The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-04-05 00:00:00

au d ar ries, of the LOU the t to be gusto to that le stion a in the y were [der. ly 9up by the ley, of t forth les, or Lccord lord of uarries ko were he said he soil, stones 7 felon,' 0 m i g ht ) H ow id been he soil• iuld not e Court at case. mad the back- - ; he PO >il. Soil, ,he of the )uld for tintiff-- wet - the tchang s s . 4d.) as then opelana %fled to n arose• a vets it pre- 8 !,re veil terrnine e court, ninal to presen t r result , ing this , it was certain' a to the d a vet ward to re cases ? L. le, and r estris' 5 i F o la' rforinea a ~, calle a 11° ward• EPEr t , : ' ,; of RU, L a yton , IpePPV . ' a gi gs ' With S GO °. S Mr. ems 0 2150 0 f Aal‘ %° : 35. U.." criPt i l i s t ;sible n d TO• GRO S ' NT• qt. or Al" rise st in matt - 0 ill D'i ..,.!...---...4 h rc , ll o 41:01 to the lot ad d Ve er ' !sea: undue , whi le l bste l it h the • kii°` 4l ny '7 fral° ,, essi cm , t ile* %Pr ess t " opitP ari‘ ets Th e It s' l° ' it ifi t° b ad to jul- orar', Pl ace ,the We re eights; 44 4 with a loss of 3000 out of 10,000 men. In a el: ?ent engage or 30 of the party from atal Were lost m , ent and 2o among them an Englishman led Biggar. We received nave to th e 26th of February, inclusive. The news Important colony cont i nues to b e o f an unfa itilipu'e cha racter. The negroes are represented as liciliZetory and undi s p ose d to work. On most of Nerietitti°as the greatest difficulty continues to be Al iagl ee d in getting th e l a b ourers to work on any k• lle re asonable terms. The stipendiary magis ve"eetn to have set the admonitory caution of the i,„ erli er at defiance. Their conduct towards the -- q‘eri i s d . • . `their t_ scribed as arbitrary in the extreme : and ee : i 'llvance at the rebellious proceedings of the , 8 calculated to do great mischief in the island. e ro fi ,_, t i . t d th e 7 8 of the pl anters, in reference to the crops itiestgi cult ivation o f t h e grounds, were still of the lill vari uur n3 7 and discouraging character. The coffee, 4,1415°:4 di stricts, w as actua ll y falling from the trees, Pick at ure rs could with difficulty be obtained even to lksh e l L i wil at was on the ground, although 2s. id. per tlle cl fl p l rehos tn off ere d . One property in the parish is menti one d as an instance in which N t Nets of the planters are literally ruined. From tit., :411'8°11 of five weeks in two successive years— ihs (4 ' l the 11th of December, 1837, to January 12, 183 9 ' 4 " from n .uecember 10, 1838, to January 12, , e reBl lited that in the period first named, " 2,986 bot irera ll Picked h; , - 3 ,917 bushels, and in the latter 46 la re k t i c4 ed 46 bushels, showing that for three be- f ),,,,pleorattwwoorzeoenkisy after Christmas, the number o 14 amounted to 46 for the whole pe- f „ bill ePer, a „ tt ,, aver age, allowing four days in the week, o '4e t orn :" for the week, or two per day ; while in bet e .., et Years, allowing five days to the week, there 147 for th ,_ i en as ~ e weeis., or 159 per tetat e , ili a ,fain sampl e of the general condition of the h uktlaica. kre fl •.e rep o) , -. " 8 from th e o th er i s l an d s i n t h e W es t In ritielt 6 (1411 , Y unfavou ra bl e , as are th ose also from t rit f , u ' rl a. Fro m T r i n id a d , w hi c h prev i ous ac klitiea t re lia° Pres ent ed a s b e i ng i n a more f l our i s hi ng con liad the oth er i slands, we learn that the labour- V iliel i a,geuerally refused to work, excepting on terms ' tak tith °llld P r ove ruinous to the planters. In most thei r ~e)( insisted upon a dollar per day, in addition to 'e nt ual h . Na ke 4,_ r' r qUisites-----a rate of wages which would Per cent " t e Price of a hogshead of sugar at least fifty The n ; musts, p e -eBe ; lt condition of the West India colonies ` 4 elit, w -4 11 'y be brought under the notice of Parlia iliknithe ell we trust a searching inquiry will be made Iti llen t i L ,• e°llth let of the respective governors and the Y inagistrates. 14t4 tioy; °sec l our remarks on Tuesday with the nexot ttetipitat:f ° lir beli e f t h at Si r R o b er t Peel will i ecili t ;, ti le crisis, which their own knavery and d "blich rn ' "aye brought upon the wretched Whigs, f and h tlit e 11 1 t v ery shortly, and in the due course o itB OWII way. The tangled web of fraud 4 v tih' • ea i tolot be u nrave ll e d . Th e fi rs t a d verse w i n d ' 4 of li no l ino shred s , an d sca tt er it t o th e f our cor - Tlie • e arth. Able spirit of whiggery meanwhile, Titra 6 04 , alUMquo non aliud velocius ullum -Liveb, Pravique, tenax, quam nuncia veri," kti d at work in spreading rumours of the wildest ",.. 11 4 1114t ilicredible character. What do our readers i luble 46 1°1 instance, of a statement that, unless l ou , r , ha ve obtain a majority " clear of all officio s, mtkt t h e kagnanirnously determined to resign ?—or ha No t i t e) lae the smallest chance of obtaining suc ion klig a : 1 : It must have required a whig imaginat first , origi 4 t:ig co mmand of countenance, to give the the Y, "'h;131141 reports as these. A majority of thirty of . • 1; 8 They have never had in the palmiest days N 1 etc' alliance. A majority " clear of all offi 41(44 if the re were the slightest chance of this, then 4111 41. tile talk of a m i n i s t er i a l cr i s i s wo uld be rank , r ,„ N )I '°ll 4. ueY may bless blind Fortune if they 1 eat y. r t t: ,, P h i rase "clear of all officials" gives rise to 1 / 41 , e ti h u — li g t n ts ffie th ial an these. Does it mean that the Why, they p v , no t , votes for nothing ? t 44 t s ecti ' Wel itY friends in the house except officials. ° of liberals is there in this realm—in the " out • • A t , of it—tnat honestly supports Lord Mel "an R°vernment ? The Irish tail support them ir , ik't• government Patronage of Ireland has been laid at the . li titl t d ;4 t he leader of their gang is no longer impn o - r Ntir sedition, or denounced from the throne, I, N kaeti4 by the radical Speaker,—but his creatures d m t. ! hi -el4lleen's Counsel and Attorneys-General, an 4 , 4lli n e r if i 8 offered—is enabled to reject—the Mas at'd— t he Rolls in Ireland ! There are cliques, ( 4 61 11 - d e°t eries of men who are radicals on the hus -4,44' 4 for reasons best known to themselves b 4 tilt-w wY surmised by others), mellow down into t : ):(k ` l4d.l ' a • i t er men in London, and when they roar • Li ke sucking doves." Certain returns that ` r ve t , e-4 Publish e d , of commiss i oners hi ps and places, ede e bew that a ma j or i ty compose d o f men like \lr :11,11:k . a majority " clear of all officials." ae 144 1 111 days of political paradox. If there be 41 1 1111°re unpopular in this country than another,. 4 rist o • - be aristocratic 11pri ii • crate whig. tory may , I'4 ' 4 4, l _ le ' and those who are acquainted with the • '''llracter of some of our most proverbially -‘-ratie ' tories, such as for instance the Duke of **l:l;te °f te) kr t°w very we ll th a t w h a tever may be the 1414 e these men, their deportment is not only qLke that lld Co nciliating,but hearty, kind, generous, I°l 'e t i b el a real Englishman. Lord Chandos w k as i th Aar il every farmer and farm-servant in Buc `',..°otilL—re• These men do not always profess the ld th ings in public, for they are of the o Iv n, tll) t he)? give you the old John-Bull shake, C'er e t t Y°l4. hand be plebeian or aristocratic : they ‘ , ll4l el k ,' ii 4 t t i te t You : they never insult you by a con 4els I:°rldescension They are better than their 11 1 1 4 tin . R o `is' turn to the whig. He gets upon the L I 1 44' li d says he is a whig, perhaps a leveller. c e t• he rights of men, of equality, of indepen 'tteeti Uoiversal brotherhood. He cuts you in the :Nay . b _ .e . would not soil his noble glove in your mit• tja7l(l he hates low people : he jabbers the • - e - h g °ll he treads the very earth as if it was not i r I N 4 . 4;! 11 R 11 for him to walk upon. The leading t 14 01 1( C o nly proverbs for their pride. Lord . G k re . y s of ; Lord Durham is proud ; Lord Howie ''tittielsride, and spleen, and arrogance. Lords Mel it her e rtie. 4ll4 Palmerston, and Normanby, and the rest, th e court dandies : and when they are trifling 'l4 o{ destinies of this great country, and the well 114dlions and millions of men, TO " it makes one mad them shine so brisk, and smell so sweet, q hd b talk Si lik e t o wa i ting gentlewomen. " Il le et he" Pe°Pie are t their he leaders of democracy, the heads , and language is " the spirit of the 411 ; can it b e t h at suc h men s h ou ld b e so tk pre ' t 7 4o . r in their public professions they ab t;',Nt 'at ension s to difference by blood and birth: pride is that of democracy. We answer, &; 411 ili e ; 11 11 . (1 ° is bred in the bone with them : it is 4 IN l ggery : they have the pride of Lucifer, the eO Ap d gi and the father of whiggery. 4 11i 8 ; °:'etym.. ' 8 well known to any one, whether he be a ,kr„cave or a destructive, who has any knowledge 11 441 1 , e41 , 111 en or measures. Why, then, should they ti; 4l ve r, ' 4l , Power ? Is not this a paradox ? If we b the have gained their places, and they hold ''; e°4rt intrigue, —will not the natural rejoinder L e ole of . h Y , , , there is not anything so hateful to the t°Pit l i o ,, - "gland as court intrigue; and surely pub h..fit 0,11: would have swept them away long ago, • e th tenure was by court intrigue ?" One should it ° lt lit L'' g Certainly that public opinion would. But t oki v e Penn that there are two parties, each of which ov Pretences to popular support—either of which bid es ert ow them at any instant—each of which tai l R for thatita time" ; while both are too intently pre t7yand Bgreat ulterior conflict, which is so cer 4eCo 0 nearly at hand, to care for a contest with N 4114 wh igs• The ministry hold their ground ih e ., "l Y on the sufferance of both. The minister 4t ive °I. rather pacifies, pie • —" the one party with conser . - iri he 80.7 8 , t_ , since they are contending for pnnci- N lucre ° h i e other with promotions, for their object va ti er ltio t, .gain• This policy is wise in its own v eil het ..",°• a slywisave the Whigs, until the conser ,ueir to shaping their own measures for themselves and carrying them, or (which we trust we shall not live to see) until the radicals can seize the pelf and patronage into their own proper grasp, and will therefore be satisfied no longer with that " half loaf," with which they are wisely content at present, because "it is better than no bread." When either of these events shall happen, the Whigs must fall, for once and for ever. We shall revert to this subject in our next. Protes tant England and Popish Ireland must soon meet on the floor of parliament, foot to foot, and fight their battle fairly and in earnest. O'Connell has addressed another of his objurgatory epistles to the " hereditary bondsmen " of Ireland— meaning thereby the rebellious popish faction—in which he indulges in his usual strain of lavish, vulgar, and exaggerated abuse of all that is good and noble, and in which, likewise, he uses language designed to goad the deluded victims of his selfish agitation to acts of open violence and insurrection. The career of this eminently " bold, bad man " is evidently drawing to a close—a close as inglorious and humiliating as that