The Sun. — London, England, 1840-03-24 00:00:00

:hat he licount treaty No, re. seeral iornthe ova a Legitiv unde- urprisd :hour at ision foe of land made by antained rosette la i n for Parlie !iied to the Pre which it ry gre at ' ooe d to the otaieing rn , o tion itorn an 'scenting s ted, and , a, f°l rg in t h 4 li d Pre ,hat this icussion be ma 51.1b,P tj not :p l a j o ed t he IP' erll lllMit of 1 35 r °Peri the inpete nt A f t er table' vould be :oyal 3s )f talo' 11 ; of tb elf but be at e gr e it 111 0 `:, Le core of censure aregt on $ 1 Per na ro nom ° prove' ,rigio te dal Par- • CAN' ing tbe i ,opic o ber d 14, 1° ' tirsi e 113 1. , the.„ A ; rht to 29 " to 1 1 nbly io wer ig be e : "Re 6° ' at t , er ,y Of t i , astlr e et , ,he inoe aver (I_ll-; • t e' for r to 85k po9 ed befo r° Ser e ' Ming to J ed tb . Lad t" CC that fr, CON' gua r, t t here it 4'l' e lergY' @a9 tO NOb l° g iciOg (O kla sSi °Pe r e c ctd P non/e cctio u it i ft° Wit h AC I A ' WO' EVEN.IN'O EDITION. I It was therefore with great satisfaction that, by her Majesty's command, I brought down the message. which Y ei,Sir,lllave read to the House this day. Sir, before Vproceed to state the grounds of the measure that I am now about to detail, I must first say, that I am ready to ' agree that the measure of a union between the pro vinces would have been an inexpedient measure if it had been found, as was foreseen by some, upon inquiry that there was, in the minds of the people of Canada an absolute repugnance to such k measure. Sir, the p resen t G overnor -General of i Canada 'has ascertained, and by the most accurate means, the sentiments of the people of Canada with regard to it. I should say that perhaps it would not have obtained the approval of the people of Lower Canada, but he called together the Council, which was not formed by himself, but by his predecessor, and re ceived from it certain resolutions agreeing to the principle of the union as regarded its general heads, but leasing ! the details to the Imperial Parliament. On proceed int? to Upper Canada, the proposition was much dis cussed and debated in the A'ssembly, and in the Legis lative Council. Some who were in favour of it, wished to itfUx certain terms to it, but upon a full debate and c onsideration of the entire question, the Assembly and Council came to a resolution, in accordance with the proposition of the Governor-General, in favour of the union, and unfettered by any restrictions or stipulations. Soon after that they passed an Address, in which they alluded to certain points which they were desirous of having arranged to their satisfaction, hut they, at the same time, expressly declared that they would not Make their consent provisional upon the acceptance of these points. Therefore, Sir, there being this gene ral accordanc e as regar d e d t h e genera l p ro p os iti on o f a union, I shall state now the evils which I think the union is peculiarly calculated to remedy. It was stated by Mr. Huskisson, in 1828, that great evil arose from the existence of a fudal law in Lower Canada, render ing the tenure of land extremely perplexing and intri cate. The second evil was that the state of the repre ""ltion gave a certain preponderance to members of the French race. Now, Sir, I think that with regard to these two evils a union does seem to he an appropriate remedy for them. The Earl of ,Durham has shown in a cleverer manner than I can do, how very little we ought to confound the conduct of the Assembly of Lower Canad a with the principles of the advocates for the establishment of constitutional freedom. In fact, Sir, the Assembly of Lower Canada, while using the weapons of freedom while using constitutional arguments to obtain their purposes, were using t hose arguments for the purpose of establishing a gross monopoly of power in the hands of their own race, and for excluding the enterprize . of the British race from any share in that power ; so that while all the appearance of recourse to constitutional maxims was on the side of M. Papineau, the English Party were obliged to find refuge in the Le g islative Council, w h ere a l one th e y co uld be h ea rd, and therefore they were driven to make use of arguments derived from the necessity of upholding th e prerogative in opposition to the Popular Assembly ; but they were, in fact, upholding those privileges and Principles which, in this country, we are in the habit of holding in reverence.