The Sun. — London, England, 1847-01-15 00:00:00

;N AND ', T EE AS, 1101BEID 0., I by We.- r d I o f tht" l4° ed O n mo b committee, Ad be' n irnestly Fon the clue!, inderstoud sere S the Ine a • • ne -- fine u ving 011 t ' d an e A a a rve d a dopt ropPed• t , of -al reli °l4 be r e paid •st • sh° to the Ivaco Ed eu adjourn A 14%. ,; t io o street , tte° deu 11 .13° chair' tli s 8 , MO.- en Od e P d : a d be d e to the alit° s. P er :z 0 93 ar o— , stual bi d e e forw•00 ~ 7d. c id? ' resen t vere electe4 )11' our of .04 rectors, RAI L, • der this tiv gr o ve ,- in .„elr n she i 'i i pcl opanY , T pe rers• if dePos''' c „ e dieni: cjal I ban t he l ed t° d g es do toll A 1 r CO 10 1 e viro f t he aes ° chit PO tra Strer3P l l ey - .711 b it at t he nigh b f tb° ,f tbi s 01 W I 30011- THE SPANISH MARRIAGES. We have received from Paris copies of the docu- Manta respecting the marriages of the Queen of Spain 'sith Don Francisco d'Assis and the Infanta with the Luke de Montpensier, presented to the Chamber of De puties by M. Guisot on Tuesday last. The following are translations of the most important 4 isPatches ; LORD PALMERSTON TO LORI) NORMANBY. Foreign-office, September 22, 1846. Lord,—l have had several communications with the Count de Jarnac, and a conversation of some length Monsieur Dumon, on the subject of the intended Marriages which have been annonced for the Queen of Spain and for her sister the Infanta ; and in these com • alunications and conversations I have explained folly without disguise the sentiments entertained by the ' British Government upon the Queen's marriage, and the s r ang objection felt by them to the proposed marriage rthe Infant a , an d I have now to instruct your Excel feneS. to bring th ose o pi n i ons an d objections in a more °ri nd manner under the consideration of the Govern ment of France. Isabell a Ati first wit rseet o the mrriage of the Queen v • er Maj h esty' sp s Government have good reason to belt ee, and it appears, indeed, by the avo al of the tench Government, that this marriage was brougt cs,i p out by F renc h i n fl uence at M a d r id. Her Majesty's . o rertenent r e j o i ce to t hi n k th a t th e British (severe inset wqs no party to that arrangement. m i ler Majesty's Government might indeed remark that b stores then taken at Madrid, by France singly, to the r:te r to npit.):al which that Government states itself to have her Majesty's Government, that the two Go t, b should act in unison in regard to the advice th e gistes to the Court of Madrid upon the subject of It n atrriqge of Queen Isabella; because it appears that the time when the French Charge d'Affaires in bon :11 was :skin g the opinion of the British Government e. this matter, in order, as he stated, that if the two ,trerain felts could come to an agreement about it, they Quid e s s e e s • the mcarti tion. the French A m s e same reciem r . n. zt u4, 3 , 1d0r at Madrid NV'4S already in pthsession i b triletiv as from his awn Government to endeavour to en r , :about the Queen's marriage with one particular di d ate ; and that consequently the question about rk 'eh the French Chargd d'Affaires was offering to de itereras , „ n London had already decided by the in s c f c "ons which had been sent to the French Ambas ,Olat Madrid. f • Ar 't le true, indeed, that no proposal on this subject was by the or distinctly made to her Majesty's Government It's (S'evernment of France ; but what passed was arly r.s follows: th r t (la y after I had sent off my dispatch (No. 6) of tlt e si t i" ; t'a of July, to Mr. Bulwer, I showed a copy of ,;di:; to the Count de Jarnac, as an explan aof the views which her Majesty's Government,. in tne sh o t d . r time uring which they Clad been in office, y „ ha s taken of the question of the Queen Isabella's' mar age, an d of the existing state of things in Spain ; and - c tve him the -dispatch'to take home with him, that he might confidentially send a copy of it to his Government. C ourt Jarnac made several remarks on the dispatch, tied b . a ,„ eueed both to that part which related to the 1 , -r riage of the Queen of Spain, and to that part which da ted to the political condition of Spain. th u llon the latter part, he expressed apprehension that °beer vation made upon the system of rule which 1, 48 „ of late years prevailed in Spain might, if made s ewn in that country, produce bad and inconvenient s ess ee t ; but, it is to be presumed that the French Go so"a eat did not share those apprehensions, because a e l i t Y, of that di s p a t c h, th oug h it h a d b een communi hy74, s confidence to the French Government, was sent tevNQea,to M. Bresson, and was by him made known to ai persons at Madrid. ob see ut upon the first p a rt of my dispatch, Count Jarnac L eo rietd, that it seemed to him to put forward the Prince ti t o P°ld of Saxe Coburg as a candidate for the hand of tre l : rte ell of Spain, while it excluded Count Trapani bas Cle list. That this was inconsistent with what had I , ; ht between the French Government and the late whil e Ministry, b e t ween w h om it h a d b een a gr e ed that I alj t b!: on the on e hand, the French Government should alv the Duke of Montpensier, or any son of the „1 ? ? the French, from the list of candidates, the th e I ; . t Government, on the other hand, should withdraw l'hfli s r s irteo of Coburg , and that some descendant of ge se e v • should be recommended as consort for the /8 8114., of f3pain. any 4.:1, that I f oun d no tree() in the Foreign-office of Tb!'ll •sgreement. What I und ers t oo d t o h ave b een th e groun d taken • Qu een Majesty' s l ate Government was, that unless t h e to wh is t) ! Spain were likely to marry a French Prince, ere unc r the B r iti s h G overnment wou ld , upon po liti ca l 1 444' have an unquestionable right to object, the with J . ? of the Q ueen of Spa i n was a S pan i s h ques t ion , fere no foreign Government was entitled to inter °l" is alight fall upon to control Queena Bourbo Isahellan'e or upon choice, whether ine s any other i set e That the British Government would make no • ISsibt . e therefore, to her selecting a descendant of hem! ) although it did not join in endeavouring to Pole of ajlY such restriction upon her; that Prince Leo 'lt' Se ''''axe Coburg was not a candidate put forwardhe e ported by the British Government, and that, on i 'veigb, tit rtlrY, the British Government thought for many t ter :3, reasons that a Spanish Prince would be a 1'4 4 ttu sband for the Queen, and that among Spanish her s e o e ti s i Pon Enrique seemed to be the best suited to be a . 'ort. Bultver that th ese v i ews h a d b een ma d e k nown t o M r . -trua s ' by my predecessor in office, and that Count 4 referee ould see that, in the beginning of my dispatch, beend to and adopted the instructions which had es sut ti v en on the se p o i nts b y h er M a j est y' s l a t e Govern litew =Chat, consequently, it was impossible that Mr. Ills D ! i thould suppose that the mere circumstance of the of Coburg being mentioned by me as one of by hi nd idates for the Queen's hand, was to be construed teed 4 a s an inti mat i on t h at t h e B r iti s h G overnmen t in that, t 0 support or to recommend that Prince. But Irs u illo:reover, my private communication to Mr. Bulwer 11„,Pr event th e p oss ibili t y o f an y suc h m i s t a k e . reh t ir denied that th ere i s a ny suc h p a rity b e tween the te si °ll of the P r i nce o f C o b urg t o th e R o y a l F a mily of the and the relation of the Duke of Montpensier to fo r '''°Yel Family of France, as would afford any ground as b awl a bargain as that which Count Jarnac claimed •TL l vtrifs been made. th„ o I Juke o f M on t pens i er i s a F renc h man , an d son of „s g• of the French ; the Prince of Coburg is not an i ss -6 " 81 1 man, and is only cousin to the Queen of Eng ti tile his brother is married to a daughter, and his te a son, ef the King of the French. That his ,elttexi on with the Royal Family of France is therefore England as close as his connexion with the Royal Family of d, if not more so ; and that it is impossible, in any poent of view, to look upon him as an English can didate„ or to make his withdrawal by England a condi tion of the withdrawal of the Duke of Montpensier by That if indeed the question had been as to Prince G eorge ,pf Cambridge, there might have been some parity es tablish ed between him and the Duke of Montpensicr. tit I sa id that in point of fact I had always understood t _ n ntlt when about three years ago, and before the Prince ' v t_ r e n obu r g was talked d of a a n s d candidate, the French Go ahad laid down for its own _raeni; had pFopose guidance the principle that the choice of the Queen of w a in al aould be confined toa descendant of Philip V., , 0 7_ Zilch Government itself had pointed out that by tuir r°2 g: it excluded an . y son of th_e . King of the French; th ' ir Ter efore the decision of the King of the French that th e of Montpensier should not be a candidate for riati dof the Queen of Spain was not part of any bar r,„,4 about the Prince of Coburg, who had not at that c;" t hen mentioned as a candidate, but was the result which the King of the French spontaneously ;Inertain,td of what was due by France to the faith of due tr ansactions of the Treaty of Utrecht, and to the just ue attached by other States to the maintenance of the fi ance of power in Europe. t n A A saia, moreover, that in using the word " candidate " Qe,sig nate Prince Leopold as one of con Princes who Deen publicly talked of as a possible ort for the of Spain, I employed that word in its ordinary r; colloquial sense ; and that it did not imply that the v o r : ii ce of Coburg was put forward by the British Go a tc , 74ll ent, or even that the Prince had himself taken any ta,,Ps the matter. But, at the same time, I distinctly C k i ) : t o 11 1 1 Jauntie r , and . I afterwards repeated the same al times on other occasions, that the ° Dijo n of ni LOY7d ve John Russell, of myself, and those of opinion of who had had time to give their attention Spanish - affairs, was the same as that which had been t ute rtained b y her Majesty's late Government—namely, b C t „stS h Prince would be the mos t p ru d en t choice panicto Quee - a of Spain, and that Don Enrique seemed 40 ,_ the Spanish Prince who was the fittest for the position of being Queen Isabella's consort. orlls impossible, therefore, that either Count Jarnac Wh en French Minister could, from the first moment, q 0 e ... 11 a ny Communication took place between the two tc'ertraent:L on these matters, have had any doubt as witwt.hat the opinions of the British Government were of suprttinegar d to the best choice to be made by the Queen 0,..„ . 