which his ministerial lacqueys are destined to experience. His fate is intimately connec ted with theirs. It was by his assistance, and that of his caudal appendage, that the Melbourne ministry were enabled to displace Sir Robert • Peel. The same assistance which, for certain reasons, could be depen ded upon on every emergency, has enabled the whig radical cabinet to set at defiance, for so long a period, the unequivocally expressed opinions of the people of England. Again, it was by the assistance of the pre sent cabinet that O'Connell has been enabled to " rule the roast" in Ireland for the last four years. The O'Connell-appointed ministers have reciprocated the mendicant's patronage, by throwing the whole patron age of Ireland virtually into his hands. O'Connell is not so shallow as not to perceive that the days of Lord Melbourne's cabinet are numbered, and that with the fall of his accommodating clients a total change in his own prospects must take place, as an inevitable consequence. Hence arises his intense anxiety to prolong, by every expedient in his power, (short of putting his neck into a halter) the existence of the Whig-radical cabinet. Hence arise the frequent journeys to Ireland, to keep up an agitation which has proved so profitable to himself, and so useful to his al lies. O'Connell knows full well that the ascendancy of the Protestant party in England would be immedi ately followed by the ascendancy of the same party in Ireland, and the annihilation of priestly influence over Irish policy. Hinc illce lachrymw ! Hence arise the fears which haunt him day and night like a murderer's dream. That we are correct in attributing a perfect coinci dence of views to O'Connell, on the one hand, and to Lord Melbourne and his degraded associates, on the other, will appear most evident, if we consider for a moment the manner in which Lord John Russell post poned to the 15th of this month the important motion which stood for the 9th. When the original announce ment was made, it was evident that O'Connell had not been consulted; but as soon as it was declared by this inexorable task-master that the latter date suited his convenience, the motion was incontinently deferred. In the epistle of the arch-demagogue, to which we have already alluded, we find little that requires com ment. Like all his other effusions, it partakes of all the essential character"' sties of his mind. It is vulgar and inflated—a tissue of malignant falsehoods. Its object is as bloody as its language is coarse and abusive. We shall not pollute our pages by transcribing a single passage from this treasonable farrago. But let this pink of mendacity beware. He must not expect to escape unpunished while he controls the movements of the gigantic conspiracy which has its ramifications spread over the whole of Ireland. How ever " cunning of fence," he may yet be caught in his own snares. An ignominious end generally follows a career of violence. On all sides we discover infallible evidence of the progress of conservative reaction in the public mind. The extent of this reaction is not less evident from the prominent and fervid manifestations of attachment to our glorious institutions in Church and State, which are daily witnessed in every part of the kingdom, than from the reluctantly extorted confessions of the more rational portion of the whig press, and the more honest portion of the radical press. The Spectator, which belongs to the latter class, has repeatedly acknowledged the overwhelming growth of conservative principles through the length and the breadth of the land. This independent journal has also, on more than one occa sion, candidly avowed the utter hopelessness of the cause which it has so long and so ably advocated. But we were scarcely prepared to meet with an acknow ledgement of the same kind in the columns of the Manchester Guardian. A late number of that paper, which we cannot but consider as the leading demi official provincial organ of the whig ministry, contains an article so strongly corroborative of our oft-repeated assertion that " there is a wide-spread reaction in favour of conservative principles," that we cannot avoid be stowing upon it a few passing remarks. After deprecating, in the strongest language, the " schemes which the Morning Chronicle most strangely propounds, as being fitted to constitute a rallying point for all classes of reformers," the Guardian proceeds to state its conviction that, " as regards the first reformed parliament, it was too exclusively liberal"—that " there was not in the House of Commons a fair representation of the actual state of parties and opinions as they ex isted in the country,"—and confesses that it " saw with regret the many crude and extravagant propositions which their fancied strength in that house induced some well meaning, but extremely injudicious, reform ers to bring before it." It is, indeed, perfectly true that the first reformed parliament did not represent, with any degree of fairness, the feelings and opinions of the people of England. This was partly owing, no doubt, to the apathetic prostration of the conservative party : but we must not forget that, what chiefly con tributed to give the movement party the ascendancy was, the spirit of brutal intimidation evoked by those very whig ministers who have ever been the especial objects of the Guardian's praises. In spite, however, of the " reign of terror" introduced by the whigs—in spite of their profligate multiplication of offices—in spite of their reckless use of ministerial patronage — the cause of conservatism has been making silent, but steady progress, not only among the constituency, but even among the great masses of the non-electors. In reference to the evidence afforded of the truth of this assertion, by the issue of the last general election, the Guardian remarks—" The last general election—that of July, 1837—though it occurred during the exist ence of a whig ministry, and in the first days of the joyous popularity of a young female sovereign, who was known decidedly to favour them, supplied, during its progress, no indications Of the existence of any strongly excitable state of feeling among the con stituent body, and terminated, to say the least, without any increase of strength to the reform party." It would have been nearer the truth to have said that this election terminated with a vast accession of strength to the conservative party. The following, however, is still stronger—" Now, what is the conclusion we draw from all these facts ? It is shortly this—that making every allowance for the utter prostration of the tory party, in the first moments after the passing of the reform act, and making every allow ance, likewise, for the extent to which impure influen ces, and the intimidation of landlords, have operated in the subsequent elections, it is still impossible for us to resist the impression, confirmed indeed as it is by facts which we see existing in the society around us, that there has been and is in the public mind a con siderable reaction, not in favour of, but in opposition to further public changes ; nor have we the least doubt, that, of the truth of this fact, the result of an appeal to the constituency at this time would furnish new and irrefragable evidence." If this be true, in re ference to the " society around" the editor of the Guar dian, how much more so must it be in reference to the agricultural districts ? Let our conservative friends profit by these frank confessions, and redouble their exertions for the emancipation of their country from whig thraldom. We regret that want of space precludes us from doing justice to-day to the important proceedings at the meeting held in this town, on 'Wednesday last, for the promotion of national education and the extension of church accommodation. The subject demands more than a passing notice ; we shall, therefore, recur to it on Tuesday. The clergy of Liverpool, whose strenuous exertions in the cause of scriptural instruc tion are beyond all praise, have nobly repelled the base calumnies of their enemies, by whom they have been so " liberally" abused as selfish bigots, and opposed to the " education of the people." We heartily rejoice to find the clergy generally assuming an aggressive attitude. They have too long contented themselves with acting on the defensive. The wily machinations of the " religious equality" gentlemen must be met by bold, open, and uncompromising hostility. That the schemes of these destructives will be signally frustrated we have every confidence—a confidence which the meeting of Wednesday last has strongly fortified. TOWN COUNCIL PROCEEDINGS. The usual monthly meeting of the Town Council was held on Wednesday at eleven o'clock, in the Council Chamber, Town-hall. When the proceedings commenced there were only twenty-five members present, including the Mayor. CONSERVANCY OF THE RIVER. The report of the Finance Committee included a memorial to the Lords of the Admiralty on the subject of the conser vancy of the river. This memorial described the state of the river from the accumulation of mud in different positions, and the injuries that were threatened to the navigation in consequence of embankments at various places. The corpo ration had gone to great expense in surveys from time to time, since the year 1818, and had received various reports, showing the necessity of active superintendence for the pre servation of the navigation. The memorial reminded their lordships of a bill which had been brought forward for making a bridge over the river at Fiddler's Ferry, which bill the Corporation had successfully opposed. The report fur ther embodied a resolution of the committee to lay before the Lords Commissioners the report of Lieut. Lord, R.N., the marine surveyor of the port, on- the subject. Lieutenant Lord described the fluctuations which had recently taken place in the banks, the great increase of Pluckington and other banks, the changes in the Half-tide Swashway and the New Channel. Taylor's Bank had spread greatly to the north-west ; and several changes had occurred which greatly diminished the backwater and scouring force of the river. The memorialists felt convinced that if some effectual mea sures were not taken the port would in time be as much choked up as those of Lancaster and Chester were. The me morialists concluded by urging tfpon their lordships the ne cessity of some effectual measures being taken to check the progress of the mischief. At a subsequent meeting of the committee, it appeared, resolutions had been passed expres sive of the opinions of the Finance Committee as to what sort of conservancy would be best. It was submitted that a public bill should be brought in by government ; that the go vernment should appoint three commissioners and the corpo ration one resident surveyor; all the right of the crown to be vested in the three commissioners; all notices of works to be given to the surveyor and commissioners ; a conservancy fund to be raised on a plan approved by the government, the Council being willing to levy a charge on the Borough Fund to a certain extent, under restrictions ; the commissioners to have the power to direct the manner of erecting works of ex traordinary public benefit. The committee recommended to the Council that the Mayor should forward the memorial to the