The Sun. — London, England, 1847-12-10 00:00:00

4 • T FI E U N, solved upon by a large meeting in Ti pp erary. Now, 2W could the Noble Lord have known this except I from some of the parties p res ent ? He disbelieved the whole story from beginning to end. What se- I city could there be for its truth ? By no rational sign, ment could this Bill be shown to be for the pro ,7tion of life and property, The same sort of feel 'B' would prevail after it; enactment as now, so that nothing would be gained by it. He for one was not imposed to object to the Bill because it was unac emnpanied by remedial measures, knowing how 114 ; ,., 11 3' obstacles there were to the immediate 41 roduction of such measures. He did not . 4 "eliPose an Act of Parliament could be at once pre rared to remedy those great defects in the law of land 21'd and tenant. He wished to see it done delibe altelY He joined with the Honourabl e Member for the Rouse on that subject which w ould do injustice `Q landlords, who, he believed were w ell dis p eaed to Peld to every fair and reasonable proposition. He tad heard that a Bill, prepared on this subject had en sent over to Ireland, and returned by the Lord- Lieutenant for alteration ; therefore he was not at all disposed to doubt the proni i ses of remedial mea ,Zre.,B made by the Government. 3itich. had been cud lately on the subject of statements suppaaad to fade by the priests from the altar. was ""t a corner of the country in which there were nOt• Well-educated and loyal men, and he did not believe Mat anyone of the Roman Catholic clergy wo uld dare to .get up in the face of his congregation and :eke any statement that would instigate to assassina e• n. He knew, as every one must know, that it was 1144 habit in country chapels on Sundays for the cler- Mien to give notice of deaths, marriages, or any ether remarkable events which might have occurred "along his congregation ; but these notices were generally intended to effect some good object. He cad once heard a priest tell his parishioners of the Peat Mr. So-and-So, having lost thirty turkeys from W• s farm-yard ; and the comment was, " All I can say • that if Mr. Burke gave more of his'turkeys to his friends, he would miss them less."—(l;aughter.) He Was sure the country clergymen of Ireland never eould have done the things which had been attributed to them. He could never give a vote for a Bill of Mils kind, which had so much coercion in it. M. O'CONNOR said the Hon. Member for Mon !rose had fallen into some unintentional errors. He had told the House in one breath of the facility with which murderers recekved absolution, and in the next of the exemplary chara'eter of the clergy in Ireland. If the Honourable Member for Limerick was charge able with having given his assent to the fit st reading of this Bill, at all events he (Mr. O'Connor) could not be taunted with opposing it now on the same !round, because he had met it at the outset with the strongest opposition. If any one argu ment more strongly in point than another could be urged for producing remedial measures contemporaneou sl y with lt his Bill, the Hon. Member for Montr ose had of it, when he said, that at every public m eetin g °_,t the people of England he ever attended , they had denounced the tyranny of the Irish Government, and 4 1 e injustice practised against the Irish p eo p le. bad was tha first constructive coercion Bil l which been introduced into that House, as was elicited °Y the answer given by the Right Hon. Gentleman to the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam vrorth, implying that it embraced all previous a cts of coercion, which were to be put into operation at the instance of the Lord-Lieutenant. Therefore he re .;'Ognized in the pretended mildness of this meas ure a kind of legal draw-note, which was to embrace every other measure, a mockery, a delusion, and a snare. ie had searched the library and every other place In vain for the 85th volume of Hansard (this was the corpus delicti, and had evidently been abstracted by some judicious means), containing the speeches of the .cloble Lord and Right Hon. Gentleman opposite ° l l the introduction of the coercion Bill by the Government of the Right Honourable Member for Tamworth. The Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland moved the amend 'bent, and, at the conclusion of his speech, said the reason why he opposed the Bill was that remedial measures did not accompany it. His Bill would be a shut-up knife in the hands of the Lord-Lieutenant , and he might open as many blades as he ple ased. The .1. 4 w, as it at present stood, had not bee n a pp lied in -Ireland alike to the rich and the poor man. A cousin . ( !,f his (Mr. F. O'Connor), who had been educated in England, was appointed, upon his leaving Oxford, to the office of stipendiary magistrate in Ireland, and the first case upon which he had to adjudicate was a summons by a labourer against a landl ord for wa g es. , 'no gave his decision against the landlord, and the consequence was, that the landlord next morning called the magistrate out, and the magistrate had t he misfortune to shoot his adversary.—(A laugh.) Such Was the state of society in Ireland. There was a laugh when the landlord was shot in a duel ; but there was sympathy for him when he was otherwise shot. Why not better the law in Ireland ? Let them teach the peasantry to rely upon the ordinary law of the land in the same way that they had done with respect to the colliers in the north of England. But no, the Government would not do that, because they thought they were a strong Government ; but if every Irish Member had his feeling, they would act on the suggestion of the Hon. Member for Bucking hamshire (Mr. Disraeli), and, instead of tampering with the sore, eradicate the wound altogether. Lord DUDLEY STUART said he considered that it was a most melancholy circumstance that that House should now be called upon to consider a pleasure of this kind, after so many years of pro fessions from various Governments, and he believed the honest professions, of a desire to ameliorate the condition of Ireland. He felt that it was most me lancholy that they should at that time of day be occupied in discussing a measure in some degree coercive in its character. He fully admitted that the People of Ireland had been brought into their present condition by the misconduct of former Governments ---by misgovernment conducted during years and centuries. The seed of the present state of things had been sown by former Governments, and that was a reason why he thought that the House was doubly bound to do all in its power to promote the welfare and advantage of Ireland, as some compensation for the injustice and misgovernment which she had ex perienced. He thought that was a reason why they should look upon the faults and offences committed in Ireland with indulgence. But that was no reason against passing this Bill, which was meant not to press upon the people of Ireland, but to put a stop to a Mate of things which was almost without a parallel. Some of the Hon. Gentlemen who represented Irish constituencies had spoken as if there was some hostile feeling in that House and in the country against the people of Ireland. He utterly disclaimed all feeling of the sort. He utterly disclaimed it for the consti tuency which he represented ; and he disclaimed it for the country at large. He believed that the people of England desired that their Irish brethren should Participate in every advantage which they themselves enjoyed ; and lie could not take that Bill as any proof b the contrary. The Hon. Member for Limerick lad made use of an expression with regard to the feeling of that House towards Ireland which he (Lord Ludley Stuart) had heard with a great deal of pain. Tie Hon. Member, deliberately repeating what he hal asserted in heat and exasperation, said, that there was not one instance in which a feeling of kindness or justice had been expressed in the House towards his cenntry. He (Lord Dudley S tuar t) had lamented , he confessed , to hear such w eeds from one who bore the name he dirl— a name which he would always pronounce with that admiration which was due to transcendent talent exercised, as he believed, according to the dictates of duty, as the distinguished individual who possessed it understood it. lie (Lord D. Stuart) said that he la minted to hear such words from the Hon. Gentleman, who in consequence of bearing that name must be supposed to be one standing high among the Mem bers of the country to which he belonged, as one of their leaders. He was, however, he confessed, greatly Consoled when upon the division he found that the Ron. Gentleman had excited so little sympathy amongst his colleagues, that he actually in that divi sion found himself in a minority of his own country men. More Irish Members voted against him than With him. The Hon. Gentleman, therefore, in mak ing use of the language and uttering the sentiments to which he (Lord D. Stuart) ha d j ust referred, was by no means the representative of the Irish feeling. The Hon. Gentleman had endeavoured to show, not only that there was a bad feeling in that House against his country, but that a similar feel ing pervaded the whole people of England. He quoted some expressions in the Examiner, in which the writer, with that glowing language which be longed to him, said that England was ready to sup port the Government in a much stronger Bill than that which was before the House, and even to assent to a Bill that would enact that a man should be first hung and then tried.