--( Hear, hear, and cheers). The Assembly were in fact using the neapons of Hamp den in support of the principles of Strafford ; and while they were sympathized with by persons in this country, and stili more by persons in the United States, they were endeavouring to establish a species of government of the most exclusive character, tendin g to prevent the development of the resources ofthe country, to cramp the exercise of British energies, and to put a stop to the general improvement of the country. For this narrow spirit I know of no better remedy, if it be argued that a free form of go vernment ought to be the nature of the Govern ment of Canada ; and in this opinion I am sup ported by those who have had the best op portunity of making observations on this subject. I Say, I know of no better method of meeting this spirit of monopoly and exclusiveness than by admitting the inhabitants of both provinces to send their representa tives to one House of Assembly, and any of a different race may he represented by persons of their own choice, whilst they will be deprived of that preponderance of which they had made so ill a use. In so doing, there are many points to bo attended to, to which I shall hereafter draw the attention of the House. With respect to the general question, if we take the population of the provinces at 1,000,000, 450,000 of those may be supposed to be inhabitants of the French race—there is no reason why this race should not send Members to the Assembly, who should fairly represent the whole, and where the British should be able at the same time to establish that w hich they so ardently wished in Canada—a fair field for British enterprize, a free scope for British emigration, without, at the same time, makin g use of any measures of oppression as regarded those of the opposite race. Sir, I have always been of opinion that you have not so much to blame the leaders of party for the use they made of their power as to deduce that abuse from the singular position in which they were placed, the .Act of 1791 basing confined them within certain limits, and gave powers in which a great mass of British emi grants l.ad no share. Sir. I will not now discuss the policy of that Act of 1791. There may have been reasons at the time, now not sufficient to justify it. One thing is certain, that Upper Canada at that time contained but 10,000 inhabitants, whereas it now contains upa , ards of 400,000 ; and the population has risen to that amount under British laws and with Bri tish tenures of property ; but have always understood, from persons who knew the sentiments of Lord Grenville on the subject, that it was not the intention of those who introduced the Act of 1791 to make a permanent division between the two provinces, but that, at sonic future period, it was anticipated the Act might be altered. Such being the view, Sir, I take of the general expediency of the union, I think I can best ex plain the reasons of detail which induce me to think a good system of government may be founded on that principle, by stating the various propositions we intend to submit. The House will then see the nature of the government proposed, and be able to judge how far such a government will conduce to the objects we all have in view. Sir, the first question will be as to the declaration of the union. I propose that power shall be given to her Majesty to give instructions to the Governor-General for making such alterations 5,n the period fixed in the Bill for such declaration as her Majesty shall think fit ; no day will be fixed, but a period maned within which it should take place, perhaps within six months fro:n the Passing of the Act. It is the opinion of the Gover nor-General that it is most desirable that an early period should be fixed for the proclamation, for some special reasons—one is that the duration of the Assembly in Upper Canada expires within the present year, and the union 'should not he delayed beyond that period, to avoid a now Assembly election, which it is obvious would not under tlie circumstances be desirable. But another reason is, that the people of Canada generally are anxious to see a termination of this long and vexatious dispute. I proposed last year, consi dering the time that would be taken in framing the various details anti articles of union, that the Assembly should meet the year after next, but the statements I have received upon the authority of the Governor-General, and all the accounts I have received from Canada, convince me there is such anxiety on the subject that I do think it is but reasonable to ask of Parliament, as soon, as possible, to terminate their anxiety, and to give a nettled form to the future consti tution of Canada.—(Hear, hear.) It is obvious that it' you continue the present Special Council of Lower Canada, you are continuing a species of power which no one would wish to be permanent—it is neither agree able to Parliament nor agreeable to the inhabitants of any part of America that a Government sii despotic should ex tend beyond the necessities for its duration.—( Hear, hear.) There would likewise occur a very great inconvenience, which is found to exist from the determination—l will not say the unwise determination,- because on general principles it is a ver y right determination t o g i ve l arge an d extensive powers o f legislation with regard to permanent objects to the Special Council ; but so long as that restric• tion exists you are depriving the people of Canada of such improvements in the law as may be most essential to their future welfare. I think, therefore, that for these rea sons, a declaration of union ought not to be long delayed, and that in a very few weeks after the passing of the Bill that declaration should be made. I come next to the con. stitution of the Legislative Council and Assembly, which, together with the Governor, arc to form