The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-05-28 00:00:00

ACCIDENTS TO STEAM VESSMS. Prom an article by Captain Edward Chappell, „R.N., in the United Service Journal) Accidents peculiar to steam-vessels arise principally from collision with other ships, explosion of boilers, raving, burn ing, or sinking. I shall now treat each of these! consecu tively, suggesting some regulations as I proceed. 1. Collision.—This is unquestionably the most prominent, if not the most fatal, source of steam-boat disaster. In crowded navigation, particularly at night, accidents from this cause are almost of weekly occurrence, occasioning incessant risk of life and injury of property. Much of this danger would he removed by a simple declaration in an act of par liament, that steam-vessels passing each other, or passing sailing-vessels, or sailing-vessels passing steam - vessels, should, upon all occasions, so far as practicable, adhere to the rules of the road—or, in other words, in meeting or overtaking a vessel, keep on her starboard side, and the ves sel overtaken, if the shore or any other obstruction be close to her starboard side, should be required to starboard her helm and stop the engines, to give room for the overtaking vessel to pass. In navigating narrow rivers, all the steam vessels going up or down might he required, as far as practi cable, to keep to the larboard or left-hand shore, which would divide those going in opposite directions, and thereby considerably diminish the risk of collision. But the greatest danger of collision is at night, and it is here that the legislature might interpose its authority with the most beneficial effect. The grand object is to secure UNIFORMITY as to the lighting of steam-vessels, as at pre sent every steam-vessel is lighted according to the judgment or caprice of the owners, agents, or commanders. The chief object to be attained is -Ist, to discriminate a steamer from all other vessels ; 2dly, to show by the lights in what direction the steamer is steering. A very able offi cer, who for ten years was employed under my orders—Mr. William D. Evans, now commanding her Majesty's mail steam-packet Advice, at Pembroke—proposed to effect the two objects in question by a strong bright light at the fore mast-head, a red light at the foremast part of one paddle bos., and a blue or green light at the foremast part of the other. The marine-manager of the City of Dublin Steam Company, on the other hand, has caused all their vessels, amounting to above twenty in number, to be distinguished by a bright light at foremast head, red light at the foremost end of larboard paddle-box, and bright light in a similar position on the other bow. After full and anxious personal observation, and by inquiries of all the mail-packet com manders under my superintendence—one of whom, Lieut. Townley, R.N., has been in command of a steam-vessel , twenty-one ears; another, Lieut. Philipps, R.N., nineteen years ; another, - _err. Emerson, R.N., nineteen years ; and. another, Mr. Smithett, R.N., fourteen years—we are unani inousla of opinion that steam-vessels, of all classes, should be lighted uniformly at night with one strong . bright light at the foremast-head, one strong bright light in a light-room affixed before and to the starboard paddle-box, and a strong red light in a light-room similarly placed at the larboard paddle-box. The bow, or paddle-box lights, to have two circular lenses each, of at least thirty-six inches circumfer ence, with a good lamp and reflectors facing each lens—one lens to/be inserted at a right angle with the vessel's keel, throw* the light directly ahead—the other inserted parallel to the site of the paddle-box, throwing the light a-beam. To give the red colour to the larboard-bow light, the lens must be made hollow, and filled with a mineral liquid, as in the City of Dublin Company's steam-vessels—liquids coloured by vegetable preparations alone being found to be more 'opaque. The precaution must also be taken to construct a projection or shade in a line with the keel, and on the inside for a few feet before each bow-light, to screen the light from dazzling men on the forecastle, and also to prevent the light of one bow being seen by a vessel on the other bow. If coloured lights could be made to give as strong a light as white lights, unquestionably the red light on one side, and blue or green on the other, as proposed by Mr. W. D. Evans, would be preferable ; but the light is considerably dimmed by being coloured red, and blue or green are but other names for darkness, particularly where the weather is in the least hazy. Having regulated, therefore, the lights which are to be carried by all steamers after the passing of the act, it will be known, that on seeing one bright light over another bright light, the strange vessel's starboard-bow is presented ; if a bright light is seen over a red light, the larboard-bow is pre sented ; and if a bright light is seen over a red light, forming a kind of triangle, the strange vessel is steering for the spec tator. This certainty as to her position, added to a know ledge of the regulation as to passing on the starboard side, when practicable, will give what is now so much required—a mutual understanding between the two commanders or steers men as to their respective intentions in situations of surprise or difficulty, productive of great relief to the mind of the mariner, and considerable additional security for the lives and property entrusted to his management. There is another regulation quite as requisite to be made for sailing vessels, navigating at night in the British or Irish channels, or on any part round the coasts of Great Britain or Ireland, in the track of coasting or river steamers ; which is, that such sailing vessels should always have a single light ex hibited aloft in some conspicuous situation. At present the sailing vessels often heave-to for the night, directly in the channel tracks, without the steamers being able to discover them till it is too late to avoid a collision. In this manner the merchant sloop, Aunt, was run down and sunk by H.M. steam-packet Lncifer ' • the schooner, Bess, severely damaged by collision with H.M. steam-packet Urgent ; and other nu merous instances have occurred during my experience of the same description, where 1 have clearly traced the cause of collision to be the want of a light on board the sailing vessel. It must be evident that to a vessel going with the speed of a steam-boat, and particularly with the haste required in con veying mails, a sailing vessel lying in the track, without a light, either at anchor, or under weigh, presents a more formidable danger than a rock or a hank, since the position of the latter may be calculated upon, while it is impossible to know where the former may be encountered. Dense fogs occur in moderate weather only. During such periods a first-class or river steamer should be restricted to quarter speed ; a second-class or coasting steamer, and a third class or ocean steamer, if in a river or estuary, to quar ter speed also ; if at sea to half speed ; and the reduction of speed, under such circumstances, to be always inserted in the log book. Every steamer, after a given day, say Ist January 1840, to be provided, under penalty, with a steam whistle or trumpet of the most powerful sound, to be used at least every ten minutes during fogs. By this means all other vessels would distinguish the approach of a steamer, and for their own security take care to answer by ringing their bells, or otherwise. 2.—Explosion of Boilers.--This:is not so common an oc-, urrence in Europe as in America, owing to the different amount of pressure used on either side of the Atlantic, but as some very lamentable cases have recently occurred in Great Britain, and as it is now more than heretofore the practice to use steam expansively with increased pressure upon boilers, I should strongly recommend the enforcement of a few simple precautions, one of these would be, to compel every steam vessel, after a given day, to have two separate safety-valves ; one of which, properly weighted, should be inaccessible. By this means the chance of a boiler being burst by the sticking or other derangement of the valve, would be placed beyond the the reach of probability. The horrible calamity which took place by the explosion of a steam boiler at Hull is supposed to have been occasioned by the engineer letting the water get too low in the boiler, which caused the generation of of a highly explosive gas. This might be prevented by merely having a pipe, communicating with the steam whistle inserted in the top of the boiler, and carried down through the water so far that, should the steam find en trance, it would sound the whistle, and give instant notice of the danger to every person on board. The explosion of a steam boiler very nearly occurred in her Majesty's steam packet Urgent, under my superintendence, immediately sub sequent to her being purchased by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. The vessel was lying alongside George's Pier, Liverpool, and I was on deck with her Commander, when though the safety valve was opened, the steam sud denly ceased to escape by the waste steam pipe. The engineer unable to conceive the cause of this stoppage of the steam, instead of taking alarm and losing his presence of mind, opened the furnace doors, raked out the coals, and set the engines to ,work, so asjo consume the steam ; but the enor mous pressure in a moment forced some rivets out of the new well made boiler, drove the water into the engine-room, and thus relieved itself. Upon taking down the steam-pipe it was found that a conical copper rose, fitted within the globe at the top of the pipe, to prevent the condensed steam falling in water on the deck, had broken loose by the pres sure, and blown into the opening of the globe, which it com pletely corked up and as the safety valve was as usual, within the steam-pipe, there was no egress for the steam. To pre vent such an occurrence happening again, the opening of the globe should be made large enough to admit of the rose being blown out of it altogether, should it become disengaged from the fastenings. It appears to me that the various degrees of steam pressure at which marine boilers are now worked, requires placing under some restriction, which might be accomplished by the Naval Scrutineer's instructions to the respective local Sur veyors. 3. Racing.—This cannot be too severely prohibited, parti cularly if there be only one safety-valve, and that accessible. I have known an instance in a private steamer, of the en gineer standing on the safety-valve to increase its weight, nor could he be induced to remove till one of the passengers threatened to knock him off with a handspike. This over loading would effectually be put a stop to by the regulation I have suggested, compelling every steamer to have one safety-valve out of the two inaccessible. In one case of racing, where I was on board as a passenger, the vessels came alongside so that their paddle-boxes bore against each other. One vessel, in trying to cross upon the other, kept her helm hard a starboard, the other hard a port, the engines of both going with full power, but the vessels remaining almost stationary, heeling over on either side, to the great terror of the female passengers ; and in this state they con tinued for above an hour, owing to the obstinacy of the com manders. I have also been a daily witness to similar cases occurring in the Mersey, where much damage has been done to the vessels ; all of which I believe might be prevented, if a regulation was made under penalty, that (provided it could be done without risk of incurring greater danger by being drifted on shore or athwart hawse of other vessels) the steamer on the larboard side should be compelled, when re quested, to stop her engines and let the other go past. 4. Burning.