1h ! ) Count de Jarnac stat e d u p on th a t an d upon o th er anions that it would afford the French Government kil r e if her Majesty' s G overnmen t s h ou ld i nstruct key,Lalwer to give effect to those opinions by recom of g a Prince who should fulfil the French condition time h e a descendant of Philip V., while at the same Possfrssed the qualification of being a Spanish jc , to which we appeared to attach importance. Etri t i;, 4 tid, also, on a subsequent occasion, that if the bo i n," Government should determine to recommend wo n - 1, 1 ,_ Nue, he was sure that the French Government th e - ,;" b ue Willing to unite in giving that advice ; but obiLZ ° Ped that if it should turn out that at Madrid the liii — t afta to that Prince were insurmountable, the ch o i ce Government wou ld no t a ft erw ards opp ose th e c e of Don Francisco. .d kid that her M a j esty ' s G overnmen t did no t con to 1, "Ba tl uonselves to have any right to make an opposition whi ch Francisco in such a case, although, for , reasons % tin ' iutd explained to him, they could not take upor t . Pri n res the responsibility of recommending that It s e ., %k in - Yost howev er , t h at a b out t h e t i me w h en th ese FUnications with a view to an united course between r t' e two Governments were passing in London, the tiontiOl Ambassador at Madrid, in pursuance of instruc -1.02 which must have been sent to him some time 1:a - er t,!! Was co-operating in the: employment of moral co owttoo. to compel the Queen of Spain to accept a Prince bie ,was not the candidate whom the British Govern as willing to concur with the Government of ire in recommending. thater.,eieetys Government are quite ready to admit th ,. Ta re was no engagement on this matter between the Governments, and that each was at lib er t y t o e to the Spanish Court such advi ce a b out t h e marr i age Queen as it raight:think fit. But her Majesty's Go eat d 9 apt ezactly see why such anxiety should ~- - )E. ,II PAW. THE SUN, ~I ,OI\TDON, FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 15, 1847 have been expressed in London to ascertain the sent ' rents of the British Government on this matter pro ' fesscdly with a view that, the two Governments might • be enabled to tcl:e a common coule?, while at the saute • time such precipitation was displayed at Madtid in hur rying on a course which the French Government had been informer: was one in a hich the co-operetion of the British Government was not to be expected. But the marriage of the Queen of Spain is a matter which concerns Spain chiefly, and other countries only indirectly; and at teough her Majesty's Governmeut Env have its own opinion as to the manner in which that marriage has been settled, they would probably rot have thought it necessary to make any oflioial commu nication to the French Government on that matter, if it had been an insulated transaction, and had not been coupled with the projected marriage of the Infanta to the Duke of Montpensier; thus forming part of a most objectionable political arrangement. It is the projected marriage cf the Duke of Mont pensier to the Infanta which renders the present com munication necessary, and it is against that marriage that the British Government must formally remonstrate I and protest. Such a marriage would give just cause of politic ti .jealousy to other powers, and unless accompanied by public acts in France and in Spain, of which as yet no mention has been made, might give rise to questions calculated to disturb the peace of Europe. . The British Government hopes that the Queen of Spain may live many years to enjoy a long and pros perous reign, and wishes that her approaching marriage may be blessed with an ample succession to the Spanish Crown ; but the uncertainty of human affaire renders it necessary to contemplate the possibility that the Crown of Spain might devolve upon the Infanta. If this should happen, the Infanta being married to the Duke of Montpensier, that Prince would be placed in that very position of consort to the Queen of Spain which the Kim -, of the French three or four years ago, himself, as I bare before stated, practically acknowledged that no son of his ought to occupy, and thus, in cense- quence of such a marriage, that event which the King of the French declined to arrive at by direct means might by indirect means be brought, to pens ; and it appears to her Majesty's Government that good faith requires that what has been •reliequiehed in one way should not he sought after in another. But if the, line of Queen Isabella were to fail, and if there should at the same time exist issue of the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke of Montpensier, a serious question might arise respecting the succession to the Spanish Crown. For it is perfectly clear, that by virtue of the renunciation made at the peace of Utrecht by the I Duke of Orleans of that day, all his " descendants, male and femalie; from that time and for ever, are excluded, disabled, andiriCapecitated from succeeding to the throne of Spain in what manner soever the succession might fall to their line," and therefore the children and de scendants of the Duke of Montpensier would, in conse quence thereof, be excluded from succeeding to the Spanish Crown. But,. however plain the words, and however positive the effect, of that renunciation must be acknowledged to be, the children or descendants of this marriage might endeavour to set up a claim in virtue of the rights which they might allege to have inherited from the Infanta, and thus, unless all pretence for doubt on this point were at once removed by some valid act of renunciation on the part of the Infanta for herself and her descendants, the stipulation of the Treaty of Utrecht might be set aside by an evasion, or the peace of Europe might be disturbed by another war on account of the succession to the throne of Spain. But these considerations might also give rise to it question of more immediate practical application, be cause there seems good ground for the assertion which has been made in Spain, that in consequence of the ex clusion of the line of Orleans by the transaction of Utrecht, the marriage of the Infanta to the Duke of Montpensier would be contrary to the law and constitu tion of Spain. Her Majesty's Government can scarcely believe that a Government so anxious as that of France has pro fessed itself to be to respect the tranquillity of neigh- bouring states, and to preserve the peace of Europe, can insist upon the completion of a marriage which threa tens immmediate danster to the one, and is calculated to place in serious Jeopardy the other. But even if the objections to this marriage which are founded upon the Treaty of Utrecht and the law of Spain were as weak and untenable as the British Go vernment considers them strong and conclusive, the British Government would still protest against this marriage as inconsistent with a due regard to the ba lance of power in Europe, and as necessarily tending to affect injuriously the nature and character of the rela tions between England and France. It is impossible for the British Government to look upon this marriage as a mere domestic arrangement be tween two royal families. It is a political transaction between two great European Powers; and it would tend to link the policy of the one to that of the other in re gard to the foreign relations of both in a manner which would be dangerous to other States. The British Government attaches great importance to the maintenance of friendly relations both with France and with Spain; and as long as the British Government in its dealings with France shall have to consider only I what may be justly due to the interests and honour of France; and in its dealings - with Spain shall only have to show a similar respect for the honour and interests of Spain; there is reason to expect that flee spirit of justice and moderation which it may be hoped will always direct the councils of England will secure the continu ance of peace between Great Britain and those two Powers. But, if Spanish interests are to sway the foreign policy of France, or, if French interests are to sway the foreign policy of Spain, Great Britain may find herself involved in serious differences with one of those Powers, without having given it any well-founded cause of complaint, and may be unable to re-establish friendly relations with the ono without submitting to what may be unreasonable and unjust demands on the part of the other. The British Government considers the projected mar riage of the Duke of Montpensier to the Infanta as cal culated thus to link together the policy of France and Spain ; and as France must be admitted, without any disparagement to Spain, to be the greatest power of the two, this marriage would tend to affect, most injuriously for the interests of other States, the political indepen dence of Spain. But the injurious effects of this marriage would not eFuod:lorigbsraiebe. net ecwcl evlßeoii between be confined to their direct operation on the foreign re• lations of Spain. They would be felt also through the medium of her internal concerns. Past experience does not warrant any confident ex pectation that Spain will in future be entirely free from those violent outbreaks which have so often taken place within her territory of late years. The French Government has wisely laid it down as a rule of conduct to abstain from any armed interference t d e in the internal id i mrom n e a t tcar e hyter r aric n ngtio a aoni on a leoemg ff nxs affairs y i too. ransumimnl involve should ausve p r,leyd a cl i :Fr thus iiirn o lcuat n i nsenurocbdi t te.eee h rde e ie:ns s hn e t eeaa d o ebnc e ldhi e sos a atalf occasions. and i cst f hrpee t aa h i n t h the national passions of the Spanish people, but may also lead other powers again to make Spain one of the battle fields of Europe ? It is impossible that Great Britain can be an indif- ferent observer of au event. which may lead to such re sults ; and it is not in the nature of thin,4s that an event so brovglit to pass, and calculated to produce such results, should not exercise a most injurious influence upon the relations between Great Britain and France. The manner in which this projected marriage has been arranged, the political views in regard to the future which it discloses, the possible consequences which it might produce, not only to the friendly relations between Great Britain and France, but in m iny supposable cases to the peace of Europe, induce the British Government ear nestly to remonstrate against it, and to express their anxious hope that it may not be concluded. Your Excellency is instructed to assure the French Government that the strong objections which the British Government feels to this marriage do not spring from any unworthy jealousy of the natural greatness or of the just power of France. In a great European crisis, not very long since gone by, Great Britain was the foremost to acknowledge the great importance of maintaining the French monarchy unimpaired as an essential element in the balance of power in Europe. The present Government of Great Britain fully share, i❑ this respect, the sentiments of their predecessors of that day. The British Govern. ment will rejoice to see Francs happy, prosperous, and powerful. But France possesses Vk ithin her own ample territory, and in her own immense resources, the means of maintaining that high position which Providence has destined her to occupy among the nations of the world; and all attempts on her part to establish, by indirect methods, an illegitimate influence over other States, which, though not so powerful as herself, are equally en titled to perfect national