Admiralty. and take measures for having the proposed public bill brought forward. WATCH COMMITTEE. The TOWN-CLERK having laid before the Watch Commit tee drafts of the bills on the subject of the New Police re gulations, the Special Committee on the subject of rewards to police officers were appointed to watch the progress of such bills. It was resolved that all proper measures should be adopted to oppose the bills. Copies of the correspondence with Lord John Russell on the subject were read. His lord ship assured the chairman of the committee (Mr. Walmsley) that he approved of the privileges reserved in the municipal, and that he did not conceive the clauses in the new bills, which appeared inimical to their privileges, at all material. On the subject of rewards to police officers, a letter from the Home Secretary was read, which has already appeared in the public prints. .In reply to - the letter the committee forwarded a resolution, which they had passed and acted upon in June, 1837, showing that the rewards since that period had never been dependant on conviction. PREVENTION OF FIRES IN WAREHOUSES. Mr. GEORGE HOLT wished it to be impressed strongly upon the officers of the fire department, that they should exert themselves as much as possible to prevent men from smoking in or near warehouses. A summary conviction might easily be obtained before a magistrate for every such offence, and one or two examples would probably stop the practice. Mr. WALMSLEY said the council would as once see that the officers had no power to prevent smoking in warehouses. They could not enter warehouses. Mr. SMITH said the officers could not take men up for smoking. If an officer saw a man in the street with a pipe, he could not take it from him ; if he did he would be liable to an action. Mr. EARLE said the most effectual way of checking the evil would be for every merchant to turn away his head ware houseman whenever he saw a man smoking in the warehouse. (Hear, hear.) , ST. GEORGE'S HALL. The MAYOR said it would be in the recollection of the council that the question relating to St. George's Hall, which formed part of the proceedings of the Finance Committee, was postponed. Mr. EVANS said he took it for granted that they were to have the hall, and that it was to be on the site of the Infir mary. It was a contract which was to last for ever, there fore, the conditions should be made as fairly and as firmly as possibly. The had made a gift of a large portion of land, the value of which was £12,000. With regard to one condition, that the land should revert to the Corporation, if ever the Hall were diverted to any other use then that stipulated, he looked upon it as altogether nugatory. If such thing were to take place, they would be worried about it, ais they had been about other things, and he had no doubt the interests of widows and orphans would be brought forward. The com munity, for whom the Town Council acted, got no dividend out of it, but had merely the privilege of holding public meet ings and entertainments in the Hall. The applications were to be made through the Mayor, who was to preside. Now they might have a May_ ot so situated that he would have to refuse the application. He might be incapable of presiding either at the meeting or the dinner. What would be the situa tion of the present Mayor, if the Conservatives were to apply to him to give a dinner to the Members of the Borough ? or they might have a Mayor of high-church principle, who would refuse to call a meeting for any purpose that did not suit his views. They might, in short, have a Mayor of such strong party feelings, that he would never call a meeting for any purpose that did not suit his own views. He proposed that, if the Mayor should refuse, there should be an appeal to the members deputed to serve with the committee of the Hall, or he would have an appeal to the Council. He moved, there fore, as an amendment on the motion, that the report be re ferred hack to the Finance Committee, for general reconsi deration, with instructions to frame the conditions between the Corporation and the subscribers, so as to insure to the inhabitants of this borough the full use, free of charge, of the intended building for public purposes, especially for those of public meetings and dinners, balls, concerts, &c. for chari table, political, or municipal objects. That application for the use of the Hall be made through the Mayor ; in case of whose refusal, an appeal to lie to the seven committee-men appointed by the Council, who are then to have the privilege which the Mayor refused to excercise ; that in extreme cases the Council were to have the power to overrule other deci sions ; that there be no stipulation that the Mayor should " preside at such meetings or dinners." Mr Evans express sed his opinion that the proportion of the Hall committee to represent the Council should be seven instead of five, as pro posed by the Town-clerk. The MAYOR thought Mr. Evans must have misappre hended the report, as no arrangement could alter the power which the Mayor had to refuse to preside at any dinner or assembly. The application was not to be made to, but by the Mayor. Mr. HIGGINS seconded Mr. Evans's amendment, and re marked that several complaints had been made of the short time allowed (three months) for the preparation of the plans. He proposed that it should be extended to six months. Mr. CURRIE thought Mr. Evans must have laboured under a great misapprehension. What he had said seemed to be grounded upon the idea that the Mayor would have the power of granting the room or otherwise. This was not the case. When they considered that the Corporation put down £12,000, and the subscribers £30,000, he thought five mem bers of the Council was a sufficient number to represent them in the committee. The hall would be at the service of the Mayor for public meetings and public dinners, and it was distinctly understood that no party feelings whatever were to have any influence. It was not in the province of the Council to state that the time was too short for the perfecting of the P• lans He could not go with Mr. Evans the length of say ing that the public ought to be admitted when they pleased free of charge. The persons who had subscribed money were entitled to some return if they could get it. He would move, as an amendment, that the report of the Town-clerk should he received. Mr. EARLE said there were two architects on the com mittee, Mr. Samuel Holme and Mr. Stewart, who were well enough qualified to judge of the time which it would take to furnish plans. Mr. Higgins shook his head, he did not know why; but he would rather take their (Messrs. Holme and Stewart's) judgment than his (Mr. Higgins'.) Mr. CASE said these rooms were extremely desirable in the town; if they were to act upon the proposal of Mr. Evans, who would contribute their money towards building them ? Mr. BLACKBURN said it was not proper to think of letting parties have the rooms free of charge; for, apart from all other considerations, where was the money to come from for keeping the rooms in order. The power to grant the use of the rooms would rest in the governing committee of twenty one, five of whom it was proposed to send from the Town Council, and sixteen from the subscribers. He thought if parties applying here were repulsed, there should be a power of appeal elsewhere. Mr. HARVEY, in allusion to Mr. Higgins's remark, said the subject had been patiently considered in the committee, and the time was thought ample. Mr. BOLTON said it was unreasonable to talk of giving the public the use of the rooms free of expense. He thought it was not desirable to refer the subject back to the committee. Mr. EVANS wished to know how they were to give the public an equivalent for their £12,000. They were wrong who supposed he was for giving the public an unlimited right to the use of the hall for all purposes, whether proper or not. He had lived long enough to know that things of this sort always got into a clique. This affair would get into the hands of the rich, and they all knew what they were,—that they were ever opposed to the many ; and what would become of the public interests then? They might have a mayor of the landed interest, who would not call a meeting against the Corn Laws ; or they might have a committee of the same principles. If they concluded the affair as it stood they might soon regret it. They were giving £12,000, and insuring the public no benefit. The Baths, which had cost £40,000 of corporate capital, were now exclusively used by the rich, and that ought to be an example. He would urge upon the Coun cil to let the Finance Commitee view the matter again. The Council went to the vote, when there appeared for Mr. Evans's motion, 9 ; against it, 31 ; majority, 22. Mr. Blackburn said he would move a second amendment, in order to prevent the management from getting into the hands of a clique. He thought the ultimate decision would be nowhere so safe as in the hands of the Council. He would move that the report be referred back to the Finance Com mittee, in order to afford them the opportunity, in conjunc tion with the St. George's Hall Committee, of devising the most effectual means of securing to the public the full enjoy ment of the hall, according to the design and provisions of the Act of Parliament. Mr. JORDAN seconded the amendment. Mr. RATHBONE said he was glad this amendment had been proposed, as the last had been negatived: The chair man of the Finance Committee talked of conferring a boon with grace. There was no grace, there could be no grace, in giving away the property of the public. Mr. CURRIE explained that he used the words entirely in reference to the time spoken of for the preparation of the plans. He must acknowledge that the amendment embraced the only point in that last brought forward, which was wor thy of the attention of the Council. Mr. HARVEY asked if the scheme was equitable. The Council subscribed land, and the proprietors subscribed money, yet it was required to give the Council the whole power. The governing committee would be as anxious to grant the use of the hall as those who applied for it. He moved a negative on the resolution. Mr. Ev ANs said it might appear egotism in him to claim the whole merit of the proposition now put forward by Mr. Blackburn. He was afraid, however, that, from the mode in which it was framed, it would turn out a dead letter. With regard to what had fallen from Mr. Harvey, professional gentlemen were so full of regard for private rights that they frequently forgot public ones. Mr. SHAND said he had given his money for the benefit of the public ; nevertheless he should like to have some little return, though he must confess he did not expect much. The MAYOR put Mr. Blackburn's amendment to the Coun cil. As no expression of dissent was heard, his Worship said he concluded it was passed. THE CORPORATION SCHOOLS. The report of the education committee on the memorial of the operatives was read. _ The committee reported that, in regard to the first obser vation in the memorial, that the memorialists were anxious on the subject of the education of their children, such feeling was highly creditable. The memorial stated that, three years ago, the memorial ists were compelled to withdraw their children, in conse quence of the new system. The