the government. It was proposed last year to make restrictions as to the period during which the Crown or the Governor acting in the name of the Crown, might appoint the Legislative Coun cil. The Report of the Governor-General stated that if there was not an elective council, time best plan would be to leave the nomination for life according to the consti tational Act of 1791. A great party in that province was very much attached to the Constitution of 1791, they thought it gave permanency and independence to the Le gislative Council, which was desirable. While then there was a strong part . ). in favour of that provision, there was no teeny in favour of any other provision, except that of an elective council, to which the Government had the most decided olsjection, and to which, in the proposition ho made a few years ago, both Houses of Parliament expressed its repugnance. He proposed, therefore, the nomination of the Legislative Council should be for life, only disqualify.. ing them in case of bankruptcy or the committal-of crimes. The Governor-General thought it would be desirable that the power of reel nation should be given, as it happened not unfre quent l y that a person who had been nominated went to reside at a distant part of the province, and entirely abandon e d ki s functions , thus swelling the numbers of the Legisl at i ve Council without any advantage being derived from his being on that list. The next question, and a moat important one, was as to the future Constitution of the Assembly. The Governor-General had proposed, which proposition appeared to have met with assent In both provinces, that the number sent by Upper and Lower Canada should be equal. It is evident that at !he present moment the population of Upper Canada is not equal to that of Lower Canada • but on the other hand the p o p u l a ti on o f Upper Canada is very much in creasing, and if I were to speculate on probabilities I should say it is possible i n a f ew years the numbers inhabiting Upper Canada would i ncrease b eyond those in the other e province, With respect to the distribution of th ose num bers it was proposed that there should be 39 from each pro_ dace, and that they should be distributed with no very eaweemeeee—____ THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 24. 1840. great alteration of the existing Council. It was proposed that the existing divisions in Upper Canada should remain. Wait regard to Lower Canada, the proposition referred more to the foundation of what existed previously to the Act of 1829 than to the divisions by which Members were sent to the Assembly of late years. i have stated that that was ore of the subjects on which Mr. Huskisson pointed out the defects of their representation ; but although a Bill was passed by the Assembly and by the Legislative Council, apparently with a view of remedying that defect, yet greater complaints had been made of the distribution under that act of legislation than before existed, and those of the British race complained that they had not a fair pro portion in regard to t h e ir pop u lati o n. It is proposed now, in order to reduce the number to those mentioned, taking generally the existing division, that only one Member shall be sent from each county. It is proposed in Upper Ca nada, that besides the counties ; the towns of Halifax, London, &c., should each have one Member, and that likewise Mon treal and Quebec, should each have a Member ; the result, therefore, w.ll be that there will be thirty-nine Members for Lower Canada and thirty-nine Members for Upper Ca nada, making a total of seventy-eight Members. It is pro posed in the present plan, different from the Bill of last year, that the district of Glasgow shall form part of Lower Canada, having the same number of Members, that district being inhabited by persons who have expressed a strong de sire not to be separa' ed from Lower Canada. With regard to the duration of the Legislature no alteration is proposed in what has hitherto been the period of its duration, both in Upper and Lower Canada, namely, four years. The next quest;oa relates to the laws and the mode in which they shall be enacted. With regard to this question it is proposed to give generally the power of legislation to the House of Assemble, which it at present possesses, but reserving certain subjects for the assent of the Crown ; and with regard to certain of those subjects the Royal Assent is not to be given if either House addresses the Crown upon it. Among those subjects was first with re lation to the religion and the rights and usages established by the Act relating to Lower Canada, with res pect to the Roman Catholic Church, the rights of the Protestant clergy, and some other subjects relating to distinctions with respect to religion. Then I next come to that which I consider a most important subject, relating to a change proposed in the Report of Lord Durham with regard to the powers of the Assembly, as it is one which affects the future constitution and government of these provinces. It is proposed, in conformity with our own constitutional views and maxims, that money votes should originate in