independence, must, from the very nature of things, end at last in disappointment and failure. But the struggles through which that failure will be brought about must be productive of evil to France as well as to all the other States that may be in volved in them. Her Majesty's Government being desirous of giving to this communication the most friendly form which is consistent with a full and authentic expression of their sentiments, do not instruct you to embody the sub stance of this dispatch in a note, but I am to desire that you will read this dispatch to M. Guizot, and that you will send him, officially, a copy of it. I am, &c• M. GUIZOT TO M. LE COMTE DE JARNAC. Paris, Oct. 5, 1846. Monsieur le Comte,—The English Ambassador called on me some days ago (25th of September) to communi cate a dispatch, dated the 22d of September, addressed to him by Lord Palmerston, on the subject of the mar riages of the Queen of Spain with the Infante Don Fran cisco d'Assis and of the Infanta Don Luisa Fernanda with the Duke de Montpensier. You will find a copy annexed. I have laid it before the King in Council ; and I send you the answer of the King's Government to this communication, begging you to lay it before the Principal Secretary of State of her Britannic Mjesty. At the conclusion of his dispatch, Lord Palmerston says, that" the Governinent of her Britannic Majesty is (1,- sirous of giving to this communication the most friendly form which is consistent with a full and authentic ex pression of its sentiments." You will assure Lord Pal merston that the King's Government also entertains fek.l - of the most sincere friendship towards England and its Government, though it feels it its duty to maintain the rights and interests. of France against complaints and representations which appear to it unfounded. I um anxious, in the first place, to free myself from a charge which Lord Palmerston, at tine beginning of his dispatch, brought against the King's Government, and which has, I confess, occasioned me some surprise. lle remarks that we, not long ago, proposed to the English Government to come to an agreement and to act in unison as. to the advice to be given to the Court of Madrid upon the marrial - , , e of Queen Isabella; and that this proposal " was hat dly consistent with the steps taken at Madrid by Frar Ice singly ;" since, according to him, we had at the same time ordered Count Bresson to endeavour to bring about the Queen's marriage with one particular candidati (the Infante Don Francisco d'Assis), and that, consequently, the question upon ..vhich the French Charge d'Affaires was offering to de liberate in London had been already decided by the in structions which had 'ueen sent to the French Anabas seder at Madrid. An accurate statem' nit of facts will demonstrate the groundlessness of this accusation. It is true, that in th month of July I proposed to the Cabinet of Loncl.on to come to an agreement to act in c'ncert at Madrid, in order that we might give our joint support specially to tiie two Infants, sans of Don Fran cisco de Paula. Th'a claims of these two Princes, as descendants of Philip V., were admitted by us, and, as Spanish Princes, by England; while the Court of Madrid appeared to be more fa-. - oitrably disposed towards them. I therefore proposed to the English Government to give them our joint support, and I declared at the same time that, for our part, we liad no objection to either of those Princes, and that the one of them who might be agree able to Spain and to the Queen would also be agreeable to us. I have addressed the Same language to Madrid as to London. Count Bresson has always had;instructions to support the pretensions of the two Infants,.. and to de dare beforehand that we should .entirely acquiesce in the choice which the Queen might make between them. His Majesty's Ambassador has punctually fulfilled his instructions. What took place when, more than a month after my proposal of co-operation in favour of Vas• sons of Don Francisco de Paula, Lard Palmerston at length sent me his answer. He asked us to unite with - him in giving exclusive support at Madrid to Don Enrique, " the only one fit " (as the dispatch of the 22d of Arsa,ust, comma ; Merited to me by Lord Normanby on the 28th, affirms) to becorne w the consort of the Queen." I expressed to Lard Norrnanby, and I instructed you to express to Lord Pfilartirstcr, rev astonishment 9t this; ,exelive d e . sit , ,twion of Doii Enrique, and the itn:,o,sibility of our tii,iting, in it, for we had al,,ays acid, and -we persist in s!iving, that either of the two Infants: was agree to us; that it was for the Queen of Spain to decide between them, and that we were ready to approve of her choice, upon whichsoever of them it might fall. It can be matter of surprise to no one that our ac ceptance of both the Infants as candidates, should have turned out to be for the special advantage of the elder of them, Don Francisco d'Assis. That Prince was occupy in.- a becoming and honourable position in Spain, and observing' towards the Queen, her Government, and the Queen Mother a perfectly respectful line of conduct. The Infante Don Enrique had not taken means ao well fitted to the attainment of his end. When he pissed through Paris the King himself had given him his advice on this subject; he had reminded him where his place, his duty, and his best prospects of success were to be found, and had offered to use his endeavours to reinstate him in the position he had lost at Madrid. The Infante did not follow this advice, and no, influence was sufficiently powerful to counteract the unfavourable situation in which that young Prince had placed himself. Bur, indeed, there wits nothing in this course of events which might not easily have been foreseen. There was no need of private instructions to Count Bresson to de termine the choice of the Court of Madrid in favour of Don Francisco d'Assis, rather than of Don Enrique. As to the charge of having given exclusive support to one of the Infants, and of having forced that one upon the choice of Queen Isabella, against whom can it justly be alleged? Have we not, on our side, observed all the re spect due to the Queen's dignity, to the freedom of her choice, and to the considerations by whip it was deter mined. The Infante Don Enrique has had the misfortune to fall under the influence of the blindest and most violent section of the Progressita party in Spain,. That party wished to make use of the name, the situation, and the matrimonial chances of the Infante as means to the re establishment of its own power. For the attainment of that end, it has contrived and prepared intrigues of all kinds, eutculated to rekindle insurrection and civil war in Spain. The designs of the party have been clearly revealed by its organs. What could be more natural then than such facts should influence the resolution formed by the Spanish Government to decide without delay the question of the Queen's marriage, on which all parties founded their speculations and their hopes? Other motives, not less legitimate, contribute to this result. From the very first, the King (as Lord Palmerston re marks in his dispatch) had voluntarily declared that he should not solicit the hand of the Queen of Spain for any of his sons. He at the same time expressed the firm hope that the crown of Spain would not be per mitted to go out of the house of Bourbon, and that the Queen would choose her consort from among the de scendants of .Philip V. The King's Government has declared, openly and uniformly, that this was the rule of its policy. He wished that the principles by which cur conduct was to be guided, if we should be called upon to act, should be well known beforehand by all Europe, and especially by Spain and England, our allies. There was nothing in this language which could in the smallest degree prejudice the independence of Spain, of her Queen, or her Government. For that independ ence we have a profound respect. By communicating to the Court of Madrid, from the first moment, all our opinions and views on this subject, we rather gave it a mark of the high value we attach to those it may enter tain, as well as of our sincere and anxious friendship. The Cabinet of London appeared at that time favour ably impressed with the motives which influenced our conduct, and gave us reason to expect that it would send advice conceived in a similar spirit to the Court of Madrid. So long as the various projects for the marriage of Queen Isabella did not endanger our welt•known policy, we simply seconded that one of those projects which appeared to have the best chance of success. As soon, however, as we saw that projects which seemed to us to threaten a departure from the rule, that the Queen's consort should be chosen from among the descendants of Philip V., and that the throne of Spain should remain in the house of Bourbon, were seriously appearedthe nuketh ehlikelydeterminedde realised, ndmnpteneof snitr h . e w Queene We are hand to e eithert h o should d entertained, we m a d e k nown ( on the 27th of F e b ruary last), sho u at Lond on an d at M a d rid, that if these projects consider n the s id r Infanta for our selves released fro m every engagement, and at liberty to demand as at the first origin of the question, to announce openly and beforehand how we meant to act. In the month of May last we were informed with cer tainty that the Spanish Government had just sent to the reigning Duke of Saxe Coburg, then on a visit at the Court of Lisbon, a message, requesting him to negotiate the marriage of the Prince Laopold of Saxe Coburg with Queen Isabella. We learned, at the same time, and with the same cer tainty, that this message had been first communicated to Mr. Bulwer, the English Minister at Madrid, and had received his approbation. The King's Government immediately made known to the Courts of London and of Madrid the surprise and anxiety it felt. It received from Lord Aberdeen as surances which proved the frankness an 4, uprightness of his character and intentions. But, shortly after, Lord Aberdeen went out of office, and the information we re ceived did not permit us to doubt that the efforts to bring about the marriage of Queen Isabella with the Prince of Coburg were actively continued. t It was under these circumstances, and the anxiety with which they filled us, that I received from you, Monsieur le Comte, the dispatch which was addressed on the 19th July oy Lord Palmerston to Mr. Bulwer, and which you were instructed to communicate to me con fidentially. Ido not think (to advert to a charge insinuated by Lord Palmerston) that the confidential nature of that dispatch ought to have prevented my making it known, also in confidence, to the King's Ambassador at Madrid, to whom that knowledge was indispensable tor the due understanding of the new situation in which that dis patch placed us, and who (as was his duty) made no pubis or official use ofi t. " The candidates or the Queen's hand" (say the in structions adiiressed on the 19th July by Lord Pahiners to to Mr. Bulwer) " are reduced to three—Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg, and the two sons of Don Fran cisco de Paula. I omit all mention of the Count de Tra