisfactory to Persia, asshowing that we do not wish to interfere with her Government. Tnereis another ques tion that has been touched upon which is not at alt in the same category. I have said that while matters are under negotiation it, is most undesirable that this house should interfere. But when the negotiations are such as to lead to the carrying on of hostilities, and papers are laid on the table giving an account of these hostilities, it is im possible for the house nut to signify cidser by its silence its approval of that course, or, if it does not approve, then by expression of opinion to disapprove of it. It is impossible, without abandoning; our duty, when papers are laid on the table showing that hostilities are going on in China, not to express our opinion—it is inevitalYe, without shrinking from our duty. What was proposed in very moderate terms by the hon. member for the West Riding merely amounted to this—that in the opi nion of this house the British authorities at Canton were not justified in entering upon hostilities. It was not that the Government was wrong in ordering these hos tilities, of which they knew nothing till they had been cominenced, but that these hoetilitiea were not justified in the opinion of this house ; and had her Majesty's Go verreneet expressed a different opinion themselves than they have done, there would have been an end of it. But it is clear, whatever our jadginent might Lave been upon measures involving hostilities and the lives of rca!y thousands, that the expression of approval on the part of the Government af these measures does not preclude this house from giving an adverse opinion ; and I think that this house was fully justified in giving that opinion. Now, sir, the course pursued by Sir J. Downing and the other British authorities being approved of, and that being the final and ultimate deci- lon of the Government, when the question was asked what the intention of the Government was on the subject, my noble friend at the head of the Government stated, I think, that their in tention was not to supersede Sir J. Bu ?ring, but cer tainly to send out a chief authority, a commissioner superior to Sir J. Bowring and the rest; entru-ted with certain powers to neeotiate. I consider that declara tion of the utmost importance. I understood him to say that that person, being a person of character and consi deration, should take measures for the protection of the lives and property of British subjects—a step which aught to have been taken by any Government which possessed the confidence of her Majesty. The next pur pose for which it is said he should be sent out is to ob tain the fulfilment of our rights under prior treaties. As regards that object, I have only to say that in the course of a former debate I expressed an opinion "hat if the Go vernment thought it necessary that stipulations which bad been made by the Emperor of China should be ful filled, they ought to have gone about that in a diploma tic manner, and to have opened communication, not with the Chief Commissioner at Canton, but with the Court at Pekin. (Hear, hear.) But the treaty imposes duties as well as ri g ht s ; an d i f we insist on the stipula• . tions which we have obtained being fulfilled because they were advantageous to us, w e s h ou ld b e ready to perform those obligations which we have undertaken in favour of the people of China. This appears to me nothing but plain justice, and I am sorry to use the word prestige again, as it has been noticed by my right hon. friend (Mr. V. Smith). I will say that that prestige of our empire is not sustained unless it be by justice and truth. (Cheers.) I was glad to hear something about the im provement of our commercial relations with that coun try ; and my noble friend laid stress upon the words— "by negotiation." Nothing is more important or more desirable than that, by negotiation, these commercial relations might be improved ; and I shall hope that an attempt will be made to do so, by a person of character, "who has gone there dispassionately, and has not mixed in these scenes of blood, by the proposal of such wise and moderate terms as are most likely to improve our commercial relations. I trust that that will be done in association w ith th e G overnment of the Emperor of France and the Government of the Unit e d St a t es . O ne word , more. If th ese d espatc h es of the 3d of January had received from the Government a full and fair con sideration, a n d if in their answer they had expressed heir belief that everything done had been d one by th e British authorities Canton with the best inten tions ; but furthe tia r a ,:i ef instead a of giving their en tire approval to they had required the suspension of hostilities acts, they e t k a p t e h rson of character was being despatched immediate] and if that answer so framed had been laid b efo e re se p en a e rliament et the comm encement of the sessio n , I am satisfied there would not have been much difference of opinio n , I T d s o hope that the result of thee (Cries of " Oh, oh.") on inesteziroceefid- hostilities itn ings may be that instead of carrying able and disastrous hostilities with China-- which we are on the one hand putting f orth our great powers as a civilised nation, an d t h e Chinese are resoit- the ins to the most barbarous modes of assassination en other—that the resift of theSe debates will lead to the whole matter being taken up in a different tone andspirit by some efficient person quite new to the subject; and, with such results in view, I see no reason to regret that these debates have taken place, and that the motion of the hon. gentleman the member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden) has been carried. Now, sir, much foreign policy has been introduced into the consideration of the subject before us, and there is another point upon which I am anxious to say a few words, and which, although connected with our h ome affairs, is one of the greatest consequence as affecting our foreign relations. The house is well aware that the naval superiority of this country has been in a great degree based upon certain powers which we have always exercised, and which, I believe, are in conformity with the law of nations —I allude to those powers which we exercised during the tremendous contest with the Emperor of the French, and which, though severe upon neutrals, were absolutely destructive to the commerce of belligerents. During the late war, in which we were in alliance with France, we Were EA. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 10, 1857. was not aware. We ought however, to begin this system in a time of peace. When we found nations like Russia, France, and Holland, each with a regular system of manning her navy, it was a disgrace and a danger tothis country to be without such a system. If this course were not altered, we must some day or other "come to grief." Years ago the Channel was some protection to us, but now that it was completely bridged over by steam, the state of insecurity the country was in was alarming and unworthy of its greatness. There were other observations which he (Sir C. Napier) had intended to make with re ference to some remarks which had been made upon him elsewhere by an hon. member of the house, but consider ing the near approach of the dissolution of Parliament, he should omit for the present all reference to the subject and permit the hon. member to take his vagaries down with him to his constituents. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LINDSAY said that, under the circumstances, he had no objection to the vote. But he could not help remarking upon the large sums of money that were spent in our dockyards. Of this he bad an amusing in stance in his own experience. Going into one of the royal dockyards where he was not known, he found snfne workmen pulling down a large pile of buildings. He asked why they were being pulled down ; and one of the workmen told him he knew no reason for the change, except that the last " lord" liked the Elizabe than, and the new "lord" the Corinthian style of archi tecture. They had heard before of iron lords of the Ad miralty, and of wooden lords—(a laugh)—and that the wooden lords had sold the iron ships at a great loss to the country. He hoped in another Parliament to find the whole question referred to a select committee. He had nothing to say against the present Lords of the Admi ralty. Indeed, he believed the present First Lord to have discharged the duties of his office with great effi ciency and ability. The hon. and gallant member (Sir C. Napier) had spoken of the manning of the navy as being very deficient ; but he (Mr. Lindsay) could not help thinking that any other system of manning the navy than a voluntary one must necessarily be unsuccess ful, considering the feeling of the country on the subject. Sir G. TYLER said he regretted to see that it was in tended to diminish the coast guard service. The militia of England was a nucleus for filling up the army ; why not have a naval militia to answer the same purpose with respect to the navy I Instead of making reductions in this branch of the service, it would be better to adopt some other course which would have the effect of de creasing expenditure. The system of making over the coast-guard volunteers to the Admiralty, he thought a great improvement. With regard to the employment of boys, be felt disposed to increase their number to any ex tent. He approved of the items in other respects, but he certainly regretted the reduction of 6,0001. in that part of the service, which was one of the greatest importance to the country—he spoke of the coast-guard service. Sir C. WOOD said, instead of diminishing the effi ciency of the coast-guard service, the system adopted by the Government w ould materially increase it ; the ob• ject being always to have a quantity of men in reserve for the navy, so that the Government might man the fleet at the shortest notice, and make it thoroughly efficient. Ia answer to the hon. member fer Tynemouth (Mr. Lindsay) he had to state that the Government was cre ating a steam navy, and in a short time this country would be in a position, with regard to her steam navy, which would be equal in strength to the steam navy of other nations ; but to keep a steam navy in a state of efficiency they must have more dock room for the vessels. He would add that with a view of making the coast guard service perfectly useful orders had been issued for drilling the men, and this would be commenced next month by Captain Fraser, who had expressed the greatest confidence in being able to bring them into the highest state of efficiency. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY inquired what was the mode of audit in this department. He hoped the right hon. baronet would give some explanation on the subject, so that the house might have an assurance that the ac counts were duly verified. Sir C. WOOD said it was impossible for him to give an answer to the hon. baronet's question off-hand, but promised to inquire. Mr. COWELL agreed as to the necessity of a much more stringent audit of the estimates than that which had been heretofore presented to the house. He confessed that he always felt alarmed when called upon to vote a million per minute of the public money without knowing whether too estimates had ever been subjected to the slightest revisa:n• Sir G. PECH.inL called attention to the non-effi ciency of the blockaO . 1 g squadron off the coast of Cuba, i and read some newspaper extracts to show that the fleet was employed on every deseiption of service except that of suppressing the slave trade. Mr. BOWYER agreed with tile hon. member for Eversham when he advocated an improved system of audit. The powers of the present audit body were not sufficient, and be thought that additional powers should be granted which would make the audit real and not no minal. He begged to refer to the Royal Frederick, a ship which had been brought under his notice by the Commercial Association of Liverpool. That vessel had been unemployed for 20 years, and yet he was informed she was about to be lengthened into a 120-gun steam ship. He wished to know what was the first cost of this ship, and also whether it was true that, when the keel was laid down, some petty officers were appointed who had been receiving pay ever since Admiral WALCOTT would not propose any obstacle to the recommendation of the First Lord of the Admi ralty. He thought, in order to preserve the efficiency of the navy, that a large number of ships should be con stantly/kept in commission—that opportunities of pro motion should be given to meritorious officers, and that good faith should al Nays be kept with, and good treat ment always given to, the seamen. He thought also that there ought to be a general uniforui for the men throughout the service, and he highly approved. of train ing-ships for cadets. Admiral BERKELEY said that there was already a general uniform throughout the service for the men, and that naval cadets would be trained in such ships as the Industrious before joining their ships. With respect to manning the navy, had the house gone into the navy estimates, and any attempt had been made to reduce the number of men, he was prepared to state to the com m ittee that it would be the greatest blow that could pos sibly be given to the British navy to reduce the men. It was, and always would be in consequence of recent changes in the maritime laws, and now that we had an other nation speaking our language, a diffiCult thing to man the navy properly. With reference to the naval coast volunteers he was happy to be able to inform the house that he had no doubt, in the event of another war, there would be a large body of men available from that body. Mr. W. MARTIN thought that the dockyard la bourers were not at all too highly paid. _ -- Re.'I3ENTIN6IC wished to iiriow whether there was any intention to make an alteration in the method of coaling ships in Plyrnonth Sound! Capt. DUNCOIVIBE thought that there was a great deal of coal used when it was not required by the exigen cies of the service, and when sailing would do just as well as steaming. Sir G. PECHELL also thought that the expenditure for coal was excessive. Sir C. WOOD said he entirelyagreed in the necessity of adopting strict rules with regard to the use of coal on board ships, for it entailed very serious :expense, and what was still worse, was the means of deteriorating the skill of officers. The subject had attracted the attention of the Board of Admiralty, and stringent orders had been issued to all commanders-in-chief on foreign stations directing them to enforce upo❑ the officers under their command not to use coal except in cases of emergency. The subject of coaling vessels in Plymouth Harbour had also occupied the attention of the Government, and he would have been glad to have inserted a vote in the esti mates for carrying out fresh measures upon so important a matter, but the Government were bound to bring their expenditure within reasonable limits. As to the wages of men in Chatham Dockyard, when the war began the shipwrights were put upon job and task work instead of being paid by the day. That led to a very considerable increase of expense, and in order to induce the labourers to keep pace with these artificers they received what was called " exertion money." On the lst of March the shipwrights were again placed upon day pay, and the exertion money, of the labourers was accordingly struck off. Unless mea sures of this kind were taken it would be utterly impos sible for the Government to reduce their expenditure as they were called upon to do by the house. He could not tell the hon, member for Dundalk (Mr. Bowyer) when the vessel he alluded to was laid down, but there were cases in which large sailing vessels were kept on the stocks for a considerable time while the building of steamers, which were more wanted, was being proceeded with. The right hon. baronet concluded by justifying the measures he had taken with respect to the construc tion of gun-boats. After a few words from Sir H. WILLOUGHBY, in reply, _ .1111.. COWAN asked if a Mr. White, of Cowes, bad been appointed consulting engineer to the Admiralty on "slips 1" He had a copy of a letter from a person of that name to a gentleman at Leith, stating that he had received such an appointment. Sir C. WOOD knew of no person who had been ap pointed consulting engineer of slips, but believed that a Mr. White, of Cowes, had been employed to construct some for the use o f th e navy. With regar d to the sup pression of the slave trade, the right hon. baronet said gun-boats were not employed on the coast of Cuba, in consequence of their not being well adapted for that ser vice. If gun-boats were sent tq Cuba it would be neces sary to have a coal depot there, as they were unable to carry a sufficient qu an tit y o f coa l s on b oar d, an d th e Go vernment had, th ere f ore, thought it b etter to s t ren gth en the blockade on the coast of Africa. After a few words from Mr. 