the House of Assembly, but that they should not be voted without a Message from the Governor, of course leaving the Assembly the power to address the Crown. I think this is a most important provision, and deeply connected and interwoven with the whole of the misfortunes that have taken place in Canada. Another prevision connected with this, and likewise of very great importance, is the institution of a Civil List. It is pro posed in Upper Canada—the Governor having stated his wish that there should his a Civil List—it is proposed that this Governor and Judges should have permanent appropriations with regard to the civil establishments, and that they should Ise voted by the House of Assembly. I therefore propose that a sum of 75,0001. be set apart for that purpose, including a sum of between 5 and 6 0001. a y ear for pensions. It was proposed in the Bill of last year that the Act introduced by Lord Ripon, which gave to the Assembly of Lower Canada the duties under the 14th Geo. 3, should be repealed, and that the duties should become part of what was properly called the Crown revenues. Sir, in proposing that the Assembly should not have the power to originate money votes, and that an ample, as I should hope, Civil List should be settled. for the purpose of carrying on the civil government of the province, and defraying the necessary expenses of Courts of Justice, I think we shall be taking away one great source of contention between the Assembly and the pro vince. It seems to be most important in introducing a monarchical form of Government to remove as far as pos sible those sources of dispute.—( Hear, hear.) In con sidering this subject it appears to me that partly from the effect of the constitutional laws of the colony, and partly from the mal-administration of these laws, evils which could not have occurred under the regular form of Con stitutional Government which we enjoy, have occurred in many of our colonies, and in none more than in Canada. It is, generally spenking, not only the theory, but the prac tice of our Constitutional Government that to the Executive Government belongs the appropriation of the public money, that they are responsible fur the disposal of it, and that the House of Commons, by whom it is voted, exercises a control over it. But in the Colonies there is neither this system of representation: nor this control. In the first place it too frequently occurs that the persona entrusted with the confidence of the Governor, are above the control of the Assembly, and totally regardless of the votes passed in it, and therefore they escape from that due examination and responsibility which persons holding im portant offices, to which a great expenditure of the public money is attached, should be subjected.—( Hear.) Oct the other hand the Assembly not having this power of control, which is essential to the due performance of their functions, assumed that which belonged to the executive Government, and each according to his own interests, passed votes of the public money, and sanctioned its ex penditure in a manner which did not benefit the public at large. Thus while there was no proper power of control in the Assembly, on the other hand an undue power was usurped by certain persons, and the people at large lost the benefit of that kind of government which they were told was established amongst them, and neither had the power of preventing that undue expenditure, by the officers of the Crown appointed by the Governor, nor the security that their own popular Assembly had the power to lay out the money and taxes of the people according to the exigencies of the State. Sir, what I propose seems to nee to have a great tendency to correct those abuses. I think the power of the Assembly as to money votes should be taken away, and I think at the same time, that a more wholesome practice should be introduced—not by positive enactment so much as by rule of administration—for the control of those parties who are kept in office by the Go vernor- General,and have the distribution of the expenditure. Many abuses have existed owing to the want of this con trol. I sin not now going to raise that question on which I hove already at some length expressed my opinion, in the despatch wh'.eh is before the House, and a question which lam happy to say does not naw excite so much heat in Canada as it once did—l mean the question of what is there called a responsible Government, on which I have already stated that I do not think it proper that the official servants of the Governor should be under exactly the same control there, as the Ministers of the House are here, be cause the Governor r Iccives his orde s direct from the Crown. But, Sir, as to the unfortunate practice which has prevailed in some Colonies, of having particular sets of men enjoying the peculiar confidence of the Governor, and arguing the facility which long experience gives in ma naging the expenditure of the public funds—( Hear, hear) —should be put an end to, and that men, stirring in ambi tion perhaps, but still men of talent and ability, should not be excluded from office—( Hear)—and therefore my Noble Friend, the Marquis of