The Sun. — London, England, 1857-03-17 00:00:00

Il j IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsa3k • at 5 o'clock. The Earl of ALBEMARLE said he had a motion on the paper for Friday nPxt, respecting torture in India, but he thought he shovl I best FerVe, the interests of the millions represented if be withdrew the motion until the assembling of the next Parliament. The Earl of EGLINTON presented petitions from dif ferent parts of Scotland, praying for a restriction on the sal" of spirits. MUTINY BILL. On the motion of the Earl GRANVILLE, this bill was read a first time. LIGHTING OF TOWNS (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of the Marquis of CLANRICARDE this bill was read a third time nod paesed. COMMISSIONERS OF SUPPLY (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill passed through committee. INCOME-TAX BILL. Rail GRANVILLE moved the second reading of this The Earl of DERBY--My lords, I hardly need say it is not my intention to avail myself of the present opportu - pity to cffer any objection t) the second reading of this bill, which has been moved by the noble earl; at the "we time I cannot conceal the expression of my regret tha t it has been thought consistent with the public ser vice to defer the consideration of a measure so important Until a new Parliament is about to be summoned. When the new Parliament meets it will, in my judgment, greatly fail in one of its first duties if in the very earliest period of its existence it does not take into its serious consideration the whole question of the finances and taxation of the country.. I need not say that with regard to t axation y our l ordships have nothing to do, more than that which consists in si mPlYbearing your allotted portion of the burden. We have heard in various quarters propositions for rendering „taxation and legislation co-extensive. I have never yet beard,and do not expect to hear, of any proposition either to relieve your lerdships of taxation, which you have no voice in imposing, or, on the other hand, of giving to Your lords - lips, in your legislative sip.pacity, the power of exercising some control over ,taxation, or giving you in your individual capacity that which belongs to the humblest elector in the kingdom—the right'of choosing representatives to sit in the other house of Parliament. Nevertheless Ido not think that the subject of taxation is a subject altogether unworthy of your lordships' con sideration, nor that I shall be out of place on the present occasion in bringing the subject of the taxation and finances of the country under the careful consideras tion of her Majesty's Government. I confess I look with deep concern upon the present state o the finances of the country. For several years the cardinal point agreed upon on all hands has been that at the earliest possible moment the income tax, which is so earnestly condemned by public opinion and the voice of every public man, should be repealed, and that henceforth it should be considered, as heretofore it has always been considered, a useful engine in time of war, but to be kept sacred for extraordinary emergencies and expenditure in time of war, and to be excluded altogether from your system of taxation in time of peace. I had indulged the sanguine hope and ex pectation—l have not altogether abandoned the hope— that We may, those who are :live in the year 1860, see the realisation of that which I will call the pledge of the Government of 1853 to the country, that at the expira tion of that period the income tax should altogether cease and determine. But lam bound t• point out to your lordships and to submit to the Government that the present state of our finance', unless some vigorous and active measures are taken, leave Die with little ux pectation that that pledge will be fulfilled in the year 1860. In the present year the Chancellor of the Exchee quer calculates upon having a surplus of somewhere about 50 9,0001. It was a portion of the provision of the act of 1883, that in order to prepare for the final abolition of the income tax in 1860 it should be reduced—com mencing on the sth April, 1857—frem 7d. to 51 in the Pound, and so remain until its final extinction in the year 1860. The war supervened, and so far from its being possible to diminish the income tax during the oontinu- ance of the war, it was found necessary to doubly the amount, to raise it in the first instance from 7d. to 141. in the pound, and subsequently to increase it still fur ther to 16d. in the pound. The act which increased the rate to lid. in the pound bore on the face of it the enactment, that the income tax, which was levied for the extraordinary purposes of the war, shoull continue for one year after the conclusion of peace and no longer. The act introduced by the present Government pro fessed to contain the same provision, and to be no thing more than an extension of the rate from 14d. to 16J. ; but by that which had been represented as a mere slip of the pen, a mere casual error, it did so turn out, from the wording of the act, aad from tho period at which the peace was concluded, and the period at which tho treaty was ratified, that the let ter of tho Itw inc , t3ad of continuing the tax for one year after the termination of the war, practically con- tinned it for two. It was admitted on all hands that that was not the intention of the Legitlature, and it was loudly procl3►imed on the part of the Government that they should be ashamed to avail themselves of that paltry quibble. Now, if they did not wish to avail themselves of that paltry quibble, the simple course would have been to repeal the act, the consequence of which would have bee❑ to reduce the tax to sd. in the pound. I cannot but ex- press my deep regret, on account of the principle it in 'elves, that the Chancellor of tho Exchequer should have taken advantage of that error in the act of Parliament, not indeed for keeping up the whole war tax for the pre vent year, but for making an addition for the ordinary re venues of the 'country of 21. in the pound beyond that . _ Which it had been the intention of Parliament to grant. Your lordships will see how that applies. Undoubtedly the act of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was, by the increase of that 2d., which means two millions, to increase the amount of the income tax for the ordi- nary and not the extraordinary purposes of the year. I regret to say that that appoars to me an evasion Of the principle which was hid down in 1853. With this addition of two million!, the Chancellor of the Exchequer calculates that, for the year 1857-8, he will have a surplus revenue of 500,0001., that surplus revenue accruing on the assumption that there will be no extraordinary demand on the resources of the country during the present year, and consequently no provision is made for that most calauitoui, and I am afraid, most expensive war with Caine, in which we are unhappily involved ty no choico of our own. But even on the sup position that the war with China is to cost you nothing, and on the improbable supposition that the war with ; Persia is to cost you only 250,0001., you will only have, 1 t according to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a surplus of 500,000/. Now, to make up that surplus of , -50 0,000/., you will receive in the present year the half of the war income tax of 9d.,arnounting in round figures to four millions and a half. That source of revenue will fail you altogether in 1858. You will therefore have your re venue for 1858, compared with that for 1857, diminished by four millions and a half of war income tax If the law stands without-further alteration it will be further dimin ished from 7d. to sd. for the year 1858-9, which, making an allowance fcr the half year to be collected, will cause a further falling off of a million. You will therefore have in 1858, as compared with 1857, a diminution to the amount of four millions and half ; but in addition to that, in 1888, You will have to commence the payment of a sinking fund, to provide for debt raised by the Chanml lor of the Exchequer, which will swell your expenditure for 1858 above your expenditure for 1857 a million and a half. You will have therefore in 1858 a diminished re venue to the extent of 5,500,0001., and an increased cx- Penditure to the amount of 1,500,0001, leaving alto gether a balance to the deficit of 7,000,0001., against w hich you have to set your assumed surplus for the pre vent Year of 500,0001. As you stand at present, with no extraordinary expenditure, no war in Persia, no war in China, the'programme of the Government is that in 1853 yen will have a deficit of 6,500,0001. I will not go so far forward as the 'year 1860, when, according to the plan of 1158 , the whole of the income tax is to be sacrificed, which would make a further reduction of five millions. z t will not do so, the a because in that year there will be a fal ling in of Lnng Annuities to • mount of four millions , and there will be a cessation of t quer Bonds ; but it is sufficienthe payments of Exche that there wi.l be an • for my purpose to show increasing deficit, and that you have a deficit this year of no lees than six millions and a half. Now,- I ask which - is worthy of the seriou s houses of Parliament 7 I selin" this is not a circumstance what hope have you, csnsideration of both made, by which the revenue and unlessa'ks in this state of things, some serious alteration be lanced, that in the year 1860,anodr expenditure may be ba• rind, you will be relieved from there ar e a that a ny intolerable pressure of the income tat t Now , subsequent pe. you can.x.estore a balance in sour three modes by which ture—by one of three, or by all of 4:vnue and expendi productireness of existing taxes . or b ; by thninereased of a rigid system of economy, i fear -Y the institution cation to apply to all three. I venturet that yea have oc ed confidence in the elasticity of the revenueo Exress undoubt try if relieved frow the gigantic taxation of thie coun keeps it down, but it would be folly to ion which at present creased productiveness of existing suppose that any taxes will increase n revenue by any the Bum approechirg 6 500 000/ with regard to new taxes., weall know l ' . Then, taste and disgust this collar - neiv lac in time y looks to • . the imposition of third ea Awe,. Now, the principal burden national expendi ture is fop,the payment of the onthe hatiGnalerP". debt, in which it is obvious that, interest on the national public creditlr, we cannot b at, keeping faith with the by any effort of ours make any reduction. Another burden is the charge for the civil establishments of the country. I do not think that