—ln the year 1837 I saw the Prince Regent, Margate steam-boat, burnt off Reculver. This was owing to the wood-work over the boilers, or round the chimney, not being properly cased with metal. All steamers built hereafter should be compelled by the Act to have a fixed space between the top of the boiler and the deck ; or where that could not be accomplished, to have the boiler-hatch covered with sheet-iron instead of wood. Cases of spontaneous ignition of coal in the bunkers of steam-vessels have been of frequent occurrence. The fine dust of coal, when highly dried and heated, is almost as liable to ignition by damp, as gunpowder is by fire. In one instance H. M. mail-packet, Vixen, had the coals in a state of ignition for a oonsiderable part of her voyage from 'Water ford river to Milford. The Thetis, post-office steam-packet, was burnt and sunk at her moorings in the Mersey, in Oct., 1833, owing to the same cause. The best remedy is to shovel the remaining coal forward in the bunkers, before taking in a fresh supply, so that the coal is continually changed. This has always been done by Her Majesty.s mail-packets at Liverpool since the burning of the Thetis, and there has been no subsequent case of spontaneous igni tion. The Robert Bruce was burnt about the year 1820, on her passage from Liverpool, owing to the engineer allowing the boiler to get red hot for want of water, which ignited the coals and set fire to the vessel. It is an excellent precaution, always adopted in government steamers, to construct the bunkers so as to prevent the coal coming in contact with the boiler ; and this should be enjoined in the Act of Parliament under penalty, in all vessels taking on board new boilers subsequent to the passing of the act. I have seen but one instance of a steam-vessel taking fire from defective smoke-joint of the boiler, which was in the post-office mail-packet, Sybil, when she first started. In that case the caulking material had fallen out, and the wooden sleeper upon which the boiler stood caught fire. It • was easily extinguished, and I had the joint afterwards double plated with iron as a security ; which plan I should recom mend for all smoke-joints. Each first-class or river steamer should be required by the act to have at least one extinguishing pump and six fire buckets. with proper lanyards. A second-class, or coasting steamer, to have at least two extinguishing pumps and twelve tire-buckets, with proper lanyards. And a third-class steamer to have at least two extinguishing pumps and twenty four fire-buckets, with proper lanyards. All extinguishing pumps to be so fitted as to be worked upon deck by hand, as well as by the steam-engines. All the lire buckets to be kept arranged in sight and ready for use. In marine boilers, made after the passing of the act, it should be required that the upper part, connecting the flues with, a n d answering as a step for the chimney, should be Kr carried up six feet ab ove th e d ec k ; so t h at, shou ld t h e c hi mney ; g , he carried away, the flam es wou ld not set fi re to the hull, and 4h.„).\ rt ' ' U *L' Pi n'i ~., *Ns the piece of the tube remaining might be sufficient to gene rate steam enough for bringing the vessel into port. The chimney of H.M. packet Lucifer was carried away at the step by collision with an American ship, and, to prevent the flames setting fire to the deck, it was necessary immediately to extinguish the fires, thus rendering the vessel unmanage able in a situation of danger. The Mermaid, private steamer, had her chimney carried overboard in a gale of wind off the Skerries, but having a high step, she kept her fires up, and had steam enough to reach Liverpool. 5. Sinking.—Steam-vessels are more liable to leak than other ships, owing to the number of pipes and bolts connected with the machinery, which are put entirely through the ves sel's bottom. As a precaution against sinking, therefore, I should recommend that all first-class or river steam-vessels, be required to have at least one bilge pump worked by the engines, and at least one pump to be worked by hand upon deck. A second-class, or coasting steamer, to have at least two bilge pumps worked by the engines, and at least two pumps to be worked by hand on deck. A third-class, or ocean steamer to have at least four bilge pumps worked by the engines, and two pumps to be worked by hand upon deck. These pumps may of course be made available as pumps for extinguishing fires. It might be a proper precau tion to require by the act that all steam-vessels built hereafter, particularly iron vessels should have a specified number of water-tight bulkheads, dividing the vessel into compartments, as in the Rainbow iron steamer, and several others. In proof of the great security afforded by this method of building, and also as affording valuable information relative to the strength and durability of iron steamers, as compared with those con structed of wood, I have to subjoin the following particulars, derived from unquestionable authority. L'Egyptienne, an iron steam-yacht, built by Mr. John Laird, of North Birkenhead, near Liverpool, for the Pasha of Egypt, was driven bn the rocks last summer in attempting to force her up the cataracts of the Nile, by having ropes made fast to her, and taken to each side of the river, and about 200 men, to haul at them, in addition to working the engine, by which means a hole was stove in her bow.. The water could only get into the space between bulkhead No. 3 and the stem, and after repairing the other damage she sustained, (carrying away one paddle wheel and her rudder,) they steamed her down to Alexandria, four or five days' dis tance, docked her, and rivetted a small patch on the fracture, and the vessel was as good as ever again. Had she not had the bulkhead, or been built of wood, I don't think she ever could have got off the place,where she struck, as she was driven on with great violence. The Garryowen, an iron steam-boat, also built by Mr. John Laird of North Birkenhead, has been employed upon the river Shannon since November 1834. During this period she has been twice driven on shore with great violence by storms, and the following are extracts from the reports of those circumstances made by her commander and engineer:— From Capt. Bingham, of the Garryowen, dated Limerick, 16th June, 1838. " With respect to the Garryowen, I am very glad to be able to tell you she looks as well if not better than she did when she came to the Shannon. As to her strength, we had a very good trial ; we broke adrift in a gale of wind from the pier-head at Kilrush last winter, and got ashore at low water upon a very dangerous rocky point, and beat over it for two hours, the sea running very high, having 450 large pigs on deck. Ido assure you if she had been built of tim ber, and struck so heavy, and did not go to pieces, she would certainly have been ruined ; and the Garryowen did not suffer the least injury, with the exception of a very small dinge on the turn of her bilge, on the starboard side. There is not the least sign of corrosion or rust to be seen; I keep her well coated, both inside and out ; she goes very fast, is a great favourite with the public, and has done an immensity of work ; we ran her every day last winter, and always made the pass age : she is as tight as a bottle and never made a drop of water." From Captain Bingham, dated Kilrush, 20th January, 1839, referring to the hurricane of the 6th instant : " We went ashore about two cables' length to eastward of the pier, and struck very heavily for the first hour; the ground under our weather bilge was rather soft clay, covered with single and loose stones, some of them pretty large ; under our inside or lee bilge the ground was very hard, being a foot-path at low water, and many loose stones scattered along it. I was greatly afraid she would be very much in jured by it in her bottom, but I am very happy to tell you she has not received the least injury ; in fact, her bottom is as perfect and as good as the day she left Liverpool, not a single rivet started, nor a rivet-head flown off. If an oak built vessel, with the cargo I had on deck, was to go ashore where the Garryowen did, and get such a hammering from a heavy sea, they would have a different story to tell." From Jos. Parry, engineer of the Garryowen, dated 19th January, 1839, referring also to the gale of the 6th inst. : " We found, while trying to get the vessel off, she would not fall into her dock, although we cleared away the bank (which is composed of clay and shingle stone) within a plate and a half of her keel ; she would not move even then at high water, so we cleared away the bank above 40 feet aft and 30 feet forward, leaving nothing to bear her up forward or aft but the strength of the vessel, and although there was such a distance and length of overhang, yet there is not a rivet started, or seam open, nor the least injury received whatever. Out of twenty-seven vessels that got ashore that night, the Garryowen is the only one that is not damaged more or less." The Tarbert Castle, an iron steam-vessel employed on the Clyde was driven upon a ledge of sharp-pointed rocks at the entrance of Loch Fyne, during the hurricane of the 7th of January, 1839. The following is an extract from a report made upon a subsequent examination of her hull. " When I was alongside it was the first of flood, but I could see from stem to stern of the starboard side 'of her bottom, in which there are three considerable indentations from the unequal surface of the rock ; one may be about 15 feet, and the other 25 feet, in circumference, the nucleus of the largest being stove in about 15 inches deep. In none of these, so far as I could see, is there any injury to plates or rivets, except putting them out of shape. On the larboard side, on which she leans, just at the bilge, she has come down upon a sharp-pointed angular corner of the rock, which had perforated the plate, and from the point of perforation, the plates have been rent asunder perhaps 7 feet or 8 feet forward and 10 feet or 12 feet aft ; but the problem as to the seams of iron vessels is thus effectually solved; for in the course of this space, it has only run along a seam about 1 foot, and the solid parts of the plates are rent, while the riveted parts are entire; yet the rivets are only single in this vessel, and not countersunk. I cannot think that a timber vessel could have been in the same situation without receiving much more damage, slight as the Tarbert Citstle is, and she is but slightly built, with ribs 3 feet or 4 feet asunder." I believe the Tarbert Castle was not originally constructed with iron water-tight partitions, but by making the after bulk head tight, and cutting off the damaged stern altogether, her steam-engine was floated up to Glasgow in the remaining half or three quarters of the hull, thereby proving beyond doubt the great security against sinking afforded by water-tight compartments. Another indispensable precaution against sinking, which should be provided for in the act, is that every steam-vessel should have proper pipes fitted for taking her injection water out of the bilge or hold. It has been asserted, that the Rothesay Castle steamer was lost owing to the want of means of this description for relieving her when in a sinking state. As the best reply I can give to the queries proposed by Captain Pringles and Mr. Parkes, relative to accidents which have happened to steam-vessels within my recollection, I subjoin a statement of such as occur to me at present, with the names, date, and causes ; but as this list is prepared principally from memory, it may be liable to error, although I have been careful to make it as correct as my means of re ference would admit. List of Steam Vessels Wrecked, Sunk, Burnt, or otherwise Destroyed. ,” 7, nxz,5nnPV45 4 ; 4 2r..7 , :4 . t'.l: 2 4wPP°- 55- 4 ,, tga; , =&15..F ~ :?,;4. 8 0g! , A50-. 1 6'wAll'. ° G.(Xa 2 n m7l.-^m555 . ci' ,(.0 " . 715. i7m2 , 99,m w p, ; ,z, , atd , oc,l. acri , ,1 ''r.9l r) F . ..1 'l , 5 g . ;,, : ~ 6 C I Si o• T• •• • 0 t• c'; , • xr<x: ti? Cog r 4 n : P. (.43 aso, • ••• • p. • E r• r'r , -.4 • 0 co oo oo co co co oo co oo co oo oo co CO 00 CD CO CO CO OD CO CO CO 00 CO 00 CO 00 GICOCOCOCOLOCOODOOCACCCOCD C00DC0L0C.04243C00D0D........ tO OD CO CO CC OD C.O 'A , 1 Ch .c.ocutuca.—.—ooco.cno, ,-) o W o,R. t „t. , 0.0 .t.:..ztd _z o 0 ,, -..;w 4 S' 3 4; , ,. R.1:104, 41 gR2Xm24I > 2 ...;-.2,-=4-g , : , 42,51-;°;AQo. 9 .e , %p P o . g-41k Il goillvggg.g . 2 8,- ..4 0.. zv ;,.11-2,(1v 1.,....g1,20.,5-5-pli.2. 