Normanby, when ho held the office I have now the honour to hold, directed the Go vernor of Nova Scotia that, when any vacancy occurred in the Executive Council, it should be filled up from those among the majority of time Assembly. And a vacancy having occurred since I came into the office, I directed time Governor to pursue that direction, thinking that there was n r better way of putting an end to factious opposi tion, than by vesting the leaders with the cares and re sponsibilities of office. You cannot, however, lay down any positive rule upon the su , eject, still less can you in troduce any clause into an Act upon it ; but it ought to he the general practice, that the leaders of the Assembly ought not to be altogether excluded fsom the management of the Executive.—( Hear, hear.) In thus making the distinction between the powers which are to originate with the Governor, and those which belong to the Assembly, if I did not go further, I should deprive the province of the power of making any useful local improvement, such as improving roads, and so on. It has been the custom, with regard to local establishments, or raising money for local courts of justice, to propose a Bill in the Assembly, and to vote the money cut of the public taxes. Instead of this, we propose there should be brought into more regular and uniform operation, municipal government in these provinces. In Upper Canada there is already a municipal govern ment. They have their townships, they have their counties, which are, however, counties merely for the choice of Members to time Assembly ; but they have like wise their districts, formed of two or more counties ; in which districts there are taxes for courts of justice, for sheriffs, and for constables, and for the expense of the local administration of justice. But their powers arc extremely lenient. The tax in Upper Canada is Id. on cultivated land, and one-fifth of a penny on uncultivated land. I propose that the power of these municipal counties should be Increased, so as to raise a tax of 3d. an acre on all lands. The Earl of Durham, in his Report, has made a statement with regard to this subject, particularly as it re lates to Lower Canada, which shows how useful it would be to have some municipal authority, by which local im provements could take place. As matters at present exist in Lower Canada there does not appear to he any such authority. But I would propose to extend to Lower Canada the authority that exists in Upper Canada, of giving to the Governor the power of forming districts, and of settling the boundaries of such districts. There are fifteen in Upper Canada, and there might be twenty-five in Lower Canada. It will be seen that these districts will not so much assume the shape of political bodies as they will be useful for local purposes. I think it is neces sary that Parliament should provide for this subject, be cause we do propose to take away in other parts of the Bill the power of originating money votes, and thereby contributing sums to these objects. There is another reason. It is one of those subjects on which it is likely there would be great difference of opinion and con tention among different parties in Canada, and it is de sirable to lay down the basis on which these district Coun ,lntnntuhiaiewesnmedecatir:itnevbim.cahrhsatilainhenrligiee-Itti cils should be formed. There is another subject, likewise, which does not form a part of the Bill whici_ poti m ir a te gmionyv question etd jr wupanf traprnyeoyiee omrti government tress n s peo . e do mfa r s y yeLci gdcoa g ar: tt,na r vtua c tacenni a drnodt t antr i to; m isalnt emigration t bothti us affects y in have b questionutt appearshwt othhohuefi that thought ne r great a itnwhich difficulties the i n taxesthe way the sales of land take place in Upper Canada, do form such an obstacle to emigrants settling there, that we have in a great measure ,to attribute the mode in which this part of the business is conducted, ver to of tl f l o e rm U in n g ite p d aa S o L f te ti s m , e to the evil, which is constantly complained of, that after having emigrated from this country to Canada, the emi grants become labourers immediately hi e p r a e s s and instead o po pulation of the provinces of Canada. I urn convinced that some regulations will be sufficient to remedy this l. With regard to the general principle of the sale ' o is f e ls v i l ad is Colonies, it appears to me there is nothing more sound, nothing better proved, than the superiority of the system of which Mr. Wakefield is the most able advocate, over all systems on this subject. —(Hear, hear.) It is a system which enables persons at a moderate price to be secured of certain portions of land. It does not force them into the auction market to contend with some person who is speculating upon obtaining a large tract of land which he does not mean to cultivate, but it enables hiss, at the expenditure of a small sum of money to obtain a certain portion of land, and to get that soon enables him to provide dalv Idlcar:attt maao) I the rest of his capital and means of improvement, thus tend ing to tile increase of population, to the