pani and the Count de Montemolin, because there seems to be no chance that the choice will fall on either of them." According to the dispatch of the 22d of September, which has just been communicated to me, Lord Pal meraton, in thus placing Prince Leopold of Saxe Co burg at the head of the three only remaining candidates far the Queen's hand, did nothing more than " designate that Prince as one of those who had been publicly talked ofasapossi ble n)cfto imply that nsortorthe he was pu Queen of St forward pain,an and did not at all or recommended by the British Government." But in the dispatch of the 19th of July, after the pa ragraph which I have just quoted, I find the following : —"Among the three candidates above mentioned (Prince Leopold of Coburg, and the two sons of Don Francisco de Paula), her Majesty's Government has only to express its sincere desire that the choice may fall upon the one who may be most able to secure the happiness of the Queen - and the prosperity of the Spanish nation." Assuredly, if it may be said that the former of these paragraphs simply states a fact, viz., that the Prince of Saxe Coburg is a candidate for the Queen's hand (a fact which had not, till then, been officially authenticated and proclaimed), it is impossible to deny that by the second paragraph the pretensions of that Prince are admitted in the same mariner, and to the same extent, as those of the Infants, sons of Don Francisco de Paula; that no objection was raised to the one any more than to the others ; and that thus all three are mentioned, for the first time, with equal and indiscriminating appro bation. We might, perhaps, be justified in remarking that this is an implied recommendation —an indirect manner of reaching the end which was not deemed expedient to pursue directly. 6 ` Good faith, says Lord Palmerston, in his dispatch of the 22d of September, " requires that what has been relinquished in one way should not be sought after in another." To this principle the King's Government entirely assents. Admitting that Lord Palmerston did not intend to nropose or to recommend Prince Leopold of Coburg, he induct:will c e certainly n admitm to withdraw thathis i l e saidt n si nothing to calculated to e the project of the Spanish Government. No w we ma y ask, what would have happened, if the Court of M adrid, pretensions, relying on the language which (after the dispatc h of the 19th of July) Mr.Bulwer. would undoubtedly have held, had persisted in the offer it made to that Prince ? It might hive been said that this was the unbiassed choice, the free will, of the Queen of Spain and her Govern ment ; the terms of the dispatch of the 18th of July, in which the English Government, though disclaiming any desire to determine this choice, had announced that it bad no objection to it, might have been appealed to ; and, without direct support or active co-operation, by simply remaining passive, the end would have been attained. The King's Government could not deceive itself as to the real situation of things. It toDk the most legitimate• and direct means of preventing the consequences. It made an appeal to the free choice and independent will of Queen Isabella and of her Government. It placed before the Court of Madrid another arrangement, in stead of the one contemplated ; which last was mani festly at variance with its professed policy. It was at. full liberty to pursue this course, for it had openly and positively reserved to itself the right to do so. It was bound to pursue it ; for the hypothetical case for which, 1 it had made that reservation, and which it had provided against in its instructions to Madrid as well as in its declarations to London, was becoming more and more probable. The Green of Spain and her Government have adopted this arrangement. The Cortes have given it their almost unanimous approbation. The double marriage of Queen Isabella with the Duke of Cadiz, and of the Infanta Dana Luisa Fernanda with the Duke of Montpensier, has been arranged and concluded with the most entire liberty cf action, and from the most urgent motives. I therefore fulfil, 111. le Comte, the most imperative duty in repelling a ith an energy of which my language is but a faint expression the strange accusation brought by Lord Palmerston in his dispatch against the King's Arabassador at Madrid, of having, in virtue of his in structions, used "moral coerc i on " i n order to force the Queen of Spain to accept the Duke of Cadia as her con sort. I might confine myself to a very short and simple answer, and one which would be admitted by the whole world. In no court, in no family, is the liberty of mar riage and of domestic lire better understood, or more scrupulously respected, than at the Court of the Tuileries, and in the Royal Family of France. The sentiments which inspire and guide the conduct of the King at Paris and towards his own children, inspire and guide that which he observes towards the Court of Madrid and his Royal nieers_ And the King's Govern avant 1-; jealous of the honour of evincing everywhe,rf. soil on every occasion, that respect for domestic ties of which it his so exalted an example before it. But, l must also ask with what consistency can the charge of using "moral coercion" be brought against us by those who, a month ae , ,, asked us to use our influence with Queen Isabella in exclusive favour of a Prince who was notoriously labouring under her displeasure, and was intimately connected with the most ardent enemies of her Government ? The Queen's choice of the Duke of Cadiz was per fectly free ; the approbation of the Queen's choice, voted by the Cortes after a debate as unbiassed as it was solemn, was also perfectly free ; and during that im portant deliberation . the public tranquillity was as per fect as the freedom in the interior of the palace, or in the assembly of the nation. Assuredly, neither insti gations nor motives to disorder are wanting in Spain at this moment. Pretensions, ambitions, schemes, and conspiracies of every kind, have been at work to re kindle insurrection and civil war. At present, they have not, whether separately or combined, succeeded in giving a commencement of execution to their designs. What more striking proof can be given of the senti ments of the great majority of the Spanish people, and of their free assent to the choice of their Queen, and the vote of their representatives ? " Her Majesty's Goveienment," says Lord Palmerston in his dispatch of the 22d of Septhmber, rejoice to think that the British Government was no party to that arrangement." The King's Government, on the con trary, sees reasons, founded on the interests of Spain, of its allies, and of all Europe, for congratulating itself' on the part it took in that event. The Duke of Cadiz is not only a descendant of Philip V., he is by birth and by sentiments a Spanish Prince. He has shown in variable respect for constitutional government, and for the principles of the Spanish Monarchy. Spain and Europe. the liberties of the Peninsula, and the inter rests of general order and tranquillity, find in his union with Queen Isabella all the securities that a prudent and lung-sighted policy can demand. But although the marriage of Queen Isabella with the Duke of Cadiz has called forth this expression of disap probation, it is, according to the dispatch of the 22d of September, the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke de Montpensier that has mainly necessitated, in the eyes of the English Government, the communication which it has just made, and the representations and protests it has just addressed to us. The King's Government will always esteem it its duty to receive and to discuss, in a spirit of perfect fairness, the representations which another Government, and more especially a friendly Government, may think fit to make on behalf of its interests or its policy. But pro tests must be founded upon rights. No one can be admitted to protest against an event merely because it does not suit his views. Every protect must rest upon an anterior right. Thus, the English Government assumes as the basis of its protest the Treaty of Utrecht, and the rules laid down by that treaty for the succession to the crown of Spain, with a view to the preservation of the peace of Europe, and the balance of power. The King's Government is of opinion that the Treaty of Utrecht in no wise justifies such an assumption. After the long and bloody war of the succession, and with a view to re-establish the peace of Europe, the two fold object (distinctly recognised and proclaimed) of that treaty was : 1. To secure the crown of Spain to Philip V. and his descendants. 2. To prevent the possibility of the union of the crowns of France and Spain on one head. It is only necessary to review the negotiations which preceded the Treaty of Utrecht, or even to read the do current itself (art. vi.), to be convinced that such was its intention and meaning. By the marriage of the Infants with the Duke of Montpensier, the crown of Spain is secured from all risk of alienation from the house of Bourbon 'and the des cendants of Philip V. ; while, at the same time, the pro visions against the possibility of a union of the crowns of France and Spain remain in full force. The twofold object of the Treaty of Utrecht is, therefore, fulfilled. It would be strange to appeal, as against us, to e those of the provisions of this treaty whic h g o to prevent th union of the two crowns, and to disregard those which secure the throne of Spain to Philip V. and his des cendants. Such, however, would be the result of the interpreta tion which Lord Palmerston, in his dispatch of the 22d of September, seeks to put upon the treaty. Up to the present day such an interpretation was not only never admitted, but never imagined or advanced. It is repugnant to facts, no less than to the text. Never was the Treaty of Utrecht cited as creating an obstacle to marriage between the several branches of the French house of Bourbon and the several branches of the Bourbons of .13ain. Examples of such marriages abound. I shall content myself for the moment with specifying three, the dates of which are nearest to that of the Treaty of Utrecht. 1. Louis 1., King of Spain, the eldest son of Philip V., married, on the 20th of January, 1721, Louisa Elizabeth of Orleans, Mademoiselle de Montpensier, fourth daughter of the Regent Duke of Orleans; 2. The Infant Don Philip, Duke of Farms, son of Philip V., married, on the 25th of August, 1739, Louisa Elizabeth of France, eldest daughter of Louis XV. 3. The Dauphin, son of Louis XV., married, on the 23c1 of February, 1745, Maria Teresa Antonia, Infanta of Spain, daughter of Philip V. The last example is very remarkable; for it is tha t of the immediate heir to the crown of France marrying one of the heiresses to the crown of Spain. 1713 Nor can it be alleged that the law proclaimed in of by Philip V., with the view of changing the order succession in Spain, had deprived the Infant.