2., g Pg. r•r•r,c-) p-.E.Pro , $. =. ' E • =B -6.2,0'F.9,•.1 ECCLESIASTICAL AND UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. (From the Oxford Herald.) The British residents at Boulogne-sur-Mer have presented to the Rev. R. J. Meade, of Balliol College, now of Frome, Somerset, a piece of plate value £lOO, in testimony of their regard and esteem for him, and of their high sense of the zeal and ability with which he disharged all the duties of Minister of the Protestant Chapel,. durtng a.period of three years. Yesterday se'nnight, the Rev. John H. Coates Borwell, M.A., of Queen's College, was unanimously. elected Master of Kingsbridge Grammar School. We subjoin the following notice of this school :—lt was founded in the year 1688, by Thomas Crispin, whom Bishop Gibson, in his edition of Cam den's Britannia, styles " a charitable citizen of Exeter." In 101, Wm. Duncombe bequeathed property " for the sup port of three or more Exhibitioners, of £5O per annum each, confined to boys educated in this school, and tenable, during four years, at any College in either University. On Wednesday last, Mr. Drummond Percy Chase, Scholar of Pembroke College; and Mr. Harris Smith, of tamford, Lincolnshire, were elected Scholars df Oriel College. PROMOTIONS. Rev. T. Sandon, to the Curacy of St. Mary's, Lincoln, vacant by the resignation of the Rev. G. Rigg. Rev. Edward Price, 8.C.L., to the Rectory of Greetham, Lincolnshire, vacant by the cession of the Rev. J. Bowstead. Rev. Richard Fenton, M.A., to the Prebend of Asgarby, Lincoln ; patron, the Bishop of Lincoln. The Very Rev. the Dean, as Ordinary of the peculiar and exempt jurisdiction of the Deanery of Hereford, has appointed the Rev. H. Huntingford, 8.C.L., Rector of Hampton Bishop, and the Rev. John Croft, M.A., Rector of Eaton Bishop, Rural Deans. Rev. Robert M. Jones, M.A., to tke Perpetual Curacy of Cromford, Derbyshire ; patron, R. Arkwright, Esq. Rev. H. Urquhart, to the Evening Lectureship of St. Mary's. Weymouth. Rev. W. Wingfield, to the Vicarage of Gulval, Cornwall; patron, the Lord Chancellor. Rev. J. C. Boddington, to the Perpetual Curacy of Byerley in Bradford, Yorkshire. Rev. Thomas Sutton, of Gainsborough, to the Vicarage of Marton, Lincolnshire ; patron, the Bishop of Lincoln. Rev. George Ferris, Widburn, to the Incumbency of Charles Chapel, Plymouth ; patron, the Vicar of Charles. Rev. John:Chaine, Sea Park, has been appointed by, the Crown to the Deanery of Connor, vacant by the resignation of the Very Rev. Dean Leslie. In consequence of this resig nation, the parishes of Inver and Island Magee have been disappropriated from the Deanery of Connor by. the Lord Lieutenant and Privy Council, and the former annexed to Lame, the Rev. Henry Martin, Incumbent. Rev. Holdsworth, of Kelsey, to the Vicarage of Saxilby, Lincolnshire, vacant by the cession of the Rev. J. White; patron, the Bishop of Lincoln. Rev. J. E. Lyon, to the Living of Ballylln, Ireland. Rev. John Walker, to the Church of the United Parishes of St. Andrew's-Lhanbryde, Elgin. Mr. Robert Baynes Armstrong bas been appointed recorder of Bolton. - . NATIONAL EDUCATION. TO LORD VISCOUNT SANDON, &C. My Lord, With such a notice on the bdoks of the House of Commons, as that which stands for the 31st instant, on the subject of national education, your lordship will not, I am persuaded, condemn, as intrusive or unseasonable, a few lines from one of your clerical constituents. The lively interest so long and so practically evinced by your lordship, in this vitally-important subject, confirms the conviction under which I write, that the great freedom of the following observations will be kindly received. We look upon this subject as involving the whole question, whether an established church is to be maintained in this country or given up ? If the national provision for religious instruction, under the superintendance of the national clergy must continue limited to its present amount, whatever may be the increase of population : if the quantity of the chil dren's bread be doomed to " finally," while by no Malthusian contrivance can finality be stamped upon the number of the children, it is obvious that either starvation or separation must be the lot of the family. We presume that'll° sane man contemplates the possibility of such hereditary churchman ship on a national scale as will prefer starvation ; and we earnestly invite attention to the inevitable consequence of the alternative, when the separatists will (as progressively they must) equal, and then rapidly out-number the original household. We are aware that many persons, some of them high in station and influence, who are friendly to the church, are nevertheless disposed to yield so far to existing circumstances as to consent to throw all parties upon their own individual exertions and private contributions, to add to their existing resources, as their increasing numbers require addition • and we are far from denyin g that in such a race the established church has a long start, and would (in the perfect bona fide neutrality of the government) keep foremost for ever. But we cannot conceal from ourselves that this would be a sacri fice of the principle of an established church, and to degrade what has hitherto been a national, and therein consistent, in stitution, into the anomaly, by which our bitterest enemies delight to nickname us, viz., a favourite sect. If this must be done, we presume to think it ought to be done openly and avowedly, and after due notice given to the nation •, but we cannot be silent and see such consequences entailed upon the country by a disingenuous side wind. We feel assured from the internal evidence of the documents already before the public, compared with collateral incidents and con nexions, that the proposed scheme of education did not origin ate with her Majesty's ministers, but with enemies of the state, who are urging those ministers forward. Most naturally therefore, we have course to our constitutional privilege of petition, to prevent, if possible, the infliction by surprise of such a Alamity. We confidently expect that not only those . who agree in our entire view of the question, but those also who advocate the open competition of parties unaided by the state, will strenuously oppose a scheme which, by engrossing the national funds, at the same time that it would operate to the exclusion of the national clergy and all other consistent Christians, stands exhibited before the nation in the aspect of a two-fold partisanship, at once the underminer of Christian liberty and the pioneer of papal aggression. By moving an amendment on the 31st, to the effect that £30,000 be voted, not to the new and un-English board pro posed by the right honorable the home secretary, but to the Diocesan Boards lately formed and still in process of forma tion, to be distributed in sums bearing proportion to the population of the respective dioceses, or to the amount of contributions raised by the respective boards, and by dividing the house upon it if necessary, your lordship would secure the lasting gratitude of a vast majority of your constituents, and confer, we sincerely believe, a benefit of no ordinary magni tude upon the country. It is my privilege to transmit herewith a petition upon the subject, numerously signed by my congregation, which we respectfully request your lordship to present and support. I have the honor to be, my lord, Your lordship's obedient and faithful servant, HUGH M'NEILE. Liverpool, May 24, 1839. The Lord Viscount Sandon, &c. &c. NATIONAL EDUCATION TO THE INHABITANTS OF SHREWSBURY GENTLEMEN,—I hope you will not think me presumptuous if I venture to call your attention to a petition respecting national education, which is now in course of signature in this town. The matter is of a kind which may easily escape the notice of those whose minds are not habitually turned to such subjects. The necessity of the petition arises from the following cir. cumstances— Hitherto the parliamentary grants for education have been divided between two great societies, the National Society and the British and Foreign School Society ; the former train ing its children in the principles of the established church, the latter educating without distinction of creed. Here then the claims of churchmen and dissenters are both satis fied : and it is difficult to see what an honest government has to do, but to aid these societies in improving and enlarg ing their plans to the fullest needful extent. But no ! the established church educates too large a proportion of the children of the poor. This will not do for her enemies. She is marked for destruction : her clergy must be superseded, her influence :must be destroyed. And a summary way has been devised to this end. A committee of the privy council has been appointed to superintend the application of any sums voted by parliament for the purpose of promoting public education. This com mittee has approved a scheme for its future guidance ; and in order to carry into effect that scheme an estimate of £30,000. is to be proposed byLord John Russell in the House of Commons on the 30th inst. You will find the scheme be low : I entreat you to mark and ponder it ; for I say with all the solemnity of conviction, that its effect, if carried out, will not be only to subvert the national church, but to destroy all pure religion in the land, to produce general scepticism and infidelity, and to pave the way, for the restoration of popery. It goes to poison the streams of national faith and virtue at the fountain head. But first, can we suppose that the noble lords who compose this committee are by habit, by discipline, by leisure, fitted for the task of preparing a scheme of national education ? It cannot be. They approv e and adopt the scheme, but we may be well assured , they did not draw it up. With whom did they advise? Not, certainly, with the prelates of our church ; not with the heads or profesgors of our universities ; with none of those in whom an honest churchman would confide. But with whom ? We have a right to ask—we shall not be informed—but we may shrewdly guess. There is a certain society called the Central Society of Education, which ranks among its members the Marquis of Lansdowne, President of the Privy Council and of this com mittee ; also Lord John Russell, who is to move the grant ; also Messrs. Grote. Warburton, Hume, Leader, Sir W. Molesworth, and others of their party ; also Messrs. Wyse, O'Connor, and other Roman Catholics ; also Messrs. Thorne ley, Hills, and a great proportion of Socinians, with several Socinian ministers ; but few, if any names to which a church man can point with confidence. This society has published three volumes of papers and tracts on education. I have not yet seen the third volume ; but the two first are sufficiently decisive of its principles and designs. I might quote several of these tracts to prove that they are identical in principle with the proposed scheme, but I shall content myself with referring you to the last paper in the second volume, and I beg you to remark that this is the only paper which appears without the writer's name. Read what follows, and you will call him a political prophet, if you do not think with me, that what he has prophesied he has also contributed to fulfil : " Some have said that all hope of amending the present state of things must be far distant, in consequence of the nicely-balanced state of parties. Perhaps some years must elapse before a bill for national education, such as the people of this country ought to demand, will pass the House of Lords ; but a bill for national education is not at the present moment a sine qua" non. Ministers have the power in their own hands, assisted by a simple vote of the House of Com mons, of extending indefinitely the number of schools, and of commencing a reform in those which already exist. - " Nothing more is required than a central board of educa tion, composed of fit men (whom the crown may appoint), with the same power over the annual government grants for educational purposes that is now given to the Lords of the Treasury. " Twenty thousand pounds are now voted every year in aid of building school-houses, which when erected, merely serve to deceive the public into the belief that education is advancing, when really it is making little or no progress. Suppose the same money given only on condition that the school established should be conducted upon a plan likely to be effective, and how different would be the result from what we see at the present moment. " Let there be a model and normal school for training pro perly qualified teachers. Let the central board have