any ma teriel reduction can be effected in theitenisconetitutingthat oharge. Then there are next the three great branches of our expenditure, namely, the army, the navy, and the miscellaneous estimates. It is on these three branches, if any, that any considerable reduction of expenditurecan be made. I am one of the last who desire to see the public es tablishments of this country reduced to AlO x state. I should be sorry to see those establishments reduced to the point at which they were between 1340 and 1850. I do nottliink that that state of things would be consistent with our safety. But I think you may combine considerations of economy with a due regard to the public service ; it ap pears to me you may keep your naval and army esta blishments organicallyas strong in everything that relates to science, in everything that cannot be provided on the spur of the moment, or at all events during the effiex of a moderate time during which" you might prepare for war. I speak more esp ciahy cf the army, preserving it in a state of efficiency ; but, on the other hand, it is the duty of the Gate nme. t and the country, while main. rai :lag the army organically strong, to have it numeri cally as is consistent with the due discharge of its ordi nary duties in time of peace. Agein, with regard to the miscellaneous estimates—these estimat ei have increased out of all proportion within the last few years. They have increased, I am bound to say, not by the fault or with the consent of the present or any previous Govern m•mt, but they have increased mainly from the pressure and extravagance of Parliament itself. (Bear.) It has been the theory that Parliament ought to bo the check on the tendency of Government to c x ravegance with re gard to the miscellaneous axed other estimates; but that position has been reversed, and the Government has been the check, but not the sufficient and effectual check, on the extravagance of Parliament. Now Ido not pro pose to go further into this subject, but I wish merely to urge on the consideration of your 1 eeletips and the country that if you desire to get rid of the burden of the income tax, if you do not wish to see it incorporated as a permanent portion of your system of taxation, you •nust in the years intervening betwcen now and 1860 apply yourselves vigorously and rigidly to a system of economy and relect!on of expenditure as, consistently with the efficiency of the service of the country, may render it possible for you to recover your balance of re venue and expenditure. But it is quite obvious that the expenditure of this country, and more especially the ex penditure of your warlike establishments, must depend mainly upon the system of policy which you pursue— (bear, hear)—ard more especially upon your foreign pc:licy. (Hear, hear, hear.) If you determine that that policy shall be one of respect for the independence and for the rights of foreign nations, abstaining from in tervention with their purely internal concerns, avoiding by every possible means offensive language, and dealing with them in a temper which shall substitute, in case of a fancied itjury, a tone of conciliation for the tone of menace and braggadocio—if you adopt this course, and be not slow to take explanations asked for in a friendly spirit, and given in the same spirit by other Govern ments, I have no fear in the present condition of the world, and with the general feeling which pervades al most all foreign nations, I have no fear that for the exigency of the public service you will have to keep up a war es'ablishment on a large footing in time of peace. But if you proceed on the opposite policy, if you deter mine to meddle with the internal concerns of every coun try, dictating to them how they ebal deal with their own subjects, interfering when the interests Of your own subjects are notin the slightest degree concerned, to threaten and to bully, and to use the language of menace and intimidation t) powers which even if weak may re fuse to submit to such a course cf conduct— then I tell you, and I tell the country, you must keep your estab liehinentS on a war footing, and you must then be pre pared to back up every petty quarrel, and be ready at all times, at a fortnight's notice, to provide for a war that may spread over the whole face of the world. And above all, if you are to lay down this dangerous principle, that your subordinate officials in every part of the we'll are to have the power at their discretion of committing this country to war, if you lay down the broad principle that, right or wrong, their acts must be approved of by the Government of the day, and if you hey down further the principle that being so approved by the Government at borne, it is beyond the competence of Parliament to ex press an opinion for fear of being charged with factious combinations—(hear, hear) —then give up all your ideas of ec monty, arm yourselves cap-a-pie, and prepare your eelves for all the terrors of war at the discretion or in disr retion of any official you may have in any part of the wotl 1 proud of a little brief authority, and prepared to rest on the misplaced coilfidence which the Government reposes in them. (Rear, hear.) This leads me to the point as to the c'rcucentances under which you are told an appeal is to be made to the country at large. My lords, yeti need not be apprehensive that I am going again to trouble you with any observations as to the legality of the proceedings in China. lam going to as stlal.3 for the present that the wholt of those steps were perfectly - legal, but I am going to point cut to your lordships the position in which the country is placed by ,those proceedings. It is no flight public evil that in the month of March, just at the cocninencement of the sea. sion, and a.s.the noun of Commons is preparing to be gin the business of legailation, it should be sudderly in terrupted by a dissolution of Parliament—a dissolution which creates the greatest possible inconvenience with regard to public and private affairs; and involves not orly the loss of time taken up by the orations, but the fuit !ter loss of time n ecessar ily t a k en up i n t h e b us i ness incident to a new Parliament, all which will I venture to say render the present session even lees productive of beneficial measures than was promised even by the meagre programme which was presented to us at the commenc , Anent of it. The incr,nvenieno, is great; and irirely we ought ti inquire why it, has been inflicted. You tell me the Government have hal a vote against thew, which renders it necessary either to resign or to, appeal to the country. Now 1 ask whose fault was it that made the question one which involved the character of Government I I am going to dim my aped ogy to your lordships' house and the House of Commons for having so far misunderstood the spirit of the constitution as to believe that it was within their const tutionalcompeteece to take notice of, and taking notice of to express an dependent opinion on, the conduct of an official on whose conduct the Government, by command of her Majesty, had laid the papers and documents before Parliament. I may be mistaken, but I have certainly thought that when papers were laid on the table of the house by her Majes ty's Government, it was far the very purpose of inviting on those papers the expression of the opinion of Paelis ment. It may be said that either this or the other house of Parliament has been anxious to interfere with the exe cutive duties of Government, or with those functions which'properly belong tothe Crown. Now they have maul feted, on the contrary, a degree of forbearance of which Ido not complain, but which I venture to say is almost unparageled in the history of the country. Well, my lords, what is the case? A quarrel has been entered into, troops have been despatched; war has been declared, an expedition has been undertaken, negotiations have been entered into, negotiations have been concluded, peace has been made, and from the first to the I Let, from the hour at which the quarrel first began to the hour at which I am addressing your lordships, the House of Lords and the House of Commons have not had one scrap of paper, one official document, to show them the object, the cause, the intention of the war, the terms upon which it has been terminated ' • and last of all, the H ouse o f C omm ons, which ought to furnish the supplies upon an estimate of the expenses of the war, are not likely to know anything about the expenses until they have been called upon to pay the bill. Therefore I say, the House of Lords and the House of Commons have displayed no undue anxiety to interfere with the duties other Majesty's Government, or in any way to hemper or embarrass the executive. But when papers are hid before Parliament it is an invite- teen on the part of the Cr. ma to Parliament to'r xsrees I their opinion upon the subject matter of those papers, and if we do not so express our opinion re neglect, grossly neglect our duty, and by a tacit acquiescence may Hem to sanction acts which are most repugnant to cur feelings and most objectionable to our consciences. And now, my lords, what has taken plaee! Upon a psruesl of those papers a motion was made in the other House ref Parliament; 5y a gentleman usually, I believe, a supporter of her Majesty's Government, and, most un doubtedly, wholly unconnected with the Conservative party in the Hoeee of Commons. That motion declared that in the opinion of that house the papers which had been laid ttpon the table failed to afford a sufficient justi fication of what had taken piece in China. What was the cauree taken by me relative to that subject? I gave notice, and brought forward a motion in this house vary ing in terms, but entirely the earns in effect. And what was the course pursued by the Government in both houses ? Why, to assume to themselves the whole re sponsibility of the conduct of their agents in China— to make themselves parties to the proceedings—to insist upon being censured, or to insist rather upon this, that Parliament should either forbear the expression of its opinion or be charged most unjustly with a desire to cen sure, and still more to displace her Majesty's Govern ment. Now, I wilt venture to say, that it, instead of the course pursued by her Majesty's Government, vin dicating to the uttermost the conduct of their agents, they had come forward with a statement which would have expressed their own honest and sincere conviction that a hasty and ill-judged step had been taken by their plenipotentiary, which might inve lee consequences which he would be the first to regret, and the last to contem plate—if they had said that they could not altogether