% Maria Teresa Antonia of her eventual rights; that law w only a semi-Salic law, admitting, it is true, the succession of female descendants only in the event of the . i failure of heirs male, but in that event admitting it fully. The Infantas, therefore, in the marriages I have just cited, and in all other analogous marriageosw' brought a n of Spain. positive, though contingent, right to t k hecr g this right an Nobody in Europe thought of objection to those marriages, making findemaudieg that fresh stipulations should be added to the Treaty of Utrecht, in order to prevent the consequences of them._ On the occasion of t he marriage of the Infanta Dona Luisa Fernando w ith the Duke of Montpensier, there is no reason whatsoe ver for thinking or acting dif ferently; since the stipulations of the Treaty d hithertoof Utrecht would suffice hereafter, as they have s for the preservation of the peace of Europe and the ba lance of power. Consequently, no legitimate protest can be founded on the text of treaty, or on its consequences, cou _ ormity n w E it o h n f t a h e e te i:n.. terpretatiou to be given to it in The marriage connect n th n e ee D t utbkee fo reign But Lord Palmerston does not found his protest solely on the Treaty of Utrecht. olicy of France Montpensier tends , , isecewoirtdbintbgetofehreimi policy of Spa in a manner dangerous to the independence of Spain, to the balance of power in Europe, and to the interests of other States. s betrweight in the b a l ance Spain has proved that she was able to maint a i n h er a want of me mor , of Europe. It wo uld independence, and to prerve her se as well as of justice, to Pe t r e b ll a ger thant)s'he is no longer able to do so. She is, on the contrary, more competent than ever to free and constitutional Governmenty the maintenance of her ova Independence and dignit She now possesses a —a Government little favourable to the spirit of aggres sion and conquest, but very favourable to the mainte nance of independence, and to the neutr a li z i ng of fort Hance The King's Government, on its side, has proved that nothing was further fr om its thoughtsthanthe r of desireot encroaching 011 the independe nce of Spain,rr9ved her ) inter fering in her affairs. The facts whic h have firm resolution on thi s p oint are rec ent and some n vl obvious, want antio f not to admit them be tra y s also, p er haps, memory and of justice. But, at the same time, we do not hesitate to declare that the King's Government desires and seeks to estab lish a siecere and soli d friendshi p between Franca Spain. The geographic al p ositio n of the two States, and their traditions, their manners and t ow their essential interests , m oral or material), (in short, all friendship natural and necessary—necessary,a), render this to a policy aiming at the extension of either not indeed expense of the other, or of both combined at the ex pense of other States, but necessary t at security and peace for the benefit of a policy aiming Beth, and that of all Europe. As connected with the marriage and the Duke of Cadiz, the marriage of Queen Isabella the Duke de Montpensier is at ones of the Infanta with the desire of the two countries to drawe a manifestation of of that friendship, and a pledge of its sd closer the bonds it from affe,:ting the independence of Spainuration. So far is verninent, or the indisp:nsable eonditi and its Go- E of the Euro pean balance ut power, that will °' S Watch, tee those amicable and intimate relationsMe to gttat ;Att between France and. Spain which tend to promote the welfare of the two nations, and secure the repose of Europe. It appears to us that every country which is guided by a generous and long-sighted policy has reasons to congratulate itself on this result. The King's Government, therefore, finds no serious and legitimate foundation for the representations ad dressed to it by the Government of her Britannic Ma jesty ; nor, consequently, can it accept them, or take them as a rule for its conduct. We regret this disagree ment. But as we are imperatively called on to decide and to act, we have done, with the free concurrence of the Spanish Government, what was consistent with our rights, with. our lawful interests, and with the natural and pacific policy of our country ; nor have we done anything which infringes on the rights, the lawful inter ests, or the peace of other States. We are convinced that. on this subject the people of France concur with thiir Government, and everything conduces to prove that the great majority of the Spanish people share the sen timents of their rulers. We are confident that the sound judgment, and the spirit of fairness which distinguish the Government and people of Great Britain will sa tisfy them that the high and generous motives which led to the establishment of good understanding and friendship between France, England ; and Spain, rise far above this special difkrence, and can in no wise be im paired by it, I request you to present a copy of this dispatch to Lord Palmerston, after having read it to him. - I am, &c. LORD PALMERSTON TO MR. BULWER. (EXTRACT.) Foreign-office, July 19, 1846. The candidates for the hand of the Queen of Spain are reduced to three, b namely, the Prince L eo p o ld o f S axe Coburg, and the two sons of Don Francisco de Paula. I omit Count Trapani and Count Montemolin, as there appears to be no chance of the choice falling upon either of them. As between the three candidates above-mentioned, her Majesty's Government have only to express their sin cere wish that the choice may fall upon the one who may be the niw,t likely to secure the happiness o f th e gnpen, and to promote thr welfare of the Spanish nation. M. GITIZOT TO COUN r DE jAIINAC. Paris, Oct. t I, 1846. Monsieur le Comte,—Before I forwarded to you the dispatch which I had the honour of writing to you on the sth instant, I read it to his Excellency the English Ambassador. When I had finished reading it, Lord Nor manby confined himself to a few short observations, re ferring to the answer which, he said, Lord Palmerston would probably make, and to the discussion which would probably take place between the two Govern ments on the subject. He afterwards told me that he bad orders to communicate to me a note, without date, which Mr. Bulwer is instructed to lay before the Spa nish Government. In this note, the Cabinet of London protest against the possible succession of the descendants of the Duke de Montpensier and the Infanta to the throne of Spain. It declares that it does not recognise the rights in virtue of which that succession would be claimed, in default of issue of Queen Isabella; that, with a view to this event, England reserves to herself the liberty of taking whatever part she may deem ex pedient in the discussions to which such a state of things may give rise; and that she makes this reserva tion at the present moment to secure herself against any future reproach of having kept her intentions secret. Such is the object and the general meaning of the Erg fish note, the exact terms and details of which I cannot, however, repeat to you. It is to the Spanish Govern ment that this note is to be delivered, and it is the business of that Government to reply to it. But, since it has been communicated to me, we have the right, ' and, indeed, it is our duty, to express our opinion upon it. Such a protest, presented in virtue of the Treaty of Utrecht, and of the renunciations annexed to that treaty (or, more especially, in virtue of the renunciation by the Duke of Orleans in 1712 of his contingent rights to the throne of Spain) is, in our opinion, without any foundation. I have told you, in my dispatch of the sih instant, what was the true character of the Treaty of Utret;ht, and what was the twofold purpose of its au thors in framing the clause relative to the Spanish suc cession. On the one side, the object was to secure the throne to the descendants of Philip V., on the other, to prevent the union of the crowns of France and Spain on one head. That was the oqject of the renunciations de manded on the one aide from Philip V., and on the other from the Dukes of Berry and Orleans. This object, therefore, determines the true sense and import of these renunciations. They contain all that is necessary for effecting the purpose of the Treaty of Utrecht, but they cannot extend, and in fact do not extend, beyond that purpose. .?iccording'to this principle, which is incontestable in itself, and which, moreover, is perfectly consistent with the text of the document in question, the renunciation on the part of the Duke of Orleans imports that, in case the throne of Spain should fall vacant by the extinction of the posterity of Philip V. (to which it is secured by the Treaty of Utrecht), the descendants of the Duke of Orleans could in no wise claim it. In consideration of the renunciation made by Philip V. for himself and his descendants of his contingent rights to the crown of France, the Duke of Orleans abandoned his contingent rights to the crown of Spain, preferring to these the contingent rights which his birth gave him to the crown of France, but which had been deemed incompatible with the former and with the peace and interests of Europe. Such is the real and the reasonable meaning of the renunciation. Does it follow from this that the descendants of Philip V., upon whom the crown may devolve naturally and lawfully, and in virtue of rights founded on the Treaty of Utrecht itself, ought (with their posterity) to be ex cluded from it, because they may happen (or their an cestors may have happened), to intermarry with de scendants of the Duke of Orleans ? In other words, should the positive incontestable right of the descendants of Philip V. be set aside, because they may have con tracted alliances with a family which has renounced its own? Such a proposition is manifestly untenable; and, to demonstrate the error of it, nothing more is necessary than to state it with precision. Such, nevertheless, is the purport of the English note, when reduced to its true and essential terms. It is upon this argument, and this only, that the protest rests. In principle, therefore, it is wholly without founda tion, and facts demonstrate that up to this time Europe has always been of this opinion. In my dispatch of the sth inst. I cited three examples of marriage between descendants of Philip V. and princes of other branches of the house of Bourbon which had renounced their r i g hts to the throne of Spain. I might multiply su c h exa mples. Never had it been maintained, or even ima gined, that, in consequence of these marriages, the inca pacity resulting from the renunciation (as if contagi ous , g [communicable] from one b ranc h to another) aPnd flyin g had annulled fli the rights of those descendants of Philip V. to the throne of Spain. Nor is the proposition more tenable at the present day; for the state of things consequent on the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke de , uontpensier in nowise affects that which the Treaty of Utrecht has established, and which, in fact as well as in law, has received the assent of all Europe. After twelve years of war the European Powers, and England above all, thought that a grandson of Louis XIV. and his descendants might, without danger to the balance of power, occupy the throne of Spain, whilst the descendants of Louis XIV. should be seated on the throne of France. This degree of kindred between the two crowns, with the ties be tween the two States which might result from it, was fully accepted at the beginning of the last century by all the Powers of Europe; and the guarantees inserted in the Treaty of Utrecht to prevent the unions of the crowns of France and Spain on one head appeared to them fully sufficient for the protection of their legiti mate interests. Such is the public law of Europe; such the state of things assented to and determined in the name of the European balance of power. The marriages wnich have just been concluded in nowise affect, I must repeat, this state of things. They add nothing to the degree of kindred between the crowns of France and Spain. They subtract nothing from the guarantees sti pulated by treaties against the union of these two crowns. They cannot, therefore, afford any legitimate ground for a protest founded on those treaties and on the public law of Europe. Have the goodness, Monsieur le Comte, to read this dispatch to Lord Palmerston. I beg you, &c. REPRESENTATION OF MANCHES TER.