increase of villages and towns, to give an increased ealue to all the land, and an increased strength to the population. W:th regard to the mode of carrying this principle into effect in such a pro vince as Upper Canada, I do not wish now to speak posi tively as to the plan I shall adopt, more especially as the Governor-General has informed me he will very soon ad dress me a despatch in answer to one I orate to him, ask ing for a report on this subject. But Ido not think that by the introduction of a few principles of acknowledged soundness, by taking care that the administration of the Crown lands shall be open and well administered by com petent persons of established integrity, that it will be diS cult to make the greatest possible change in Canada within a very few years.—( Hear, hear.) Of course we must rely in a great degree where there is a popular Assembly, to the concurrence of that Assembly, but it is one to which. I see by the Address of the Assembly, they attach the greatest importance. I have stated the general features of the Bill. Mr. HUME—The qualiiication of electors. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—The qualification of eke tors I do not propose to alter—neither the qualification nor. the duration of time of the Assembly do I propose to alter ; but I propose that there should be a qualiticatien for the elected. I propose that a person elected to the House of Assembly shall be in possession of 500/. in land. I do not mean 500/. a-year, but that he should be in pos session of land of the value of 500/. ; fer it appears that in the las; Assembly persons of melt extreme ignorance were elect ed, that one is surprised they should ever have been the objects of the choice of the people of that province. These, Sir, I believe, are the ni&II and leading propositions both of the Bill and of the policy which I propose. In making this statement, I wish likewise now to state to the House the views I entertain, and the views which her Majesty's Ministers h , tve been induced to take with regard to a subject of extreme importance, on which some petitions have been presented to-night, and with respect to which I have laid on the table a Bill passed by the Legislative Council and Assembly of Upper Canada—l mean the subject of the clergy reserves. I hold in my hand the dispatch of the Governor-General, accompanying the B;11 which has been passed on the subject. The House is aware that in ' the Act of 1791. one-seventh of the land to be granted was set apart for Protestant clergymen ; and in a subsequent provision of the Act it was stated that the Provincial Le gislature might vary or repeal those enactments, but that in such cases the Bill should be laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament, and that the consent of the Crown should not be given within thirty days of that being done, in order that either House might address the Crown to withhold the Royal assent from such Bill. This question was brought repeatedly under the notice of the Legislature of Upper Canada. It appears that the opinions of the Assembly of Upper Canada for a long course of years had very little bearing on this sulject. Their ,opinion has been, generally speaking, that in the first place, the clergy reserves ought not to be set apart solely to the clergy of the Church of England. So little were j they willing to accede to its being set apart solely for the Church of England, and the Church of Scotland, in con fortuity with what was declared by Sir Christopher Robin ' son and Lord Lyndhurst to be the general intention of the Act of 1791, that their invariable language has been that, if given to the ministers of religion, it ought to be given to all Christian denominations, but that they saw so much difficulty in obtaining this object, that they were of opinion it ought to be given to education, and sometimes to building places of worship. I will allude to some of the Bills of which the Governor- General has given an outline, and to some of the resolu tions on this subject. Ic 1825 Lord Bathurst having ma :e a statement with regard to the clergy reserve, that it was not intended to appropriate it according to the Act of 1791, they entered into certain resolutions stating their opinion that the reserve ought to be appropriated to the purposes of education and internal improvements. In 1828, 1829, and 1830 they agreed to simiiar addresses. In 1831 they stated that to give to the support of any one denomination exclusively would be unjust if not impolitic, and that it would be difficult if not impracticable to divide the same among the clergy of all denominations of Pro testants, and therefore they considered it would be better to appropriate it to thepurposesof education and to the erection of places of worship. In 1832 and 1833, Bills were sent up to the Legislative Council for the seine purpose, which were lust. In 1835 another Bill was sent up to the same effect, and they agreed to a resolution, declaring that their opinions remained entirely unchanged. In 1836, 1837, and 1838, similar proceedings were taken. In 1839 there were various plans proposed—one was, that the amount should be