committee were obliged to report their belief that this could not be true as regarded the greater portion of the memorialists, as the whole of the chil dren in the schools at that period did not equal the number of the memorialists, and the reverend chairman made a state ment that time was only wanting to make large additions to the number of signatures : therefore a large portion of the memorialists never had any children at the schools. The committee believed that the assertion that a large por tion of their children found refuge at the New Church of England Schools, which were now filled to excess, was rashly and inconsiderately made. The remaining part of the memorial, relative to the exclu sion of the Bible, was contradicted in the report. The com mittee were of opinion that the memorial did not call for the consideration of the Council. Mr. BLAcKstni - N, seconded by Mr. LASSELL, moved the confirmation of the report. Mr. C. LAWRENCE regretted that, as the schools were supported by the funds of the population at large, something could not be done that would be satisfactory. It was a very proper objection to the old corporation schools that they were of an exclusive nature. These schools were also, from the peculiar system on which they were conducted, exclusive, and the respectable gentlemen who managed them ought to have seen that they had fallen into the same error. Mr. ISAAC HOLMES said, why could they not give up the present schools to the Papists, and build two new ones for the Protestants ? After a very lengthy and animated discussion, in which Mr. Earle, Mr. Sands, Mr. Currie, Mr. Blackburn, Mr. G. H. Lawrence, Mr. Rathbone, and the Mayor, took part, the re port was confirmed. The crowded state our columns com pels us, reluctantly, to omit the observations of the preceding speakers. DOCK COMMITTEE. The proceedings of the Dock Committee were read. It was stated that the committee had resolved not to proceed any further with the new Dock Bill this parliament. The solicitor to the docks had been directed to oppose the bill for rating the docks. Several letters and memorials were read. WATCH-RATE. The Town-clerk said the next business was to levy a watch rate. The average watch rate in the borough during the last seven years was £8527 12s. ld. The return of rateable property for Liverpool was £895,368, which would give the average amount above by a rate of 2d. 2-7ths in the pound. The rateable property in Kirkdale was £11,889, which at 2d. 2-7ths, gave £ll3 4s. 7d. The property in Everton £57,417, gave £489 13s. Bd. ; Toxteth-park £90,206, gave £859 2s. Id. ; West Derby £42,062, gave £4OO lls. 10d. This, the Town-clerk said, left £10,507 to be paid out of the borough fund. Mr. THORRNHILL, seconded by Mr. Jordan, moved that a rate of 2d. 2-7ths be levied. Carried. The Council adjourned at twenty minutes past three o'clock. TOWNSHIP OF EVERTON. The Annual Meeting of the Rate-payers of this Township was held at Halliday's Coffee-house on Thursday, the 28th ultimo. The attendance was unusually numerous. JOSEPH KING, Esq., in the chair. The CHAIRMAN having opened the proceedings, Mr. WILSON LEDGER briefly addressed the meeting, stating that he and his colleague, Nlr. Henry Edwards, had carefully examined the accounts of the assistant-overseer and surveyor of the highways, and found them correct. They had been kept with Mr. Shaw's usual accuracy and regu larity, and the auditors were satisfied that every possible economy had been practised by the overseers. The CHAIRMAN then read the printed summary of the ac counts, and asked if any rate-payer had any objections or observations to make. vv Mr. JonN PARKER HALL, after professing his friendly feeling towards the assistant-overseer, inquired why the ar rears, that appeared in the accounts for 1837, had not been collected previous to the 25th March, 1838 ; and was in formed, that it was on account of the very same reason why Mr. Hall's own rates, inasmuch as they had been paid only a few minutes before he entered the room, would appear in the list of arrears for 1840. Mr. HALL understood that a trifling sum for rent had been received, but that item was not mentioned in the printed sum mary, yet the accounts had been passed by the auditors, Mr. Wilson Ledger, and Mr. Henry Edwards, as correct. Mr. Hall then contended that legal measures ought to have been taken against every rate-payer in arrears, and called for the names of all the defaulters. MILES BARTON, Esq. objected. He thought such a step useless and invidious. Illness, absence, and many other causes might prevent respectable persons from paying their rates immediately after they became due. Mr. SHAW said, Mr. Hall must be very well aware, from his own personal knowledge, that he had taken every pains to obtain the rates, without unnecessarily putting the parties to additional expense. All that was recoverable of the rate in question had been collected—some of the arrears were not recoverable. _ _ Mr. WILSON LEDGER argued, that if the harsh and un gracious plan recommended by Mr. Hall had been acted upon, the township would not have benefited a single farthing from the result, whilst, on the other hand, it would have been generally and justly denounced as calculated, if not intended, to harass, annoy, and oppress the rate-payers. •He (Mr. Ledger) complained that the time of the meeting was need lessly occupied, in their being thus obliged to listen to a re petition of what had been fully explained to the entire satis faction of the previous annual meeting, in regard to the rent alluded to, and other matters of minor import. Mr. Hall had either not attended the last meeting, or his memory was so treacherous that he had forgotten what passed, and he had since, it appeared, been hunting for information in every place except where, it was obvious to every one but himself, he might have obtained it. The accounts were before the meeting—they had been carefully examined and found cor rect, as Mr. Hall had observed—the receipts, even for the most trifling sums, were lying upon the table for general in spection—but if, instead of discussing matters of importance, their time was to be lost in e-investigating such candle ends and cheese-parings" accounts as those which (from his not having previously made proper inquiry) had misled and bewildered Mr. Hall, what was the use, he asked, of their appointing auditors at all? Perhaps Mr. Hall aspired to the office : if he obtained it, no doubt all would be right in future. After some further remarks from several of the rate-payers, whose names we do not remember, the meeting became im patient, and Mr. Hall's proposition, amid the general disap probation of Reformers and Conservatives, many of the dis tinguished leaders of both parties being present, fell to the ground for want of a seconder. Mr. HALL then commented on topics so totally irrelevant that he was loudly called to order ; and the chairman decided that he must confine himself to the legitimate objects of the meeting. __ _ CHARLES HORSFALL, Esq., was prepared to listen pa tiently to all that Mr. Hall had to say relative to the paro chial affairs of the township of Everton, to which he hoped Mr. Hall would limit his inquiry, and not introduce subjects which they were not then met to consider. Mr. HALL proceeded to propose a board of five rate-payers for the management of the highways. This proposal, after a short discussion, was found to be illegal, and was accordingly withdrawn. Mr. TATTERSALL then moved that Mr. Hall be appointed as an additional auditor. The motion was rejected ; and Mr. George Robinson's amendment, that the former auditors only be re-appointed, was carried without a division. Mr. WILSON LEDGER said,—ln consequence of the unfair attacks that had been made, whether originating in personal or political motives he would not stop to enquire, it was his intention at once to move, that the cordial thanks of the meeting be given to Mr. Shaw, for the ability, fidelity, regu larity, and economy with which he had conducted the pa rochial affairs of the township during the long period of nine teen years. (Cheers, and loud cries of hear, hear.) By pursuing a course of undeviating integrity and urbanity, he had obtained the approbation and respect of the wealthy as well as the less opulent inhabitants of Everton, and it was highly honourable to his character, that he had also given general satisfaction to the poor. The motion was simultaneously seconded by a number of gentlemen from different parts of the room, and carried with acclamation. WILLIAM BIRKErr, Esq., as soon as the applause had sub sided, asked Mr. Shaw if he was aware that a bill was before parliament, called a Bill of Improvement, which if carried, would very materially affect the interest of the township of Everton ? Mr. SHAW was aware that a bill, respecting the general highway act, the clauses of which he well understood, had been brought into the House of Commons, and was then in com mittee, but he was not precisely acquainted with the nature of the provisions of the Improvement Bill alluded to by Mr. Birkett. Mr. BrrucErr, in a neat, concise, and very clear manner explained the nature of the bill, which had for its object, among other things, to place the management of the whole of the highways of the parliamentary boundary of the borough in the hands of the Liverpool Corporation, whereby the rate-payers of Everton will become liable to the sewerage rate. This unexpected announcement excited considerable surprise, and a long desultory conversation ensued, when the meeting agreed to appoint a Committee to watch and report upon the progress of the bill.—Mr. Birkett understood that both the members for the borough were opposed to it. The following officers were then appointed for the ensuing year : Mr. James Perrin, and Mr. Robt. Ledson, Overseers. Mr. Wilson Ledger, and Mr Henry Edwards, Auditors. Mr. William Shaw, assistant-overseer and surveyor of the highways. • Mr. David Griffiths, collector of the poor and highway rates. The following resolutions were passed unanimously : That the accounts of the overseers of the poor and sur veyor of the highways for 1838, ending 25th March, 1839, be passed, the same having been properly examined and found correct. That Messrs. William Birkett, William Potter, John Walker, Miles Barton, Thomas Tattersall, and Francis Shand, be appointed to watch the progress of the bill now pending in parliament, called the Bill of Improve ment. That the thanks of the meeting be given to the late over seers, for their services and attention to the interests of the township. The chairman having left the chair, the thanks of the meet ing were unanimously given to him for his able and im partial conduct in the chair. After the meeting was dissolved, Messrs. Pike and Pritchard addressed a few words to their friends as they were retiring, the meaning of which we could not collect. We beg leave to refer our readers to an Advertisement from Mr. Hepworth, the Aurist from Leeds, and from the respectable references he can give, as well as the credentials he has shown, we recommend our deaf friends. to avail them selves of his valuable assistance. GRATIFYING TRIBUTE.