power not only to aid in building school-houses, but in supporting good schools when established, and the way would be gradu ally paved for a more comprehensive measure. The power of withholding an annual grant, of however small an amount, from an ill-conducted school, would be quite formidable enough to cause their authority to be respected ; and the power of giving pecuniary assistance, however limited, would be quite sufficient to induce by degrees all the mismanaged charity schools now existing to place themselves under the board. " The plan is simple and feasible ; nothing but resolution is wanting to effect the object, not in a moment, but by such steps as would be at once safe and certain. " Let no one imagine that the work of educational reform can be effected without centralization. Without a central board, armed, not with despotic powers, calculated to irri tate and inflame the public mind, but with sufficient power to make it the interest of all persons connected with schools to adopt improved plans of instruction, little or nothing can be accomplished. An i n di v id ua l might waste a life in rea soning with schoolmasters and mistresses, appealing to com mittees and their secretaries, and canvassing subscribers, without succeeding in changing the character of more than half 'a dozen schools throughout the country. But a central board, operating by means of an establishment for training teachers, and annual grants, might in a short time produce a change that would appear as the effect of magic. " The danger that the powers of a central education-board might be used as an agent of despotism, is, in this country, altogether imaginary. No board appointed by government, whether composed of whigs or tories, could be composed of men so illiberal in their views of education as the vast ma jority of country farmers and small tradesmen in all but large towns, to whom it would otherwise be necessary to appeal." Here, Gentleman, you see the plan chalked out which the government has actually adopted, and you gee the extent to which it is designed to go. These schools are to be " ex tended indefinitely," a change is to be produced " that will appear as the effect of magic" (aye, truly, and the arch-magi cian's own work), " the way is to be gradually paved for a more comprehensive measure." If you want further proof of the intention to supersede all other schools, and of the anticipation of this result from the present scheme, take another extract. " The most serious objection that has yet been urged against a national provision for the education of the people is, ' that it would check, and finally put a stop to, the work ing of the voluntary school system, and throw the whole burden of existing free schools upon the government.' We are told that ' the effect of every grant is to rcduce the amount of the donations and subscriptions by which schools are generally supported.' For such a result it is necessary to be prepared. Private individuals of course relax in their exer tions when the subject is taken up in a quarter able to render much more powerful and efficacious assistance than they can afford ; and it is therefore reasonable to conclude, that what ever money may be voted in aid of free schools, more will be required, until the full sum necessary for their support shall be supplied from the same source, or raised by means of local taxation.', Now let us pause one moment. Here is, confessedly, a great revolution to be worked in no less a matter than the education of a people ; in their moral and spiritual state, in their relation to this world and to the next. We have a mixed Constitution of Sovereign, Lords, and Commons. Could a mightier subject engage the attention of all those three estates, or would the thought and labour of a whole session be too much to bestow upon it ? Yet here it is pro posed to be effected by a vote of the House of Commons, huddled over among the money estimates of the year. If this be constitutional, then there is a defect in the Constitu tion. If it be consistent with the , letter, surely it is in gross violation of the spirit. As it is beyond doubt that this writer is either a minister of the crown (therefore anonymous), or at least a minister's adviser, it is worth while to hear some of his arguments. " Another reason why elementay education should not be dependant upon charity is, that the system has a tendency to perpetuate the distinctions and dissensions of sects in religion. Private individuals cannot, like government, assume a neutral position. Every person attempting to set up a school for the gratuitous instruction of the children of the poor is immedi ately identified as a churchman, a catholic, an independent, a baptist, a quaker, a unitarian, or as belonging to some one or other denomination. This leads to the supposition that his object his to propogate the religious opinions he entertains, and hence a disposition on the part of those who hold other sentiments to draw the children away, and to set up an opposition school. " When a school is opened by dissenters, the object is immediately supposed to be to alienate the minds of the children from the church, and a school is presently started by some equally zealous churchman to draw children away from the chapel. Catholics view with jealousy and alarm a school established exclusively by protestants, and protestants view with the same feelings the schools established by catho lics. Trinitarians and unitarians find it impossible to unite even for teaching-reading, writing, and arithmetic; and thus, instead of children being allowed to grow up together, culti vating charity, good-will, and kindly affections for each other, they are early in life separated into hostile camps, and com pelled to regard each other, if not with hatred, at least with suspicion and distrust." And again— " The voluntary school system, by placing all the existing free schools in connexion with some church or chapel, and under the direct influence of clergymen of different denomi nations would appear to be favourable to the interests of religion, were it not that, as far as religion consists in peace and goodwill among. men, it cannot be effectually promoted by a system which keeps the children of different sects apart, and cuts them off from every opportunity of meeting before their feelings have become embittered by theological controversy." Once more— " It is supposed that the most serious obstacle a board of education would have to struggle with would be religious prejudices ; but this difficulty has been much overrated, and exists out of the House of Commons more in name than reality. In any plan for national education provision must he made for religious instruction. Let that be provided for fairly and fully, and the public will pay no attention to the outcry which may be raised to the friends of intolerance who would have children hate each other for the opinions of their parents, rather than meet in a spirit of charity and universal brotherhood." And in a note : " A few words upon the principle of separate or sectarian schools. It is a principle discouraged by the governments of France and Germany, and to, which every good man should be opposed. So long as children are not allowed to play together because the opinions of their parents differ, the religion of peace and good-will among men will never have a practical meaning. However numerous a sect might be, we would not (individually) promote the formation of an exclu sive school. An educational board should be extremely solicitous by all possible methods to bring the children of different sects together, that they may no longer grow up regarding the consciousness of other persuasions as moral monsters to be shunned and abhorred." Now, gentlemen, I appeal to: your common sense to note, in these., passages, the alisurdity ofthe reasoning, and yet the hisidiouss of the design. The writer is vastly foolish, but a little malignant too, when he talks of children being made to hate and distrust each other by being brought up in separate schools. Does he mean that all children of any one school hate all children of any other school? Or, more probably, that all children of any school in which only one form of religion is taught hate all children of other schools in which the same form is not taught? Now the proof of this monstrous and malignant assertion rests upon the asserter. Has he given proof ? None. The statement is neither probable nor true ; I can safely say it is - untrue of Church Schools : others, I hope, will contradict it still more generally. Again I put it to your common sense which state of things is more likely to pro duce dissension and hatred ' •—separate education, in which children are trained in one form of doctrine without frequent reference to the differences of other forms ;—or the compre hensional plan, according to which children, though united for the rest of their lessons, receive religious instruction from different teachers in distinct places, and (mark this) under circumstances which make it peculiarly incumbent on those teachers, if honest and zealous, to warn their pupils against the errors of their companions ? But honest and zealous teachers of orthodox doctrine, and the prevalence of their opinions in his new schools, are evidently not what this writer hopes or expects. lam much mistaken if he is not (supposing him of any religion) a Socinian : and from the fusion of all religious colours in education, he hopes to pro duce every where the muddy complexion of his own creed.— The Sociman leaven is already discernible in the committee's scheme. We see it in that impious distinction of religious instruction into ' general' and special ;' a distinction which has but one fault,—that it is contrary to the divine word ; all scripture being " given by inspiration of God, and profit able for doctrine, for reproof, for instruction in righteous ness." General' religion, it seems, is "to be combined with the whole matter of instruction :" as to the ' special,' periods are `to be set apart for such peculiar doctrinal in struction as may be required for the religious training of the children.' Now what is this ' general' religion which is to pervade the system ? It may, for all we know, be mere Deism, intended to include the Jew and the Deistic Infidel : for the Atheist, it appears, must be contented to do without an education : our-committee, like Robespierre, will have an " Etre Supreme." But we will suppose it to be some modi fication of Christianity, though the term is not to be found in the scheme itself, and though such an avowal destroys at once the comprehensive character of the plan by excluding the Deist and the. Jew. What then can this Christianity be which all styling themselves Christians are to be taught? It can only be what is called the morality of the gospel, its rules of outward action as distinguished from its doctrines of faith. This is in effect the Socinian scheme, which represents Christ as a merely human creature, divinely endowed and commis sioned to teach a purer code of morals and to certify a future existence.