—MEETING OF LORD LINCOLN'S SUP PORTERS. MANCHESTER, WEDNESDA Y JAN. 13.—Last evening a pub lic meeting w as h e ld i n the WEDNESDAY, Exchange, for the purpose of affording L or d Li ncoln an opportunity of explaining his political opinions. Admission was by ticket, and the room was densely crowded, about 2,500 persons being present. Lord Lincoln entered the building shortly before seven o'clock, along with a considerable number of his committee, and was received with a round of hearty applause. Mr. Alderman Neild, chairman of his Lordship's committee, took the chair, supported on his right by Lord Lincoln, Messrs. J. Peel, W. Gibb, Captain Carnegie, M.P. Messrs. T. C oo k e, jun., T. B. Potter, W. Stewart, Captain'Cleather, Alderman Hopkins, ' IT. Sowler, P. Berlyn, M. Ross, J. Dunn, John Sale, George Shaw, Dr. B e ll ; on his left by Messrs. J. As pins! Turner, Alderman Potter, Thomas Cooke, Alderman Willert, John Pool -y, jun., Richard Birley, Wm. Hill, jun., P. Dudgeon, Dr, Radford, Wm. Gray, S. Lowcock, Capes, E. T. Lellhouse, Edward Norris, Hugh Beaver, Dr. Goodwin, John Hunt, W. W. Heap, Thomas L. Williams, C. H. Rickards, Frank Rickards, Joh n C arver, jun., John Andrew, Edward Cardwell, William Bryan, John Wadding ton, William Coveney, William Marsdcn, Joshua Ronchetti, jun., Henry Pope, Henry Wren, sen., John Harling, Cha r l es Ashmore, A. Pooley, John P. Cooke. Mr. Alderman Nstua, on taking the chair, attempted, amid much interruption, to vindicate Sir Robert Peel and Lord Lincoln from the charge of insincerity, based on their sudden conversion to free-trade doctrines, and concluded by introducing his Lordship to the meeting. The Earl of LINCOLN then presented himself to the meet ing, and aas most enthusiastically applauded. Several minutes elapsed before the applause of the auditory sub sided. The Noble Earl spoke as follows :—Gentlemen, I should indeed be ashamed of myself, if, upon an occasion like I his, I should seek for hacknied phrases, or if I could condescend to make use of exaggerated expressions; but believe me, that I merely speak the words of truth, spring ing from the feelings of my heart, when I assure you, that the enthusiasm with which you have been pleased, just now, to receive the expression of my name, has so nearly over whelmed me, that, accustomed to a certain extent as I - have been of late, not unused at least, to meet assemblages of this description, and to address them upon the subjects of antici pated contests(' election., you have almost deprived me of the. pow - T to give any pression —you have ely de prived ins of the po:crr to gwe adequate expres-i , ,n—to those sentiments which f nor, feel, of gratitude. and of plea-um— ( Hear, hear.) Proud. ioilced, gentlemen. I may will be of the occurrence of tin: evening; elevated, iodeed, far beyond any humble merits of my own, when I look upon the as sembly before me,—when I contemplate the cause for which you are assembled,—when I look round over this vast multitude, and see the eyes of all turned upon me— a stranger—(Hear, hear)—and when I reflect that the cause of your assembling, and the cause of my standing upon this spot, is a proposal which has emanated from yourselves, that you should confer upon me the highest prize which it is in your power, as Britons, to bestow.—(Cheers.) I said that lam a stranger here. lam a stranger, personally, to almost all in this room. I feel the delicacy and the awkwardness of that position. I am in that sense, as regards the personal knowledge of almost all whom I am addressing, a stranger to Manchester. But, gentlemen, can any one who has studied the recent history of his country, can anyone who has read the g rea t b oo k o f soc i a l ex i stence, and of the mutual dependence of all classes of society in this great country, nay, in the world—can, I say, such a one plead justly to being an entire stranger to Manchester and its interests? 1 certainly feel that such is not the case, at any rate, as regards myself.—(Loud cheers.) Locally unconnected with this town to a much greater extent than I could have desired, and personally unacquainted, as I said before, with the great majority of its inhabitants, 1 trust I have not spent fourteen years in the House of Commons, in the performance of public duties, and yet remain what I can, in a political sense, call a stranger to Manchester.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I can well remember the first occasion upon which I ever set foot in this wonderful town. I was then but nine years old. I do not pretend, certainly at this dis tance of time, to retain a lively recollection of the details of all I then saw; but having passed several days, even at that early age, in this town, I must say (and I sa y i t f ran kl y to yon)that it did produce impressions upon my mind, perhaps stronger impressions upon account of my youth, which I be lieve never can be obliterated.— (Much applause.) And upon every successive occasion, when i have either passed through or lingered in your town—as I have approached or as I have left it—and again this very day, as I entered it, for the purpose of attending this meeting—l have asked myself, is it possible that any one, reflecting upon the state of affairs in the whole world, could fail to be deeply impressed with what he here saw ?—(flear, hear.) I certainly have been— (Hear.) Whether I look at the state of industry of all that I saw around me, whether I look at the extent of their public buildings and the magnificence of their works, whetter I look at those gigantic places of industry, —whether I look at the traffic which is perpetually passing and repas sing, both internal and external, of the town,—l say, I see everything colossal, everything progressive ; and I believe that here you may witness what in ne other town in the world may be seen, as regards those particular features to which I have alluded.—(Cheers.) I believe I am not exaggerating the importance of this town, when I say, that as regards its population, it exceeds some of the independent states of the continent; and, as regards its wealth, it greatly exceeds many of those states.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)— I hardly know, g en tl emen, whether the chairman has suf ficiently explained to you th e pos i t i on in which I under stand I appear before you. I appear before you by the desire of the committee of gentlemen who have been kind enough to form themselves into a body for conducting the requisition which is to be presented to me. I have at tended here this day at their desire.—(Hear, hear.) I am informed that the canvass has not yet been completed, and that it is their desire, until it is completed, the requisition should not be presented to me.—(Hear, hear.) And al though I am informed the requisition contains a number of signatures, exceeding, I believe, the number on any similar document ever presented to a candidate before, yet, in con sequence of its non -presentation, I am not entitled to address you in the exact position of a candidate.—( Hear, hear.) I must say, gentlemen, that, individually, I rejoice at this decision of the committee. I rejoice they have been kind enough to place me in a position, which may, at once and for ever, give a contradiction to assertions which have been made—not in this town, but elsewhere—assertions which, I can assure you, make but little impre ss i on u p on me , b u t a t the same timel should be most sorry if there existed in the mind of any man, the impression, that 1 am a nx i ous t o ap pear here under false colours.—(Hear, hear.) Proud, gen tlemen, as I should be of the honour of representing Manchester—(Hear, hear)—proud as I should b e o f th a t high and enviable distinction, I should yet grieve that one single vote should be given to me under any false pre tences whatever.—(Cheers.) I therefore appear before you, gentlemen, here this evening, to explain to you my political opinions —(Hear, hear)—and I say that I re j o i ce a t th e op portunity, which has thus early been given me of doing so, because I am too well aware, in the case of a humble indivi dual like myself, it is impossible but a vast majority of such a constituency as this cannot have sufficiently watched my course in Parliament to be able to form an entirely accurate and conclusive opinion with regard to them.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I will endeavour, as far as in me lies, to lay before you a fair, a full, and explicit declaration upon all those points which I believe are likely to excite any interest in your minds at present; and I can only say, that when I have done so, I shall be equally ready to give a fair and can did answer to any questions that any elector may desire to put.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " bravo.") I know, gen tlemen, whom I am addressing. I know that it never would answer my purpose, if, I felt inclined to condescend to such tricks, not to be candid and explicit with vou ; but I say I know whom I am addressing, and I will endeavour to be candid and explicit with you.---(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) I know y ou ne i t h er desire I should flatter you, or that I should endeavour to obtain your good opinion by con cealing any opinions of my own. At the same time, gentle men, 1 am bound to say that I do feel this additional diffi culty, over and above those which must influence me in addressing such a constituency as this at any other time. I say I do feel this additional difficulty at the present moment, upon account of the peculiar position in which you, and the political world at large, are placed by recent events.— (Hear.) It is easy generally to address an audience when some great war-cry is raging among them. It may be easy to address an audience when there is something for which they are earnestly contending, and which they are very anxious to obtain for themselves, or when there is something neces sary to withhold. But it is less easy when there are no great and specially exciting topics before the public mind. I know it places one in my situation in a disadvantageous position before the constituency. But, gentlemen, I neither profess to be an orator, nor do I desire upon this, or upon any other occasion, to embellish what I have to say, or to state anything but in the fairest and the plainest words.