vindicate the course which he had pursued, but that allowance ought to be made for the difficulty of the position in which he was paced—and if they had concluded with an intimation of their intention to do that which they have subsequently done, namely, to send a plenipotentiary with full power, if not to ' supersede to override the authority of their official, and bring tle matter to a speedy conclusion—if they had ventured to make that declaration in this and the other house of Parliament, I believe it Would have put an end to the discussion, to all debate, and most undoubtedly to all opposition. (Hear.) But what course did the Government take t Here is a proposition that the papers before us do not justify the conduct of the officials in China. Her Majesty's Government join issue and de elate that in t heir j udgment these papers do justifyth e co nduct their officials. They compel you to say of o ,"and it is quite obvio us that towards the c " , a n y" cius'iora"enfihedebate in the House of Commons some little change came over the spirit of the dream of the Government, because we find the supporters of the Government saying, after all it was very hard that her Majesty 8 G o vernment shou ld be held responsible for what had been don e b y their officials—for matters isance—matters which of which they had na c'g n It was done without their knowledge.. (ilear, itbear.) but was Was nut we in the House of Commons, they who made themselves responsible for the conduct , of aeseet ( eel let rne novs-eesr eeseeeei, eoe ;; , z ' snor' to say that pulite: servants, mere especial y absent public servants- ought to be defended, and to carry . that principle a s s a eve n r ae you can consistently. with justice, and with indulgence, yet when coraes to this, that ~.~_a THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARC 17, 18'57. your agent has planged you into a war, the expenses of which you cannot calculate, and the horrors of which cannot be toll, if be is to receive assistance to the extent of dissolving Parliament if Pa-Hamm' does not ceneur in his proceedings—you are giving the most exorbitant en couragement,)tnosibhialisttyy t a o ct s io v n er , y an a d gen tli t e y w o a u nt ei o n f p ploryo p enure of einr s e i e d e e r r y s d p a t r h t s o c f o t n h d e u gctloobfey. your agent t h r e o ar e .) nti ß re u i entirely b f l y am ou sl c s y s: if you thought the papers quite justified his prudence, and showed that hp was the fittest man to conduct your affairs, why Fiupersedo him ?—(hear)--why commit the inju-tine of sending out a person to take the authority out of his hands? (Hear.) I know not whether the de termination to send out thatsuperseding officer was come to before or after the division in the House of Commons; but in either case it affords to the majority in that house an ample vindication of the course which they pursued. If it was the intention of the Government, previous to that debate, to supersede Sir J. Bowring, in the first ;Agee they ought frankly to have said so; and such a declaration woula have put an end to the whole quarrel. In the next place, the intention of the Government to supersede him would argue the foregone conclusion in their minds that t! e papers which they had produced did not justify his conduct. E that judgment was only formed after the decision of the House of Commons had shown them what was the sense of the representatives of the country, I say the House of Co vinous performed a signal service in compelling the Government by their vote to do that which they ought to have done irrespec tive of any such vote. (Hear) In either case the vote of that !neje ity is amply justified, if it only resulted in the fact of having induced the Government to supersede Sir J. Bevvrirg's authority. The moment the majority was declared, there arose the cry of a factious combina tion, of an unnatural coalition, of an unprincipled at tempt to oveethrow the Government—then arose charges the most revolting to the feelings of every honourable man—chargei which I pronounce here to be base and unfoundel--charges which I no not think that any of your lordehips will erer have the c iurago to stand for ward and support and express. (Cheers.) Fur myself I will only say, and I say it on the word and honour of a peer and a gentleman, I do not know, and I have not known, any coalition, or any combination, or any agree ment, or any undertaking with regard to those votes and those motions between any persons not professing pre cisely the same opinions in either house of Parliament. I have distinctly and solemnly declared that I have been no party to any combination, and I have as emphatically de claret my solemn conviction that the vote which was ar rived at in the House of Commons was the result of no combination, of no concert, still lass of any desire to co alesce against her Majesty's Government for political ob jects, but that it was the spontaneous expression of opi nions, reluctantly expressed by many hon. members, with regard to the officials in China. I hope what I have stated will carry conviction will it —at all events to the minds of all thosb with whom I have the honour of a personal acquaintence.,and I trust it will also carry con viction to the minds of many more to whom I am not personally known. But I will proceed to state to your lordships facts which I think will convince the most ecep • tical that there could net be au adhesion of that kind. Your lordships will, perbap', have done me the honour of recollecting that upon the first night of the session, from the information which I had seen in the public papers, I expressed my great anxiety with regard to the position of affairs in China. I expressed great doubt as to the legality and prudence of the course which had been pursued, and my great apprehension that that o )nrse would be productive of signal disasters. Shortly after the papers were laid upon the t :LI) of the house I made it my duty most carefully and anxiously to examine the whole of them ; and, having done so, I found that the information which had been fur nished by her Majesty's Government only strengthened and confirmed the impressions which I had received from the information which I had seen in the newspaper I gave notice accordingly of my inteetion to bring forward a resolution on the subject, and at the same time asked her Majesty's Government to furnish 'toe with some other papers ; and I must do my noble friend (thinerl of Clarendon) the justice to say-that he made no objection to the production of the dOcuments for which I a , ked, and I thank biro fur the readiness and courtesy with which he furnished all the necessary information on the subject. Having read those papers, I came to the conclu sion that it was my bounden duty to bring the question under the consideration of your lordships. I did not men tion that intention to more than three or four of theme is - dividuale who are most intinoatelyand politically connected with me; and until the time I came into the house and laid the resolutions upon the table, I believe I am literally correct in saying that no human being bad seen those re solutions, or was responsible for ono syllable which they contained, (Hear.) Well, my lords, what was the result! If the House of Commons is to be accused of a factious coa'ition and an unprincipled cembination a are your lordships to escape scot free Why is not the same charge and the same imputation to be made here, because we were in the minority and not in the majority.l I believe the charge to be as true with regard to one house as to the other. I brought forward the question, an by whom was it supported ? Not or ly by 'gentlemen who ordi narily sit on the same side with me, but by two noble earls opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen and Earl Grey), by the Comptroller of the Exchequer (Lord Monteagle), by a noble earl than whom there is no man a more staunch supporter of her Majesty's Government, a more decided Whig of the t 1d echoul—Earl Fitz (Hear, hear.) I said I had had no combination and no concert with any person previous,to c ming into the house and I spoke the literal and exacttruth ; but when I came into tug house I took the opportunity of showing to my noble and learned friend (Lord Lyndhurst) the resolution which I intended to propose, and I was fortunate enough to receive his entire approval. There was at the time sitting by my noble andoearned friend a Whig peer—a man of great eminence and dis tinction, and a moat cordial supporter of her Majesty's' 'Government—who asked if he might be allowed to see the resolution. I said, " Certainly," and placed it in his hands. Re read it carefully, and asked if I had any ob jeetion to strike out ono epithet I said "no," and drew my pen through it, observing, " Now that I have altered may resolution to suit your convenience, I presume I shall have your vote." (Laughter.) That is the only combina tion of which I know, and a proof that it was net very offensive to the Government is to be found in the fact that slime that hour Ear! Fitz e illiam has been appOinted lord lieutenant of the West Riding. (Hear, hear.) Shortly after I had given my notice in your lordships' bowie, and at a time when the House of Commons waceoccupied and its attention altogether engrossed by the - discussion of the budget, a right hon. friend, with whom I am in con stant intimate political communication, asked me if I did not think the sal ject of China was a very desirable one to bring before the House of Commove, intimating that he wished to take that °ounce. I said I quite concurred in his opinion —that I thought it was impoisible to allow the case to pass over ; but I advised him not to give any notice on his part until be had communicated with one or two of his politic d friends, and mere especially with my right hen. friend the avowed leader of the Conserva tive party in the anise of Commons. My right hon. friend returned some 24 hours afterwards., and said, "I hove acted upon your advice, and have given no notice, but I am sorry to tell you that Mr. Cobden has taken the case out of our hands—he has stepped in between us and given a notice on the same subject, and consequently has prevented me from bringing it forward." He further said—and I concurred in his remark, and it may serve to show what a coalition and combination existed at the time—he said that the fact of the subject being brought forward by a person from whom he entirely dissented in politics wool I indispose some of those who acted with him politically to give the proposition their support., (Heir, bear.) We have it on the authority of Mr. Cobden himself—a gentleman with whom I