—Socinianism then (the secret heresy I fear, of many in the higher classes, but which can never be a faith to the poor) must be the general religion' of the proposed scheme. I do not mean that the mere human nature of Christ is to be taught in express terms ; but I do say that the absence of the doctrine of his divine nature will be in effect to teach his mere humanity. And thus, in of der to comprehend a very small section of the community—of the poorer classes a very minute fraction indeed—those mighty doctrines which are held in common, and as essential to sal vation, by the Church, by Roman Catholics, by Presbyte rians, Methodists, Baptists, Independents, in short, by an immense majority of the people, are to be excluded from the ' general' routine of national education. . _ . Now as to the effect of such exclusion. Can it be denied that its tendency will be to disparage the excluded doctrines, as, at least, of secondary importance, and unessential to a good education? But what is a good education? Aye, it is a mighty question : would it were asked and pondered as generally and as solemnly as it deserves I I implore you to consider the answer which I humbly venture to propose. A good education is one which teaches the human being to perceive and comprehend the various relations in which he stands to his Creator and to all created existence, and trains his moral and physical nature to a capacity of feeling and acting in harmony with those relations. And if we acknow ledge that God has revealed relations between himself and us which could not have been known without his revealing them—such doctrines, I mean, as the Trinity, the Incarna tion and Atonement of a Divine Redeemer, the Influence of the Holy Spirit, the Headship and Offices of Christ in His Church—we must also acknowledge that no education can be good which does not undertake, as a primary object, to unfold these doctrines to the young mind, to combine them with all its matter, and to inweave them into its whole sys tem. But this is forbidden by the terms of the proposed scheme. Doctrinal instruction is to be given at periodical times set apart for the purpose. Now I will put the matter to your sense and candour. Do you suppose that doctrinal religion and its correlative duties can be effectually taught in this way, at occasional seasons, and by subordinate per sons ? On the credit of my own experience I assure you it cannot be. The communication of religious knowledge and religious impressions, as it is the highest, so is it the hardest, task of the educator. 'The corruptions of human nature in his pupils, and in himself, inevitably make it so. He needs for the purpose all the influence and authority which station can give, - besides the conviction of strong faith, and the assistances which are promised to prayer. Believe me, the pretence of religious instruction is an idle mockery, if not a purposed deception, where it is not provided that the princi pal or rector of the school shall profess and teach the doc trines of salvation. Education is one work, and must be carried on with unity of purpose, under the direction of a single mind, vital Christianity pervading and imbuing every part of it. Where this provision is wanting, as in the scheme before us, where doctrines are taught like superfluous accom plishments, the children will imbibe an opinion that religion is a matter of secondary concern ; they will come into the world prepared either to adopt any creed which may be first presented to them, or contemptuously to reject all. On these grounds I am content to rest my opposition to this (I can use no lighter term) anti-Christian scheme of National Education. I adopt, indeed, all the objections stated in the petition ; but, as I did not before last night think of addressing you, I have not time now to press them. The scheme is so bad in principle, and so uncalled for in practice, that to expose its principal vices is easy, to explain them all endless ; while it is very difficult to discover one just ground on which it can be recommended. An outcry, says the anonymous herald of the scheme, will be made by the "friends of intolerance." This letter, I sup pose, he will call an " outcry." But is it made by a friend of intolerance? Let me be told what intolerance I have ever befriended, or what I now befriend. --- Forthe past—if any Dissenters shall do me the favour to read this letter, let me assure them that I have always advocated, not merely their toleration, but their civil equality, to the utmost extent com patible with the maintenance of national religion, which I sincerely believe essential to national peace and prosperity. For the present—as regards the proposed scheme—let us see on which side the intolerance appears. In respect to na tional grants of money for education, the Church says to Dissenters :—" Help us to establish schools for our children and we will help you to establish schools for yours : that we may each teach our own form of faith, and follow our own communion, and live in peace and amity, " The answer made (not I believe, by sincere Dissenters, but by a party unduly claiming to speak their voice) is—" No ! you must come into the same schools with us, or you shall have no schools at all," " But this is-against our conscience," say the friends of the Church, " for reasons which we will make good." " Very well : then you must go without education." And this is the scheme of men who stickle for freedom of conscience • and those who raise their voice against it are `•friends of intolerance." " 0 Liberty !" said Madame Roland on the guillotine, what crimes are perpetrated in thy name." " 0 toleration !" may we now say, " what intoler ance is exhibited in thy na me.' But peace between rival sects is proposed by the scheme. Vain hope ! Either, as we have seen, dissension will be in creased (and this must be the first result,) .or a peace will be obtained by sacrificing and silencing truth. But what a peace ? Such as our Roman conquerors of old enforced. " They made a solitude, and called it—peace." First, we shall have the desolation of abomination —pre valent infidelity : then (for the poor must have a religion) the Romish Church, which preys upon every dead faith, will once more establish its corruptions in the realm. May this woeful fate be averted, and let us all do something, however litte, to avert it, relying on the aid of a stronger power than our own. Let us all petition against the proposed scheme ; all Churchmen, whose Churchmanship is more than a pro fession ; all Dissenters, whose love of Christian truth is stronger than their enmity to that Establishment with which they agree in all its saving doctrines. If our existing systems of education require improvement and enlargement (as indeed they do,) let them be wisely im proved and indefinitely enlarged ; if they need inspection, let inspectors be appointed by the common consent of their friends and of the Government ; but let us not poison the well-springs of religion, let us not prostrate the ark of our faith before the Dragon of Infidelity. I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, Your faithful and humble Servant, BENJ. H. KENNEDY. Shrewsbury Schools, May 21st, 1839. SUGAR FROM OTAHEITE:—She schooner Ulitea came in yesterday from the Society Islands, having brought up a cargo of sugar from Otaheite. We understand that this beautiful little island last year produced 100 tons of this article, and that this year it will be nearly double, as the growth of the cane is in its infancy : the sugar is said to be of very excellent quality. When the settlement at Moreton Bay is thrown open for location, we entertain but little doubt that we shall be able to cultivate sufficient cane, in the warm latitudes to the northward of that place, as will, in a few years, supersede the necessity of sending to a foreign port for a cargo. The canes imported from the Mauritius by a Mr. Mayo, and planted at Moreton Bay by that gentleman, are said to thrive well, and will, no doubt, at a future day, be the germ of vast fields of this valuable article of domestic consumption. Sydney 'Commercial, Journal, Aug. 8, 1838. MEETING OP THE SOUTH LANCASHIRE CHARTISTS ON KERSAL MOOR. (From our Own Reporter.) The long-talked of meeting of the Chartists of South Lan cashire, in anticipatibn of which, lest a popular commotion should take place, the government had concentrated a large body of troops in and near Manchester, " came off" on Sa turday last, happily without the slightest disturbance of the peace and although the vaunted affair—thanks to the'exe cutivp and the precautions of the local authorities—has re sulted in the signal disappointment of these would-be " lead ers of the people," who, doubtles, privately invoked a general and insurrectionary rising, but were restrained from pursuing their ultimate object by that discretion which is the better part of valour, we deem it proper to place upon record a detached account of the proceedings, as illustrative of the good sense of the working clssses in these populous and ex citable districts—exhibited in the paucity of their attendance as chartists—and of the political imbecility and contemptible pretentious of the itinerant demagogues who had hoped to goad them on to rebellion, in order that they might them selves become the principal sharers in the spoils of anarchy and confusion. The " demonstration" was, indeed, an utter failure, as regarded the objects of those who induced it, but will serve as a gratifying memorial of the discernment not only of those who abstained from attending but of those who, though pre sent, were drawn to the spot more out of curiosity and in search of recreation than from any sympathy in the sentiments of the leaders of the movement ; and the ridiculous, non sensical, and we may add, ludicrous propositions submitted to and carried by the ignorant portion of the meeting, will open the eyes of those who may hitherto have been blinded and misled by the plausible but vain, delusive, and dangerous doctrines propounded by O'Connor, Stephens, and their less adept followers. What, for instance, could be more futile, more insulting to a body of men, whom the depression of trade has unhappily reduced to poverty and almost to desti tution, than to call upon them to withdraw their deposits from the savings' banks, and to convert their paper money into gold, with a view to reduce the government of the coun try to bankruptcy ! What mote imbecile or impudent than, in a resolution, to swell the numbers of the meeting from fifteen thousand at the utmost to five hundred thousand " good men and true," and to apply to the Home Secretary for 500,000 stand of arms, with adequate ammunition, &c. ! What more foolish than to call upon the working classes to deal exclusively with chartists, few of whom have anything to sell! But we must leave the proceedings to have their own weight, apart from any animadversions of our own. The coming " demonstration," so pompously announced, had naturally excited considerable anxiety and apprehension in the minds of the local authorities, lest a breach of the peace, and a consequent necessity for the offensive employ ment of the military should ensue. The prepartious to sup press anything approximating to a popular rising were more than adequate, both as regards the soldiery and the police, to the utmost emergency that could have been anticipated. Besides the troops collected in the district, and a large por tion of whom were quartered in the immediate vicinity of the ground, (at Broughton,) the police were in readiness to act, and many special constables were sworn in. Happily the services of neither of them were wanted ; the whole passed off peaceably, and almost tamely ; and those of the chartists who remained on the ground at the close of the meeting min gled and amalgamated with the holiday folks who sought re creation in the races and their attendant games and pastimes. The meeting, we learn, was one of a series proposed to be held in different parts of the country, for the purpose of im buing the minds of the people with chartist principles, and, as appears by one of the resolutions, of obtaining the approval, confidence, and support, by the working classes, of the body calling themselves " The National Convention." The sorry result of the meeting under notice will probably, however, deter the leaders from any further " demonstration" of their weakness. The following passages are from the placardissued by the Political Council calling the meeting : " Men of South Lancashire,—You are hereby called upon once more to come forth in your majestic myriads, to show to the heart-seared factions that have so long laid prostrate the liberties and rights of the industrious, and now acknow ledged intelligent millions, of this fast-fading emporium of the world (fading because of her impolitic and tyrannical fetters), that you will no longer tamely submit to the arro gant and withering rule which has so long disgraced this beautiful land of promise—poisoning and impairing the energy of its industrious and over-burdened population. " Come, then ; and under the motto of peace, law, and order ! demonstrate to the world that British freedom must be something more than a name—that it must be a reality seen and felt, enjoyed and wisely appreciated by you, who have long groaned and suffered under the all-grasping fac tions, who have so long monopolized your every comfort, by basely depriving you of every natural right of citizenship." The authorities of the town, as before stated, appear to have entertained considerable apprehensions of a disturb ance, and in their anxiety to preserve