—On Sunday last the parishioners of Pennybridge Chapelry, in the parish of Ulverston, present ed their curate, the Rev. R. Kent, A.B. with a splendid copy of Mant's Bible and Prayer-book, in four handsome volumes, having the following suitable and gratifying inscription "Presented to the Rev. Roger Kent, A.B. by the congrega tion of Pennybridge Chapel, on March 17, 1839, as a tribute of respect and esteem for the faithful discharge of his minis terial duties."—The chapel at Pennybridge was crowded at an early hour by those who were anxious to hear their minis ter's farewell address. The rev. gentleman selected for his text the 16th verse of St. Paul's epistle to the Romans—the same, he observed, which he selected when first he com menced his labours among them. His discourse throughout was highly impressive, and many a tearful eve betrayed the secret feelings of the heart within. Mr. Kent leaves the neighbourhood with the best wishes of many friends, and pray ers and blessings of those among whom he has lived as their spiritual guide.—Lancaster' Gazette. NATIONAL EDUCATION AND CHURCH EXTENSION. A meeting of the friends of the Established Church (convened by the two rectors at the request of the deanery board) was held on Wednesday, for the pur pose of petitioning the House of Commons for grant to aid in the building of schools in connection with the Established Church and new churches. The room was not so well filled as the importance of the occasion demanded, though the company was highly respecta ble, among whom were a number of ladies. On the platform we noticed a great number of clergy from the town and neighbourhood, and many influential gentle men. The Rev. Rector Brooks took the chair about half-past twelve, and, after the meeting had been opened with prayer, said, Ladies and gentlemen, having been requested to take the chair upon this occasion, it becomes my duty to state to the meeting the objects for which we have assembled together. It has, for some time past, been evident to every reflecting mind, that the circumstances of the times require strenuous exertions and endeavours to improve and to extend the edu cation of the great mass of the people of this country on right principles. (Cheers.) With regard to education itself, it is no longer a question whether the people shall have it not. Education will go on in some way or other; and surely, then, it becomes the members of the national church to consider whether they ought supinely to permit it to proceed without endeavouring to give to it that direction which can alone ren der it useful. It was on these grounds that the National Society in London, finding that those exertions were being made in other quarters, and attempts to wrest out of the hands of the established clergy of this country the education of the people, determined to endeavour as far as their powers went, to extend the system which they had happily intro duced into different part of the kingdom, but which they found could never be brought to that state of perfection and cf entensive organization which they desired, unless they were joined by the laity and clergy of the different provinces. The great objects which that society had in view were stated in a paper put forth during the last year, and are said to be three. I will read from that paper, because then I shall be enabled to inform you more definitely what the society's aims are. Their first object is stated to be—To provide a better class of teachers, by superintending the education and im proving the prospects of schoolmasters ; 2—To ascertain and bring into notice such improvements as might with advantage be introduced into those schools in which the national sys tem is followed ; and the third, which I may beg leave to draw attention to as one of the most important, and which has hitherto been too much neglected, as least by members of the established church—To offer to the middle classes an useful education, based upon the principles of the established church. (Applause.) Now, through the means of individual exertion, a large body of the poorer classes have been educated on the princi ples of the national church. We have no right to say that individual exertion has not been busy in furnishing schools for the instruction of the lower orders ; but, with regard to the middle classes, I am not aware that there is one school for that purpose. ,It is quite true that others have established schools for the middle classes ; but I am not aware that we have any in the kingdom in which facilities are offered for the attainment of this particular object. When we consider thai the great strength of the country lies in the middle classes, it most surely be acknowledged as somewhat extra ordinary that we should have neglected what is now so ob vious. When the National Society determined to press this subject on the consideration of the country at large, they na turally looked to the best means of carrying their purpose into effect, and they immediately observed that in the national church itself they had a system ready organised, and ma chinery perfected, which they might make use of at once to extend their plan to any length they might think proper. They had a country divided into ecclesiastical districts, into separate dioceses, with deaneries as subdivisions of those dioceses ; and they saw that, by establishing at the head of the diocese a diocesan committee, which should consist of the clergy of thr cathedral church, together with clergymen deputed from other parts of the diocese, and of the influential laity of the diocese—(from which diocesan committee was to emanate the whole system—they were to be the directors of of it)—and by having under them deanery boards, to consist of a fixed number of laity and clergy, and by a second subdi vision to establish local boards in all large towns and unions of parishes, where the particular circumstances of each might be attended to by those who had the greatest knowledge of their wants—that in that manner there would not be any difficulty in establishing a general system of organization throughout the whole country. They therefore consulted the heads of the church, and, with the sanction of the Archbishop of Canterbury, appealed to the different dioceses to assist in this matter. They not only found great readiness on the part of the dignitaries of the church, but great willingness on the part of the laity to come forward on an occasion in which the religious interests of the people were so deeply involved. Meetings have been held and committees formed in almost every diocese in the kingdom ; and those dioceses in which committees are not yet formed, are prepared to form them immediately. In our own diocese a meeting was held, under the presidency of the Bishop of Chester ; a diocesan committee was formed ; and, after the formation of that committee, a public meeting, for the purpose of establishing a deanery board, was held at Warrington. The bishop presided there also ; and it was determined that deanery boards should be formed through the diocese (which has been done), and that meeti ngs , con sequent upon that at Warrington, should be held in the deaneries, in order that persons interested in the establish ment of a general system of education should not have occa sion to come from a distance. It is perhaps known to all who now hear me, that there has been a wish, on the part of that party who style them selves " liberals," to establish a system of education in which there shall be no distinction of religious principles—in which it shall be their endeavour to meet the religious principles of all, by having no religious principles at all. (Cheers.) Now, to that the clergy of the established church, and 1 should hope that I may add also the laity of the established church, will object on conscientious motives. (Loud applause.) I trust that, with the liberality for which the established church is so conspicuous, she will never attempt to interfere with the education of those who may dissent from her, on such principles as they themselves may choose to adopt for the education of their children ; but, at the same time, I hope that she will show equal firmness and determination not to be led away, by plausible theories, in joining to establish a system from which the great essentials of Christianity shall be struck out. (Cheers.) It is on these grounds that we now come to you, the laity of this parish, to assist in this great object. We come with confidence. On several occasions that we have applied to you to assist us in emergencies, most valuable aid was given, and to an extent that has called forth the admiration of every part of the kingdom ; and I hope and trust that you are not yet weary of well doing—that the same zeal now animates you which led to the establishment of schools for religious education, and to the determination to erect churches for the poorer portion of the population, to an extent which is cre ditable to the town. I trust that that zeal has not yet slack ened, and that, when called upon to aid in the carrying out of other purposes, you will not be found wanting, for it is useless to go a certain length and then stop. Your object must be carried to its full extent. We have to contend with persons—and I use not the word contention in an uncharita ble way—who are not slack, who themselves use every exer tion it is in the power of man to employ, to carry their ob jects ; and we, who have a great deal to do, should surely apply the same energy to preserve what we have got that is valuable, and not suffer it to be wrested out of our hands by the superior exertion of another party. (Applanse.) There is one subject connected with the meeting of the day —the subject of church extension, which, strictly speaking, is perhaps not a part of the object of the society, the fopclui . . . tion of which I have now stated to you. It is not within their contemplation to apply any part of their funds to the purpose of church extension, nor is it the desire of the com mittee who formed the plan of this meeting that anything of the kind should take place. Whatever is subscribed to-day will be strictly confined to the particular ends which the so ciety has in view. But we had been requested to have a meeting for church extension ; and it seemed to me that the two objects were so intimately connected that it would be ad visable to unite them, and have one meeting only. Education is useful in fixing religious principles in the infant mind ; but attendance upon religious worship is necessary to carry them out—to enable the man to employ them for the honour of God, and the benefit, of his immortal soul. That can only be done by providing churches ; and it must not be supposed that education should cease when the individual has become a man. He has always much to learn, and no knowledge is more useful than religious knowledge ; and that cannot be kept impressed on the mind without religious worship, and keeping alive those feelings and principles which were origin ally impressed upon the child. The subject of church exten sion, therefore, is connected with, and as important as, edu cation. I hope, therefore, you will not consider us as having deviated from the principle of the measure, in putting the subject of church extension in connexion with that of educa tion. (Applause.) Before I sit down, I have the gratification to state to the meeting that I yesterday received from one of our represen tatives in parliament, now