—(Great laughter.) He (Lord Dudley Stuart) believed that there was a good deal of truth in that article of the Examiner. But the Honourable Gentleman must know, and no man knew better, ho quickly the public feeling p assed from One extreme to the other. Did not the Honourable Gentleman know that a great deal of sympathy was felt throughout the whole of this land—for he ought to know—for his starving brethren ? Ten millions had been appropriated, although the lion. Member for Tralee seemed inclined to deny that it could be Proved that more than a quarter of a million had found its way into Ireland. Mr. M. O'CONN ELL—I said a quarter of the awn expended. Lord D. STUART continued —The published re turns showed that 7,000,0001. of that sum had been expended. It was perfectly true, no doubt, that there was that kind of feeling throughout the country that the people were ready to support the Government in a much more severe Bill, but they would do so not because they hated the Irish, but because they hated murder, they Abhorred assassination. They could not hear, and they would not bear, that a cowardly assas sin from behind a wall should shoot at their fellow men in revenge for a real or supposed injury, and they were detertnined to do what they could to pnt an end to such a state of things, not by idle declamation, not by sermons which were so nicely balanced by inflammatory sentences in one part, and entreaties not to commit crime in another—not by such mea sures as that, but by real practical measures. He (Lord I). Stuart) thought it was the imperative duty of Government to pass this Bill, as it was the first duty of the Government to afford security to life and property. If they neglected that, and suf fered murder and horrid outrage, and a state of anarchy, and a reign of terror to continue in Ireland, such as that which was at present prevailing there, the guilt would be second only to that which was the greatest of modern times, the guilt of the Austrian Government, which not only suffered the tenants to murder the landlords, but instigated them to it, and paid them for it with honours and with gold. He would not agree to any line of conduct that would subject a country or a nation to any such imputation, and feeling that there had been a clear case of neces sity made out for this Rill, that it was no stronger than the occasion required, he felt that he would best do his duty to his constituents and the country by giving it his hearty support. Mr, M, O'CONNELL—The Noble Lord who had just resumed his seat was regarded by his ad mirers .4 5 the champion of philanthropy, but it was to be regretted that Ireland alone, of all the suffer ing nations of the earth, should possess no claim upon his sympathy,- The grief of every other country that suffered under oppression could claim his tears, but when there was question of ow wrongs of Ireland he was cold as marble His motto was coercion for Ireland—liberty, safety, and the jealous preservation of popular rights for every other country under the sun. The Notle Lord interested himself deeply in the task of redressing the wrongs of the inhabitants of a distant land, but for his follow-subjects who re sided in a land within twenty- four hours' journey of him, he felt not the least compassion. Al lusion had often been made to a domestic description of charity which commenced at home, and continued at home to the last ; but the Noble Lord's charity was of a totally different quality. It commenced abroad, and sojourned abroad, and in all probability would not return home until Sir John Franklin returned, whenever that might be. What was most anomalous in the conduct of the Noble Lord was, that, while he admitted that the miseries of Ireland were traceable to the misrule and oppression of former Governments, he was prepared to give his assent to the coercive policy of the present Ministry, without making any stipulation with them that they should introduce remedial measures, and make it their study to correct the misdoings of their predecessors in office. Surely, if the Noble Lord was truly sincere in his philanthropy, he ought to give his support to no Government, unless to one which would endea vour to heal the wounds inflicted by former Govern ments, and to inspire in the minds of the people, by a con ciliatory policy, that love and r es p ect for the law which the vicious legislation of statesmen in bygone times had banished from their hearts. He (Mr. O'Connell) was quite as anxious as the Noble Lord could possibly be for the cessation of assassinations in Ireland, but he happened to know more of that country than the Noble Lord knew of Poland ; and he was convinced that any at tempt to establish good order in Ireland by means of such enactments as the present must ever prove abortive and futile. He had often asked English Members who professed to sympathise with Ireland why they did not evince their sympathy by their. votes. One would reply that the feelings of his constituency went the other way; a second, that by so doing he would destroy his influence with the Government ; a third, that such a vote would inter fere with some great commercial speculation he had in hand; and a fourth, that he might perhaps get something from voting with the Government, but that he could not hope to gain anything by voting against them. And thus it was that Ireland was disregarded, and her people were left to misery and wretchedness. But let the Ministry take warning. Coercion Bills broke up and ruined the great Whig party before now. The Noble Lord opposite told them that if the transactions which took place in Ireland had occurred in any county in England they would have a coercion Bill ; but the Noble Lord seemed to know very little either of England or Ireland. He would show him that there was more violence, more destruction of pro perty, equal destruction of life in England, time after time, and that there had been no at tempt at coercion. In the year 1842 most fearful riots prevailed in the manufacturing and mining dis tricts of England ; the country was in a state of actual rebellion, and many lives were lost ; yet there was no coercion Bill, though the ordinary force of the constitution was inadequate, in many cases, to cope with the numbers and determination of the rioters. Sir B. HALL—Were there any murders? Mr. M. O'CONNELL would show that. He did not come unprepared, as the Hon: Baronet might imagine ; and the Hon. Baronet must recollect that there was an insurrection in his own district in Wales during the time of Rebecca. And in reply to the question—" Were there any murders ?"—he begged to read to him the following statement :—" On the 29th of July, 1843, at Crossnewd Gate, Captain Napier and the police arrested four of the rioters, after a desperate struggle ; Captain Napier was desperately wounded, and one of the rioters." He found, in the Examiner of the 12th August this statement—" On Friday, at New Inn, a gate was destroyed ; the gatekeeper's wife was shot at and deprived of her sight." So that in the Hon. Baronet's own country, during a considerable portion of the year 1843, the district was in a state of insur rection ; all descriptions of violence were committed ; the people were arrayed against the law, and the dis turbance was put down without any coercion, or attempt at coercion, but by the mere ordinary course of the law. He (Mr. M. O'Connell) believed the Hon. Baronet must confess that Wales was in such a condition at that time that it was impossible to get a constable to execute his duty. It was found in Ire land that coroners' juries returned true verdicts, but what was the vereict of a Welsh jury on a woman who was shot ? The evidence of the surgeon was, that he had extracted shot from the wound, but still the verdict of the Welsh jury was this :—" The de ceased died from the effusion of blood on the chest, whiah occasioned suftbcation, from what cause is to the jury unknown." Was he not, he asked, entitled to require of the Government to confine themselves to the execution of the ordinary law ? Let them not give them a different description of law to that ap plied to England and Wales, but give them a law that would put an end to disobedience. While there was one remedy for England and another for them — while they had one law for the rich and Another for the poor—so long they would find Ireland still struggling against their legislation ; and they would find that, instead of succeeding in their object by a coercion Bill, their coercion Bills would pass away, but the recollection of their injustice would remain —and remain for ever.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Divide.") If they were to put the ordinary laws in force—if they would deal with Ireland as they had dealt with England and Wales, they would have the good wishes of every rational man with them. What the Irish Members asked was to be allowed to see what were the remedies about to be proposed, and if they were feasible they would join 'the Government in carrying out their view's. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said that the Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down would, he hoped, excuse him if he declined to follow him over the very discursive range which he occupied in the address which he had just delivered to the House.