the peace, greatly over rated the numbers and the means of those who might have a desire to disturb it. On Thursday the following notice, signed by seven of the local magistrates, was extensively posted through the town and neighbourhood:— " Whereas, large numbers of persons have, on various oc casions of late, assembled and met together, in different parts of the 'county, many of them being armed with bludgeons and other offensive weapons. and have by their exciting to breaches of the peace, caused great alarm to her Majesty's subjects. And, whereas, a public meeting has been adver tised to be held on Kersaj Moor, on Saturday next, the 25th instant, which, in our opinion, may become dangerous to the public peace. We, the undersigned magistrates, acting for the division of Manchester, do earnestly recommend all well disposed persons to abstain from attending such meeting, and advise masters and heads of families to warn and use their influence with their work-people, apprentices, families, and others, to the same effect. And we do further warn all per sons attending the meeting of the dangerous tendency of such proceedings. , , J. FRED. FOSTER, J. KERSHAW, SHARSPEARE F. PHILLIPS, D. MAUDE, C. J. S. WALKER." GEO. W. WOOD, T. POTTER, The policy of this announcement, inasmuch as it showed a perhaps groundless degree of apprehension, and imputed an importance to the chartist gathering of which it was alto gether unworthy, was somewhat questionable—for if it deterred a few from attendance at the race-course, it pro bably drew to it a larger number to gratify the curiosity which it was calculated to excite. It appeared, too, that the leaders of the meeting had had a previous interview with the authorities of the town, and had pledged themselves that no fire-arths, pikes, or other offensive weapons should be brought to the ground ; and it is due to the chartists to say, that whe ther in compliance with the orders of their chiefs, or from a wholesome apprehension of the interference of the military and civil bodies collected near the scene of operations, they came not only without arms, but for the most part without even walking sticks. The above placard, however, was scarcely posted through the town, ere the political council of the chartists, in order to contract its effect in thinning the meeting, issued the following : " NOTlCE.—lnasmuch as several evil-disposed persons have, through the press, and by intimidation, endeavoured to deter the people from attending their duties at Kersal Moor Demonstration, the public are hereby informed that the boroughreeve and the authorities of Manchester, have pledged themselves not to interfere with the proceedings of the day, but to render every reasonable protection that may be required. By order of the political council, held at Ken nedy's Lecture-room, 14, Redfern-street, Miller-street. JOHN TILMAN, Secretary." Meantime, a large body of soldiers was quartered at Cheet ham-hill, Broughton, and others were proximated in the neighbourhood : the civil force, augmented by auxiliaries, was also in readiness, and would have been employed in the first instance had occasion required. About eight o'clock in the morning, and from that time up to noon, numbers of carts drove towards the town and race-course, filled with country people from Eccles, Stock port, Hyde, Ashton-under-Line, Staley-bridge, Oldham, Bury, Ratcliffe-bridge, Leigh, Hindley, Wigan, &c., many of them doubtless to witness the " great demonstration," but many more to enjoy the recreations of the town, and the sports on Kersal Moor usual on Whit-Saturday,—a day which invariably draws from their abodes in the neighbouring districts thousands both of the manufacturing and farming population. This will account for the great, though by no means extraordinary, assemblage of persons congregated on the occasion. The streets of Manchester, towards nine o'clock, became much thronged, and the numbers continued to increase until half-past ten, at which hour the procession of the chartists, which had been gradually mustering at New Cross and Shude-hill, began to move onward to the moor. They were headed by Mr. Benbow and Mr. Butterworth, on horseback, who acted as marshals, and were accompanied by bands of music, and numerous flags and banners, many of them new. The order was as follows : Green silk flag.—" Manchester Political Union.—Vote by Ballot Universal Suffrage, and Annual Parliaments." Two white silk banners, bearing the rose and thistle; with green silk banner, bearing the harp and shamrock. Men twelve a-breast. Band, and drums and fifes. Flag, with portrait of Stephens, and " Female Political Society of Ashton." On the other side, " God and the right." Females, cleanly dressed, four a-breast. Flag.—" Rights of Man." Green fiag.—" Hulme and Chorltm." "Murder demands justice. Men four a-breast, with rosettes. Band. Flag.—" The Productive Classes." Do.—" European Branch." Political Society of Fustian Shearers. White flag.—" Vote by Ballot, Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments." Flag.—" The Men of Staly-bridge." Foresters' Band. Flag.—He that is not for us_is against us.—Stephens for ever !" Men four a-breast. White fiag.—" For a nation to be free, it is sufficient that she wills it." Men four a-breast. Two white flags.—"-Universal Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, and Annual Parliaments."—" Feargus O'Connor, the consistent Advocate of the People's Rights." Men four a-breast. Sixteen men, with small green banners. Women four a-breast. Men twelve a-breast. White flag.—" Reason no longer with tyrants. Man has but once to die." • Men four a-breast. Flag, moulited with a pike head. Flag.—" Equal Laws ;" " Hyde Radical Association ;" and " Equal Laws and Rights." Female Political Society from Hyde, - with seven flags, and a wel, engraved portrait of Stephens. The Hollingwood party, twenty or thirty in number, with two white flags, brought up the rear. The procession ' it was calculated, might con t a i n i n a ll not fewer than five thousand persons. Numbers Of persons walked with the procession on each side of the road, which presented a continuous stream of human beings moving to wards the moor. Numbers of carts with other vehicles, how ever, from the country, laden principally by females, in their holyday attire, continued to drive towards the town, the merry parties seated in them preferring the urban recreations usual to the day, to the questionable gratification of hearing the speeches of the demagogues. Up to eleven o'clock com paratively few persons, in straggling parties, were observable on the moor, but about that hour the procession, with its accompanying multitudes spread over the ground nearest to the Manchester road, and continued to accumulate until noon, when the attendance was at its height ; and (including holyday people, and some thousands drawn thither from mere curiosity) the whole never, we should compute, exceeded twenty to twenty-five thousand. Of these, exclusively of the five thousand who formed the general procession, there were not probably more than a thousand or two who could fairly be denominated chartists, so that the numerical force of the body mustered in South Lancashire, after so much vapouring and flourishing of trumpets, is, as compared with the popu lation of these ,districts, altogether inconsiderable. Shortly before eleven o'clock, the Rochdale and Middleton Radical Association appeared on the ground, preceded by a band of music, and carrying several flags and banners, bearing inscrip tions, amongst which were the following ;—" The Rights of Man."—" Unity and Strength."—" Taylor, the People's unflinching Friend."—" We have set our lives upon a cast, and will stand the hazard of the die."—" United, we stand ; divided, we fall."—" We know our rights, and we will have them."—" Tyrants, tremble, for the people are awake."-- " Universal suffrage or death," &c. About eleven o'clock the Manchester Unions came up, preceded by a band of music, and three flags, with emblematic representations of the rose, the shamrock, and !the thistld. Numerous other flags were borne in the procession. Mr. Feargus O'Connor and Dr. Taylor, (of Scotland), followed, in an open car riage with outriders, and were everywhere hailed with cheers by the chartists. The Radical Association of Ashton were accompanied by numbers of persons.from Hyde.— Amongst the mottoes on their flags,—" Feargus O'Connor, the constitutional friend of the people ;"—" Reason no longer with tyrants—men can die but once ;"—" What mean ye, that ye beat my people, and grind the faces of the poor, saith the Lord of hosts !" The Failsworth Radical Association followed, with a banner inscribed " The people are deter mined to be free." Next came the Bury Association, headed by Dr. Fletcher, on horseback, who was loudly greeted as he approached. Behind him was borne a banner with the words " Abolition of white slavery." Flag, " The Unsworth Union." Flag—motto, " Taxation without representation unjust." " The Union of the people." " Let England's sons be firm and united, and never relax in their exertions." " Universal suffrage—Annual parliaments—Vote by ballot— Abolition of slavery." A tricoloured flag—motto, " May we struggle for ourselves, that our children may bless us." Heywood National Association. Flag, " England expects that every man will do his duty." " Justice for the mil lions." Bolton. " We'd rather die for liberty than live in slavery." " Universal liberty and peace." Tricoloured flag. Leigh Association. " The people's charter." " Mur der demands and shall have justice." Bolton Female Radical Association. Two flags, " Universal suffrage ;" "No Corn-laws." Hindley Union. Flag, "We demand British rights." Fourteen flags and banners from Stockport. From Blacow Bridge.—Flag, " Stephens for ever."—Re verse, " We are for the peopl e ' s c h ar t er , an d the champion of liberty." Green flag.—" The cause of the people. Let England's sons.be firm and united, resolved never to relax in their exertions so long as oppression lasts." From Radcliffe.—Flags, Labour is the source of Wealth." " Abolition of white slavery. Failsworth Radical Association.LflTyrants' chains can only sting where slaves submit to wear them. The people are determined to be ft ee." Green flag.—" Freemen we'll live, or freemen we'll die." " The people's charter, and no surrender." Heywood Democratic Association.—Flags, " Woe unto him that oppresses the poor." " Down with the Bastiles." " Stephens for ever." Tonge Political Association.