'WILLIAMS, Admiral WALCOTT said the admirals do the retired list held their present positions as a reward for meritori ous conduct in the discharge of their duties. He (the gallant admiral) only 10 men on the li s t o f 225 a d m i ra l s w ho were younger than himself. was . 66 years of age, and there were The voto was then agreed to. On the vote of 800,0001, for the wages of seamen and marines, The following totes were agreed to :- 300,0001., on account, victuals. 50,000/., on account, Admiralty-office. 80,000/., on account, coast guard service. 30,000/., on account, scientific departments. 60,0001., on account, naval establishments at home. 10,000/, on account, naval establishments abroad. 300,0001., on account, wages to artificers, &c., at home. _ 20,000/, on account, wages to artificers, &c., abroad. 500,0001., on account, naval stores. 200,0001., on account, new works and rephirs. 20,000/., on account, medicines and medical stores. 30,0001., on account, miscellaneous stores. 250,000/. on account, half-pay, 200,0001., on account, military pensions. 00,9001., on account, oivil pentgono. turally obliged to conform to its views upon the sub ject, which are totally different a to our own, and the usual custom was for the time relaxed. Her Mak sty's Government thought proper, at the late Treaty of Paris, to enter into a general engagement by which the views of France, Russia, and other Powers were conformed to, and those Powers in time of war abandoned. That special concession was not the subject of any discus sion in this house, and I dare Say that had there been hest Majesty's Government would have shown sufficient reason to meet with its approval. It would doubtless have shown that it had no other course open but that of concurrence in the wishes of its alleas. However that may be, it is to be observed that in all books upon the ' subject it is stated that all those rules—"a free ship makes free goods," and that "the goods of a belligerent are free in a neutral vessel"—are rules which were con sidered injurious to the maritime supremacy of mari time countries, and in an especial degree to the mari time supremacy of England ; and any one who will take the pains to look at what was stated in the argu ments upon the subjsct will see that it was intended as a blow at the maritime supremacy of this country. Since that treaty was signed the Secretary of State of the United States has submitted a proposal that we should go a step further, and that Great Britain should agree to the proposition that all mercantile yes s-ls should be free from capture during time of war. Now, it appears to me that, although that proposition carries an air of humanity and philanthropy about it, it is not one calculated to prevent war—(Hear, hear) —and which, under any circumstances, would greatly cripple the energies of this country. (Hear, hear.) It is obvious, in the first place, that one of the reasons why foreign Powers are unwilling to go to war with England is, that they foresee, as an inevitable conse quence, the whole of their commerce being swept off the seas. They say, "We have a great deal of valu• able property now at sea, and immediately upon our declaeng war with Great Britain her cruisers will get possession of it, and we shall be greatly injured." But if, on the contrary, they were sure that all their mer chant ships could cross the seas without peril, that reason for remaining at pease would be taken aw ay. But examine further the effects of such a measure. Supposing the United States were to go to war with us, there would be no impediment to her marching an army into Cinada, and taking possession of that country. We would have no pow-r of carry ing on a war by sea because she would have no fleet to send out against us—we would have, in fact, no power of reprisal. It may be said that we should still retain the power of blockade ; but that has been limited and restricted by the Convention of Paris, and a blockade, to be effectual, should be such as would leave no port open that a merchant vessel could enter. That conven tion rendered it impossible for us to maintain an effec tual blockade in the Black Sea, and in time of war we might blockade New York and Brest, but other ports iu the respective countries would be left free to carry on the traffic. I have felt it necessary to say thus much upon this point, because I have seen that several per sons, very high authorities, are disposed to entertain these proposals, and likewise because I judged by the report of the speech of my noble friend at the head of the Government, at Liverpool, that he was rather favourably disposed to those propositions. I may be wrong in the view that I have formed, but my opinion is that if we were to agree to that proposition our being a great naval Power would be of no advantage to us—(hear, hear) — and, in the first place, that a stipulation not to use our naval power against the commercial trade of other coun tries would he a great provocation to war on the part of those countries, and that the cause of humanity would not be promoted ; and secondly, because in time of war we should be almost helpless on the seas. I trust, there• fore, that no Minister of Great Britain will set his signa ture to a treaty of this sort without the greatest consi deration, and without having consulted competent naval authorities upon a subject of so much importance to the prosperity of this country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. H. DRUMMOND, in confirmation of what bad fallen from the noble lord, remarked that during the de bates which took place -upon the Orders in Council, it was expressly stated that they were issued, not merely as measures of retaliation, but because they would have the effect of injuring the enemy's trade ; and if they wished for an instance of their effects, be would remind them of the seizure of Spanish ships with rich cargoes, which to a great extent prevented that country from bringing her power to bear against us. If they were to carry the doctrine of not seizing the property of bellige rents in private ships to its full extent, they might at once refrain from intercepting supplies to a besieged town, because private individuals were as much injured in the one case as in the other. Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE could not believe that the noble lord at the head of the Government, who had always shown such anxiety to protect the honour and the interests of England, could entertain the opinions upon this subject which had been attributed to him by the noble lord who had just spoken. Napoleon had ad vanced the maxim that a war should support itself, and in pursuance of that doctrine he had always levied con• tributions largely on the enemy. The only way in his (elr. Philliinore'e) opinion that a maritime Power could carry out that maxim and levy contributions, was by in tercepting the property of its enemy on the high seas. (Hear, hear.) The same authority that he had quoted had said that to deprive England of this power would be to strike the heaviest blow at her prosperity. The hu manity lay rather in crippling the resources of the enemy as soon as possible than in making concessions which tended to protract the contest. (Hear, hear.) Sir C. NAPIER, trusted we would never give up our maritime rights and allow nations with which we were at war to carry on their commerce when and how they chose. If we were at war with France, was it to be said that she Bhoul.l be permitted to send whatever merchant ships she pleased to sea ? And as to 1)1 eckade, to talk of a blockade of all the ports of France was perfect non sense. It was the fear of the British navy which pre vented other nations from going to war with us, and such a proposal as that referred to by the ne he lord was calculated to destroy our naval supremacy. (Hear.) Mr. COBDEN said the house was supposed to he dis cussing the income tax, and he was not anxious to pro long the discussion on this subject. He wished, ho x eser, to correct an erroneous impression which appeared to prevail. The question really was not whether they were called upon to abandon an ancient right—that was already signed away in the Treaty of Paris—but whe ther they should go a step further and exempt private property from capture, no matter where it le fount. that was Mr. Marcy's proposition. (Hear, hear.) When the time arrived for ei , cuesing that question he thought he should be able to adduce arguments calculated to alter the noble lord's opinion. Mr. NEWDEGATE was anxious to avail himself of this opportunity to express his deep regret at the Treaty of Paris, which prevented us from exercising the power we had always possessed of using privateers and letters of marque, which, he contended, had always been used in the most legitimate manner. It was a question of expense ; if this country wished to maintain her naval militia, it caul l only be dons at an altogether disproportionate cost, unless the merchant service was kept up as a means for ai-ling the naval force. There was no humanity in allowing free intercourse of trade in times of war ; there was nothing so beneficial as to crip ple the resources of the enemy, for it saved bloodshed and brought those to reason who could be influenced by no other means. He was very glad that the noble lord had called attention to the subject, and ho did trust that it would prow true that "Governments may make what agreements upon this subject they choose, but our descendants on the other side of the Atlantic will never bo crippled by such fatal provisions; those provisions will be set aside ; there will remain only the shame of having abandoned the great weapon of offence, and when the time comes England will free herself from such un worthy shackles" _ _ . Mr: M. MILNES thought it very desirable that the noble lord should have an opportunity of stating what he really said at Liverpool. It had been the policy of those who opposed the noble lord to represent him as the disturber of the peaco of Europe, and to wield against him that weapon which had been used so often on the Continent against the Ministry of which the noble lord was the chief. But the people of this country saw that the right of England and the cause of liberty throughout the world would be supported by all the moral means in our power. The right hon. member for the University was difficult to please upon the subject of Italy ; it was he who first called attention to the state of that country, and it was scarcely just that he should turn against the Government which had prosecuted the very cause which he had proposed. He believed that it wont] be found that the Governments of France and England had acted rightly in declaring that the conduct of the Kin.. of Naples was such that he deserved to he excluded from the comity of nations, and he believed that they had done well in making their protest against the conduct of that country ; and that although there might be immediate suffering the result would be beneficial in the end, and great moral advantage would accrue. Mr. WHITESIDE could not agree in the praise be stowed upon the foreign policy of the noble lord. He had passed some time in Belgium last autumn, and had heard the expression of feeling in that country upon what had passed at the convention in Paris with respect to the freedom of the press in Belgium. The speech of the right hon. gentleman the member for the University had been printed and read and admired. With regard to Naples, if they had a right to interfere with that king. dom because the Government was bad, what were they to do with the Pope of Rome ! The King of Naples did not interfere with other countries, but the Pope of Rome did. In the same way, why did they not inter• fere with Switzerland ? (Hear, hear.) He believed the object of the noble lord was to make capital of his fo reign policy on the hustings. If they were justified in interfering in the government of a foreign country be cause it was bad, why did they not seek to put down the slave trade in America ? What were they to do with the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Russia ? The policy of interference was not only incomprehen sible, but utterly impracticable. (Hear, hear.) But if they intended to fight the battle of Italy, let them not iatigat e men to kill the tyrant, and then leave them to cli s i e,by the h angman. He believed that the improvement o 'WV must be left to the course of events, and that to try by indirect means to remedy the evil would only in crease it, and make things worse than ever. (Hear.) Sir P. KELLY expressed his surprise hat no mem after what had afalrreen fromgreat misfortune the noble lord (Lord J. Rus sell). It wasamisfortune that the noble lord at the head of the Government had already spoken ; but not a single moment ought to be lost in removing the apprehension of the house n i: e o i l l i ta tho f 3 subjeot He lieved that bespoke the senti tl l i e e rd majority when be he said that if the views of the noble r l e d ssed e at Liverpool were carried out, a fatal blow exp struck at the naval superiority of this countr would the b of exp Y ressin his noble lord did not have an opportunity the adjogurn views, be should feel it as his duty to move ment of the debate to give him an opportunity o f doing so, in order to remove, the doubts generally entertained. Upon the subject of the income tax, he was not inclined to oppose the second reading of the bill, because, unless they agreed to some measure in relation to the income tax, the war tax of 16d. in the pound would be main tained. No one was less disposed than himself to impair the'resources of the Government, or to leave it without ample support in providing for the exigencies of the State ; but before the bill shall have passed, he should take the sense of the house upon the question whether or not they were to understand that the arrangement made between the Government and the country by the act of 1853 was to be deemed a permanent arrangement and contract. It was the universal belief of the members of that house that the arrangement of 1853 was a binding and final arrangement. He did not believe that the exi gencies of the State were such as imperatively to demand the extra 2d., and he should certainly take the sense of the house upon the question. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that, with regard to the convention of Paris, communi cations had been made to the United States asking them to accede to the proposals which were there made. The answer made to oar Government was that, provided cer tain ulterior changes were made, the United States of America would be prepared to become a party to the arrangement. These ulterior changes consisted in the ex emption from capture of the goods of an enemy carried in an enemy's merchant vessel The matter was very se rious, and no answer had yet been given to the proposal by the Government, which was fully acquainted with its importance, and would not come to a decision before full consideration was given to it. With regard to the In come Tax Act of 1853, he was not quite sure what there was in the nature of a compact which that act was sup posed to have established with respect to the incometax. The first departure from that act took place in 1854, when the tax of 7d. in the pound was doubled, and that proposition was made by the right bon. gentleman the member for Oxford University himself. The act in force this year would have enabled the Government to levy an income-tax of 16d. in the pound. That act, according to the hon. and learned gentleman (Sir F. Kelly) also vie lated the supposed compact of 1853 ; but he (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) could not see the discrepancy between the two acts. Sir F. KELLY explained that hedid not consider there had been any departure from the compact that an increased income tax should be raised for the purposes of war, but that should not be so when the war was over. Lord H. VANE should be sorry to inflict a tax heavier than was intended upon the more humble classes. He trusted that upon a future occasion means would be found so far to reduce the expenditure of the country that at the expiration of the ensuing year they should be euabled to dispense with the augmented impost alto gether. The bill was then read a second time. SUPPLY. The house then went into committee of supply. Mr. GLADSTONE (who had not observed the motion for the house going into committee) rose, after the Speaker had left the chair, and said he wished to know if it was not then competent to him to make the state ment of which he had given notice / (The notice which the right hon. gentleman had on the paper was—" On the motion for Mr. Speaker leaving the chair to enable the house to go into committee of supply, that in order to secure to the country that relief from taxation which it justly expects, it is necessary, in the judgment of this house, to revise and further reduce the expenditure of the State.") The CHAIRMAN said the Speaker having left the chair the right hon. gentleman would be out of order in bringing on his motion then. Lord J. RUSSELL wished to bear his testimony that it was not the fault of the right hon. gentleman the mem ber for Oxford University that he did not attend at the moment when the Speaker was leaving the chair; be cause he (Lord J. Russell) was speaking to him at the time, having gone to ask him whether he intended to bring forward his motion that night. (A laugh.) Of course the First Lord of the Admiralty would take his own course on the matter, but probably through courtesy he would aliow his right hon. friend to make his state ment. Sir C. WOOD said be was very sorry it would not be in his power to ccomply with the suggestion of the noble lord. He did not intend to delay the house at any length, for he believed it was the wish of the house that the votes he was about to propose should be taken. What he pro posed to do was to take one-third of the whole of each vote. That would cover sufficient time to allow them them to carry on the public service, and afterwards, when the new Parliament met, full time to discuss at length all the votes that would have to be taken. He believed it would best meet the wishes and convenience of the house to take a vote upon each estimate to carry •n the public service for a couple of months. There was only one statement he should like to make, because he thought it only fair to give the house every information on the subject, and that was as to the reduction of the number of seamen. He had not been able to reduce the number of men to the extent he had wished, and that was mainly owing to a cause that he thought the house would not disapprove of, namely, the indisposition of the men to leave toe service. (Hear, hear.) A large por tion of the navy now consisted of continuous service men. It was only the other day that a ship was paid off, and of the continuous service men not one left the service. Such also was the case with the old men-of-war's men, and he hoped the house would not turn them adrift. (Hear, hear.) What he proposed to do was to take the number of men for four months, and take a vote on account of each head of estimate of one-third upen the whole sum. The first vote was that 53,700 men and boys be em ployed in the service of her Majesty's navy. Mr. W. WILLIAMS wished to call the attention of the committee to two or three points connected with these estimates, with a view of having them explained by the right hon. baronet. He found that in the expen diture of last year there bad been several deviations from the votes of the house—those on some items being greatly extended, on others curtailed. Several items, too, were jumbled up in one vote, so that it was impos sible to know the sum required, to be spent on any one of them in particular. He considered that it would be better to refer the estimates to a select committee, as it was only by such means they would be able to unravel the intricacies with which they abounded. It did notcome with in the province of the auditor to correct over expenditure, and thus Government was enabled to apply the pub lic money without the sanction of Parliament. In one return the auditor stated that on each one of 19 items there had been more expended than had been voted, and that on five others the expenditure had been less than that authorised by Parliament, the balance against the nation amounting to 323,0001. They were now called on to vote 33,000 seamen and 15,000 marines, while during the war they voted 60,000 seamen and 16,000 marines. In 1841, too, the year of peace in which they had voted the greatest number of men, the Seamen num bered 32,500, and the marines 10,500. From a compa rison of these figures he was led to think it very extra ordinary that in proportion to the number of seamen they should want so many marines. They had now 32 generals of marfnes, whereas formerly they used to have only two, one of whom was also an admiral and the ' other a military officer, and he had never yet heard of a general of marines taking the command of a division. It was now proposed to vote 1,395,0001. upon naval stores, and 578,0001. upon new works in the dockyards. During the last four years they had expended on stores I no lees a sum th an 9,800 , 0001 ., and upon new works 1,395,0001., so that the amount now proposed ap peared to him extravagant. They had, since the French war, expended 12,000,0001., upon their dock , yards, which were then capable of accommodating about 10,000 ships in commission. The expenditure upon labourers was very disproportionate to that outlay. 1 Another point was, that they had now 17 admirals in I commission, three or four of whom were commissioners in the dockyards, and 270 idle. The total number of ships in commission was 297, so that they had, within 10, an admiral for every ship. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY was glad the right hon gen tleman proposed to take a vote for the excess of expendi ture last year, which amounted to 211,000/. They had, by expending on certain items less than bad been voted, saved a sum of 620,0001., all of which they otherwise expended without the authority of Parliament ; so that it was quite clear, if such a course were to be a ll owe d to go on, the consideration of the estimates in that house would become a mere idle proceeding. He hoped the right hon. gentleman would devise some plan by which the audit might be placed upon a satisfactory footing, and become really effective and useful. Sir 0. NAPIER said he did not think the estimate of 53,700 men a very extaavagant one, on the eve of a war with China. On the contrary, he should like to see the vote a little larger. He saw that 5,700 of these men were voted for the coast guard service, who could not be employed afloat. That left them 45,000 men, viz., 33,000 seamen, and 15,000 marines. He might further observe that there was now no reserve at all, and therefore he concluded that these 5,700 men were intended to form a reserve. In 1853 there were 2,000 boys voted, but now men and boys were mixed up together, and he wished to ask whether there was now an additional number of boys? It had been found that these boys, when they had grown up, made excellent seamen. He would also ask the First Lord of the Admiralty how many of these 33,000 seamen were continuous service men, and