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman had gone into a history of the Rebecca riots in Wales ; into the merits and demerits of the Board of Works in Ireland, and he had created a sort of Russo-Polish Parliament for the benefit of the Noble Lord the Member for Marylebone (Lord Dudley Stuart). But after having given the closest attention to his speech, he (Sir W. Somerville) had detected very little in it having reference to the question before the House. Both the Hon. Gentlemen who had opened the dehate on the present occasion, and the Honourable Mem ber for Nottingham, had enlarged more than the occasion required upon the acts of those who had opposed measures of coercion upon former occa sions, but who now introduced measures of a similar description. He (Sir W. Somerville) did not think that if the circumstances, both as regarded the occa sion on which the present measure wks introduced, the nature of the proposed measure itself, and the spirit evinced by the Government in introducing it, were considered, it would be difficult to show that there was no parallel whatsoever between it and those previously brought forward.—(Hear, hear.) The present measure had been met by a most cor dial spirit of satisfaction on both sides of the House, and that spirit had been most especially evinced by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth ; and so strongly did he (Sir William Somerville) feel the imperative necessity for passing the Bill in order to put a stop to the reign of terror which now pre vailed in Ireland, and that those frequent assassina tions which were bringing disgrace upon his country men—(Hear, hear) —should be prevented, that if he could hurry the passing of it by one single moment he would do so, and be content to rest under the c h a rge of inconsistency .— ported hear.) He sup ported it as a measure that was wanted for the occasion. His Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department had, by the speech which he had made to the House, in proposing it, spared him (Sir W. Somerville) the necessity of going through the category of crimes which were now rife in Ireland; but it was not alone the number of crimes that had been committed that alarmed him. It was the type and nature which those crimes exhibited.—(Hear, bear.) And let not Hon. Gentlemen be too much LONDON FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 10, 1847. to the return of that vessel was not correct, and I now rise to apologise for not making that explana tion before. An HoN. AlEmnEu inquired, would the Honour able Gentloman name his authority for his original statement ? Mr. O'CONNELL said he did not know that they were called upon in that House to name the authori ties for every statement put forward. If such a rule were adopted many parties would be placed in very extraordinary positions. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD said he felt that it was not quite reconcileable with his duty to give a silent vote on this occasion. He had abstained from anything which could be considered as a factious op position to the measure, but he felt that the time had now arrived for explaining his views upon it. He wished to confine his remarks to the principle of the Bill. That principle was decidedly the same princi ple which had been applied on so many former occa sions, in order to reduce crime in Ireland. It was the principle of trying to repress crime by powers beyond the ordinary powers of the law. He acknow ledged that this Bill ;vas milder in its provisions than many others that preceded it, but the question which they had to consider was, would it effect the object which it was intended to accomplish—the repression of crime ? He would not touch upon the unconsti tutional bearings of the Bill, as they had been fully explained by the Honourable Member for Notting ham (Mr. F. O'Connor). He would merely say, that if he believed the measure would be useful to Ireland, it should have his support. But his candid opinion was, that instead of putting down crime, it would have the effect of aggravating it.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think that either the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home De partment or the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland had shown that the Bill would operate in putting down crime. He thought they had failed in showing any connexion between the powers of the Bill and the repression of crime. They heard a great deal about the sacred rights of property, but why should they overlook the rights of labour ? He would say that in Ireland the poor man had no security for a return for his labour. But what were these landlord rights? They were in a great many cases rights of robbery instead of justice.—(Hear, hear.) Should any man be allowed to enjoy the right of taking, and convert ing to his own use, what was produced by the poor man's labour and capital, and of turning that poor man out on the world without any compensation ? (Hear, hear.) He would say they were landlords' wrongs. The slave master talked of his right over the person of his slave, but in a free country like this was it right for the landlord to have the power of robbing the tenant of his property, and of turning him out to die in the ditch ? They had repeated instances of that being done. A very recent case occurred in the county of Leitrim, and the gentleman in his defence said that the tenants owed twelve or fourteen years' rent. He thought such a state of things must have shown neglect on the part of the landlord, or his agent, or some overstraining— (Laughter)—of the resources of the tenant in the first instance. Mr. G. H. MOORE totally disagreed with those Hon. Gentlemen who had expressed their determi nation to resist all measures for the suppression of undoubted crime, unless accompanied by measures for remedying undoubted evils. He disagreed with those Hon. Gentlemen as much as he disagreed with the Hon. Member for Bridport (Mr. W. B. Coch rane). The loss of human life by famine, and of human life by assassination, were evils of infinite enormity, which it was the duty of that House to consider and repress. He therefore, holding no parley with assassins, tendered to her Majesty's Go vernment his humble though cordial support in the carrying out of this tardy act of justice, which at last they had undertaken to present. With regard to those unhallowed districts in which a confederation of murderers had superseded the authority of the law, and scattered death and consternation through the country, Ministers had called upon the Legis lature for certain powers which they considered suf ficient to meet the evil. They were bound to make the demand. They were therefore responsible to that House and the country for the sufficiency of the powers to protect and secure human life ; but were they not also responsible for lives in other parts of the country where crime had not yet been seen, and where the people obeyed the law ?—(Hear, hear.) There was another class in whose favour he must appeal to the House. For the first time after cen turies of insult, the Roman Catholic clergy had been recognised as the de facto pastors of the people, and their services accepted in carrying out the laws. On this first occasion, it must be admitted, they had proved themselves worthy of the trust reposed in their hands.—(Hear, hear.) The exertions of the Roman Catholic clergy during the famine appeared to him to have been almost superhuman, and these labours were added to their ordinary duties, which were sufficiently arduous. They strongly denounced crime. Was it not extraordinary, then, that the only notice taken of their services should have been of the aberrations of one gentleman, who seemed to have made a most unfortunate speech ?—(Hear, hear.) He might mention that in the proclaimed district, out of many hundred victims who had fallen under the murderous confederation in Tipperary, only two were alleged to have been denounced by the Roman Catholic clergy.—(Hear, hear.) Expressions might have been used which naturally disgusted the minds of the English people ; but he asked if there had been no provocation of strong language used towards them in this country Gentleman ut was the all lre lavnedr Honourable well ?—(Hear, hear.) Had all the incendiaries been confi ne d t o I re l an d ? H a d th ere been no calumniators o n thi s s id e the water ? It was alone, fort Noblehteore attribute Lord t ha but u d att the rtoehei tr ßight f o organ the Right Honourable Gentleman? was there no press ? were we to shut our eyes to all that we had heard during the last few months ? had the Govern ment no organ ? what had been the conduct of those organs ? what had been their l ? The people a l nguag e might well answe r the benevo lent assurance of the Right Hon. Baronet • In the words of Caliban, in the Tempest:— " But they'll not pinch, Fright me with urchin shows, pitch me 1 ' the mire, Nor lead me, like a fi re b rand in the dark, Out of my way, unl ess he bid ' em ; but For every trifle they are set upon me. __ • adders, am ... read the articles which had All wound with rs, who, with cloven tongues, which not only stooped Do hiss me into mad He asked the Right H ° o "s ' " Gentleman whether he had columns of the Times, a journal twelve months in th e had appeared during the last ed ties of race, but Pto pander to the vile animosi- Englishmen, and tampered with the social virtues of the springs of the poisonedmost in their very source all To what else tendedst deep-rooted of all the virtues Members in the House the language of various Hon all use the same 11" ? It was true they did not the same weapon. language;t all assassins did not use and Brinvilliers less was the weapon of Borgia as the assassin of Ti deadly because not so vulgar in Ireland who cast Tipperary ? If there had been men in England equally guilty, there had been those bad not been preached although what they said Captain HARRIS saitd that he had thought it his ° an excited people. duty, on one or two oo her Majesty's Goverutnenetasi°ns, to put questions to relating to denunciations by the Catholic clergy. He ne cessary to assure the House ' thought it hardly no t actuated by any feelingsthat in so doing he was that body, but he declared most of animosit y against most sincerely that he participated entirely in the conviction expressed by the Hon. Member who last s ma jority of that b od y dischar ged duties highly to e, that the great their credit. Indeed , conclusive ence was on the table that what he ha d been eid pleased to term v laid eccen tricities and aberratio ns were confined indi viduals. It was for t hat reason i e led to a few n Government intende d to take aiv steps, and had asked whether should bring on t he sub j ect on he a future day. He suggested whether the putting a m in a state of terror by denunciations from the altaran considered a misdemeanour. it W should not be that he wished to see the matter a for that reason distinctly placed on the statute-book. Sir W. VERNER wished to notice which had been probably made un an observation absence of several Hon. and Gallant guardedly in the Officers, belong ing to both services, whom he had _ now the pleasure to see in the House. The Hon, Member for Not tingham, in speaking of courts-martial, was pleased w to say that the con duct the y p ursu ed as to shoot the prisoner at night and to try hi m :in the morning.