under the control of the Local Legislature. Now, Sir, with regard t o the nature of the plan proposed by the Governor-General, and agreed to by very large majorities, both in the Assembly and Legislative Council, it proposes that the Churches of England and of Scotland, shall have the half of any sum which may be derived from the sale of any rents, from the leases of lands appropriated as clergy reserves. It goes on to say that the remaining half shall be divided among the denominations of Christians which are acknow ledged in certain Acts of the province with regard to regis tration and certain matters of that kind—that the half shell lie divided among them in proportion to their numbers. It likewise provides that although, as I have stated, one half should be given to the Church of England and the Church of Scotland, that the proportion which the Church of England or the Church of Scotia! si may have should be in proportion to the number of persons belonging to those different communities. He proposes that the parishioners should ascer tain the numbers ; and certainly, as I read the Bill, it does not say that the proportion now settled should he invari ably the proportion ; but as far as that one half of the proceeds are concerned, it is left open, to be varied front time to time. Sir, there can be no doubt that this is a matter on which very strong feelings have existed in Ca nada. I have heard from more than one person that the insurrection which took place in Canada three years ago was to be attributed far more to the excitement that pre vailed on the question of clergy reserves than to any wish to separate from the allegiance of the Crown. There are various feelings on the subject, but they are all against the sum being appropriated to the support of the Church of England. There is a very strong feeling, not only in Canada but in almost the whole of the Conti nent of North America, against having an Established Church, which is to have ally exclusive privileges, o r which is to be considered as having a right et all t o govern. Having that opinion, they of course would not agree that there should be any such peculiar privileges, or any such distribution of these funds of the clergy reserve to the members of the Church of England in Upper Canada, because, according to all accounts, and according to the census that has been made, the members of the Church of England do not amount to one-fourth of the whole population of the prm,inces. Other feelings have existed upon this subject, which have very great influence in preventing its being divided, among various denomina tions of Christians. The \Veslevan Methodists seem always to have had strong objections to any part being given to the Roman Catholics—a feeling which does not , seem to have operated so strongly with the Members of the Church of England. But however that may be, it is certain that both in the Legislative Council and in the House of Assembly, the great majority who voted in favour of this Bill belonged to the Church of England. It is so stated in the despatch of the Governor-General, and I think that is a most important document for the conside ration of this subject. For my overt part, I would much rather say that I am content with the diatribution that has thus been made by the authorities of Canada than that I would undertake to say that upon any abstract grounds I think that settlement is the most desirous that could be made. Various obvious reasons may be urged' against such a settlement, but I cannot think there are any rea sons which can be urged of an equal weight with the pros pect of returning peace to that province—( Hear, hear) — that this subject should be settledsby the agreement of the various branches of the Legislature, without its being ne cessary for Parliament to interpose.—( Hear, hear.) For my part, Sir, if I had to propose any scheme to Parlia ment, I should find it extremely difficult to frame any scheme which, on the ono hand, I should think was likely to meet with the concurrence of Parliament, or which, on the other, might not meet with the decided disapproba tion and hostility of the people of Upper Canada.—( Hear. ) It is not at this day, after se long a period has elapsed since the Act of 1791. that you can expect to argue success fully with a people of different sects, living on the borders of the United States, with regard to the abstract merits of a Church Establishment—even if you argued on that so far as authorities go which are in favour of a Church Esta blishment, the authorities of Paley and Warburton fail you if urged in favour of giving supremacy to the Church of England in such a community as Upper Canada. Paley says, if the majority cease to belong to the Church of England, the Church of England changes its place with the majority; so, if there come to be a majority of Pres byterians or Roman Catholics in Upper Canada, the esta blishment, if the establishment of all, ought to he an esta blishment of that kind. But, Sir, I go simply and en tirely on the fact. I say, whatever may be my wishes, and whatever I may have thought 30 or 40 years ago, I do not think you can at this time of day impose oa the people of Canada an Established Church from which the great majority of the people may dissent.