how many of them w•re " novices?" Some remarks had fallen from the hon. mem ber for Lambeth relative to the large vote of 15,000 men for the marines ; but he (Sir C. Napier) thought the Go vernment had very wisely augmented the number of marines. He was further very happy to see that the Government had placed a greater number of marines in the seaport towns. He thought the seaport towns should be garrisoned entirely by marines, and then, in the event of war taking place, the marines could be marched at once on board the fleet, and their places be supplied by militiamen. The hon. member for Lambeth had also complained that there were so many generals of marines unemployed. He (Sir C. Napier) regretted that it was not the custom to employ generals of marines ; and he thought it would be very proper to give them commands in the garrison seaport towns. There was another re mark he wished to make. The continuous service men were entered for ten years, and he understood th a t th e se men were not always s o fit as they ought to be—they were not always of a very good class. He would sug gest that before they were entered for that period they should be submitted to a probation of one year, in order to ascertain whether they were likely to be of service. He also begged to draw the attention of the First Lord of the Admiralty to the circumstance that when an ablebodied seaman became a petty officer, he lost the additional pay which he had been previously xeceiv ing, which he thought was a case of hardship. He (Sir Charles Napier) would again draw the attention of the Government and the house to the fact that we were now in the 40th year of peace (with the ex ception of the Russian war), and had as yet no regular system of manning the navy. Some time ago a rule was established that men should be called out by proclama tion, and then receive abounty—asystem which entailed great expense and inconvenience on the country ; but whether that rule were altered or not he (Sir C. Napier) 80,0001., on account, frf ight. 400,0001., on account, . acket service. The CHAIRMAN t act i reported progress, and the house resumed. BREACHES OF TRUST BILL. Upon the motion of • the ATTORNEY-GENERAL the Breaches of Trust SUI was withdrawn. The hon. and learned gentleman expressed his intention of bring ing the subject forward a 0 an early date in the next Par liament. PASSIN' a TOLLS BILL. Upon the motion of Mr. LOWE, the order refer ring the Passing Tolls :Bill to a select committee was discharged. The house adjourned , i,st 20 minutes past 10 o'clock. REATRE ROl AL, DRUM LANE.— gI Lessee, 1111 r. E. T. Smith. Acting Manager, Mr. C. I d athews. Stage Manager, Mr. R Roxby. Scenic A rtist, Mr. W. Beverley. The eminent Comedian, Mr:. Charles Hathews, every evening, __ _ _ Re-engagement O 1 ' Mr. and Mrs. Keeley. Great Success of the G 'rand Christmas Pantomime, the most magnificent ever pro di iced on the English stage. THIS EVENING, her S.ajesty's Servants will perform the popular Comedy, A CURE FO THE HEARTACHE. Characters by Messrs. C . Mathews, Keeley, Vincent, Til. bury, Templeton, Carter, Vralton ; Mrs. Frank Matthews, Miss Cleveland, and Miss Vl. Oliver, After which will be pro( to ced SEE, SAW, MARGERY DAW Or, Harlequin Holiday, a n d the Island of Ups and Downs. The reduced prices as follows, varying throughout the nouse to suit every one::--Galleries, 6d. and ls. ; Second Circle of Boxes, is. 6d. ; Pit, 2s. ; First Circle of Boxes, 2s. 6d. ; Dress Boxes, 3;t:.; Stalls , 55.; Private Boxes, Ws. 6d., 1/. ls., 1/. lls. 6 1. , and 2/. 2s. OYAL PRI - NrCESS'S THEATRE, Llk; To-Morrow EVENING, will be performed A MIDSUMME: Et NIGHT'S DREAM. After which will be proett iced a new petite comedy, in two acts, called OUR WIFE ; or, The Rose of Amiens. Princi pal characters by Messra, Ryder, Harley, Fisher; Misses Murrsy atd C. Leclorcq. 9HEATRE It 0 YAL, HAYMARKET. THIS EVENIYG, to commence at Seven, with the successful new Comedy, in three acts, entitled, DOUBLE-FACED PEOPLE. Characters by Mr. Buckstone, ftfr. Chippendale, Mr. Co Tripton, Mr. W. Farren, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Clark, Miss Reynol ds', Mrs. Poynter, and Mrs. E. Fitz. wir jam. Followed by (19th tim e) a new drama, called A WICKED WIFE. After which, GRIVIS - DAW, BAGSHAW, AND BRAD . SHAW. To conclude with 11:cmcrieff's comic drama of THE IRRESISTIBLES. TIOYAL LYCEUM THEATRE. Lessen, Mr. C. Dillon. THIS EVENING, will bo performed the romantic drama of DON CIESAR DE B A ZAN, with new scenery, costumes, &c. Don Cesar, Mr. Dillon. Followed by CONRAD AND MEDORA; or, Harlequin Corsair watt the Little Fairy at the Bottom of the Sea. The burlesque opening by W. Brongh, Esq., founded upon the ballet, of Le Corsair, as produced at Her Majesty's Theatre. rat harlequinade upon things in gene ral. The new and n tagnificent scenery painted by Mr. F. Fenton. Conrad (the Corsair) Miss Woolgar Birbarto (his lie utenant) Mr. J. L. Toole Medora ..... ,„... Mrs. Charles Dillon Clowns Mr. H. Marshall After whioh, a mew farce, entitled MY FRIEND PROM LEATHERHBAD, Mr. Toole, Miss Wilton, and Mrs. B. White. The box-office upon daily, from 1.1. to 5, under the super. ntendence of Mr. Chatterton, jun. Carriages conveyying► parties to the Private Boxes to mei down at the State entrance in Burleigh-street. T HEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI. Legitee—Mr. Ben. Webster. THIS EVENING, will be performed the popular drama of IRELAND AS IT IS. Mr. and Mrs. Barney Williams. After which, A NIGIIT AT NOTTING-HILL, in which Mr. Wright and Pail Bedford will appear. Followed by a new Piece de Caractere, entitled IN AND OPT OF PLACE. Mrs Barney Williams. To conclude with the new original comic drama, called BARNEY THE BARON. Barney O'Toole, Mr. Barney Williams. OYAL SITRREY THEATRE, 4* , Lessees, Me•lsrs. Shepherd and Creswick. THIS EVENING, a new drama, entitled FRAUD AND ITS VIOTIIIB. Messrs.. Creswick, Shepherd, &c. After which, an original farce, entitled, THE SERIOUS 1017TH. To conclude with LES ARTISTES RIVAUX. Mr, F. Glover, Mr. Tapping, kfrc.l THEATRE ROYAL, SADLER'S-WELLS. Under the Management of Mr. Phelps. THIS ETE I SING, will be performed RICHELIEU. The Characters by Messrs. Phelps, H. Marston, J, W. Ray, L. Ball, A, Rayner, Williams ; Miss E. Travers, Miss M, Eburne, and Miss Rawlings, TO conclude with ME HANDSOME HUSBAND. TRAND TREAT RE.—Manager, M c. T. Payne.—This Evening will be per rbrined THE LAMPLIGHTER. After which, THE DEATH OF EVA, [in which the Howard P:l w F e Followed Family B ap L p lrE r. JACKETS. To conclude with MALD OR WIFE. Commence at Seven. Stalls, 3s. ; Boxes, 2s. ; Pit, Is. ; Gallery, 6d. yTwHiEll OYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE. Lessee, Mr. Alfred Wigan. A_ It This Evening, the new drama, by Tom Taylor, E called A SHEEP 1N WOLF'S CLOTHING. A CONJUGAL LESSON. Lullaby, Mr. F. Robson. Followed by the new farce, by Bayle Bernard, Esq called A SPLENDID INVESTMENT. Commence at half-past Seven. NSTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Lessee and Manager, Mr. W. Cooke. This Evening, with its manifold romantic equestrian directs, invented by Mr. Win. Cooke, the operatic drama of ROB ROY, with the original music, the last week of its performance. Rob boy, Mr. James Holloway. After which, the Equestrian EVOLUTIONS in the ARENA. To conclude with the equestrian harlequinade called PAUL PRY ON HORSEBACK. Commence at seven o'clock. Dress Boxes, 4s. ; Upper loxes, 3s. ; Private Boxes, from 11., no charge for booking ; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery, is. ; Upper Gallery, 6d. ;tox•olco open from Eleven till Four. Stag• Manager, Mr. W. West. Equestrian Director, Mr. W. Cooke, jun. CANTERBURY HALL, Westminster-road.— OPEN EVERY EVENING.