— (Great laughter.) He always understood that the contrary was the case, as it was in the instance of every court-martial he had assembled. Mr. F. O'CONNOR wished to explai • ' n lie was with contrasting the milit ar y coercive c ode . the ordi nary military code, and was stating what the practice a was at a drumhea d court-martial, w hen lawil ove rrun in Ireland du rin g the y ear 1798 , andwas not at all speaking wit h re g ard to the ord inary law. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the secon d reading ........ • • 296 Against it ... Majority •• ........... .. 277 The Bill was then read a second time. Mr. EDMUND B• ROCHE said that whatever might be the course of other Hon. Gentlemen, he for one would offer no further opposition to the B'll. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said tha 1 t he regretted the course which his Hon. Friend had thought proper to pursue, but he , for his part, was not prepared to desist in his opposition to the clauses of the Bill. THE PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time. The other orders having been disposed of, the House adjourned at half-past Twelve o'clock. e There is at this time in a large fir tree in front of Palmer's Cottage, near Elstree, a starling's nest. The young ones are only a few days old. swayed by the number of crimes, as detailed. Let them take, for instance, some one of those which ex cited the greatest horror in this country, and consider its consequences. Let them take, for example, the murder of Major Mahon. As a murder it stood but for one in number; but see the consequences con nected with it. Let them look at the terror which it spread throughout the country ; let them take into consideration the sympathy evinced by the entire neighbourhood with the perpetrators of that deed of blood, and let them look at the picture of the murdered man's remains having been carried to the grave surrounded by armed friends to prevent the remains from being insulted.—(Hear, hear.) Let them look at and consider those things, and then tell him if they would that no steps should be taken promptly to put a stop to such a system.--(Hear, hear.) But, admit ting that the crime existed, and that it was of such a nature as to call for some immediate remedy, the ques tion then arose—was the remedy proposed by her Majesty's Government a fit and proper one for its suppression? It would, he admitted, be difficult for any one to pronounce in a positive and authoritative way, that the Bill would be absolutely sufficient; but Hon. Gentlemen should not think that because a measure was very strict and stringent, it would be therefore more particularly adapted to the exigencies of the case. His opinion was, that the measure before the House would, if sufficiently carried out (and see ing that the House, as well as her Majesty's Govern ment, had every confidence in the Noble Lord the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, he having the same con fidence also, had no doubt that it would), be sufficient to stay the hand of the assassin. The Honourable Gentleman who opened the debate said that he had been deceived in the nature of the measure to be pro posed. He said that it had been stated early in the debate, that as crime was only partial in Ireland so should the remedy be partial also, but that this Bill was a general application. Now, if he (Sir W. Somerville) understood his Hon. Friend rightly, what he would expect Government to do would be this— to define the precise districts in which crime existed, and then by Act of Parliament to apply a remedy those districts. But, supposing the Government had men tioned certain counties and certain portions of counties, and certain townlands, in which they knew that crime was still existing, and that they had not taken any power to go beyond those specific limits, and supposing that after the enactment had passed the crime went beyond those boundaries, how could they follow it ? Would not the House have laughed at them for such conduct ? This much, however, he would undertake to say on behalf of the Noble Lord the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, that wherever crime was prevalent, and wherever those assassinations took plane, there, and there alone would that measure be applied. But when the time for applying it did arrive, in that Noble Lord's hands the application would be speedy, and he trusted effectual. The Hon. Member for Nottingham seemed to hold that no case had been made out for the application of the Go vernment to Parliament for those additional powers. He had talked of" trumped up cases." Why, he (Sir W. Somerville) believed that at all events the mur ders that had taken place were notorious.—(Hear.) Was the murder of Major Mahon a trumped-up case ? —(Hear, hear.) Had the story of the murder of Mr. Lloyd been trumped up ?—(Hear, hear.) Had the many other assassinations, which ke should say with shame had brought disgrace upon the Irish name, been trumped up ?—(Hear, hear.) Was it not noto rious that those murders had taken place, and that the criminals who had committed them were still living and at large ? The Hon. Gentleman near him said that he had no confidence in the Government, because they had appointed Mr. Ryan to the magistracy in Tip perary. But the Lord-Lieutenant had appointed that gentleman, because he had been described as a man who hal been particularly active in searching out criminals and putting down crime, and he had been appointed for the public benefit. As to the complaint that the Government had not, during the four weeks that have elapsed since Parliament was assembled, laid their remedial measures on the table of the House, let Hon. Gentlemen take any one Act and say what effect it could possibly have in staying the career of crime." Let them take the Landlord and Tenant Bill, for example. It would have remained on the table. It might have been read a first time before Christmas and no more. Bat what proof was there that even the passing of it would stop assassination ? The ruf fians who would commit assassination were, he be lieved, neither landlords nor tenants, and the system was an attempt to establish a reign of terror by over riding all law. And what state of law was it when a tenant would neither pay rent, nor give up his land, nor cultivate it ?—(Hear, hear.) The measure before the House had been called a coercion Act. He denied there was any coercion in it. Its objects were to prevent assassination ; to give protection to life and property ; and the landlords of Ireland were not the only persons who would thank Government for it. The farmers, aye, and the poor cabin holders, amongst whom the assassins moved, would thank the Parliament also. He was not one of those who thought the ordinary character of his countrymen was to sympathise with assassins. He believed that the apparent sympathy proceeded in many instances from that reign of terror which had been established by the assassins throughout the country, and that if left to their better judgments they would give every aid in their power to the discovery and prevention of crime. He confessed he had heard with much sur prise the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who led the Opposition. He did not know what had happened to that Hon. Gentleman, or what it was that could have coerced him into changing the opinion so quickly. which he had announced on the first evening of the debate. He regretted that his Hon. Friend's better judgment had not prevailed, and he appealed to every Hon. Gentleman present who had heard the opening speech of his Right Hon. Friend (Sir G. Grey) to say whether he had not correctly described, in that speech, every provision that the Bill contained. — (Hear.) He (Sir W. Somerville) felt it his duty, not only on account of the position he held, but as a friend to Ireland, to support the second reading. And he believed he could not better nor more correctly describe the Bill, than by using the words of his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose, an opinion, which, it should be remembered, had not merely been spoken in haste, but deliberately written, namely, that " this Bill, if firmly administered, will not be inconvenient to anybody "berth Mr. GK SCE sa e au idh t e ho h r a s of dho o p u e t d ra t g h e e a H nd on c . ri m m e e m . for Tralee (Mr. M. O'Connell) would have spared a s o n m d e have a saved e t h f e e It it u t s o e M e mber for a county (Ros common) Hoehim hist r t o h du e übltey pains ot fo o t f listening,ake a offerin g, s mt to say was at this mome nt disgraced by disorder crime. He rose regretted deeply allegations that had been made d low by the hand of an individual who had been laid cinorucnionosne)quwehniccehohf esormegeraellega d Major Mahon. — bthye.thaastsaHssoinn—. Atlheembleart,e relflamecetnintge on the character of of knowing that (Hear, hear.) That lame nted gentlemanGhraacdorelsiivdeedd within a few miles of wher e he (Mr., and he had thus an oppor tunit y many of the charges that had against the deceased were, to hisbeeonwn brought know. know ledge, utterly groundless. When these charges had been brought forward by the Honourable Member dfoersi'rforuasleoefoncletahreinfigrstthenimghetmoofrytheofsetshseion he felt , murdered man from any stain that they might affix, and of saving his friends from the pain of having them go forth uncontradicted, but his better judgment told him not to rely on his own opinion alone, but to consult others in the first instance. He did so : he went to the fountain source, and from the informa tion which he there received he was now doubly able to declare that those charges were false.