employed here in his professional duties, the sum of .f. 50. (Applause.) It is not my duty to enter into details on the subject now before you ; I have con fined myself to a statement of the facts as connected with the establishment of the society, and shall leave it to the gentle men who will propose the different resolutions to enter more into detail. The Rev. Rector CAMPBELL then rose and said,—l pre sent myself before you, Mr. Chairman, to propose the follow ing resolution :—" That it is highly expedient to extend and improve the education of the labouring and middle classes ; but that such extension and improvement should take place in connexion with the established church, so far as it can be done without restricting the religious liberty of the people." And although, sir, I conceive that in ordinary times, it is better for the clergy, in compliance with the apostolic precept, to " study to be quiet," and abstaining from every species of public agitation, to confine themselves to the performance of their appointed duties in their churches and parishes ; still I am reluctantly driven into the conclusion, that in extraordi nary times like the present, when the unclean spirit of inno vation walks the earth, finding no rest, and allowing no one else to find it—it is necessary to deviate from this salutary rule, with this caution, however, that in all such deviations, they take care to act in dutiful submission to the discipline of the church, and to direct conformity to that parochial order, without which the discipline of the church and its es sential character as an establishment cannot be maintained ; —and that under such regulations, it is the duty of every man, however humble his station and ability may be, occa sionally to sacrifice even Christian peace (and a painful sa crifice it is) for the sake of Christian truth, and arming him self with the best weapon he can find, though it be nothing better than the herdsman's goad or the shepherd's sling, go forth. in the spirit of religious confidence to meet the Phlis tines, who have come out against the church and people of God. (Hear and cheers.) Influenced by this motive, I appear before you, reluctantiy, as a public agitator on the question of national education. (Cheers and a laugh.) I do so, in the first place, because I conceive that, of all subjects that present themselves to the mind, none can be more deeply, I might almost say so painfully, interesting to the clergy at this particular time, when the somewhat dis tempered activity which stimulates the public mind in every way, is applied with such peculiar intensity to the diffusion of anti-social principles, and the excitement of the working classes to the pursuit of evil under the semblance of good. (Hear, hear.) It will scarcely be credited but by those who have taken pains to ascertain the truth, that in the densely peopled manufacturing districts of this and the adjoining county, there are loads of tracts issued every Saturday, filled with blasphemy, sedition, and indecency, for the perusal of the working classes on the sabbath day—(hear)—that school books are issued from the same diabolical fountain of evil, filled with immoral poison for the youthful mind—(hear) — that blasphemous and indecent songs for children are printed to teach the infant tongue to overflow with the outpourings of indecency and impiety, instead of lisping the great Creator's praise—(hear)—that copy books are printed for the purpose of conveying the same poisonous instruction to the rising generation of infant poor; and that laboured attempts are made to corrupt the morals of the females in the factories and domestic establishments, by the profuse circulation of tracts filled with every excitement to profligacy and crime. (Hear, hear.) In this town, a Sunday evening lecture is established for the propogation of practical atheism—(loud cries of " hear ")—a lecture attended, I am told, sometimes by hun dreds of the working classes and where cheap books and tracts are sold, one of which I hold in my hand, and from which I will read to you a few passages, as a specimen of the general doctrine it contains. You may have seen the work I refer to; it is called " The Law of Reason;" and these are some of the sentiments to be found in it:— " The existence of an immortal soul is an absurd supposi tion." "Atheism is authorised by the infinity of God." " Belief in God is merely a habit, mechanically acquired in infancy." " Religion, being founded on credulity, may therefore be considered as an absurdity." " It is impossible to be convinced of God's existence." " From the following reasoning we can prove that atheism is truly consistent with morality." " With respect to the pretended revelation of the will of God, far from being a proof of his goodness, it would only be a proof of an evil design." , I need not wound your feelings nor shock your ears by any further repetition of such odious blasphemies. But while such mischief as this is a foot, shall we sit qui3tly in our easy chairs ? (Hear, and cheers.) While such deadly sentiments of false knowledge are at work, shall we doubt whether or no it is our duty as Christians to employ the opposing instru ments of true knowledge ? Shall we be engaged in doubting questions as to whether education is a good thing, when we know that if the working classes are not taught to fear God and honour the Queen, they will be taught to blaspheme God and rebel against the Queen? (Cheers.) Shall we be engendering strifes and divisions of heart, when we know that there is a desperate unity of purpose in men, who are covertly sowing to the wind that they may reap the whirl wind, and rousing the masses of ignorant men to the destruc tion of property and social order, and everything which, as men and fathers of families, we hold most dear ? (Hear, hear.) Surely, if nothing else could animate us to exertion, prudence alone might excite us to the task, and urge us all to unite heart and hand in raising up the barrier of a moral _ and religious education against the flood of such an inunda tion of wickedness and impiety as must, at no very distant period, break forth and deluge the land. (Applause.) This, then, being one reason—l think a very sufficient reason — for agitating the subject, there is another to which I have less pleasure in alluding, but on which, nevertheless, it is neces- sary to dwell. My conviction, and indeed the moral certainty that a scheme for national • education is, as it were, the lever by which a very active, and restless, and so powerful party intend to upset the national church. (Hear.) In approach ing this part of the subject, I am anxious to disclaim any offensive reference to the irritating topics of local contro versy, or the actions or intentions of those amongst ourselves who have felt it, and feel it their duty to dissent from or oppose the established church. (Hear.) There are political agita tors, calling themselves dissenters, to whom I will not say we bear enmity, but to whom we cannot, certainly, pretend friendship without hypocrisy—these we must regard as the apostles of anarchy, enemies not only to our order and our church, but to the British constitution itself, which, I believe, it is their fixed determination to destroy. (Hear, hear.) But I am sure, sir, I shall have your full concurrence, when I say, that to those who dissent from the establishment because they cannot conscientiously conform to it, we grudge no civil privileges, rights, or immunities ; that we value liberty of conscience quite as much as they do, and we are as anxious to extend the benefits of it to the whole community as they are themselves ; that in this matter of education, all we ask for is liberty of conscience, and that we should not have a national or municipal system of education forced upon us, entailing a compromise of principle which in our consci ences we abhor, and that they will be content with the enjoy ment of their own liberty of conscience without destroying ours. And certainly, if our adversaries had been anima ted by a similar spirit, they would not have interfered with the system of bounties upon which the government have acted for the last six years—a system to which they, at least, had no right to object, because it was based upon a principle of equality, offering £lO,OOO a year to the church, through the National Society, and £lO,OOO a year to the dissenters, through the British and Foreign School Society, if it was claimed by a corresponding equality of exertion by the church and the dissenters. And for a time this seemed to give satis faction ; but the moment we outstripped them, and educated more children, and so got more of the government grant, they murmured against it. The grant was given in the pro portion of 10s. for every child that education was provided for ; and so the £120,000 which was granted, secured ac commodation for 240,000 children. But of that number, we of the church provided for above 168,000, and so got above £84,000 ; and this our enemies could not endure. It was not education that they wanted, but education in hostility to the church ; and so they forced the government to withdraw the grant, and set up a royal phantom, in the shape of an educa tion board— " If shape it can be called, that shape hath none Distinguishable in member, joint, or limb ; - Or substance may be deemed that shadow seems ;" a board of. which I don't wish to speak disrespectfully, because it is appointed by the crown, but which some cannot help dreading as an invention of the enemy to get rid of the con servative influence in the House of Lords—(hear)—created as it is by the royal prerogative—that is by Lord John Russell —and fed with money by the House of Commons, and capable therefore, in the hands of a dishonest ministry—l do not mean to say that the present ministry is dishonest—(laughter) —but I say that it is capable, in the hands of a dishonest ministry, of producing an amount of evil that defies all calcu lation. (Hear, hear.) I feel reluctant to speak disrespect fully of the government, as I think it inadvisable, generally speaking, that the queen's clergy should find fault with the queen's ministers ; but I think there is here good cause. The withdrawal of a grant, by the aid which we were working so much good, was cruel and needless injustice—(Hear, hear.) —and I believe our enemies never will rest till they have forced the government to do what I still hope it never will do, to establish a scheme of national education, entirely exclud ing us from all moral influence in the education of the labour ing classes. That such is their intention is perfrctly evident —that such will be the effect of their scheme, as developed by themselves, is as incontestably sure : and when I ascribe to them this intention, I hope I shall not be accused of doing them wrong, because they do not seem to attempt even to cloak their meaning. In reference to the church, it is no longer thought necessary to conceal the scowl of enmity beneath the smiling mask of liberalism, or to disguise the wolf of revolution in the sheep's clothing of reform. (Laugh ter and applause.) A war of extermination is openly announced. Liberty being gained, equality is demanded ; and as Haman had no rest while Mordecai sat at the king's gate, so the political dissenter will never sleep till he has suc