— (Hear.) Now, gentlemen, 1 have been accused of great im modesty in being prepared to present myself before the con stituency of Manchester; and I say at once that I should most readily acquiesce in that commendation if I could, for one moment, have dreamt of voluntarily aspiringito such an honour.—(Cheers.) When, gentlemen, I look round this platform—when I know how many there are locally con nected with you, who have the highest claims to your suffrages, and who would most worthily have represented you if they had been selficted, I do confess freely I am not surprised that strangers to this town should tax me with immodesty in even acquiescing in the request to come for ward.—(Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I beg that I may be distinctly understood—that I have come forward, at least I am here this evening, and if eventually I should accept the requisition, I shall then be a candidate upon the demand of a large body of this constituency, and not from any self sought or voluntary effort on my part. If I come forward, gentlemen, I shall come forward not to oppose this or that candidate, but in obedience to the general wish of the con stituency of Manchester. Unconnected with you, it would be indecent upon my part to come forward in any other position. If I come forward at all it must be as your can didate.—(Cheers, and much applause.) Now, gentlemen, two most opposite objections have been raised to me as a can didate for your suffrages. You have been told, I believe, by speeches in this town, that I have been all my life an opponent of all reform, and, therefore, I am totally unfitted for the re presentation of Manchester.—(Hear, hear, and some intima tions of assent.) Well, gentlemen, if that is intended as a recognition of that objection, let me ask how you can recon cile with that the opposite objection which has been raised by the press in London—namely, that I am one who has evinced such destructive tendencies in his political course, that no candidate who could be selected, and none who could come forward, of whatever Radical opinions, that would not be preferable to me ?—(Loud cheers, and great applause.) I have no doubt that many of you are too much engaged, and too well engaged, to read all that ema nates from a certain portion of the London press; bu_ sa t assure you these are the objections which have b must a ee y n that I to me as a candidate for your suffrages. cannot recognise the justice of either of I the o the first place, let me deal with the objection bjec . In Btio ns that I have been the opponent of all reforms, and that Whn gentlemen,thereforeun un fitted to be a Member fur Manchester. what has been the course pursued during Gov t e h r ew e h n o t l; time Did that I held office in Sir Robert Peel's Government? not that Government, from the very date of its formation, com mence that great economical reform , which ii terminated , in the repeal of the corn - laws last 3 ear? —( _Ales of ‘ es, yes," with some exclamations of " No.") I say, gentlemen, that this reform—that this great economical reform, was list of recent date, but that it commenced in the year 1842 ; and, although occupying an inferior situation in that Government I gave to those measures my most earnest and most zealous support.—(Great cheering from all sides.) And, gentlemen, what have been the results of that most economical reform as regards the taxation of the country? Why. that be tween the year 1842, and the moment in which I am now speaking, on upwards of 500 articles the duty has been en tirely repealed, and on 720 other articles the duty has been most materially relieved.--(Great cheers.) Call you this no reform? Call you this no reform in that particular direction which was most essentially required, and particularly desired by the; industrious classes of this great community?—(lm mense cheering.) For whom was this great economical reform undertaken, and for whom was it effected? Why-, for the lower and the middl e c l asses, and more especially for the be nefit of the lower class es. — (Tremendous applause.) I believe that one may fairly characterise this as one of the greatest moral and social revolutions, peaceably attained, which any country ever saw—(Renewed cheers)—and, let me say, it is not only to the glory of England, but to the glory of the (TO BE CONTINUED A WOMAN KILLED BY A THRASHING-MACHINE.— As th e thrashing-machine of Mrs. Tadman, of Higham, near the line of the Gravesend and Rochester Railway, was in full work on Friday last, a . aoor woman named Phillips, while employed in feeding a o s p c p a e u d g h h e t r by bo t d h y e lower spindle, and before it could lbe was caught by the lower spindle, and before it could be st revolved with ' the spindle threeor b four times, breaking both her legs, one arm, several ri s, and fracturing her skull, when th p o poor e r lingered sufferings. nt i Sunday terminatedwomanhDeceased morning, w as t widow, and has left a family to lament her untimely end. PROVISIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES. --The Burlington and Ar e thu s i f rom N ew Yerk, and Judah Touro from New Orleans, which wero reported at the Custom-house, Liverpool, on the 11th inst., bring 3,529 barrels flour, 12,975 bushels wheat, 6,140 bushels barley, 11,534 bushels an d 4,758 sacks Indian corn, 703 barrels Indian corn meal, 632 packages cheese, 278 barrels pork, and 356 packages lard. ALARMING EXPLOSION OF GAS.—Wednesday night, about twelve o'clock, an explosion of gas took 'place at the William the Fourth public house, Ship-yard, in the occupa tion of Messrs. Yates and Hewett. The proprietors being desirous of driving from the house certain disagreeable tap room customers, who refused to leave when desired, deter mined not to light either gas or fire in the tap-room. In the evening there was a strong smell of gas, and Mr. Hewett's son, on proceeding to the tap-room in the dark, discovered by feeling; the pipe, that the burner had been detached from the gas-pipe, from which the gas was escaping. He stopped the pipe with a cork, left the room, and returned, accompanied by Mr. Yates, who carried a candle. An explosion immediately took place ,followed by the falling of the various partitions of the room, and the breaking of the glass in the front of the bar, which was also forced out. The shock having subsided, Mr. Yates and Master Hewett were both found to be shock ingly burned. The gas burner had not been found, and was no doubt stolen" by the projector of the malicious attempt against life and pioperty, for 'the discovery of whom Mr. Hewett has offered a reward of lOL A CCIDE NT,TO MR. BROWN , We BROW, T HE CHAMBERLAIN.— We regret to state that Mr:Brom the respected Chamber• lain of the City of London, met a disagreeable and what might have been a fatal accident, on Wednesday. He was in his open carriage, passing along near the Mansion House, when a heavy cart came in contact with the wheels of his vehicle and turned it completely over, throwing the Chamberlain violently upon the pavement. Mr. Brown was immediately ta ken into theniouse of Messii. Icennar and Co,. the next door to the banking-house Of Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Smith, in Lombard-street, where he was speedily visited by a surgeon. Ile su,tained some injury about the forehead, but we are glad to say that it is considered to be unimportant. He had sweet , recovereil.from the damage he suffered in ~. • . his leg 0 - 1440.„ • Anglo-Saxon race that this in!' 7 eli t, • • rie cn d o t e n menced and carried on. It tv .: i Ka i eee .T V. are fur two or three years before it f 0..• . au ..*, . 'era' ; but upon the great continent of America, , . . " our biethrfn there, the example has been followed ; and depend upon it, that a system of commercial policy commenced by England, and followed out by America, cannot long he withoat its imitators in other countries.—(Cheers.) Rely upon it that momentous consequences must follow from this reform ; and whatever you may say with regard to other measures, 'what ever you may say with regard to organic changes, I believe that upon this economical reform depends much of the hap piness you have been lately enjoying, and much which I hope to see yet in store for you and for my fellow-countrymen. A VOICE—Thr,e cheers for Sir Robert Peel. Lord Ll:woe:sr—Now, gentlemen, if the consequences, as regards the world at large, are likely, as I have said, to be 1 important and momentous, what have been the effects already upon England herself ?—(Hear.) I know you are practical men, and that you do not object to have books and figures quoted upon such an occasion as this. Let me, then, from a document, about which there can lie no mistake, tell you what those results have been as regards England at the prevent moment—(har, hear.) In the year 1842, when ibis reform connie need, the public revenue was in deficiency that year to the amount of very nearly four millions Of money; but at the close of the year 1845, what was the ree suit ? Why, a surplus in the same exchequer of very nearly oafstihmeiletnatjmro.unt !—( Hear, hea r .) A change in the finan c e s of eight millions a year, in the course of four years ! — (Applause) You will - perhaps observe that in order to effect this object, to con , e . ert a deffiency of four millions, in 184 na 2.,sinii posed,tioasurplus of: four millions in 1845, an income-tax That is true; b u t w h at was , . en ' the amount - of the income-tax?-tax?tax2 Five milli ns a year. But, at the sam e ti me, what has be tli pressing upo n th e industrious classesea o rn t o t u h n i t s o c f ou t n h t e ry tax ,eb a t t i i e o h n has been remo ve d ? 1 have already d . you that the whole duty upon 500 articles, and a very material portion of the duty upon 720 articles, has been remitted in the course of that time-1842-5 ; and what bas been the m ih il i l n i l ons of amount ? Why, in a ll, very uearle, seven money.—(Much applause.) Then, gentlem en , I will admit that the con sequences and .the effects of th yen economical reform, as regards this 'country, have al ready been most successful.—(Cheers, and crises of " Hear. hear.") Now. let me turn to what has been tie titee eieel the import and export trade of the cenntry, a matter in whiell, of course. Alaine7hi,strr , is leee7rially concerned. lit the :\ ~tr 1;4•4-1, the vain(' or the imports into the United kicg,tlont (ot course 1 give yo u round numbers) lea', t;i :pillions; in 1845 it had increased up to S;) millious.—(Ciieers.) The value of the produce of manufactures exported from the country was in the year 1841 upwards of 51 millions, whereas in 1845 it was upwards of 60 millions.—(Renewed cheers.) Here, gentlemen, is another fruit of this policy and of that progressive commer cial reform fur which those who are opposed to my election in this town think the members of the late Government deserve no credit whatever.