have not the slightest personal acquaintance, and with whom I never exchanged in my life a word on any subject pub lic or private —we have the declaration of Mr. Cobden that before he brought forward his motion he oirnmuni catti with no one except his intimate friend Mr. M. Gib son, the hon, member for Manchester. WW, my lords, are I to vindicate myself or my friends against the charge of combining for the purpose of effecting the overthrow of the Government with Lord J. Russell, with SirF. Baring, with Lord R. Grosvenor, and other of the most distin guiehed and faithful adherents of the Whig party They all voted in the majority, and are, I presume, according to the scandalous reports in circulation, to be considered accomplices in that base and infamous coalition. (Hear.) Why, my lords, that majority comprised many of the supporters of her Majesty's Government. It comprised, with the exception of those actually in the Government, ' I may venture to say ever man of note of every party in the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) One party of these gentlemen, who go by the term of "Peelitee," but who do not always act in very great concert with each other—(a Mauch)—Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Cardwell—all joined in the majority—three out of the four naturally more disposed to support the Government than to adopt the politics of the opposition. I will put by Lord John Russell, Sir Francis Baring, Lord Robert Grosvenor, and the Whig party. I suppose we shall hardly be charged with combining or coalescing with Mr. Cobden .and Mr. Gibson, or on the other hand with Mr. Roebuck the*representative of the extreme Radicals. '(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The very extent, the very absurdity of the supposed combination, is its best refutation. I can understand, for political objects, two parties not very materially differing from. each other in general views of polity, and thinking that between them they might be able to carry on the affairs of the Government —I can imagine their sinking points of minor difference and combining for a political object. But that such a combination should be formed of five different parties, all differing from each other widely with regard to almost every political question, is a monstrous absurdity, and ought to be sufficient to settle the idea of combination, (Rear.) My lords, this cry of combination and coa li t i on i s not hi ng new . tis usually the resort of a Government when it finds public opinion in Parliament too strong for it. Now, what is Parla ment to do ? If a case is submitted to it in which the conduct of Government is impugned, and that case is supported by all the gentlemen of one political opinion, it is a party question, a trial of strength. It is nothing more. No reference is made to the merits of the case, but it is a mere trial of strength between the parties. Bat if among the opponents of the Government you find those who are its habitual and warmest supporters, you turn round and say it is a factious combination, an un principled coalition. (Hear,) But I have heard it said that the strength of the case was so great thateven many of those who are Conservatives felt bound to uphold the policy of the Government. I have never questioned the judgment—l have never questioned the discretion—still less the motive of those who voted on that occasion in opposition to their •parly. I have assumed that they did so from the couviction that the case was such as not to call for a vote of censure. Some reasons were given by those gentlemen which do not appear to ice to be very conclusive as to the merits of their votes. We were told they could not vote against the Government which bad made such excellent ecclesiastical appointments. I con. that that patty LA3 done rauch which has tended to pro duce'the danger of a disruption of the church, that it has done much to create and foster a spirit of alienation in many of the community from thedoctrines and teaching of the oburch,aud that th ey have gone fin. to produce a kind of reaction in the church itself which is almost as dangerous on the other side. They have assume] a tone with regard to ecclesiastical power and authority which is ro t suited to the genius and the temper of the present day—which, however suited to the feelings and the habits of times long past, are considered and treated as unwarrantable and intractab'e in_ the present time. They have, in my belief, fel!en into a grievous error in introducing into the cereinoniale of the church practices and forms which are either immaterial in thenaselvee, and if so, to be avoided as calculated to raise question and controversy, or which, if they are more than forms and ceremonials have a lean ing and tendency to that creed which—with all personal re-pact fir the very ex :client an] cerrcientioue adhe rents of the church which profess that creel—l, as a Protestant, look upon as religiously corrupt and politi cally dangerous. (Hear.) I, therefore, have no sym pathy with the Tractarian party, and I believe that no thing can be more dangerous than the existence of that party in the church. But at the same time Ido not nece , sirily eympathise with those who profess a kind of pseudo-liberalism and latitudinarianism of ('pinions as regards the doctrines and diecipline of the Eitablished Church. I haze the greatest respect fer the energy and labour in the cause of religion which is displayed by many classes of Dissenters. Toere is room enough, Gcd knows 1 for them and the Church of England t o engage in a common combat against vice and irreligion ; and, as those who are not against US must be-with us, I wish them God speed in the good work in which they labour. But r.O . ir sympathies and affections are with that great body of tee clergy of the church, the members of a Ifoh are, I believe, the moat numeroute whii, preferring the religion of the closet to the demonstration of the plat form, with the Bible for their guide, and with the an cient fathers and learned commentaeors of the church for their assistants, are most desirou t of inculcating the practical truths of religion ; and who, while they have every desire to maintain the bonds of union and peace with every denomiration of their Christian brethren, are yet not ready to compliment away any of the doctrines of the church which in their hearts and their con sciences they believe to be fundamental and essential. It is because these are my opinions, and I believe them to be the opinions of many, very many, of the sound thinking men of England, that I ;egret that the Go vernment should have thrown, or appeared to ba re thro en, the whole w e i g ht o f their influence and autho rity into that end of the scale in which the wide latitude of the Church of England allows freedoni of opinion to be weighed. These topics are not exactly such as are fit ting to be dealt with by your 1 ndehips, even although we approach them with every feeling of veneration ard re-pact ; and if that be so, how much less fit are such topics for the bitter political contests of the hustings— how much less fit are they to be mixed up with the heats and bickerings of election contests, and the coarse and ribald jests which are ever the attendants of the s,tur nalia of an election.! For the sake of the church, for the sake of the Government, and for the sake of the coun try, it would be most unfortunate for the Government to go to the country and to enter on an election on a question of the leaning of the Government to one side cr other of the different sections into which, unhappily, the Church . of England is divided. I cannot conceive a more unhappy subject on which the fortunes of an election should turn, or one fraught with mere unmitigated Jae ger to the church itself. I will now, my lords, turn to topics which are more usually the objects of discussion in your lordships' houae.. The real question is, has the noble viscount at the head of the Government the confiderns of the country 9 Before I answer that question I must look to what has been and what is supposed to be the" pelicy of the noble viscount. Aud first, as regards the foreign policy of the noble viscount. (Hear.) On that point I am afraid I must repeat much of that which I have eaid be fore in expressing my want of confidence in the conduct of the foreign affairs of this country by the noble vis count. I cannot f ,rget the affair of 1848; I cannot for get the affair of 1850 ; but I will look only to the situa tion of affairs at the present moment, and I shall find an unchanged con , inuance in that mischievous system of interference in the affairs and concerns of *foreign coun tries which I have eo constantly and earnestly depre cated. I give, the noble viscount f u ll cre dit f or many things. I give him full credit for the courage with which in 1855 he accepted the arduous duties cast upon the Mini -try. .I give him full credit, with his colleagues, for the efforts which lie made to bring the war to a tucceee ful issue. But as regards the ends and of of the war, I cannot say that I give my unqualified assent to the terms on which that war was concluded, or for the conduct of some part of the negotiations which led to the treaty of peace. At the conferences at Paris, the noble viscount, and those who acted with him, were parties to a grievous injury which was inflicted on the maritime influence of this country. I allude to the con cession of that which has for ages been one of the chief rights of this country as a maritime power ; and I need hardly add, that without our maritime supremacy this country will be nothing as a power of Europe. I be lieve that to have been a most unfortunate concession, and the more unfortunate as it was made entirely gra tuitously. (Hear) Again, look at the mischievous ail wholly unjustifiable interference of the Government of this country in the affairs of Nap':es. (Hear.) We have had before us papers which purported to contain expla nations of the cause of that interference ; but anything eo meagre, anythit•g throwing so little light, or rather throwing so much darkness, en the transactions in ques tion, I never raw. Of the 45 pages of which those papers consisted, there were hut three which oentained anything bearing on the Subject. on whiA we desired to know anything. They referred principally to trials which had token place, and to mem )rands, mostly anonymous, to internal matters which had taken place in Naples, but they did not contain anything which could show the right of our country to interfere itythe internal affairs of another country. Your lordships opal not find one single thing iu these papers which pie a shadow of a pretext for saying