—(Hear, hear.) He mentioned the facts to the Honourable Member for Tralee on the preceding evening. The Honourable Gentleman took his statement coolly, and made no reply. He told the Honourable Gen tleman that he thought it was fairer for him to mention the matter to him privately, than to contradict him publicly in the House, and the Honourable Gentleman said this evening that he would give such an explanation as the case re quired. He had listened to the speech of the Hon. Member in expectation of hearing that explanation, but in vain, and it was only because the Honourable Member left the House immediately after, that he (Mr. Grace) did not at once rise to address them. He did not wish to say anything in the absence of the lion. Member, but as the Hon. Gentleman was now present, listening to what he said, he begged to tell him that what he (Mr. Grace) now stated was the fact.—(Hear hear.) Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL—I must claim the indulgence of the House while I explain how the matter stands. The Hon.Xember for Roscommon is perfectly right in stating that I said to him I would state in the House how far my statement on a former evening was contradicted by him. Unfortunately, in the heat of debate, others matters occurring to me, it escaped my memory—(Oh I)—and'l have to apologise to him for not making the explanation sooner. The Hon. Member will bear me out that the statement which he made to me amounts to this—that whereas I stated that two vessels were freighted by the party to whom I allude with emigrants, and that one of them returned, as being unseaworthy, he has given m e evidence in contradiction to that . statement. I con fess that it was an omission on my part not to have stated that circumstance before, but I beg now to say that .) heardr nl i a aune t ndaet l des Ide,tta, as to neomta p i sest e thf r atnre f ote e oei c tgmr t e l he y pttnure trod c np o oe n nbr vin London, yfa n c atd ed hveels thatspenalrepresentations orwt yl founded.—(Hear,the e adgte ionl me t w a wa t itdht e h he m oe hmt e Hoee n am t imorhe have no d e e r R t c h e e t f o u ll su p benefit m othe y f firs first statement, nor I do a v wish 'to bring up any. I should be exceedingly sorry to state anything here which I did not believ to be true, or which, on being corrected by compe tent evidence, I should not be ready to retract. I believe that the statement which I put forward as PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the Hause of Commons.) THURSDAY, DEC 9. CRIME AND OUTRAGE (IRELAND) BILL. Order for Second Reading read ; Motion made, and Ques tion put. " That the Bill be now read a second time." The House divided ; MAJORITY—AYES, 296. Abdy, Thomas N. Ellice, Edward: Norreys, Sir D. Acton, Colonel Elliot, John E. Nugent, Sir Percy Adair, Hugh E. Evans, John O'Brien, Sir Lucius Adair, R. Shafto Ewart, William Ogle, S. C. Adderley, C. B. Farnham, E. B. Osborne, Ralph Aglionby, H. A. Ferguson, Sir R. Ossulston, Lord Alsoca, Thomas Ffolliott, J. Paget, Lord A. Alexander, N. Filmer, Sir E. Paget, Lord Clarence Anson, Colonel Fitzpatrick, J W. Paget, Lord George Anson, Viscount Foley, John 11. Palmer, Roundel Arundel, Earl of Forbes, W. Palmerston, Via. Ashley, Lord Fordyce, A. D. Parker, John Baines, M. T. Fortescue, J. W. Patten, J. W. Baldwin, Barry Freestun, Colonel Pearson, Charles Baring, F. T. 1 French, F. 7 --- Peel,:Sir Robert Baring, Thomas Frewen, C. H. Perfect, Robert Barnard, E. G. Gibson, T. M. Peto, Samuel M. Barrington, Viscount Glyn, George Carr Pigott, Francis Bateson, Thomas Godson, R. Pilkingtou, James Bellew, H. M. Gore, W. R. 0. Pinney, W. Benett, J. Grace, 0. D. J. Plumptre, J. P. Bennet, P. Graham, Sir James Plowden, W. H. Berkeley, Captain Granger, T. C. Powlett, Lord.W. Berkeley, H. Grattan, Henry Price, Sir R. Bernal, Ralph Greene Thomas Pusey, Philip Birch, Sir 'Thomas Gregson, Samuel Raphael, Alexander Blackall, S. W. Grenfell, C. Pascoe Rawdon, Colonel Blake, M. J. Grey, Sir G. Reid, Colonel Bourke, Richard S. Grogan, E. Rendlesham, Lord Bouverie, E. P. Guinness, R. S. Renton, John C. Bowies, Admiral Hall, Sir B. Ricardo, J. L. Bowring, Dr. Hall, Colonel Rice, E. R. Boyd,'John Hallyburton, Lord Rich,; Henry Boyle, Robert E. Hamilton, G. A. Robartes, T. J. Birackley, Viscount Hamilton, J.€ll. Rebinson, George Bramston, T. W. Harris, Hon. Capt. Romilly, John Breinridg,e, Richard Nestle, Alexander Russell, Edward S. Broaclley, H. ....' Hastie, Archibald Russell, F. C. H. laroadwood,:ll. Hay, Lord John Sadleir, John Brockman, E. D. Hayter, W. G. St. George, Chris. Brooke, Lord Headlam, T. E. Salwey, Colonel Brotherton, Joseph Henley, J. W. Seaham, Viscount Brown, Humphrey Herbert, Henry A. Seeley, Charles Browne, R. D. Heywood, James , Seymour, Lord Buller, Sir J. Y. Hildyard, T. B. T. Shell, R. L.I Bunbury, W. Hodgson, W. N. Sidney, Thomas Bunbury, Edward Hood, Sir A:.. : Simeow, John Burke, Sir Thomas Hope, Sir J. , Slaney, Robert A. Barroughes, H. N. Hamby, John - - • • Smith, Vernon, Campbell, W. F. Hallam, Lord' Smith, John B. Cardwell, Edward HoWard, C. W.G. Smollett, A. o Carew, W. P. HoWard, E. G. ' Somerville, Sir W. Carter, John B. Hudson, George Spearman, H. J. Caulfield, Colonel Hutt, William Spooner, Richard Cavendish, G. H. , Ingestre, Viscount Stafford, Augustus Cayley, Edward S. ' Inglis,'Sir R. H. Stanley, E. J. Charteris, Francis Ireland, Thomas J. Stanley,;Edward Chichester, Lord J. Jackson, William . Staunton, Sir G. Childers,l.T. W. Jerinyn, Earl : Strutt, Edward Clay, James Jervis, John . Stuart, Lord D. Clay, Sir W. Jocelyn', Viscount Stuart, Lord J. Clements, Charles Jones, Sir W. . Stuart, Henry Clerk Sir G. Jones, Captain Talfourd, Sergeant Clifford, Henry M. Keogh, William Taylor, Thomas B. Clive, Vise.' Keppel, George T. • . Tenison, E. K. Clive, Henry B. Ker, ,Richard . Tennent, .J. Cobbold, John C. King, Peter John Thesiger, Sir F. Cochrane,lA. Knox, Colonel Thicknesse, R. A. Cockburn, Ales. Labouchere, Henry Thompson, Colonel Cocks, Thomas S. Lascelles, E. Thornely, T. Coke, Edward K. Lascelles, W. S. Tollemache, John Cole H. A. Lennox, Lord A. Turner, E. • Colebrooke, Sir T. Lennox, Lord H. G. Turner, George Coles Henry B. Lewis, Sir, T. Tyrrell, Sir J. T. Colvile, C. R. Lewis, George C. Vane. Lord 11. Conyngham, Lord A. Lincoln, Earl of Verner, Sir W. Coope, Octavius Lindsay, Colonel Verney Sir H. C orry,Henry Littleton, E. R. Villiers, Charles Courtenay, Lord Lockhart, W. Vivian, J. H. Cowper, W. F. Lushington, Charles Vyse, R. H. R. 11. Craig, W. G. Macnanaara, Major Waddington, H.S.: Currie, Henry M`Gregor, John Walmsley, Sir J. Davie,]Sir Henry M`Naghten, Sir E. Watkins, Colonel Dawson, T. V. Mahon, O'Gorman Wawn, J T. Deering, John P. Maitland, T. Welby, G. E.: Douglas, Sir C. E. Mangles, R. D. Westhead, J. P. Drumlanrig, Vis. Manners, Lord G. Willcox, Brodie Drummond, H. Martin, J. Williams, John Duckworth, Sir J. Martin, Samuel Willoughby, Sir H. Duff, George S. Matheson, Alex. Wilson, Matthew Duff, James Matheson, Colonel Wodehouse, E. Duke, Sir James Maxwell, lion. J. P. Wood, Sir Charles Duncan,:Viscount Moore, George IL Wood, W. P. Duncan, George Morgan, 0. Wyld, James Duncuft, John Morison, General Wyvill, Marmadnke Dundas, Admiral Mostyn, E. M. L. Young, John Dundas, Sir Dtvid Elowatt,Wrancis I TELLERS. Dunne, Francis P. 7 Mulgrave4Earl Ebrington, Viscount Mundy, E. Miller Hill, Lord M. Edwards, Henry Newport, Viscount Tufnell, Henry MINORITY—NOES, 19. Anstey, Thomas C. Meagher, Thomas Roche, E. B Callaghan, D. Crawford, W. S. Devereux, J. T. Morgan, H. K. G. O'Brien, J. O'Brien, Timothy Scully, Francis Wakley, Thomas Fagan, William O'Connell, Maurice TELLERS. Fos, Richard M. O'Flaherty, Anthony O'Connor, Feargus Greene, John Power, Nicholas O'Connell,:John Keating, Robert Reynolds,•Jonh SOCIETY FOR THE PROTECTION OF BRITISH AGRICULTURE. Yesterday the annual meeting of the members of this society was held at their rooms, Old Bond-street. His Grace the Duke of Richmond presided, and was sup ported by Viscount Ingestre, M.P., Mr. Augustus Stafford, M.P., Mr. E. S. Cayley, M.P., Mr. Newdegate, M.P., the Hon. H. Wilson, the Rev. J. Linton, Messrs. Bell, Baker, Jonas, Warsop, Wood, and Claydon. The attendance was very far from numerous, and little in terest appeared to be manifested in the proceedings, although it had been for some days previously notified amongst the agricultural body, that the