ceeded in tearing the church from its station next the throne. (Cheers.) That I may not be accused of hazarding groundless assertions, I should like with regard this demand for equality, to read a few resolutions passed by a very influential society lately established in London, called " The Society for the Promotion of Religious Equality." One of these resolutions says— " That to compel any one to contribute to the support of religious rites of which he disapproves, or of the minister of a church from which he conscientiously,dissents, is manifestly unjust, and at variance with the spirit and principles of Christianity." Yet they would compel us to pay to a system of education which in our consciences we abhor as much as they do the Church of England! (Hear.) Then they say, " That state establishments, by which any particular church or sect is selected as the object of political favour and patronage, and its clergy are invested with exclusive rights and secular pre-eminence, involve a violation of equity to wards other denominations, and are the occasion of inevitable social discord." In their address they say, "Without religious equality there can be no complete enjoyment of political liberty ;" and then proceed to say, " On every hand, in some shape or other, the church and state question meets the politician. It is the tithe question in Ireland ; the church-extension question in Scotland ; the church-rate question, and the education ques tion, and the university question, in England. But in no measures of legislation are the social and religi ous interests of all denominations more deeply involved than in those relating to national education, in reference to which a false step on the part of the legislature will bewith difficulty retrieved." _ _ They then proceed to say, that they will exert themselves by means of public meetings, the press, and other things, " to promote the return to parliament of suitable represen tatives attached to their principles of religious liberty, and entitled to the confidence of the religious public." This, I think, clearly connects the scheme of this religious equality society with education particularly. Again, at a meeting for conference, between the united committees appointed to obtain the redress of grievances of Dissenters, and deputies specially summoned from various parts of the country, at the City of London Tavern, Mr. Baines in the chair,—it was moved by Mr. James, of Bir mingham, and seconded by Col. Addison, " That the meet ing recognised the great and leading principle of full and complete separation from church and state as the true basis on which equal rights and justice can be secured to all classes of her Majesty's subjects." In the primary address of the Congregational Union it is said, " The commons of England have taken the field, and a few campaigns will decide the question." . • • . " And when we inquire what it is against which the com mons have thus taken the field, we are told it is the church, which has always been, as a corporation at war with spirit of the age, at variance with the commons of England, and hos tile to the liberties of the people." There can be no mistake here. _ _ The separation of church and state, therefore, and the downfal of the establishment, being the avowed object of these miscellaneous enemies, differing from each other on almost every point but the cordiality of their hatred to the established church, and combined in one discordant concord for the pro motion of a religious democracy; and national education being specially adopted as the peculiar instrument for this end, and public meetings, petitions, the press, and electioneering ma noeuvres, for the return of suitable, that is radical, represen tatives being instruments by which this scheme of religious democracy is to be accomplished, why there is no help for it ; all you who are interested in the preservation of the monarchy and the national religion, and are opposed to democracy, must bestir yourselves : you must in your turn, have re course to public meetings, petitions, and strenuous efforts for the preservation of that fair form of civil and religious liberty which is enshrined in the sanctuary of the British constitu tion. (Hear, and cheering.) And we the clergy, however disagreeable it may be to us, (and really 1 dont know any thing much more disagreeable than to have to make a speech at a public meeting) must bear our part, and putting a tongue into the bleeding wounds of the church, endeavour, like An tony, to ruffle up your spirits, and :stir you to the rescue of the altar and the throne. (Applause.) And as national edu cation is the field on which our campaigning enemies intend to tight, we must start at once and pre-occupy the ground, for if they once get possession of of it the contest is at an and; or, to drop this figurative language, if they once cajole or bully the government into the endowment of so called na tional schools, in which secular instruction is to be the pri mary, and religious instruction the secondary part : schools to be entirely governed by secular committees, in which the clergy are to have no v o i ce , t aug ht by masters over whom they have no influence, and into which they are only to be atirnitted,on sufferance for a few stinted hours in the week, as humble catechists to teach their peculiar doctrines to those who don't object to be t aug ht, w hy then our influence as the religious teachers of the people is as inevitably, as it is inten tionally, destroyed. (Hear.) There is no use in was ing any more war for the established church ; the battle is lost, and the triumph of our enemies secured, as they very well know. (Hear.) Hence the importance of the question, hence the religious equality gentlemen press upon the iden tity of the education question and the church question, and say that a false step of the legislature on this question will be with difficulty retrieved. No doubt it will, either way. Let us therefore bestir our selves, and beseech the legislature not to take a false step, which will put all religion in the back ground, and overthrow the established religion, and instal the religious equality gentle men in its room. Let us petition them either to leave education alone altogether, or if they will meddle, to do it in such a way as to give the Bible free course, and the national religion and the national clergy fair play, and the protestant people free liberty to come to us to be taught if they please. I want no compulsion whatever : I don't want to force dissenters into our schools, or to exclude them from education elsewhere : I don't want to force them to read the Bible if they don't like it, or to use prayer if they don't like it : but I do want and have a right to claim the Englishman's birthright, liberty. (Applause.) In education, which is an affair of conscience, we must not be dictated to by any body, whether it be a privy council or a town council—(cheers and a laugh)—and told that we shall not use prayer in our national schools because the pope won't allow it—(hear and laughter)—or the protest ant Bible because it will wound the conscience of the Jew or the Romanist. If the pope won't allow his Romish vassals to pray with us heretics, let them pray by themselves ; if he won't allow them to read the whole Bible, let them read Irish extracts if they please, but don't compel us to use Irish extracts also. (Cheers.) Let them, in short, maintain their principles, but don't let us compromise ours, or be compelled to trust the education of our children to hostile committees and hostile schoolmasters, who will inevitably prejudice them against the doctrines and discipline of the established church. We know by experience how easy it is to detach the fickle multitude from the practice of religious observances and the use of religious ordinances. (Hear, hear.) The new-fangled registration act has answered one of its mischevous purposes in this respect—(hear)—by leading men whose pressions are weak to neglect the sacrament of bap be content, as they are taught to be, with registration alone. (Hear, hear.) The decrease in baptisms in this parish last year was 537. (Hear, hear.) Ido not know how far it may be accounted for in other ways ; buf I am strongly tempted myself to ascribe it to this simple fact, that people get their children registered, and think they want nothing more. It is absolutely necessary to keep a watchful eye on what is go ing forward. If things called national schools are to be established in every parish in which the pariah schoolmaster set up by the government as a rival to the parish priest is to teach morality without religion five hours in the day, while the clergyman is to be let in when the children are well tired to teach religion without morality only for one hour to those who don't object ; why, certainly, the odds are 5 to 1 that re ligion is beat out of the field. (Hear, hear.) I cannot be lieve that the ministers of our Protestant monarchy will ever sanction an experiment so hazardous both to protestantism and the monarchy as this : but if it should be persuaded in an evil hour to do so, I hope that the people of England will do as you did, and build and endow scriptural schools, where the word of God may have free course and be glorified— (cheers)—and the ministers of the Church be allowed their legitimate influence in superintending the education of the Protestant people, which the still Protestant constitution commits to their care. (Applause.) But perhaps it will be said, that this is arguing the question on very narrow grounds—that it is considering education only as a proselyting scheme to bolster up the established church. But the question narrows itself to this point, by the circum stances in which we are placed. Nobody now pretends to exclude religion or the Bible from national education. Lord Brougham's bill, for instance, proposed that the Bible should hold its due place. It is true Mr. Simpson would exclude the Bible and religion altogether from the secular schools. He would not allow the slightest reference to be made even to the history of the Bible. He would shut it out altogether, and compel the national schoolmaster to confine his instruc tions to morality alone. Thank God the people are not quite ripe for this yet. What they might be when properly educated, I cannot tell. (A laugh.) They have not yet reached this sublime height of Scotch philosophy. (Re newed laughter.) John Bull is not yet so far in his dotage as to adopt and fondle as his own, this monstrous bantling, generated by the union between the old serpent of Romanism and the new serpent of liberalism. (Much applause.) The question is now plainly this—whether the national system shall be a dissenting system or a church system ? Our dis senting friends contend for a dissenting system, and because we contend for a church system, they call us bigots! I will answer this in the words of the Edinburgh Review:--- " We must protest against the blindness which can induce any one to charge churchmen with bigotry and intolerance for preferring schools where the doctrines of the church are taught. Nothing in the history of controversy was ever so unreasonable. A churchman as naturally prefers a school where the catechism is taught, as a sectary prefers one where it is excluded." Then, as to the charge