that any European inte rest peas in danger, that there were any Europzan griev ances to complain of; and the only question with the King of Naples was a complaint of the French and Eng lish Gevernmente that he would not adopt a new course of international 'Jolley which they recommended. Tacir advice and remonstrance were r e jected by the King of Naples, as it would have been by any independent sove reign who had the slightest regard for his own dignity. It was recommended by our Government that the wing of Naples should grant au amnesty to cernain persons. To whom I Were they ounsubjects, and was there anything unreasonable, if, in answer to such an app:ication, we received for an answ er, " What business is it of yours I" Suppose that before Mr. Smith O'Brien and some other persons had received that pardon from her Majesty which Mr. Smith O'Brieit's subsequent conduct has fuly justi fied ; suppose that before that pardon was granted, the representative of the Government of any other country had °eine to us and reported officially that it would be a great gratification to the people of Ireland if a free par don were granted to Mr. Smith O'Rien and his col leagues—l wil. not call them by any other name—and entreated our Governineet for its own sake to x.end a pardon to these political cffendere. Can there be any doubt that the answer of our minister - would not be half as civil as th a t w hi c h we rece i ved from the King *f Naples Y and most probably the minister of the foreign country in question would have been requested to take the document he had brought with him away, and most likely then he would have been asked to walk out of the house, and not to give himself the trouble to walk in again. What did the King of Naples do I He writes a letter, in which, atter giving every credit to the Government of this country for the feelings which they espreseed, he calmly stated that he did not see what right they had to interfere. Some time passed, and then another communication was made to the King of Naples, in which a complaint was made that his letter was not altogether courteous. To this the King of Na ples replied, and he stated in the fullest terms his readi ness and his anxiety to keep on a friendly footing with England, and his regret that his sense of the indepen deuce of his country did not permit him to accept the advice tendered to him by France and England. The only answer to that communication was the recall of our minister from Naples. What was there in all this to justify the breaking off of diplomatic relations with a power which had expressed itself so anxious and ready to maintain friendly relations with us I What was the consequence The retirement of our minister was treated as a matter of indifference, and in the face of Europe the minister of England was allowed to leave Naples in contemptuous silence; while, at the same time, an assurance was given by the Government of Naples tbat there need be no fear for the safety of the subjects of England and France, notwithstanding the withdrawal of the ministers of those countries. Do you think that under such circumstances England stands in a dignified position before the world ? I could under stand if the noble viscount had had some scheme of na tional policy for Naples, however unjustifiable such a course might be, which he attempted to carry out. That might be something. But what shall we say to that course which employed the language of menace and inti midation ; which threatened Naples with the presence of our fleet ; and stimulated the hopes and passions of the discontented people to the very verge of insurrection, when, if such an insurrection had broken out, I am con fident that from England the parties , who had been pro ioked into it by the conduct of the British Government, would have received neither support, countenance, nor commiseration, but would have been left to bear all its miserable and disastrous consequences unaided and (Hear.) I then, so far as the foreign policy of the noble viscount is concerned, cannot say that I have any confidence in him. (}sear, hear.) But lam still more doubtful with regard to the domestic policy of the noble viscount ; for, strange so say, notwithstanding the long period during which toe noble viscount and I have been in public hie, I am utterly at a loss to say what his policy is. At any rate, before he asks us to give hint our confidence, let him make known to us what is his pol cy. Shakspere says that " Each man in his turn plays many parts," but the noble viscount in politics has played every part. (Hear.) He is not merely a Janus Biceps, but a Janus Centiceps ; be is the very chame ldon of politics, and no one can say to what line of poli tics he pledges himself when he undertakes to follow the political lead of the noble viscount. (Hear, hear.) Let us know to what course of policy we are pledging ourselves when we give our confidence to the noble viscount Some of the cries with which be is said to be going to the country would; I should think, rather astonish the noble viscount. It is now, "Palmerston" —it is all along Palmerston, and not the Government— " Palmerston and Liberalism," "Palmerston and Pro testantism," "Palmerston and the abolition of purchase in the army," "Palmerston, and down with Maynooth," "Palmerston, the only Christian Premier." And it has even bean hilspheineusly said "Palmerston, the man of God." (Hear, hear, and laught er ) Yes, my lords, it has been announced in a clerical paper that Palmerston is the man of God. (Hear, hear' - Some of you r lord ships may perhaps rememb er a caricature which was iu fees I am not able to trace any connection between the fact of the Government having made excellent ecclesias tical Appoiu ttnents and the justification of all that has been done by Sir 3. Bowring. (Laughter.) I do not question the motives of the gentlemen who so voted, But if the ar gument i s goo d on one s id e , it ought to be good on the other— " Damns bane vediam petimnsqus vicissian" If they are entitled to sav, on the part of the Government, "the case was so strong that your own supporters came to aid us," is it not right to say on the other side, " the case was so clear, its merits wort, such, that parties dif fering from ourselves 1 It it too strong for the conscien CO; and could not swallow it." What do we see in the ad dresses now going forth to the ceuntly ? There is hardly one which does net say that the circumstances which occurred at Canton were very much to be re gretttd—that it would have been much better if our plenipotentiary had waited for instructions from home— that hie conduct was not justifiable. But then comes the " infamous coalition aed combination," which overbears every other consideration. This cry of combination is n - th:rig new, and let me read to your lordships the language used by a very eminent statesmen some years ago, when a gimlet. cry was raised in the House of Commons : "The bon. and learned gentleman the member for Seuth• awpton, has demanded a full exolsaation of the circum• stances under which my vote will be given. S!r, he shall have that explanation. I have no reserve. Lie hon, and learned m em b er h as stated that t h ere i s a dishonouralls conspiracy form e d aga i nst h er Majesty's Government. Se-, a more unfounded charge never was preferred. (Hear, hear.) He presumes that there has been some base compromise between gentlemen sitting on this side of the house, but holding different opinions upon matters of vital interest, He is wholly mistaken. There has been no such compromise. He talks of there being three c ourses to put 5120. He tells us there are three cembi na ti ons b y which off i ce may be obtained., He says, demand to know which of these threeo courses you contemplate.' Now, is it not possible for the hon. and learned gentleman to suppose that there may be .a fourth? Is it not possible for him to speculate upon the possibility that men in this house may intend to give their votes without reference to political combinations I Does he exclude the possibility of that fourth course of action which arises from a conscientious conviction as to the truth ? Is that excluded from his contemplation ? May it not be possible that men cannot subscribe to a re solution which asserts that a certain course has been best calculated to preserve peace, and to support the honour and dignity of this country ? Is it possible that, without reference to party or personal interests, men may decline to affirm a resolution which deals with principles of greater importaoce to the welfare of this country, for good or for evil, than have ever been under the consideration of the house ?" Now, my lords, who were the parties By a singular coincidence it hap pens that the speech in the House of Commons was delivered in consequence of a motion made by myself in your lordship's house censuring the conduct of the Ge• vernuaent, and which was carried by a maj irity, Who was the defendant in that ease I The noble viscount at the hoed of her Majesty's Government He was the re. whose conduct, censured by the House of Lords, was made the subject of appeal in the House of Commons. Ho considered there was so much doubt as to the judg ment which the house might give, that then, as now, be did not think it unworthy of him to raise the cry of com• bination and conspiracy, and to abuse the judgment of the house,and divert them from the merits of the case by the same cry which his followers are raising with the same truth as at this moment. The accuser, if I may use the term, was the same. The def eo pi ant was t h e same. And who were the parties involved in the guilt of that conspiracy 1 I need hardly tell you that the eminent statesman whose indignant repudiation I have cited, was charged with a combination and conspiracy against. the Government, was one who for four years before had given them his unvarying and disinterested support, for getful of all previous causes of insult. That statesman was Sir R. Peel, and that speech was the last speech which he delivered in Parliament, only a few hours be fore that unhappy occurrence which deprived the coun try of his eminent services. Who was the man who pat himself forward as the chivalrous defender of the noble viscount on that occasion? Who was the man who .brought for ward the exculpatory resolutions in the House of Comment? That man was Mr. Roebuck, one of he present conspirators and accomplice' in this base nombi.! nation. My lords, I have given you facts to prove the improbability, I would say the impossibility, of each a coalition. The very notion of it ie too absurd to be alval.. lowed down by the veriest gobesaeuche reading the last canard. in the