—The follow ing company of Vocalists are engaged for the performance of - , elections from all the populaT Operas, Madrigals, Choruses, Glees, Duets, &c., ♦ia.: Miss E. Pearce, Mrs. J. Caulfield, Miss Brunall, Miss Summers, and Madame Marietta ; Mr. J. Caulfield, Herr F. Jonghmans, R. Grover, T. Farrant, S. Jones, J. Barker, W. Melling, P. Corgi, Senor Antonio M. de Solla, and E. L. Hime ; Masters Austin, Bennett, and Corgi; Messrs. Sam Collins, E. Mackney, and C. J. Wilkins. Pianoforte, Mr. Cecil Hicks; harmonium, J. Caulfield, jun.; Erector, Mr. J. Caulfield. Commence at Seven o'clock pre cisely. Suppers, die., until twelve o'clock. ;lIGE - 1 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. NIB DAT—Morn. 6 min. aft. 2—Evening 21 mi tt . a ft. 2 Fa-MoßßOW—Morn.39 min. aft. 2—Evening 61 min.aft: 2 TilE WEATHER—SUN Ormaz, MAIM 10. THERMOMETER, IN Tint SHAM 46 —highest since noon yesterday. 136 —lowest this morning and during the night. 40 —this day at noon. BAROMETEB, 30 . 03. WIND, North-easterly.—Fine, with sharp frost and hazy weather. gAtit, LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 10, 1857. The enthusiasm in favour of the Government is spreading. The constituencies, one after another, are in the majority of instances express ing their emphatic disapproval of the course re cently pursued by the Opposition. That course, to say the least of it, appears—viewing the mat ter as a mere question of Party Tactics —really and truly appears to have been a mistake, a blunder, a "slip" of the judgment, on the part of the antagonists of the Administration. Its immediate result—so different from what the majority of 263 must have anticipated--proves it incontrovertibly to have been a movement on the part of its promoters decidedly impolitic, inju dicious, and ill-considered. It has literally, in point of fact, created for the Ministry (what they must otherwise have lacked) a Good Cry upon which to go to the country. It has resuscitated, or rather rejuvinated, the prestige of Lord PALMER. STON—a prestige latterly somewhat obscured under the darkening influence of the Paris Con ferences --.-the /vestige, we mean s of the Noble Viscount as TEE " British Minister." It has enabled him t lead off with the strongest suit in his hand—in the great game of the General Elections— and to • lead off that suit, moreover, pointedly at the trump-card ! The Chinese Question, upon which his Cabinet was placed in a minority of sizteen, has—in other words—enabled Lord PAL MERSTON to go to the Country, upon the very best policy upon which by possibility he could at any time have gone to the country, namely, upon the matter •of his Foreign Policy. That Foreign Policy which is the very basis of his reputation as a statesman. That Foreign Policy in regard to which he stands before England in his most patriotic character, and before the world at large in a light the most conspicuous, defined, and chivalric Covered with the prestige of his Foreign Policy, Lord PALMERSTON is clad, as it were, in a panoply of steel, impenetrable, to the most deadly blows of his antagonists. Armed thus cap•a-pie, accord ing to the noble image of the Poet of "King Arthur" —save where his bravo eyes look out un shadowed upon the contest he ever disdains not to regard thus undauntedly as it were face to face— He of whom our English Sir WALTER has sung— " He—rides to war, no visor to his helm!" It is for inasmuch as the political opponents of Lord PALMERSTON have themselves in this man ner thus perversely afforded him the precise op portunity he himself might most eagerly and most reasonably have desiderated, that we conceive they have acted most inconsiderately in regard to their own chances of success among the consti tuencies. Had they tempted the trial of strength with t PALMERSTON Administration upon any [other matter than the very one they have thus most mistakenly selected, they had acted surely more wisely in their generation ! Powerful, Its we have said, in the prestige of his Foreign Policy, the Noble Viscount is any thing but powerful, for example, in the matter of his Home Policy—in regard, for instance, to his recently avowed opinions upon the great question of Parliamentary Reform. Opinions, by the way, which the Noble Lord must simply alter or modi fy forthwith—according to the good-humoured and point-blank recommendation addressed to him on Thursday evening in the House of Com mons by gallant TOM DUNCOMBE , M.P. for Fins bury—THOlClAS SLINGSBY Di:INCOME; the in domitable, indefatigablO, and thoroughly consis tent champion of all that is best and truest in Radicalism THOMAS DUNOOMBE, who, now for very nearly thirty-three years, has advocated the same liberal principles in the House of Commons, first of all, from 1824, as Member for Hertford, and secondly, ever since 1834 as the chosen re presentative of the most ultra-liberal of all our fifteen great metropolitan constituencies ! Yes— there is no mistake about it—as the Member for Finsbury said on Thursday evening, the Noble Viscount must change his views about Reform generally, and Parliamentary Reform particularly. In which contingency we venture to assert that his supporters would come in not only at the head of the poll, but as the saying is, " on the heads of the people," not merely with the lands and votes, but with the hearts and Godspeed of the vast majority of the Constituencies. Even as matters stand at the present moment with the Premier's late bungling avowal of a total want of sympathy with the political hobby of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for East Surrey, still fresh in the public recollection—how earnest and wide spread, in spite of this, is the enthu siasm manifested throughout the country at the present moment, in favour of the cause repre sented by the Noble Viscount's Government ! What might it not be otherwise—supposing the Prime Minister, actuated by a wiser inspiration, have generoudy sustained, instead of perversly opposing, Mr. LOCKE! KING'S motion 1 in that contingency, as we have said, his supporters would infallibly, in a measure, be returned upon the shoulders of the electors into the new Parlia ment. Even with that recent speech and that recent vote of his, in the popular remem brances=—see the wide-spread and deep-rooted enthusiasm in favour of the " British Minis ter," manifested more particularly by the more liberal among the most liberal of . the constituencies ! An enthusiasm so remarkable that the Noble 'Viscount's name has been promi nently brought forward as that of a probable candidate for the suffrages of the two most re markable constituencies in the three kingdoms ; and that, moreover, in these two instances, as powerfully, if not overwhelmingly, opposed to two of the most distinguished leaders in the motley ranks of that marvellous " Oxford Mix ture"—the too-successful Opposition ! The West IBiding and the City of London bidding against each other for the Prime Minister as the favourite 'among the suggested candidates I Mr. COBDEN being coolly recommended to console himself by winning the " most sweet voices" either of Boston or Stockport ! While Lord JOHN is virtually sent to Coventry, by having his name just for all the world as coolly recommended to the suffrages of either Stroud or Tavistock ! Reverting to the reflection already forcibly im pressed upon us by the decided anti-climax of the majority of "Sixteen"—may we not say of the Opposition that, there again, the old SHAKSPERIAN Truism has been conspicuously illustrated, the old truism about "vaulting ambition" overleaping t itself, and thus (of course) turning an overlooked for summersault Y How completely it has done this to its chagrin and detriment is obvious at a glance from the mere effect of the late anti• Ministerial , majority —the announcement of the proximate , dissolution of the present Parliament ! Cor roborated as it has been immediately after wards by the simple and almost instantaneous effect of that announcement—the general enthu siasm manifested throughout the country in favour of the present Government ! Not the least remark ' able evidence of which enthusiasm we take to be the cordial vote of confidence in Ministers, proposed yesterday in the Court of Common Council, and forthwith carried by acclamation I All, therefore, that is now left for the Opposition to do now—discomfited as tht actually are by their own victory—is, to console themselves for the time being