of indifference. I have already re pudiated this, so far as I am individually concerned, by my declaration, that I think the question of national education is the most important that can present itself to the mind, as a means for the preservation of social order, national peace, and Christianity itself—(hear)—as far as Christianity is to be preserved by human means, and without the miraculous in terposition of God. And that which I claim for myself, I also claim for the clergy in general. From the dawn of the Reformation to the present hour—from the day that Arch bishop Crammer persuaded Henry the Eighth to allow the Bible to be placed publicly on a table in the parish church, and to be read privately in the cottages of the poor, to the present time, the church of England has always wished for the education of the people. And we, the clergy of the mu nicipal borough of Liverpool, have not been unmindful of our duty. Within the last five years seven schools have been built, and £20,000, I believe, raised for educational purposes, mainly, I hope 1 may say, by the exertions of the local clergy. (Hear, and cheers.) During the last year, the increase of children in the borough has amounted to 1,000 ; and if it be certain that we now have nearly a million of the children of the labouring classes in our daily and Sunday schools, and nearly certain, as Mr. Burgess calculates, that we have above 600,000 of the upper and middle classes in connexion with us, what right have our calumniators to assert that we are either hostile or indifferent to the education of the people ? (Hear.) Far be it from me, however, to imply that we have done enough. More, much more remains to be done, both in the way of extension and improvement. But we cannot make bricks without straw. We cannot edu cate the people without money. If the church of England had what was stolen from her at the reformation by the plun dering liberals of that day, she would be able to educate the whole people, and keep the poor besides. Were 1 not ashamed to tresspass so long—(" No, no !" "Go on !") I should like to tell you something about church spoliation, to show how hands have been at work in picking and stealing, as well as tongues in lying and slandering. (Laughter.) " At, and since the Reformation, the church has been de prived of nearly two-thirds of her ancient revenues, calcula ted at nearly £6,000,000 per annum. According to Camden, the suppressed monasteries were six hundered and forty three ; colleges, forty ; chantries, two thousand three hun dred and seventy-four ; hospitals, one hundred and ten. ' Some compute,' says Rapin, ' that the lands taken from the monasteries would amount, at twenty years' purchase, to £30,503,4.00 ; those formerly belonging to St. Albans' being worth £290,000 a-year, and those to Glastonbury, £300,000.' In the Edinburgh Review, No. 1 ,67, p. 69, the rent of the great abbey lands is supposed to be £2,500,000 a-year. " The revenues severed from three thousand public col leges, and the sees of Canterbury, York, and London, are estimated at nearly one-fifteenth of the national income." [The Rev Rector then enumerated the several grants to the Russell family. His object, he observed, was to show that the people had never benefitted by church spoliation, and never would benefit by it.] Then, as to the charge of bigotry and illiberality, about which we hear so much in this present most liberal age. When Mr. Brougham proposed his education bill, in 1820, who, I will ask, were the bigots then? It will hardly be supposed that he, the apostle of liberalism, would propose a very illi beral bill, and the presumption was, that the clergy would look with natural suspicion at any scheme which came from one who had been so cruel a censor of their errors, and so bitter a satirist of their failings and infirmities. But who were his opponents ? Who were the men who, in that day. declaimed against any system of national education at all, and finally defeated this bill? Why, the dissenters. I ap peal for a proof to a publication which never says a good-na tured thing of the clergy if it can help it—the Edinburgh Review. " The subject on which we are now about to enter, has always appeared to us not only to be in itself of the greatest and most permanent importance, but as that on which it is most essential that right notions should be entertained by every class of the community. The question is as to the best practical means of promoting the education of the body of the people—in other words, of improving, and in many cases creating the religious, the moral, and intellectual character of the nation. The great difficulty arose, as was foreeen, from the mutual jealousy of the established church and the dissenters : and our apprehensions of misconduct were certainly long di rected towards the church. Their chiefs, however, have ulti mately made the most liberal concessions, and the legislalure is ready to sanction a scheme to which we sincerely think no reasonable objection can now be raised. Some of the dis senters, however, are understood not to be satisfied, and it is from them only that any serious opposition to the scheme is now to be apprehended." The reviewer then goes on in laboured endeavcurs to meet the objections of the dissenters, which resolve themselves into this—that the national education was to be in connexion with the national church ; and in point of fact they did defeat the measure. It is curious to see in what sweet and laudatory terms the reviewer speaks of the clergy, It is refreshing to the ears to hear the harmonious strains in which Lord Brougham also spoke of them at the same period :-- " - Before he proceeded further," he said, "he felt it his duty to return his most cordial thanks to those reverend gen tlemen, without whose assistance they could not have ad vaneed a single step towards that point of their labours at 'which they had arrived—he meant the whole of the clergy of the established church. It was, however, quite impossible that any words of his could do justice to the zeal, the honesty, and the ability with which they had lent their assistance to wards the attainment of the great object which had been pro posed as the result of the inquiries. * * " He had said thus much in order to make out 'his case for entrusting the clergy of the establishment with the execution of the proposed plan, rather than any body of men in the kingdom." These were his lordship's opinions then. Now, it appears, education is to be taken out of the hands of the clergy, and entrusted to lay committees, the clergy being only admitted as simple catechists. Let me, however, now ask, in conclusion, whether it is possible that a scheme of national education can be carried on in a country so divided in religious views as ours. To which I would answer that, if it is to be carrid on at all, it should be in connexion at least with the established church, otherwise I cannot see how it is to be called national educa tion. And if the government wish to try the experiment and will call upon the national clergy to do their duty, I think • they will find 10,000 men able and willing to answer the call. To which I would add, that if they would but furnish us with schools to teach all who are willing to come to us to be taught, ' I believe they will be surprised to find how few there will be that will stay away. The Protestant Dissenters of England have not that pious horror of our formularies that our ene mies imply, and if, as Mr. Burgess calculates, the numbers who would refuse to come would only amount to 115,000, surely some provision might be invented for such exceptions, and the integrity of the national church preserved. (Cheers.) The work, no doubt, is one of considerable difficulty. I don't go into the statistics of the question, because I think English statistics are not to be depended upon. But Mr. Bu-gess, who has gone into them minutely, and who claims for the church a million and a half of children, of all classes. out of 2,263,000, admits that the number of daily scholars of the labouring classes educated by the church is only 514,000, and asserts that those educated by dissenters are not 50,000 ; and although, no doubt, the number of Sunday scholars swells the estimate, there being 438,000 in connexion with the church, and above 500,000 with the dissenters, still Sun day education has I fear but a very insufficient influence com paratively in the way of moral training, and it is probable that daily education is wanted for nearly a million ofchildren, including infants. To supply such a deficiency without the aid of the church will be somewhat difficult; against the will of the church I trust it will be impossible. And why should the government reject the aid of the church, and repudiat* the services of so loyal and, may I not add, so enlightened a body of xnen as the English clergy ? Why should they not, instead of robbing us of the grants they have lately given us, augMent them, and so encourage the building of schools where the people may be taught secular knowledge on a well ordered syst:an, but where Bible teaching by the school master shall form an integral part of the plan, and where the national clergy, may be recognised as the authorised teachers of Christianity, according' to the doctrines of the national church ? Let the clergy be called upon to do their duty, and if they are fairly dealt with, I am sure no selfish feelings will be per mitted to interfere. We must, of course, have our partiali ties and predilections, and those partialities are not likely to be exercised in favour of men who do nothing but deal us " heavy blows and great discouragement,"—(hear, hear)— and vex and harass us by spiteful legislation. Still, however, in whatever hands the queen's government may be placed, the queen's clergy. I am sure, will never be found in factious opposition to it. (Hear.) But if our consciences are to be forced to ease the consciences of others—if the Bible is to be shut out of the secular school, and prayer to be prohibited, and every kind of doctrine to be suppressed to please those who will not believe the truth, why then I trust that the clergy will be found as loyal to their God as they are to their queen. (Great applause.) Then I am sure that they will not countenance a scheme of disgraceful compromise, which dishonours His revealed word, and will endanger her protes tant throne. (Hear, hear, hear.) But that they will resist, by every lawful means in their power, a system hostile to the diffusion of scripture truth, and fraught, also, I believe, with destruction to that mixed government in church and state, under whose wisely-tempered policy we have lived freely and gloriously, and may continue to live happily, if we please ; but under which, I believe, we shall not live long, if its enemies should ever succeed in their revolutionary enterprise to separate from it that reformed branch of Christ's holy catholic church which is so wisely established among us, the bulwark of the Protestant faith and the Protestant throne, the preacher of primitive Catholic truth, and the faithful witness and keeper of the unmutilated word of God. (Much cheering.) I trust that the necessity.of such resistance will never arise. The Rev. Mr. BUDDICOM seconded the resolution. 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