—Flag, " Let us be united in brotherly love, our rights and liberties to gain." Other minor bodies from villages or hamlets followed, many of them not numbering above twenty or thirty indivi duals each. It is difficult to estimate with accuracy the num ber of those present ; but it was generally thought that the whole of the chartist audience did not exceed six or seven thousand, and that the remainder of those on the ground in cluding children, stragglers, ,and others who were not within earshot of the speakers, might be (as before intimated) from twelve to fifteen thousand. For, the accommodation of the principle actors in the poli tical drama of the day, a stage was erected on two waggons, within the circle of the race course, and in the hollow or dimple nearly opposite the furthest booth from the grand stand. The speakers faced the Manchester road, and the site was well chosen as regarded the auditory, who covered the hollow in front and the rising ground that bounds it on each side. A shilling was required from our reporter as admission money to the hustings, which having paid, he took his seat at a temporary table formed of planks, and at which ten to a dozen purveyors for the broad sheet had already taken their seats, book and pencil in hand. The several associations for the most part walked round the sta g e, with music playing and colours flying, and finally m i ng l e d en masse in front of the speakers—the flags being borne in the outskirts of the assembled throng, and on the heights on either side, whence, fluttering in the breeze, they presented a rather gay appear ance. The character of the meeting was by no means so formidable in number or materials as some had anticipated. That portion of it which would fairly lay claim to the title of chartists, comprised almost exclusively, the poorest of the working classes of the manufacturing classes ; and we regretted to observe, from the faded attire and haggard looks of many of them, that the present deficiency of employment and the high price of provisions, were making physical inroads amongst them, and that "sharp mus i ng h a d worn t o th e bone' many of these deluded men, whose condition is truly to be deplored, and whom we should rejoice to see meeting together in a better and more profitable cause. • Not a single red coat was to be seen on the ground, if we except the trumpeter on the stage, who blew his horn to obtain silence ere the respective speakers addressed the mul titude ; nor did we observe any considerable number of the police force, who might possibly h ave a tt en d e d i n p l a i n cloth. The several associations having arrived, shortly after eleven o'clock, Mr. G. H. SMITH, of Hulme, presented himself, and in a few words moved that Dr. Fletcher of Bury, should take the chair. The motion was seconded, and was carried amidst much cheering. The CHAIRMAN then mounted a form, and addressed the assemblage as follows :—Men of South Lancashire,—l will not exppress my regret that, on this occasion, you have not a person of high rank and station in society, or greater talent, to preside over you ; for, however humble may be my station, however inferior my talents, I will yield to no man in that determined, unflinching, and persevering adherence to our good cause, which constitutes my best and surest claim to your esteem and support. (Cheers.) But I could have wished that some person more capable of managing and conducting public meetings, should have been called upon to preside at this great, most glorious, and most triumphant demonstra tion of their zeal, energy, and self-denial. (Cheers.) Glori ous and triumphant it assuredly is, when it is recolleted that the meeting is called at a period most unfavourable for such a purpose,—a holiday especially set apart in this hard-work ing, toiling district, for recreation ; and it is especially tri umphant and satisfactory when we reflect that those present have actually kept away from their favourite amusement, in order to appear here this day, and thus demonstrate their de termination to commence success in the cause which they had espoused. (Cheers.) This furnished, at once, a sufficient reply to those who asserted that the people met together on such occasions by the mere impulse of idle curiosity. It has been determined by the committee that the several speakers should be confined to a short space of time, as we are here assembled on sufferance, it being necessary that by two o'clock we should give up this ground, so that the races of the day may . commence. It would, therefore, be improper in me, whose duty it is to enforce this regulation, to violate it my self ; nor was it necessary to trench upon it. The fact is we have come here not merely to talk, but to show ourselves. (Applause.) And we have shown ourselves in such numbers, and have manifested such well-tempered zeal, and such good order, as will at once defeat the hopes of those who vainly imagined that you would be led into such acts of madness, and premature violence, as would furnish your enemies with a pretext to justify the interference of the civil and military force, and thus defeat your onward and constitutional move ment. I will not, therefore, occupy your attention further than to read some propositions, which it has been determined by the national convention should be this day submitted to the meet ing. It has been urged by some that it was improper to discuss ulterior measures at the present time : it was thought that they ought to wait until the rejection of the national petition and the bill to be founded upon it; and it would have been well to have waited that result, had not circumstances arisen, which have prevented the presentation of the petition before the occurrence of these simultaneous meetings which had previously been determined upon. But if we needed an apology for proceeding onward, in the course we propose, we have it in the fact that Lord J. Russell has actually arrayed one class of, the community against another ; that he has called on the wealthier classes to accept of arms from the government for the preventing the working classes from meeting, and taking steps for the securement of their rights. (Cries of hear, and " they never shall.") lam aware that some of you in the associations have determined to apply to him, as home secretary, for arms for the maintenance of the peace and the constitution. And I would advise you, if you do apply, to do so in a legal manner. Ido not think it right that associations as such should be armed. You would not like that a tory or a whig association ,should be armed, nor would I like to see an armed radical association. But do you, each of you, determine to call a public meeting of the inhabitants of your respective towns, to form an association such as that which Lord J. Russell has requested all orderly, peaceable, and well-disposed people to do ; for if you do not, you will tacitly admit that you are not of that orderly class. Each and all of you should put down your names, and call upon the government to allow them arms, for the same for which the wealthy classes have been invited to receive them —the maintenance of peace ; and if arms be refused to them, under these circumstances, so they must be also withheld from others. (Cheers, and cries of We've got them now !") Let them, in fine, show the stand they are determined to make for obtaining their rights, and they would achieve them. To for ward that end, the national convention have preparedsome pro positions to be submitted for your consideration, the first of which is, "Whether they will be prepared, at the request of the Convention, to withdraw all sums of money they may indi vidually or collectively have placed i n sav i ngs ' banks, private banks, or in the hands of any p erson hostile to their j us t rights ?" " Whether, at the same request, they will be pre pared immediately to convert all their paper money into gold and silver ?" (` We will.") Well, that will be sufficient to achieve your liberty, if you carry it early into effect. However small the sums you may have in the savings' banks individually, you have thirteen millions in all throughout the country ; and the abstraction of but one million from the state funds, at the present crisis, will so crush the govern ment and the moneyed classes, that they will be compelled to a restitution of the rights withheld from the people. (Cheers.) The next proposition is—" Whether, if the Con vention shall determine that a sacred month will be neces sary to prepare the millions to secure the charter of their political salvation, they will firmly resolve to abstain from their labours during that period, as well as from the use of all exciseable articles." This is the last and most efficient means of achieving your liberty, should all others fail. The Convention has made the call upon us, and we must respond to it. The next proposition is—" Whether, according to the old constitutional right —a right which modern legislators would fain annihilate—they have prepared themselves with the arms of freemen, to defend the laws and constitutional privileges their ancestors bequeathed to them ?" Our legis lators would fain have denied this right ; but they have been driven to admit it ; Lord John Russell has admitted it. I don't consider him a very high authority, but he is on this subject ; and he says you have a right to possess arms. The next question is—" Whether they will provide themselves with chartist candidates, so as to be prepared to propose them for their representatives at the next general election ; and, if returned by show of hands, such candidates to consider themselves veritable representatives of the people—to meet in London at a time hereafter to be determined on ?" I know the chartist candidates who will present themselves will be accepted by you. The next question to be proposed is—" Whether they will resolve to deal exclusively with chartists; and in all cases of prosecution rally around and protect all those who may suffer in a righteous cause ?" The men of South Lancashire understand this too, and have practised it so long that they need no teaching. The next point is—" Whether, by all and every means in their power, they will perseveringly contend-for the great object of the people's charter, and resolve that no counter agitation for a less measure of justice shall divert them from their righteous object ?" I need not ask the men of South Lancashire, who, for fifty years, have never flinched from the contest in the cause of radical reform, whether they are willing to take any other, and less measure of justice. The next thing is— " Whether the people will determine to obey all the just and constitutional requests of the majority of the convention ?" We, of the convention, have a right to expect this from you. You have planted us in the post of danger, but our efforts will be fruitless, our exertions powerless, unless you grant to us a just and constitutional obedience. (Cheers.) Mr. WALKER, a person from Ratcliffe, moved the first resolution, of which the following is a copy :—" That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the peace and prosperity of this country can only be secured by her Majesty calling to her council those men who are prepared to grant to the peo ple a full measure of reform, based on the principles of the peoples charter." In supporting this, the speaker declared that there never were two baser sets of men than the whigs and tones ; that both of them, when in office, had grossly mis-governed the country, but that they were now locked fast, and there was no hope left but for the Queen to call the chartists to her councils. They were the only men to keep the vessel of state from sinking, and it was therefore the duty of all men to support the national p etition and the bill in T se li c e n ß nd ev in . founded upon it. elie bye the Queen would see, and hear, and have , chq i l ? iber ty misery of the people ; liberty they must and seconding the eV. resolution, JACKSON, e a x n p ressea expelled hisM be stth they should have by one means or another. ( then repeated almost the same observations as tomes being speaker, as to the necessity of both Whigs and tor isee the removed from official situations, in order to intro,'" s iscli chartists. He concluded by seconding the resolution, " was then put and carried.real Mr. O'CoNNoR then presented himself, aiM wa s becallte with great cheering. He said he was there to-days, s; a rid the magistrates had said that that was an illegal ine.ein was because the proclamation of the queen had said tf i l e Sii it , hi. , an unconstitutional meeting ; he was therefore the . r„e nts be own person, as a barrister, to prove that, at all, et it s ere looked upon it as legal and constitutional ; an ti co urg. P a tr.ehavevhatile. neither, the numbers present would justify the posted Cheertsi; lot (Applause.) He was there, because he thong he t e ieZ; r ial danger, when danger did present itself, should b o a. by every man who had but a portion of leaven into theasetaent; (Applause) Yesterday, that moor was a scene of am boihe a now, they were combining duty with amusement, lot O i l with pleasure. (Hear, hear.) For himself he had. sa te° . to say on the present occasion ; and if he had, his halth would allow -him to say or t se Or; t wou d e erplain the p ositpion in which the stood. l a lie place, he asserted that the magistrates? caution wa s ! sl eet' Why ? Because Lord John Russell had said that thSsS , 0 se ings were legal ; and no danger could be apprehet tidedtist public peace, because Lord John Russell had saa l , Theo. arms were purchased by the people. (APP lau nr Pa rli3 ) either the royal proclamation was unconstitutiona , w e; ment were a set of vagabonds and cowards. (Alfre'sitofi Why? bebause proclamations were not in thenr . t ote. 4 1 ) and should only be resorted to in the last extremi in and strengthen the law, if it required strength.eitieai'a O dl e why, if any anticipation were entertained of sac a ss fee su i s case on the present occasion, did parliament adjolu'resenri a length of time ? Surely, they could not have all at any danger, or they would not have left their Pa' but p ° a time ; if they did apprehend