with the miserable and inadequate solace of the Epicurean :—Carpe diem quam minime cred9da postern I The discussion last night, nominally on the second reading of the Income Tat Bill, was vir tually "de omnibus rebus, et quibusdam alius." Honourable Gentlemen availed themselves of the Cheapest form of advertising electioneering ad dresses, and putting forward what will manifestly be the hustings cry of the Coalition, viz., " the turbulent and aggressive" Foreign Policy of the Government, Indeed they might have paraphrased the boast of poor DIDO'S beguiler, and inquired "what part of the earth was not full of their labours ?" From China to America, from Persia to Naples—every possible question was debated, save the point really before the House, to which the allusions were few an d brief. The matter before the House was very simple. By what has been designated by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer a " mere accident" the war rate of 16d. in the pound would be continued until 1858, in Plan e of ceasing at the end of the financial year in April next. The Right Hon. Gentleman, no doubt on good and sufficient grounds, declined to avail him self the " pettifogging quibble ;" but keeping "the slight convenient iutrenchment in the die" tance," he only proposed a reduction to 7d. in place of sd. in the pound, as it would have been had there been "no mistake" as to terms. All that the moribund Parliament ought to have been called on to accomplish wa s the rectification of that mistake by the repeal of the Act of 1855. But Sir G. C. LEWIS wished t obtain a vantage ground which would enable him to dispense with any legislation during the pre sent year. He therefore proposed a measure au thorising the collection of 7d. for twelve months. Even this went beyond the legitimate functions of a body awaiting the execution of its sentence. I f sd. in the pound would not be sufficient to meet the exigencies of the Exchequer it would at least be something to go on with I But, as we have already explained, nothing wi ll be levied under the new rate for many months to come, and there would be quite time sufficient for the new Parliament to decide whether a higher rate should be granted on any, and what, condi* tions. The necessities for the public service will then be clearly ascertained. The guar dians of the public purse will know wha t - must be raised, and can determine as to the mode in which it can best be levied, and we hope an d believe that will not be by means of an unmodified Income Tax. The Government should meet the question on a fair field, by abandoning what on the most charitable construction was an accidental: advantage not contemplated by the Legislature. Mr. GLADSTONS took advantage of the opP o r' tunity to put forward some of his peculiar views, on the subject. He emphatically condemned the suggestion that the tax should only be g ranted from year to year. That proposition we put for' ward many years since, long before the so-called compact of 1853, and subsequent experience ba° confirmed the accuracy of the arguments whiel' we then put forward. It would be the meet wholesome check that could be devised on the inordinate, and, we may add, unconstitu tional, power exercised by the Executives Such a check is afforded by the Annu al Mutiny Act. But the remedy in such eae ° would be by far too violent to be resorted to on ordinary occasions. Even " stopping th e supplies" would be a more violent measure than refusing the renewal of an impost that produced some seven or eight millions yearly ! TO / would, however, be sufficient to bring anl Administration to its senses ; while, under ordi nary circumstances, it would prove no greater annoyance or inconvenience than the renewal of the Mutiny Act. The increase or decrease of even a single penny in the pound would mark the sense of Parliament oz the conduct of Minister s —while, unlike duties on commodities, there could be no valid objection to even annual change° , which would be by no means injurious to the payers. The " Oxford Pet "—as the re presentative, for the time being, of " t he Oxford Mixture, " however, looks at th e point through Ministerial glasses, and object ° to any limitation of the extraordinary power °f the Executive ; for it is obvious that the Income Tax is the only impost to which such a limitation could be applied without danger to the public ) service. Tho Eight Hon. Gentleman was also pleased to ridicule the notion of any modification or recon struction of the tax. He said the people had been " tickled and amused" thereby and held it out as a palpable delusion, pro %. tised on their credulity. That such has hitherto been the case is unhappily but too true ; but, as on a previous occasion, he migh 6 , exclaim, " men fraus omnis." Th e ministerial '- leaders of both Houses had, previously to the session of 1853, held out the strongest eape o ta • tions to the tax-paying community that such ,a reconstruction was not only possible, but would certainly take place. The then prevailing excite' ment was allayed by the apparently well-founded expectation. Mr. GLADSTONE, however, disar pointed the country, and howl By putting for ward the gross and palpable delusion that the tat should be utterly abolished in 1860, while he WO also professing his intention of following in th e • footsteps of Sir R. PEEL, by the gradual reduction of indirect taxation. This was the d e lusion" which we unsparingly denounced at the time, and which could not have been swallowed by by any but those willing to be deceived• ' It is not practicable to get rid of the burden without the adoption of a totally retrograde P o ' licy, and the reimposition of additional restrio► tions on trade and commerce. It has been the game of those who wish to exonerate property from contributing its fair proportion to the National Exchequer, to disgust the people with the only form by which that great desiderata" could be accomplished. With that end and object they have made "mountains of mole-bills," a nd conjured up difficulties which have no existence, save in their own exuberant fancies. It is, of course, impossible to expectperfeet equality in any arrangement, but a very close approximation can be made thereto, closer, perhaps, in the case of a " Property" Tax than in any other that can be devised. The "delusion" which Mr. GLADSTONE attempts to sustain is ob vious, and it is from that deception that the peo' ple should emancipate themselves. For this pur pose it is essential that every candidate for .a sent in the next Parliament should be strictly clues' tioned. If he cannot understand the distinction between permanent and preoo rious income he is not qualified . for the position to which he aspires ; and the several constituencies should avoid the reproach Of sending such incompetent representatives -to per petuate injustice, and prevent the sufferers froth • obtaining the redress to which they are fairly entitled. We are glad to see that the Anti-Church-Rats leaders are awake. From circulars we have re ceived, we perceive that they have taken our re monstrance in good part, and that an effort will be made to rouse the country. It is, indeed, time it were done. We do not want a question, which has been so long ripe for finishing, dangling about us year after year. We presume from the cow" munications we refer to that every parish in the kingdom will be asked to petition. This is as it should be. The large parishes which hale practically abolished the rate should petition for the parson and squire-ridden parishes. Those in which there have been unsuccessful contests should • ask the Legislature that they may be delivered from a religious war and parish broils ; eel should also pray that the majority being the larger, and generally the wealthier portion, s hould pay their own e x p enses o f wors hip, when the poorer minority contrives to do it. Parish es where the minority is too small, or too dependen t, to venture a contest, are not, surely, so enslavedthat they may not " humbly petition ; " the/ i n dividual should send their petitions as those of in