question of tenant-right would form the prominent topic of the re spective speakers. The Duke of RICHMOND having formally opened the proceedings, Mr. AUGUSTUS STAFFORD, M.P., read the report, a very lengthened document, which, however, was bat a reiteration of the usual Protectionists arguments. Mr. BAKER (of Writtle) considered that the general circulation of the report amongst agriculturists would be of essential service to their cause; and he had, therefore, much pleasure in moving its adoption. Lord INGESTRE, M.P., in seconding the adoption of the report, confined himself almost exclusively to attacks on the leaders of the anti-corn-law agitation, and con demned what he termed their " suicidal policy." The CHAIRMAN put the resolution to the meeting, and it was carried unanimously. The Duke of RICHMOND proposed !the appointment of a sub-committee to carry out that part of the report which alluded to tenant right. He had always thought. and always expressed himself in public to that effect, that those who wished to do justice to the tenant and landlord, could not have used a more injudicious term than that of " tenant-right." If he (the Noble Duke) understood what tenant-right, so called, really was, he must say he did not think a tenant had any right to com pel a landlord to let a farm to him, nor did he think that the tenant was to be the only party to a contract (as seemed to bo claimed by persons who were clamorous upon the question), while the landlord was to be com pelled to submit to any terms that might :be imposed on him. That certainly was not even-handed justice. The tenant farmers of this country were shrewd enough, and were quite competent to make a good and fair bargain with the landlord, but he regretted to say that in this country there were too many farms held in trust by solicitors, who knew nothing of farming. There were also a large number of farms held from corpora tions and from municipal bodies, which were let to yearly tenants. He (the Duke of Richmond) would never force a tenant to take a lease because his ancestors had done so, nor would he remove a tenant from a farm because he happened to be unwilling to take a lease. — (Hear, hear.) In ordinary times he thought a tenant would lay out his money for the improvement of his farm, but at present it was not so, for no person could tell what might be the result of the experiment of the political economists, who, aided by the treachery of a branch of the Conservative party, succeeded in passing that measure of free trade with which the public ware now intimately acquainted. The resolution he proposed had for its object the formation of a committee, whose duty it should be to get information on the subject of the claims of tenants, and to institute a strict inquiry into all cases that might come under their observation. lie should be happy to labour, heart and hand, with that committee. It was absolutely necessary that some alterations should be made in the present system, and he had little doubt that, by the labours of the com mittee, the most beneficial improvements would be intro duced.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. H. WILSON, in supporting the motion, re marked that during the last few years he had exerted himself in endeavouring to place the tenant and landlord upon equitable footing were with gr r a e a sp te e d ct he toeach Other. wished t clauseore all eciu casesshould iwhere be inserted empowering the tenant to recover for all unexhausted improvements. That simple arrangement would greatly facilitate the settle a t m settle ment of the question, and he confidently recommended it for consideration.—(Hear.) Mr. NEWDEGATE, M.P., seconded the resolution, and it was adopted. Mr. Augustus Stafford, M.P., Mr. Caley, M.P., Mr. Jonas, and other gentlemen addressed the meeting, on the subject of tenant-right, and several practical sugges tions for the guidance of the committee were noted down for consideration. A vote of thanks to the Noble Chairman closed the proceedings. ATTEMPT TO ROB THE MAlLS.—Yesterday the police received information that during the past few days two daring attempts had been made to rob the country letter-carriers o f their letter-bags. The first case occurred on Friday last, at a quarter to six. It appeared that whilst the driver of the mail-cart was proceeding along the highway, and when about three miles from Worcester, three men, who were evidently lying in ambush, pointed at the driver, and in an in stant two shots from a gun were fired at the letter-car rier. Fortunately the driver was uninjured. The following day, as the letter-carrier from Radstock to Querney Slade was returning with the Midsummer, Norton, and other mail-bags, when near the old Wilton coal-pit, n ear Radst yck, two men turned upon him, one of whom held a knife in his hand. One of the fellows secured the postman, whilst the other cut one of the bags from his should . ers. The postman, however, laid hold of the man who' held the knife, and having suc ceeded in wresting it from him, he was enabled to de fend himself and recover the bags. They both managed to get clear off. A full description of their persons has been advertised. PENALTY ON BOASTING.—The other evening as a number of tradesmen were returning from Manchester in the railway carriage, ono of them began to tell of the great weekly profits he was realising by his thread manufactory, when a sharp-eyed little gentleman in one corner of the carriage exclaimed, " Indeed, and pray, Sir, what may your name be ?" " I am Mr. H—d," replied the boaster. " Ah," replied the interrogator, rejoined `the other, " I must mak e a memorandum of that," at the same time taking out his pocket book, " for I do not remem ber your name appearing in my books for the income better tax." " Oh, ' replied Mr. H—d, "my works aro i n nMelagnhchhoeustre.r.; hope for That a battey be," acquaintance t m " but I believe I now recognise you as a very near with you, Sir."—Stockport Mercury. THE MURDER AND ROBBERY OF MR. BELLCHAMBERS. So great is the excitement still with respect to this case, that long before the hour appointed yesterday at the Westminster Police-court for the examination of the persons accused the place was crowded, as before, al most to suffocation. On the prisoners, Thomas Sale Thomas Doyle, George M'Coy, John Lloyd, and John Davis, being placed in the dock, Mr. Wolff took his seat at the table as before for the prosecution, and Mr. Briggs, Mr. Binns, and Mr. Sidney, for Sale, Doyle, and M'Coy. Mr. Wolff said (addressing the Magistrate), you are . probably aware that, since the last examination, in whzeit I had the honour of appearing before you, the prisoner Davis has been added to the number of the t ccused, sal some evidence taken before your colleague, Mr. Bro. derip. The advantages derived by your remanding from time to time the prisoners at the bar are now apparent, and, but for the course you so prudently deemed expe dient, the same advantages would not have been afforded of carrying out the ends of justice. I must request of you that you will permit the whole of the depositions to be read over again, in order that I may strengthen, so much as may be in my power, the case against Davis. Mr. W. Taylor, the chief clerk, who has exhibitoi much talent and zeal in the course of this inquiry, then read over the volumi nous ev id ence g i ven on prev i ous occasions, and which occupied upwards of an hour. After which, Mr. Wolff recalled Meyers, who, in answer to his exa mination, said—l was serving in the bar of the King's Head, on tho morning of the 11th of October. The prisoner Davis is the person described by me in my evidence as the man wearing the plaid shawl. When he first tried to enter the bar, I objected, telling him that strangers were not admitted there. That was about a quarter of an hour before the prisoner Doyle struck a woman; and about that time the prisoner Davis entered the bar, and spoke to Mr. Bellchambers. Davis had the opportunity of seeing Mr. Bellchambers' cash-bag and his watch-seal, which was hanging out. I saw Davis talking to Doyle. He talked familiarly with Doyle. Cross-examined by Mr. Binns—There were others there beside Doyle. Doyle spoke to others as well as to Davis. By Mr. Briggs—Salo was there all the time Davis was there. Re-examined by Mr. Wolff—They were all there. They all went out together. By Mr. Binns—They went out with others. Henry Bees, who conducts the King's Head, was called, and identified Davis as the man who wore the plaid shawl. In answer to an inquiry from Mr. Sidney, witness said Davis appeared to be as familiar with the others as with Doyle. Mr. Barnard Holt, of 30, Abingdon-street, son of the gentleman who gave medical testimony in the early part of these proceedings, said—l am assistant-surgeon to the Westminster Hospital. I, with my father, made a post mortem examination of the late Mr. Bellchambers with great care. The cause of death was the fracture of the skull, produced by some external violence. The fracture was on the right temple, and it extended over the left orbit. I examined the interior of the skull in that locality, and there was a fracture there correspond ing with the external wound, extending from the right side into the left orbit, sad there was some extravasation of blood. In my judgment I should imagine the wound on the right temple could not be caused by a fall—it was too high up. I should say the bolt produced (the iron shutter bolt) would produce such an injury as I observed on the temple. If caused by a fall there would most likely be abrasion of the skin, and discolouration of the part. There was no abrasion of the skin, but it was such as would