it, they were noting_sio troons and cowards for attempting to throw the.7,Abe their young queen. (Applause.) The queen. eheauuse .5; looked so interesting in his eyes as lately b thetion was surrounded by two sets of the tones baud' s and he had heard for a fact, that, while the tales we.iTsseds; arrangements for getting the government into theit_sraste! for he had always told them that if the whigs were d ° b r a d tb tb ) , tories were devils in hell—(loud applause)—ae been in power now, the soldiers would not have the da; barracks, but would have been marched out, under n rea d) tion of some bloody general, who would have beetiotowall, peaceable. (Hear, hear.) But they give the word " Fire," whether the people ' , ve r s e t seal e s (Applause.) The Queen had never received so' IA in his eyes as now, for all the Hanoverian club lan se o f P ei m ight den' s e s 01; young Queen, and substitute a bloody had been at work to know how they could disPe, in tier place. (Applause.) If they had done' this, &AS t ° ol advised them to revolt ; it would have been their d i t eti o Let volt against this faction, and in favour of the O a ` an d t monarch. Poor thing, she had done no la te; effe' j ti s always looked with great sympathy the faults , I on ittea especially of female youth ; and if she had conlin ;ac tion's. it was not her own, but that of the damnable 'riots surrounded her. (Applause.) He stood in a c c , nl o* tion before them ; for he had in his pocket at 6 8 ' 0 to, R , summons from the Queen's Bench, where he w s 0 00 15 ,0 appeared yesterday, to answer to certain char . e e0 111° ;e s meanour. He had only received it at twenty -a' it fe te d f past nine last night ; and yet he was to answer t g 10 day, under a penalty of £lOO. (Applause ail s erY, e s That might do very well for Irish law, ha it l isoo tin t o English law, or justice either. He said it out of a bu t al til° to Lord Denman, who presided in that court ; n o b e t) ; Hanoi.eer::oia oft the writ required him to appear, " all other bus' st ia o 4 , laid aside," yet he looked upon this , business as &sa i ' ; , ) to any other he could undertake. (Applause.) ',steal deavoured to raise this storm, and he would never i he fore ibi t quell it, till it had swept away all competition fr e a u . f ` lic if He had stood by them in evil report and in gn t ' s ieea was the issue ? No human blood had ever Yei ss ' o l,l n i ce' banners ; while the rotten whigs, in 1 832 9 ;1100 0 f - pr through a three months' siege without sheddin,, ,_(Loaf rite ing cities, pulling down castles, and the lik e ' -- tsat c sit . plause.) Upon whose side was peace ? 09 illershe chartists. Upon whose was war, injustice, a, g al f o reebe , t Upon those who would again resort to pbYs s , e ss d. would govern the country by powder and the,sv's applause.) But they were not going to I ' l ° l l te nod ter hour of danger ; and if the troops were o rdere i sie er s :st day, he should tell the chairman to dissolv e the o''hs save bloodshed ; and should recommend the P ers f ur to go home, and to meet in their respective to0171;0013 am their leaders ; take counsel as to what course theY.,, g o i ; tit sue.—(Applause.)—He was yesterday at BirTsiloog is fee came back last night, for fear he should sleep f e e. morning. He travelled with a ruffian of toe ° San' el ef Nadin, who was formerly a deputy constable totrhst had (1,03 and who out of the proceeds of stolen propertY par, char been returned to its owners, had made £2O O a f Y t l i e (t`: now the occupier of a large farm. He spoke ni and said that the military would be let loose —OO lil fl day ; and he said he would go a hundred It s all es s sear sf 1 0' k h n el e d es in to h h is an h g an F d ea s r o gu m s e O ex T ra o c n t n s o f r r h orn inis a elf p . — a i i pe s ti , e e a i r e:i o i reivittit,r . v err o s . ' John Edward Taylor, on the subject of the and he found that he then held that the peeper w „id? in being armed, and going to public nieeta.u, tsur f lp f in their hands ; that they had a right to rir l ho tes, e t ier f beenof un! universal suffragectcontradicted b y march in order at public meetings ; that the 8 bad j 0 1:, (Hear , etIV; Edward Taylor had spoken language which s i tile , pro C • onsention ever did ; because what they a l , (aPP,fte,, eainthderafnancutianln.parlia::t h s pearol ) oof ts : while his statements were only meant to misleat" tit o"' eV . He thanked God they had got rid of such 'acne:), th .to c o al o ' the Convention. No man was more tit to 0 de 0, 0 , A than Dr. Fletcher ; and he could not fill a Pr ° , det i see's They wanted to get rid of those men who we l : - te el t"'Safr t stop the movement just at that point which ai`,,aleilieli purposes ; and as soon as they got the eau s i e h`e ea ° , It was not only necessary that they hands of the hard-working men, they shoal ( ' , saris t s boul" ns for ?it they were looking for, but why they were 104 t 1 ,Stf it a o l ; what use was to be made of it when they ga t after they had expended labour on the raw factures, for which they only received ten s :i n ea' . „ o Pie employers sold the article for perhaps ten g„1 - t he the masters were gambling upon the labour oi ssn ; rejoiced to find that the trades were with tp`,".; t ' 04 1 places it was not so, the shabby fellows had the people,—in Newcastle, for instance. A t . lal t ot had been an attempt to get up a little divertiseettosiisal,;l by-play, in the shape of a hole and corner ru e a i st, s o, had the honour of stating that he went there Vir and that half of Oldham was now in the Ine e n ssaa,C °°' them. (Applause.) He concluded with the foi o f eh' g —if the whole military was here, we, who ii : r e h-eet,oo,; g vention, would remain till the meeting was d ' s ie ° ," determined to remain here till I see the PeaP lose' ' 0) 1 danger, and to be one of the last upon this P e 00,3, 0 danger thickens and presents itself, those of tlither,;j rile will be ready to do their duty and stand . t o g on' 'ot may defy the world. Let any one disunite lied mor franchiseefipny pert' reoe dsu gives e rtnootewh;danl have industry n o nkd t d h ut oens universal m toy ut a ; hr n will be a prey in every succeeding faction• olesd o s question of household suffrage. So long as ° wil P r 4° s' ea osm a ii nwud f franchise , rn a sar n oigng c e h hhi: m i te s osls e ri , nt 0. 0 0 oe l k o d l i a Geot og: in t hve o e r : 061 ! . i o r t,, (Loud cheers.) ca be r ' I Mr, TIMOTHY HIGGINS, of Ashton, to move the next resolution. He said, w e d b ilY ° „qe /1. 0 e long cheated by thieves on the one hand, sa s ht t'se no ris at ' on the other, into the notion that wehave ti ^ee (+ that we have no right to possess the suffrag e; o r to;Sh o i .; no right to have anything, to hear anything, o ao ir et's thing, unless they think proper. —(Hear, he ar p' t e : 04 1 . 0 el i e The cloud is just now passing away from be, 01P so f 0 , 1 ai and all the factions can do, with all their laic's of t''o(V , tions, and military, will never alter the oEiniolognota4l, as to their present position.—(Cheers.) -4 et. c hewlt °4l o lte ' P et had suffered themselves to be bamboosled, o oe 9 0 b ° 0 0( and denounced as traitors, so that it had b ee Ile, 0 tomary to expect to find traitors in the canir'. to tow n li", , e o however, that nothing in the shape of a 10 0 ,00 bti i was now to be found in the convention. %tidy not think there were any traitors in the conc.-in, la d ' eS, if there were, they hadthe to do Cbv not power . b y, i4 t) cause all their proceedings were made pubbe•sato legs the convention should become a legislative,a seep' doubt they would, at some future period, u e s ocaiftV assembly of this country, one man might be s ° ,o,. ° „ be V another a prime minister ; another a Cha t sirel ° olF chequer, and perhaps Mr. Feargus O'Connor ~ 00; St a Lord Chief Justice.—(Cheers.) —When treated ;alio rr was then betre6rl, sider the manner in which they had been trea t o ecl i i foef it and in all ages by a set of rascals wtteorahsaerli,;igabatttror:3,i?‘ express purpose of protecting the venting the people from choosing what theYfraais 0 1 1 ,, ill , was not to be wondered at the eope wer e °- the ° is (Cheers.) But when the chartists) becanie tile d Vs powers, they would have no dread of W6o°sloo'oo ", e t should so happen that any unfortunate ni s t t se b b e e d, g il le inconsiderate as to turn traitor, then the is ,' or,,e; own head : better would it have been for the rm if he ill,, el They, however, would not spill evnewithfchectios such a man, but would leave him to be dea t : o o.loeti e r see for “ m Th m a o t st an m y ee ni t e i m n the ber eryeessi resigning righhitseocuasrbien the c tor b ro ls o ` s ides e 0 without publicly assigning a cause, be con t fro fc• serted the interests of the people, and i s n ?' to suspicions of treason to the cause of lihertY., co st i ga Mr. HOLROYDE, of Ashton, said they haßinsersledoe„" their sentiments on this important subject t 0 eoa ai He knew that they had several difficulti es in g There was the aristocracy, the fundholders'ider, icoste a nd 110 r4otl parsons arrayed against them. The funelna 00.11.4:b01 great an advocate of the national faith, .c ° , e vi s , ifh t l h e ef' fe t :l the distressed condition of the poor voe 3 c \ io nid o ,' casioned by the bad system of things. rat , ° O r s to this degradation and misery? (Cries 0 1 st snasoo r die, bid it heaven ; they would, as Englishrnen,were ‘.`oo/ obtain their rights. (Loud cheers.) Tli ere s. raa l "peti ti s,e s portions of society that had not joinedhelsa ia e lyse o 's was the manufacturer ? He was against the corn laws. Where were the e oal e society ? They had unfortunately left the _P o s sa: c eL .l selves, and he was sorry to say that thel:_e eni . di ri er„ mplOvoidale %,101, au d the working classes that had not joined ; great pleasu re that he seconded the r s olutin in ta„ sent meeting would stimulate the conventildeote'eptila holy . cause, until at length all Europe 11 'lig tb d ( 111'1 and ' imitate the example of England in diff a a s o l a 101:1, 1 ° 0 '0' 1 ; 1 i of liberty throughout the world. (ne er ' - I a e. th e ( l)) continued cheering.) Let them be firm t hea eo s play into the hands of their enemies, ha d ni ads most assuredly obtain the object they ha ro g i ftlis cheers.) e so sal Dr. TAYLOR, of Glasgow rejoiced to .nts, ao ce a edi t ?: assembled determined to obtain their rig ou t sa dd first was—" to know their rights were three things necessary before they c s is--th e e tl' it t4 —" to know how to get them :" (cheers)-;1 t hea e ',l o .0 re 1 ; when they had learnt the second, "to trY f og celi b .cs l . cj cheers and laughter.) He told them th i e l o r ee a- -- _! t sier vided. They were nicely and nearly bal4 into either. must be careful not to throw their weig" tog e 1. both • ~___.(s h eer-, ) th and shortly they would be able to erns. s e )l .r e cheerTh )s. e resolution was then put and carrie d ' 01 0 Mr. RAWSON, of Bury, in movinF, t r ii n e ool, tb s e 6 t ti/ce 111 said that at a meeting of chartists in /sis C is r st roa'aieo there had made 200 men drunk tog° '.`a n ot disturb their proceedings ;_ but this di , he ir Of V oll t tongues, nor prevent them from effecting l at d a tio n io resolution was as follows: — Russell, we, the inhabitants of South Lin un dre o te c opil " That in accordance with the recconimel'oshire'oll4 good men and true, all of us intereste r sht nrin ce !! ,7, 1 1 7, meeting assembled, to the number of h` ci -e i n tbe to, life and property, do hereby instruct on ~' f os . in our behalf, to the Home Secrets") „,, s oitnoo,0 1 ? thousand stand of arms, commissariat, arr e n obw t he o f rt , able to the emergency anticipated by th e f0r, ( 0 5 .1 ,0, further assert that, if the law allows a Srf o r the 7 0 0 0 ,:i i r the poor, the law also justifies a stercn,o, for so e r,`,o rich. And therefore should our withoutapplieari ,`; to i ' l le r y fused, or-our houses searched for arms, 00 °2 ;e 43 ,, we shall conclude it is the governments w hich 0 rich against the poor—a course of policyd trcs t 10 1 i sides a violation of the bill of rights, an tyo, tion of war, against the indust rious Mr. RUSHTON, of Manchester, sec°. mor e 00 and rejoiced that their leader s had d the P clasosedse•d the r itea oo together to speak through th e nation 9/3