—(Hear.) But lest it should be. sup posed that the benefits derived to this great community are simply of a pecuniary character, do let me call your attention to another most important fact, which ; I am sure, among en lightened men, will not be disregarded. Up to the three years antecedent to 1845, crime had been progressively in creasing in this land—increasing in a ratio which was per fectly frightful, during the y ears o f comparative,y commer cial depression. Taking triennial periods from 1536 up to 1845, crime progressed, in the first three years from 1836, at the rate of five per cent; in the following three years, at the rate of ten per cent; and in the following three years, up to 1842, it increased to the frightful extent of more than 21 per cent.—(Hear ' hear.) But what was the effect of th ese measures, as bearing upon the happiness and prosperity of the country, and upon the consequent diminution of crime? Why, that in the three years intervening between 1842 and 1845 crime diminished six per cent—the first period of diminution, I believe, for a great many years p r e ce di ng .— (Ilear.) Now, gentlemen, I really think that I have some right to claim credit to the Government which introduced a reform of this nature, attended with beneficial consequences of so great and vast a character, both pecuniary and moral. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, if you ask me whether I con ceive that this policy has been fully carried out, I tell you I do not.—(Long and loud applause.) I think that the great and heavy part of the work has been already cut out; but 1 believe that something yet remains to be done.—(Cheers.) I cannot doubt that the Government which now rules—the Government which has succeeded that of which I was a mem ber—will follow ;out the same policy as regards commercial legislation—(Hear) -1 feel confident that they will—(Hear) —I most eareestly p ra y th a t th ey may.—(Loud cheers.) And this I can assure you, whether any other practical dif ference may yet exist between us or not, that upon this great and important question, as regards the extension of free trade and the freedom of commerce from any restrictions which may yet remain (of course duly considering the claims of the revenue), such a course of policy shall have my earnest and most zealous support.—(Loud and continued cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I do assure you, that I always feel there is something painful in a single individual being placed before such an assembly of enlightened men, and being obliged to speak of himself; but, at the same time, in our present rela tive position, this is necessary ; and if I detain you for a few moments in matters of explanation, I am sure you will pardon me.—(Hear.) Our excellent chairman has alluded to the charges made with regard to my " sudden" conversion to the doctrines of free trade. As regards my conversion to the doctrines of free trade, I think I have already answered that by what I have stated with regard to the whole course of our policy in the period of the last five years ; but, as re gards a conversion to the principle of the repeal of the corn laws, I admit there may be some difference. If I had been, as has been stated to you, a " sudden" convert, by some vast effort of the mind, or of sonic other wonderful influence which has been not very indistinctly alluded to—(A laugh)— motives have been imputed to me which really, independent of every other consideration, are of so ridiculous a nature that it is not worth my while to allude to them—let me call to your mind this circumstance, that even if it were true, the question of the period of time is all that stands between myself and almost every other person in the present House of Commons. Has not every statesman's mind under gone the greatest changes with regard to the corn-laws? Was not the very first and greatest tree-trader in the House of Commons, Mr. Huskisson, an advocate for a system of corn-laws? Was not the present Prime Minister himself so fearful of any alteration in the corn-laws, that he maintained up to, I forget the exact period, in opposition to the Govern -1 ment of Lord Liverpool, the prohibitory Act of 1818? ( Hear.) I say this in no spirit of taunt to Lord John Rus sell, but in order to prove that, on this subject, there is hardly one public man who has not, at a more or less remote period, and generally speaking not very remote, entertained opinions favourable to the corn-laws. They have felt, and I believe now erroneously, the question of the corn-laws BNi:id upon a different position from other questions of com mercial relaxation. But, gentlemen, reverting again to the point of changing, as it is more personal to myself, it has been charged against me that my mind was uncbn verted upon the subject of the corn-laws until Sir Robert : Peel announced to his Cabinet his opinions in November, 1845, and that one fine morning 1 suddenly awoke and found myself a corn-law repealer.—(Laughter - and some cheers). If I were simply to state to you that suet' was not the case, I dare say you would think I was endea vouring to win your good graces by perhaps either stating what was not the fact, or saving my own veracity' by a little mystifying of the real truths.—(Hear.) BA geOtle men, unfortunately for me, about a year ago rhad to appear before another constituency, whose opinions with regfitd to the corn-laws greatly differed from yours. I then, certaln_ly, had no object—no personal object—in representing myself either as being more favourable to the repeat of the coin laws, or as having undergone, at any anterior date, This change of mind. I certainly had, under these• circum stances, no object either in mis-stating that fact, or in adopt ing any mystification : and now, if you will bear with me, I will venture to read to you a few words from the - address which I published to the constituency of South Notting hamshire, when I vacated my seat, by accepting the office of Secretary for Ireland, in February last. I hope' you will permit me to detain you for a few moments by reading one or two extracts from that document, a document written by me a year ago, in order to show that the charges—l really will not attempt to characterise them, for I think they are extremely low—made against me are not substantiated by the fact. A portion of the address to which I allude runs thus:— " I cannot, within the limits of an address, enter into the details of so large and comprehensive a scheme of commer cial policy as that lately laid before the House of Commons. This much, however, I am bound in candour, when address ing an agricultural constituency, to say, that on the question of the corn-laws my opinions are changed. In" 1841, honestly, and not from any party motive, I advocated mea sures for what is now called `protection to native industry.' Mature reflection, constant and anxious consideration of the subject—attention year of er year to the arguments brought torwardin the House on one side and on the other—above all, the e perience of the lust four years—have coavinced me not that the corn-laws alone should be abolished, but that our whole commercial system should be subjected to a great, a bold, and comprehensive revision." [Considerable uproar followed the reading of this passage, caused by some person or other in the body of the meeting having offensively interrupted the Noble Lord. , May I (continued his Lordship) betore I proceed to read the re maining short portion of this extract, venture to make one request of you? It is this. Of course, in a great assembly like this, there must be many who differ from me in opinion. There may be many who greatly disapprove of my senti ments. there may be some—l do not believe there are any who can be personally my enemies—who entertain dislike to the political opinions I have advocated. But may I request those who stand near these gentlemen not to interrupt them. —(Hear.) I do assure you, if there are opponents of mine here, 1 shall ba most anxious to answer any questions, when I have done, that they may put—(Cheers)—and, provided that those persons are nob incommoding or offensive to you, may I entreat you not to disturb them upon any account.— (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, forgive me for continuing this extract, because it is the more important point as ex emplifying the course which I have adopted:— " This change has not come suddenly upon me. Thr e e as years ;ago my confidence in the principles of d protectjow greatly shaken; last year I felt they had b ecome .n t shock to indefen sible. Still, looking to the mischief of a party attachment (not for the sake of l e e n l e d - r v , r u i s ° s o c e f f p t a h r e ty,but for the sake of public confidence), and e e s ° ent rarnament was pecu liar circumstances under iv! 1,11 elected, I felt anxious that, f po t ssihle, this great but inevit able change should be postponed till after the next dis.,,olu tieficof Parliament. This, however, I had firmly resolved— that I would never again appear before you on the hustings, without an express stipulation that I should be free to vote for the repeal of the corn-laws." I then proceeded to state the circumstances generally which rendered any longer postponement of that event (the repeal , again of the corn-laws) perfectly impossible a n d i mproper. I beg pardon for having trespassed up on your attention to avow sentiments from anything which I had myself written ; but I thought, by quoting a doc ument of a yea r ' s standing , I should be more able to refute the charges made agai n st me than by anything I could state verbally to the present meeting.— (Hear, hear, and ch eers. ) Now, gentlemen, there is a great and i m p ortant change in our commercial system strongly ad vocated at this moment. I believe it has already attracted considerable attention, as naturally it should, in this commu nity, though not perhaps so great as in Glasgow and Liver pool, and in some other places. I allude to the reduction of the tea duties. You are aware, also, that anxiety exists in another quarter for another most important reduction of tax ation—l mean the repeal of the malt duty.—(Hear, hear.) Now, to deal with the latter first. I apprehend those who advocate this measure advocate not a reduction, but a repeal; and, inasmuch as that tax brings into t hel Ex chequer five millions annually, or thereabouts, it must, I apprehend, be totally out of the power of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at any rate at the present moment, to deal with such a request. I have indeed read lately in some of the newspapers, that one of the great organs and leaders of the Protection party—l mean Sir John Tyrrell—has in formed a portion of his constituency, that that party which now calls itself " the country party" (whether they assume that title upon account of their supposed desire to attend to the interests of the country at large, or whether they intend, by that term, to show peculiar regard to the country, as contradistinguished from the towns, I know not), has in contemplation measures which will enable the Chancellor of the Exchequer, be he who he may, to repeal the malt. tax, without impo , ing any tax upon the industrious classes of this community, and with- out pressing upon them in any degree whatever.—(" Hear," t () 'bu t ' or „rice, t er. My re to ' r- Lti