be caused by a blunt instrument, such as the bolt produced, or a round ruler. Charles Tapping, 48 B, said, at about a quarter past two o'clock on Tuesday morning I apprehended the prisoner Davis at the Bell Inn, York-street, Westmin ster. I have seen Davis in company with Doyle several times. When I saw him on Tuesday morning I said, " I want you for the murder and robbery of Mr. Bell chambers;" when he replied, " I was drinking with him at the King's Head, but I left somo time before him." By Mr. Briggs—l never saw Sale with Davis. Mr. Taylor, an inspector of the B division, said— Directly after the last examination of the prisoners I was told that M'Coy wanted to see me in the cell. I declined going without the sanction of the magistrate, but having obtained that I went to him, when he said— " There was a man at a public-house, at the corner of Dartmouth-street and Tothill-street, I think, saw Sale give me and Lloyd some money ; his name is Thomas Stirrup; he is a brushmaker, and is known at the Cra ven Head, Drury-lane. If you find him, tell him M.Coy wishes him to come forward and speak the truth. We had two pots of stout there together. I could tell you where the watch was sold, but that's of no use, as the parties would deny it." Ile made this statement perfectly voluntarily. Mr. Wolff—This is all the evidence at present I have to offer on behalf of the prosecution. I have from the first felt myself under extreme difficulty in pursuing this inquiry. The case was complicated, but still of a most important and public character, and but for the verdict of the coroner's jury, I should have felt some hesitation in asking you to commit the prisoner Lloyd. As it is, however, and as you have a perfectly independent juris diction, I shall leave that prisoner in your discretion as to how you feel disposed to deal with him under the pe culiar circumstances of this case. With reference to Lloyd, the result to him will be the same, even should you think proper to discharge him, inasmuch as by rea son of the verdict of the coroner's jury, and the warraut issued thereupon, he must take his trial upon this must serious charge. With respect to the prisoner M'Coy, I do not think it at all necessary or becoming in me to suggest that he should be made a witness for the Crown in this prosecution. The statements he has made both written and verbally have been perfectly voluntary, and I shall therefore avail myself of them for the purposes of the prosecution, although I have good reason to believe that the evidence, irrespective of such statements, would be amply sufficient. After these observations, Mr. Wolff requested the magistrate to wait for a short time for a witness who was expected to arrive, and who might be able to give evidence of a material character against Lloyd. After the interval of three-quarters of an hour, Mr. Wolff said he should not trespass upon the pa tience of the Court any longer. Should the evidence be of any value he would give notice to the professional gentlemen on the other side. Mr. Burrill—l shall commit the four prisoners (Sale, Doyle, M'Coy, and Davis) for trial, and discharge Lloyd. Mr. Wolff—He will be apprehended and committed on the coroner's warrant. Mr. Burrill—The coroner's warrant is imperative. I discharge Lloyd, because I think the evidence is not suf ficiently strong to warrant me in detaining him. Mr. Wolff—l am free to admit that I could not confi dently have asked you to commit him. Lloyd, on leaving the body of the court, was immedi ately taken into custody. MURDER AND SUICIDE OF THE MURDERESS. On Tuesday afternoon the inhabitants of this city were horrified by the news of a tragedy such as was never before known to have taken place within its pre cincts—the murder of four children by their mother, having cut their throats with a razor, and the taking of her own life by the same means. The woman who per petrated these crimes was the wife of a jobbing brewer, named Ridout, who, at the time of the occurrence, was absent from home, having been employed since Monday in brewing at the Beef-steak Tavern. The facts, so far as we have yet been able to ascertain them, are these:— The cottage in which the family resided is situated in a garden not far from that part of the canal from which the Bradford boats start, but on the opposite side, and the way to it so intricate, and the situation so lonely, that very few of the inhabitants of Bath, perhaps, have ever been to the spot; and, but for this horrid occurrence such a humble and :retired recess would have remained unnoticed except by the occupants of some of the strag gling houses in the vicinity. This cottage has but one floor, which is divided into two apartments, the one a kitchen or sitting-room, and the other a sleeping chamber. A poor woman, named Seers, lives in an other cottage not far from it, and was in the habit of seeing and having a neighbourly conversation with Mrs. Ridout. In the afternoon it struck her as remarkable that she had seen nothing of her for the day. Wanting some water, Mrs. Seers went to the pump on the pre mises, and while there she thought she would call and inquire how her neighbour was, but on trying to open the door she found it locked. Mrs. Seers was thou in duced to look in at the window, when the horrid spec tacle presented to her eyes was the wretched woman lying on the kitchen floor, steeped in her blood. She immediately called the attention of another neighbour, a labourer, to the shocking sight, who immediately gav( information of what had been witnessed at the police office, and instantly afterwards Captain Carroll dis patched an inspector and another officer to the place, when the door of the cottage was forced open, an d a scene was exhibited to view at which the beholders shuddered with horror. Passing the dead body of the woman, whom they found with her throat cut, and a razor lying by her side, the next object which met their eyes, just within the ad joining room, were the lifeless bodies of the four chil dren, weltering in blood which had flowed from the fatal wounds inflicted on their throats. One of the murdered innocents is an infant about nine months old, and the eldest of the four is about six years old, deaf and dumb. A large tub was standing in the room almost full of blood and water, and the circumstance suggests the pro bability that the wretched mother had, on making the incisions in the necks of her unhappy offspring, held their heads over the tub as a receptacle of the vital cur rent as it flowed from the wounds. One of the little victims was found with his legs partly hanging over the step leading to the bedroom, as it he had struggled an d ' made an ineffectual effort to get away. The perpetra tion of the tragic deed is supposed to have been the effect of insanity, as it is stated that the of woman mind for been subject to symptoms of unsoundness some time past.—Bath Chronicle. Yesterday afternoon the inquests on the bodies were held at the Crown Inn, Borthwick-street, before Mr. A. 11. English, the city coroner, and a respectable jury. The name of the unfortunate woman was Jane Ridout, and those of the children, William John, aged seven years; Fanny, aged four years; George, age d two an d a half years; and Mark, aged eight months. The CORONER having brie fly addressed the jury, the T he bodies were viewed. Th body of the woman pr e se n t e d a fearful app earance, the throat being gashed with two deep incisions, and the body being completely saturated in gore. In the adjoining room lay the bodies of the four children. Elizabeth Liutran, grandmother of the children, and mother of the deceased woman, was the first witness examined. She deposed to baying been living with her daughter for the last five weeks, at the request of the husband. She had been in a low state of mind, and bad previously told her husband that she had gone out ono day with the intention of drowning the children and herself. On Tuesday morning witness left her daughter for the purpose of going to Trowbridge, to give up a cottage whi c h s h e rente d t h ere, w i t h t h e intention of coming to reside near her daughter. The husband left home on Sunday evening, to go brewing, and was in the habit of sleeping from home when so employed. William Ridout, the husband, who was much affected, gave similar evidence to the last witness, adding that he had consulted Mr. Woodward, a surgeon, respecting the state of his wife, and that he had advised him to keep all sharp instruments out of her way, and to have her placed under restraint. Sarah Seer, a neighbour, described the discovery of the bodies on the previous day, and Inspector Evans, of the police force, detailed the appearances presented on his breaking open the cottage door. The CORONER having briefly summed up the evidence in the case of William John Ridout, the jury returned a verdict of " Wilful Murder against Jane Ridout." The same evidence was taken in the cases of Fanny, George, and Mark Ridout, and a similar verdict was recorded in each case. On the inquest on the body of the mother, Jane Ridout, Mr. J. F. H. R. Woodward, surgeon, gave evi dence of her having been labouring under melancholia, and of his having recommended that she should be sent to a lunatic asylum. The jury returnedla verdict "IThat the:decessedlwoman destroyed herself while in a fit of temporary insanity, accompanied with an expression of regret that Mr. Woodward's advicelhad not been followed out." NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. PORTSMOUTH, THURSDAY.