newspaper. It is more absurd tl.ii the wholesale railway massacre in America, of which the most egregious dupe was the leading journal of this country. (Laughter.) Itis more absurd and incredible than any stretch of imagination or fiction, My lords, I know well the ease with which, as has been somewhere said— The barefaced lie, launched with malignant force, Unheard by thousands, is believed of course. I know the Antaes-like power with which calumny, re• futed a dozen times, springs from the ground with addi tional strength, and; notwithstanding ttio solemn asser tions which I have made, and the faat4 which I have stated ; nothin will surprise me less than to see the daily press to-morrow teeming with a repetition of this base and infamous calumny, and to find it made the subject, the stock-in-trade of addresses and electioneering speeches for the ep toe of the neat three weeks. My lords, I say —of course without personal offence to any one—but by whomsoever that shall henceforth be said, written, or printed, I - solemnly daelare that tho statement bears pre• cisely that relation to truth which w-as expressed in the very pithy language used in the first line which I just quoted. (letughter ) My lords, let me adt how long it is since her AL,jesty's Government came to the conclusion that the votes of parties not concurrin4 in general poli tical- principles, but joining together on some political occasion, must necessarily be given from factious motives? I will go back to the earlier history of the life of the noble viscount now at the head of the Government. No man certainly is bettor qualified to speak of combinations than the noble viscount, who has been engaged in so many such transactions. I will not go back even to the com mencement of the present session of Parliament. I will recal your lordships' recoelectien to a certain motion Which was brought forward in the House of Commons by a supporter of the Gevcoment —3 gentleman named Mr. Lecke King. That motion was in favour of reform and an extension of the franchise. It was opposed by the noble lord at the head of the Government, and to sup• port his opposition to the motion of his own supporters and adherents the noble lord brought into the field the magnificent sum of cue and thirty members, of whom one and twenty were persons holding official situations. Against him, of his own supporters, were arrayed 179. (Hear.) 179 to 31 was the majority against the Go vernment, left by themselves,' to their own re/sources and that of their supporters.. Oa that occasion of combination was the combination repudiated with scorn? No. The Conservative party, true to their principles, and casting aside all question of whom to support and whom to defend, came to the rescue, and they placed that miserable 31 of the Government in a majority of IP2 to 170 ; 'and" that act of the Conservative party saved the Government front-defeat ; saved thorn from being de voured by thei r own hounds, (IC Hear, hoar," and laugh ter.) One fortnight after that time, the party who had thus, regardless of political consideration, and,looking only t principle, defended and supported the noble vis count against hie own adherents—when, in conjunction with some of those adherents, they passed their deliber ate judgment upon the papers submitted to their consi deration—that party, who saved the noble viscount from annihilation, are charged by hiss with a disgrace ful coalition for the purpose of getting him out of office. (Hear, hear. I able your lordships to put the two cir cumstances together, and tell me if the charge of faction is brought against either party, to which party that charge of faction is attributable I (Hear.) My noble and learned friend (Lord Brougham) in his speech on the address, expressed a hope that in the matter of China our officials abroad were not seeking for a pretext for picking a quarrel for their own advantage. I may venture to parody the expression of any noble and learned friend, and to express my hope that in this matter her relajesty's Government were not seeking a pretext to pick a quarrel with their own supporters. (Hear.) I think it possible that the Government, not finding themselves quite com fortable with regard to some questions about to be sub mitted to Parliament, Were not sorry to avail themselves of what they thought a favourable opportunity of going to the country, not upon any consideration of the ques tion of China, but upon the question of the general sup. port and confidence of the country iu the noble lord. I believe that this Chinese question will have no influence whatever, and was not intended to have any influence, except so far as it is connected with the cry of combina tion. The real question put to the country by the noble viscount is this—have I your Confidence ? (Hear.) I mention emphatically the noble viscount at the head of the Government, because I must, with all possible respect for the noble lords opposite, and right hon. gentleman in the other house, express my convic tion- that, s except myself, there is not a man in the country who does not consider the whole of the colleagues of the noble viscount as mere appendages of the noble viscount, and as utterly unsubstantial as cyphers. Some of them may be useful and very ornamental app e ndages, but they are appendages alone, and the question is not one of confidence in the Government, but one of confi dence in the head of the Government. I have already adverted to one subject which was rather out of place in the discussion on the China question—l mean the.eocle siastical appointments of the noble viscount. That question I know has been and wilt be prominently put forward at the coming elections. lam quite aware of the benefit of bringing questions of that kind before the public, especially at the present moment., Nevertheless, I I feel it my duty to express my opinion on that question, which has excited, and continues to excite, public in terest. I trust I than be able so to express myself as to give no offence to any human being, and least of all is it my duty to say a single word in derogation of the four prelates of the church who, by a very unusual number o sp f oo ivnfaatcreadfnr uponcoime o r s saying taee u r rin eao o g s mi single the s l ng t lee nword aotr a i domne inotf the noble gn h ao a tbi v ol e en been voisf co thosesntp. right teverend prelates—l have not the honour of the personal acqnaintance of any of them; but I know with regard to some, and I belie ve w i th regard to others, that thy have been distinguished as men laborious, diligent, earnest, and zealous in the sacred profession to which they belong, and that some of them have energetically laboured in the discharge of their parochial duty in some of the largest parishes in the kingdom, and therefore I am not a sin g l e word in derogat i on o f their appointments. to sa y nts. B lit there is nothipg which they themselves must more regret than that a party use should be made of their names; that they should be placed in invidious contrast with their right reverend brethren, and that, ttmir appointments shoal i be leuded, loot on accouut of their acknowledged titntos for their offices, but because they aresupposed to typify and represent one of the ex treme sections of the Church of England into which it ie unhappily divided. Let me not be misunderstood. I 6 have no sympathy with the Tractarian party. I belleY - irculation during the time of the Reform Bill, in which lordships will think that at such a time as this we are King William the 4:h is represented as tearing down bound to utter a frank expression of our opinions ; that certain papers bearing the words " Reform Bill" up n . wo should be guilty of no electioneering mystery • but them, and the words put into his Mej-sty' a mou th were that wo should openly state what our coarse has'been —"Can this be me ?" (Great laughter, and cheers.) : and what our course will be. (Hear, hear.) In the Your lordships wispalto remember a story of older date, I assert i on of my opinionsl may expose myself to obl oquy , which tolls th e hi s t or y o f an un f or t una t e l a dy w h ose I to calumny, and misrepresentation, as has before hap cress eress was somewh a t unwarrantatly interfered with in I pened to me, and I hope I know how to meet them ; her sleep, and who, when s h e a w o ke, leonecl down on but lam sure at least of this—that no man can say that herself and exclaimed, "Sate, this can never he I." I ever shrank from the expression of my political feel (Laug'attr.) lam aura that when the noble viscount ings—that I ever sank a principle for the sake of a pon gees some of the cries th a t are a tt ac h e d no his name, he tical advant age , or that I ever deceived the trust re will be bound to say, "This never can be me." (Hear, posed in me by those friends who have honoured one and laughter.) It is eiot a little remarkable that amongst with the it political confidence. (Loud cheers.) the various watchwords which have been attached to the Earl GRANVILLE said that the noble earl had stated came of the nob'e visco un t th e r e are t h ree Whi c h I h ave two occasions l as t wee k:lie . vete much empha s i s on • intantem to cad the attection o f t h e house to the ci never heard associated w ith it. Th ey are not unimpor- • • tent words, and have ofte n b een wa t c h wor d s o f th e Lib e - r ral party. I have not seen or heard the cries of "Pal- c irns'ancet under which an appeal was about to be made merstoa and Peace," "Palmerston and Retrenchment," to the country, and that in doing So on the s econ d read " "Palmerston atd Reform." (Hear, hear, rind cheers.) kg of the bill now b e f ore the house it app eared to him Probably the noble viecaunt having been with me a s u p- that the noble earl was t a ki ng a natural and proper porter of the Reform Bel, thinks th a t cons ti tu ti ona l re form has gone far enough ; that r e f orm was a question ccur e. Considering the a sser ti ons w hi ch had been put of the day, and it is quite consistent fo r a o y one w h o was forth by some of the nobl e l or d' s own supporters, it was a supporter of the Reform MI now to say, I vial go no natural that the noble earl should make a statement further. But peace and retiencheient are questions for which was calculated to influence and as it were to afford all times; and I fear that if we have no peace, we shad a model for the electioneering addresses of kis party. The have no retrehchment, and that we can have no aosocia noble earl had now made that appeal, with every admen tion of peace with the name of Paenereion. (Hear) tage surroending it which was calculated to produce the Now, my lords, I happened to see the other