—The Prince Regent, 92, was commissioned this afternoon by Captain W. F. Martin, late of the Queen. She is to have a service complement of 820, men and officers. The Firefly steam-sloop, Lieutenant-Commander Ponsonby, will have a complement of 60 men. It is in contemplation to have her rigged as a barque. The Kite steam-vessel was unlocked to-day to make room for the Swallow, an old Dover wreck, which is to be patched up at an expense of her original worth, to serve as a harbour boat for this station, in lieu of the Myrtle, ordered to be paid off, whose second ms lister commanding (Mr. Balliston) is, we are informed', to command the Swallow. The Kite goes to Bermuda. as a tug, and her officers and crew are turned over to ,the Cuckoo steam-vessel, of 100-horse fpower, for se mice among the Channel Islands fisheries. She arrived' tO day from the eastward. The Arab,: 12, Commander W. Morris (b), was at Madeira from England, en route to the Cape of Good Hope on the 13th ult. The Arab had shown herself a very admirable vessel—dry, weatherly, and fast. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager (whose standard the Arab saluted on arrival at Madeira) invited Commander Morris to dine—the only stranger invited to the royal table on the occasion. The Arab would be at the Cape in about six weeks from the above date. Vice-Admiral Sir Thomas Briggs, G.C.M.G., is the " popular candidate" for filling the command-in-chief on the West India and North American station, vice Sir Francis Austen, K.C.8., whose term of service will ex pire on the 27th inst. This command was offered to Vice-Admiral the Hon. 0. P. Bouverie, who declined it on account, we believe, of domestic affliction. The Terrible steam-frigate, Captain Ramsay, will be the next vessel dispatched from this port for Lisbon. We throw out this hint for the benefit of all who may wish to communicate Christmas tidings to their relatives or friends in Sir Charles Napier's squadron. The Hon. East India Company have established in their navy the use of the patent wooden block, that im portant article in the rigging of ships having been proved safer and more economical than any other here tofore tried in the service. This is the same block that Lord Ellenborough's naval administration purchased the right of making for the British navy, upon which prin ciple all the blocks now made at this yard are con structed—Brewer's patent. Captain Chads, C.B. (1825), of the Excellent gunnery ship and Royal Naval College, at this port, received official notification this morning from the First Lord of the Admiralty of his Lordship's having conferred upon him the good service pension of 1501. per annum, vacant by the promotion of Captain William Fisher to the rank of Rear-Admiral. Captain Chad's services are thus given briefly in Allen's New Navy List— " Captain H. D. Chads was midshipman of the Excel lent at the defence of Gaieta and the capture of Capri, lieutenant of the Iphigenia, and assisted at the reduction of the Isle de Bourbon, and succeeded to the command of the stormingfparty at the Isle de Passe after the death of Lieutenant Norman ; and captured in the attack on the French frigates at Port Sud Est ; was senior-lieute nant of the Java, and was captured, after a highly honourable defence, by the United States frigate Con stitution, of superior force, in which Captain Lambert was i killed; commanded the Columbia at the reduction of Guadaloupe in 1815 ; and the Arachne, in the Burmese war.—Gazetted in 1810-12." Wind W.S.W., strong breezes; weather, dark, cloudy, and hazy ; threatening for rain, and a dirty night—five o'clock r.M., Thursday. PLYMOUTH, DEC. B.—Her Majesty's ship Asia, 84, Captain Robert F. Stopford, with the flag of Admiral Phipps Hornby, having left this port on the Ist instant, bound to Madeira, Rio, and the Pacific, hove in sight from the south•east at one o'clock, exhibiting at her main-royal masthead the union-jack, a quarantine flag and a whiff, with the Admiral's flag (blue) at the mizen. At half-past one, when five miles south-east of the breakwater, sho reefed her topsails, and kept her reach down Channel for an hour, when, the wind heading her strongly from the westward, she bore up for the Sound. At three o'clock she was off ranlee, and Mr Walker, the Queen's harbour-master, has just (three P.N.) left Bovisand in his cutter to pilot the Asia inside the breakwater. THE SMITHFIELD CLUB CATTLE-SHOW. Yesterday the show of the Smithfield Club was ho noured by a visit from his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge. His Royal Highness, who was accompa nied by the Hon. Captain Mildmay, arrived at the bazaar shortly before one o'clock, and was received and con ducted through the yard by Mr. B. T. Brandreth Gibbs, the hon. secretary of the club; Mr. Boulnois, the pro prietor of the bazaar; Mr. Kendall, and other stewards. His Royal Highness repeatedly made remarks on the genera l improvement exhibited in the breed of the cattle, and expressed his conviction that the show of the present year excelled any previous one in that respect. Amongst the other noblemen and gentlemen who vi sited the show during the day, were the Earl of War wick, the Earl of Yarborough, the Duke of Richmond, Lord Portman, Sir R. Joddrell, &c., An adjourned meeting of the club took place, under the presidency of the Duke of Richmond, at which, after the re-election of his Grace as president, and the other officers, it was resolved for the future to do away with all restrictions with respect to feeding the cattle. A committee was also appointed to alter the mode of dis tributing the prizes. The sales of stock effected throughout the day, were more numerous than on the previous one, and it is stated some of the cattle fetched exceedingly high prices. The animal which obtained the highest prize, viz., No. 29 in class 2, the 4 years and 4 months old short-horned ox, fed and bred by Mr. W. D. Manning, et' Rothersthorpe, near Northampton, which obtained the first prize of 301. silver medal to breeder, and gold medal as best ox or steer, was sold during the day, it is stated, for the high price of SO guineas, to Messrs. Frampton and Donincr ' , of Blandford, Dorsetshire. In Class I, No. 3, Mr. Joseph Stratton's 3 years and 8 months short horned steer, which obtained the second prize of bury. No. 6, in the same class, Lord Portman's 4 years and 10 months old pure North Devon steer, which ob tained the third prize of IN., was sold to Mr. John Mason, of Queen-street, Chelsea. In class 4, No. 49, Mr. John Wippell's 4 years and 1 week pure North Devon steer, which obtained the first prize of 101, and silver medal, sold to' Mr. John White, of Shadwell. In class 5, No. 54, the Earl of Leicester's 3 years and 11 months North Devon ox, which obtained the prize of 10/. and silver medal, was purchased by Mr. Richard Bur gess, of Deering, Norfolk. In the sheep classes, No. 146, his Grace the Duke of Richmond's beautiful pen of three twenty months old South Devon wethers, which obtained the prize of 20/., silver medal to breeder, and gold medal, as best pen of short-woolled sheep, were purchased by Messrs. Kirkly and Hancock, of Park-street, purveyors to the Queen. The other sales in the sheep and pig classes were equally brisk. The Bazaar was much more fully attended than on the previous day, scarcely less than 15,000 persons having passed through it. HEALTH OF THE PREMIER.—We are happy to state, that in answer to inquiries made last evening in Chesham-place, we were assured Lord John Russell was going on very favourably. His Lordship transacts busi ness daily with his private secretaries. A legacy of 25,0001. has been left to the Medical sgo f the The will Man che ste r n t c h h e e s d t s e Department of University College, London, by th e rd l ate Dr. ° t e ll n r d e s' y o r , Mancheste r. p„akin phy sician, says:—The personalty y is stated to be under 35,0002 If to this amou n t we a d d the value of the reality, —viz., the prop er ty i n Ki ng -street, Manchester, whick is probably worth 12,0001. ; that at a n d nea r Kendal, 2501. a y ear , at twenty 5,0001.; his library will be years' purchase, gives r e e a G s e e a d t l x e t worth little short of 6,0001.; and an examination amo ngst his papers shows that he. S. too, like the l a t e Rev. S mith, was a holder of Pensyl vanian bonds, to the exten t, probably, of 1,0001.; also eColumbia n f bonds,to the amount of 25,000 dolls. and (nearly 5,000/.) taking of other American bonds; but the whole of these bonds to be worth only 2,0001., that woul d g i ve an aggregate amount of property, real and personal, at the time of his decease, of about, in round numbers, 60,000/. The aggregate amount of the legacies and bequests in money, is 15,8001.; and deduct ing this from 35,000/., and adding 6,0001. for the library, it would appear to leave a residue of about 25,000/. for the Medical Department of the University College. NORTHUMBERLAND AND DURHAM BANY.—At a second special general meeting of the proprietors of the Northumberland and Durham District Bank, held at the bank in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, on the 6th inst. Mr. W. B. Ogden in the chair, the resolutions passed at a previous general meeting, to double the capital of the bank, by the issue of new share, where confirmed, an in stalment of 21. 10s. per share to be paid when the shares shall be taken, and the further sum of 21. 10s. per share on the 15th of May next, forming together one half of the amount of capital so created, and thus placing the new shares on the same footing as the old ones, the holders of the now shares to be entitled to dividends from the date of the respective payments. It was stated by the chairman that the directors did not intend to make any further call upon the old shareholders, whether the new ones were taken up or not.