day in a newspaper (The Sun), which warmly supports the noble greatest effect on the country. The noble earl bad said of viscount and asserts his claims to the confidence of him, and some others of his colleagues, that they were the country, a statement of the opinions to which mere cyphers, that they were " the appendages" of his every man professing to be a Liberal ought to adhere. noble friend (Lord Palmerston). He could assure the It said—" No man deserving the name of Liberal ought to w i nce w hil e ca t ec hi se d u p on eac h o f th ese noble earl that be did no t f ee l an y i rr it a ti on on th at subjects : ground, but he might ask the noble earl what the coun , " The Ballot ; try thought, and what he himself thought, of those " The Extension of the Suffrage, and in particular whom he appended to himself during his short period of Mr. Locke Ring's motion ; office as Prime Minister, and afterwards whether in his " The Bank M onopo l y ; "eGburch Rates ; unsuccessful attempt to form an administration,, when " Abolition of Purchase in the Army, and Promotion Le. sought the co-operation of a noble c o ll eague o f hi s by Merit ; (Earl Granville'e), not Lord Palmerston, whether he re " A. graduated Income Tax." no writer of garded him as a cypher 1 If he did, it was probably a s T . iter of the article objects, he says, upon principle the cypher added to the unit, giving to that - unit ten to exacting pledges from candidates upon the hustings • but these are the A. B C of Lib era li sm, an d no man' times its value. (Hear.) ought to hesitate for a single moment while being cate- The Earl of DERBY—When be spoke of appendages chised upon them. I should like to see, for the amuse- he had not, referred to the noble earl Or hie noble col , meat of the thing, the noble viscount, who is said to lei be at the head of a Liberal Government, just at the me- gue. E.ri GRANVILLE bad then misunderstood the noble mept that he is going through this catechism, (Hear.) Tae the Ballot I Why, there is net a man in Eng- earl, but he certaiely thought the noble earl spoke of all land who so strongly objects to the badot as the noble the members of Lord Parnlerston's Government except viscount. (Hear.) I should like to know what be wo u ld that noble lord himself, as appendages and cypher s . bey° to say on the subject of Mr. Locke King's motion. ("No, no," from Lord Derby.) And he therefore felt Teen, as regards the Bank monopoly ;it is true that the justified. in reminding the noble earl what be appeared to Government has referred the question of the Back Char- have forgotten—of how desirous he was, when endea ter to a select committee, bat with a distinct intimation vowing to form a Government himself, to obtain their that they contemplate, if any at all, the very least pos. assistance and co-operation. With the exception of these • sible, alteration is the constity ion of the Bank, and no- jokes, the whole tone of the noble earl's speech was so thing whatever as regards the monopoly of banking. supplicatory, so apologetic and defensive, that it was quite Then, as to Church rates, I believe the nolle viscount obvious thathe spoke under the consciousness that he was has expressed hims e lf a s strongly with rogare to that on the losing side, and he (Earl Granville), therefore' question. Nor do I believe that he has pledged himself feeling that he was upon the winning side, might be ex to the abolition of purchase in the army ; but it is to be cased, and certainly he could make no claim w h a t ever to i assumed that if th e G overnmen t b a d come to ' such a de- magnanimity, if he alrtainedirom making any observe termination that they would have tea le sonic mention of tions savouring of party bitterness or pereonal ani it. Then, as to a graduated income tax, there is not mocity. (Hear, bear.) The noble earl in speaking of the any who bas given to it any decided opinion, as that financial policy of the Government, and the bill then be which has been given by the Government, one and all, fete their Lordships, expressed his regret that they had against a differential, that is a graduated income tax. I determined to deal with the income tax instead of l •ar do not say that the Government have not supported !nee- ing it to be settled by the new Parliament. He would sures on these subjects, but in the sense of their being Lot say a word of what the country would have thoueht, tests of liberalism there is not one of them but has met if, after tledging themselves as they lied done to aban with opposition, from the Government, so far as their don the ear Li x, Ministers hal left that matter as it own views are concerned. There is hardly one of these was, and plezeed such an excuse as that suggested by subjects with regard to which, in the event of their the r01.,1e earl ; but be might be allowed to state one being brought forward in the new Parliament, the Go- thing, and that was, that if the bill had not been intro cernenent will not be compelled, if they oppose them, to duce I and pressed through before the dissolution, the have ceceurse to a combination with that Conservative country, whatever the decision of the next Parliament, party which they no w abuse and vilify, but of the sup- must have been f addled with the war income tie, if not port of which, in a moment of difficulty, they are hut for .it months, at all events for three months beyond too glad to avail themselves. (Hear.) But. I may be April luxe when, according to the provisiens of the bill asked if the noble viscount is so much of a Ceieervative, then under consideration, it would expire. The noble why not support him as a Conservative ITo that I reply, earl, forgetting what was antecedent wi;h regard to in the first place, that Ido not know what are the present himself, and therefore more natural to have occurred to opinions of the noble viscount ; secondly, that if he it a him, said that he had always indulged in a confident Conservative, h e i s i n a W as prnino n as the avowed head hope :al expectation that the income tax woull be put of the Liberal party; and lastly, that if the principles of an end to altogether at the end of a certain period of the noble viscount aka Conservative, I have yet no confi- years. If the noble earl had refreshed his memory by a deuce that he will al ways support his own principles, or reference to his own previously expressed opinions upon that ho will in the moment of danger boldly stand up in this question, he would have found that when ridiculing defence of his own principles and opinions. (Bean) I Mr. Glad tone's budget in 1853, be said, in speaking of fully acknowledge the high qualities of thenoble viscount the proposition of maintaining certain duties in order —no one is more alive to the charms of his conversation that the income tax might be taken off in 1860, " that or more willing to concede his readiness and resource, either the noble lord (teen at the h ea d o f t h e Govern and the adroitness with which h e manages a popular a-. men!) or himself would live to see the day when that seinbly ; but if lam asked whether I believe that ho is tax eoul.l be taken off he did not expect." (Cheers) - guided by fixed principles, or that he is imbued with So that, whether the prophecy of the noble earl were those high principles wl'ich ought to characterise aa i- right or wrong, it was clear that he had not the same tith mbreter, Ido not think I can venture to say that I confident hopo and expectation in 1853 "of the early can place confidence in the noble viscount. (flea.r,,pear,) expiration of the tax as he now stated. (Cheers.) The What has happened in this very session ! On the intro- noble earl then enumerated various topics of national dnction of the budget wo were told that it was indispens- policy, and, drawing his conclusions from the course ably necessary to the requirements of the revenue that which the Government had taken with regard to the duties on tea should be raised to is. 7d. in the pound. them, said they were about to appal tei the country An opposition to this impost was threatened, Mr. Glad- without any intelligiele principle. Before saying stone gave notice of an amendineet to fix the duty at a word upon this part of the quettion, he might be ls. 3'1., and Lord J. Russell gave n aice of another to fix allowed to ask their lordships whether they thought it at ls. 4 , 1. What happened 1 In the face of the declare. there was any peculiar fitness in bringing such a charge tion which bad been made shortly before that it was indis- in the eloquent peroration with which, dealing with penally necessary to the revenue that the duty should generalities in the widest possible manner, the noble earl be that which the Government proposed, the Clioncellornf concluded his speech, without giving them the slightest the Exchequer, when threatened with a supp,sed conthi- information cf what Its own principles were ! (sear, nation of parties, gave way on a point which he said was hear.) Wben the nofL, earl to ked of disunion he might absolutely essential to the public service. (lear, hear ) retort that there were many amongst the noble earl's 'But there is another and a more striking instance. If own supporters who did not feel any great confidence in thee , is one thing which more than another i s th e his leadership, - or•any very accurate knowledge of his bounden duty of a Minister cf the Cro wn' wi th reference ' principles. (" Hear," and cheers.) The noble earl to the ex gcite of that prerogative of the Crown, it is might say that he was not bound to txplain befnrehand that the advice which he gives to the Crown, in the die- the principles upon which, if he were in (Mee, he would trlbution of honours emanating from the Crown, should carry on the government of the country; but they could be seven irrespective of Parliamentary influence. (Hear, not forget that the noble earl was once - at the head of a hear.) Ido not mean to express my opinion on the Government —for a very Ebert time it was true—(hear) particular case to which I am about to allude, —but which he endeavoured.to prolong by postponing but it it is quite certain test the noble vise mot, with to the very last moment the dissolution which be had the sanction of the noble boron opposite (Lord Pannaure) promised as soon as he found himself in a minority in sent letters to seer J. M'Ne.ll and Col. Talc:pole containing the bell =.e, and under circumstances not, as now, when a pecuniary gift, which, he said, was the form of reward no large or great question of ploy was agitating the for their services which appeared to her Majesty's Go- pnhlic mind ; but when a question of vital importance to vernment to be the fitting and appropriate one. The the country was involved in the issue of the appeal to noble viscount was asked in the House of Commons if it the decteral body, and when the interests of a great was intended to confer any mark of honour emanating party were wrapped up in the result, he continued to sit from the Crown on those gentlemen. He replied that it there as first minister, showing the greatest patience, was not his intention—that their services were not of and, he must add, the greatest dexterity, in fencing the that nature which entitled them to receive such marked' que s tion which was put to him, night after night, whe honour, and it was not proposed to advise the Crovvii to ther he was going to tte country in favour of protection confer on them such marks of honour. A. notice of rive or of free trade. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl, he tion on the subject was given, but before the motion wits thought, was not then the person who who was in a po- • brought on the question was repeat( d, and the noble sition to accuse the Government of appealing to the viscount repeated his answer that he did not think it con- Country without having ary defined principle of policy to sistent with his duty to advise the Crown to confer any go u :on. (Hear.) The noble earl twitted Ministers with mark of honour on those gentlemen. When the motion having in the division in the Commons, on Me Locke was brought on, it was opposed by the noble viscou n t ; King's bill, been found in the carne lobby with the oppot but there came a pressure upon him; and in a matter ' nents of that measure. He (E al Granville) admitted which concerned the distribution of honours by the that that was an "unfortunate contingency"—(" hear, Crown, he consented to give advice to the Sovereign hear," and laughter from the Opposition)—but if the which 20 minutes before he said it was i ncons i s t en t w i t h house would allow him, he would explain that circum his duty to offer. Can I have confidence in a Minister stance in a few words. When the bill was who so readily gives way to pressure I And I suppose first introduced, the Gorernmen'n after due deli• that if, cn that occasion, there had been a division, and beration, determined that it should be supported, with the Government, as was moat probable, had been de- the view Of introducing such modifications in cc sa :lit feated, we should have heard of factious combinations ; tee as they thought would effect a useful and prudent and if so, it was owing to the pressure of a combination extension of the county franchise ; and it was only when that the noble viscount acted in a manner which he de- on a close examination of the bill itself, it was found to eared to be inconsistent with the duty ho owed to the be so drafted as not to admit of those atnendments, and dignity of the Crown. I have, my lords, trespassed it was felt it would be a waste of the time of the house to grievously on the time and patience of the house— attempt to amend it, that the Government decided upon (cheers)—and I shall do so but fora short time longer, opposing the second reading. (Hear, hear.) But if If lam asked what is the course which I think it de- Lord Derby wished it to lie inferred that because they sirable to be pursued in the next Parliament by those could not support the bill in question in the shape in with whom I have the honour to act, I say that it is which it was presented to Parliament, that therefore their bounden duty to adh ere t o th e i r own p r i n ciples and they considered the reforms which had been effected their own opinions, irrespective of the quattersfromwhich final, and that the electoral system, as it at present stood, th e y come. If the noble viscount—avoiding all danger- was susceptible of so further improvement, h e was wholly ' ous organic changes i n th e grea t institutions of the in error. In that respect, as in all others, Lord Pal country—makes o n ly suc h re f orms in our sce'al institu- inerston's Government pledged themselves to progressive tions as are calculat e d to combine the exertions of all improvement and reform in every department of the lovers of their country, I can assure the noble viscount state. - (Hear.) Then upon the subject of education, that from the Conservative party he will meet with no the noble earl said that Lord Palmerston was prepared factious opposition. He need dread no unprincipled to take any course that might suit their purposes at the combinations against him ; but, on the contrary, he will moment. To that charge he replied that the Govern find us ready to assist him against all attempts at hasty went bad expressed their views clearly upon the educe innovation, and ready to join cordially with him in pro- tion questron, on a bill brought forward by a member of moting the progress of those social improvements which the nuble earl's own Government, and which he might would afford abundant room for the labours of any mi- be allowed to say, would, L• believed, be most uuob alstry. lit everything which tends to the simplification jectionable, and would have been the most useful, had it and the revision of the law, or the better adaptation of passed, that had been presented to Parliament. Be that our present system, and the better disposal of our convict however as it might, the Government had shown them population; in the better provision of meansfor correcting selves in no way indifferent to the subject ; but, as in the the steps of those who are on the verge of crime ; and in case of the Scotch bill in that house, and the English bill stimulating the voluntary efforts of the country towards in the other, it was found impossible to obtain that con the establishment of a s y stem o f re li g i ous an d mora l e d u - curre nce of opinion which was necessary to pass a mea cation in everythi ng th a t may t en d to th e ph ys i ca l an d sure o f th a t kind, and even if th e y cou ld pass it through moral purification o f th e great mass o f con t ag io n w hich P a rliament, he believed, looking at th e strong objections is fermenting our towns and cities—the noble viscount, entertained to any such measure by a large portion of the if he enters on such a career, will receive the assistance community, that it would do harm rather than good. But of the Conservative party. But if, sacrificing his own th e n oble earl , when he said he was in favour of a large have gone somewhat convictions, be gives way before the advances of undue measure of education, ought to innovation, I trust he will find the Conservative further—and remembering. that the noble e arl's late party still sufficiently numerous, and sufficientl y Colonial Secretary brought a h i ll i n t o t h e h ouse o f powerful, to save him from his own supporters, and able Commons in one year embodying a proposition tending to oppose to them suc h a s t ea df as t res i s t ance as will pre- t o a system of rtl gious education, and in the pur e ly vent him from inflicting serious injury on the country: bill whose tendency was to establish a system of 1 1 am satisfied that whether in or out of office, it is essen- secular instruction the to state noble earl ought tial to the interests of the country that the Conservative which of the two he approved. ( e , ~, vi : % (cur. ....erne) I party should be numerous and strong. I say without his late President of the Board of Trade • the slightest hesitation, that I wish that all those who rose up in the other house and laid his hands harshly were once banded together by the tie of those Censer- upon Sir and crushed the John Pakington's scheme, vative opinions to which I still adhere were again once whole fabricinto dust, the noble earl ought to say whe -1 more re-united in one band, and actuated by a principle thatwith his sanction and appro of united action. But I say with no more hesitation or not that was done bation. (Hear.) The o e fe that foundoi ,egt e py granting inter thattinic any such union must be founded on unanimity of and principle , and not on any inionthteo presenttheir odffiayces. services , and referring to the opinion . base attempt to honours for meritorious noble form a combination to overthrow a Government, and to disorganised m ay uot be popularsuccess ference with the prerogative debate in the i o My and the partyTulloCh, had declared that for himself v b e of t ' h l e b C ad row si n )ok i e n n M‘Neilland w i t h whom be acted they would always ofoprimnioansuse of Commons on the case of bit. J. have adhered to them for no inconsiderable period; butf 1 intend ey will re-supporting existing institutions. Was it a proof life. lam too old to change them now and the will myrmination that one of the noble earl's princi main the same to the end of my life.ues almost led the atteck which induced the tain to the utmost of my ability the institutions main-he kfo l u c se of Commons to interfere with the prerogative of to of pa country ; I will support the prerogative of the Crown.t t h e Crown on that occasion ? (Hear ) A. great portion I will support the hereditary rights and • d de ceof of the noble earl'aspeech embraced various topics relat your lordships' house, I will sup ott t i h n fa :t o o p t' the ing to foreign affairs, in commenting upon which he used people, and I will support the p rights and the pro- various epithetseeome of which he might possibly, had s perty of the Established Church, -of which I have his noble friend E d ell Fitzwilliam been by thisosseidee atpithets always been an attached member. I desire to see time , hav o e ul s d p o a j r t e t So h numerous so were h far as to enumerate her weak places strengthened, and her defects repaired, that at l c , but he believedaxis m ,, e t m he oz etatoria ,„ ~ 1 the used so that she should be held firmly in the affections singleo them diin g, ,, ~ the unjustifiable" spirit of interference which people ; but I will never consent to withdrawo Whichl look characteri,led then noble lord (Palmerbt .n) wf.rn amongst Acme from the fabric of the church, (Pr, hear.) I them. The Only instance which the, unble end ado need. with filial reverence and affection. (Hear~ for o btruaiug on you to justify these epithets was trust your lordships will pardon me so much of My own f ee li ng and opinions. We do not regard to Naples their lordships need . not be reminded form an ass em bl y w hi c h i ; answerable to constituents, that one o f the ablest and most experienced members of and we but express our own opinionser ; nevertheless, we that house—one whose eloquence they all admired, an d 1 do not incur the less responsibility • and lam sure your whose authority they looked upon with respect, e ven I ,