—(Cheers.) I am speaking with a sincere wish to maintain these provinces in allegiance to her Majesty, to maintain them in connection with this country ; and I think, if these are your views, you must be prepared somewhat to bend opi nions, somewhat to relax the views which may be agree able and suitable to this country, in accordance with the wishes and prejudices of the people whom we wish to go-' vern ; at the same time, by a constitution and the attach:- merit of willing hearts.—(Cheers.) Sir, with these views, therefore, I have no hesitation in answering the question of the Hon. Member, that the views of her Ma jesty's Government are that, unless Parliament interpose, they will humbly advise her Majesty to give her assent to a Bill respecting the clergy reserves.—( Cheers.) I think we should thus do away for the future, from Upper Ca nada, one great source of discord. I think we should thus produce harmony, with regard to those peculiar sub jects with which their minds are so much agitated. I think we should encourage them to believe that, with re gard to their wishes and their views, they would meet with ready attention from the Sovereign and Parliament o f t hi s country. Sir, in all I have stated, in the views I h ave ventured to lay before the House, both with regard to t h e Bill I propose to bring in, and with regard to thos e ot h er measures on which I have nothing immediately to p ropose to Parliament, it has been my earnest wish to state princi plea, and to propose measures in accordance with the continued and permanent connection of the se prov i nces with Great Britain.—(Cheers.) Sir, it is one of the proudest—perhaps the proudest among all our boast s , t h at wherever we have established colonies, we hav e ma d e them fit to manage and enjoy the institutions whi c h were once peculiar to ourselves, that we have educated th em so as to fit them to be themselves freemen, and to gove rn themselves according to those maxims which, as E„ g li s h_ we most revere. I remember it is said in th at a bl e work of De Tocqueville on America, which has b een re rred to, with regard to the people of the United States, that their political education has been long complete, or a! her that it was complete when the people first set foot upon the soil. Sir, I say that that provides a test for the institutiou of an establishment higher than any I am aware of belonging to any empire or nation on the face of C.e globe.—( hear, hear.) It was no doubt a proud feeling of the importance cf the country to which he belonged, that made Cicero refer with such exultation to the fact that the simple declaration, " Civis roninnus sum," was enough to obtain for the Roman citizen privileges and immunities over a great portion of the globe ; but that boast, however great and proud, was limited and tem porary ; it coutinued only so long as the legions of Rome could enforce the terrors of the empire; but with regard to the United States of America, with regard to these Co lonies, connected with us, the boast may be ever enduring. That you sent there with the qualification, the educa tion, and the feetangs of themselves, the progenitors who made them a free people in all time to come, and have thereby given them the love for free institutions, and shown the way in which ie should be exercised.—( Cheers. ) It is my belief you may maintain that connection with these Colonies of British North America, without im posing upon them anything they feel it incumbent on them to resist, and which they may add to our strength, without wishing to take the situation of an independent nation. 1 believe it vs as the opinion of Sir J. Macintosh, that Colonies in this situation must, looking back upon it, know they . have greater happiness than it they possessed supremacy of power, since they arc freed from those internal imposts and burdens which are necessary for the protection of great nations, while they have the reputation of this mighty empire to protect them if they are assailed, and can devote their produce to the promotion of the internal ad yancemeht of the education and general welfare of their awn province. I am convinced that if by passing a Bill of the nature proposed—with any alterations which mature consideration may suggest—that if we can pass such a Bill, and thereby establish permanently a free Constitution, to which the British settler may retort, we shall then have added to the strength of the empire, that we shall then have subjects on the other side of the Atlantic as loyal to the Queen as any that exist in the British Isles ; that we shall have no compulsory establishments there, or any insolent dominion, and that while our power and reputation extend, their freedom and happiness will he secured.— , (Cheers. ) Mr. HUME said be could not alloy the motion to pass, without making some observations on what had fallen from the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord, at the conclusion of his speech, spoke proudly and fairly of free institutions. lie was also occupied for a considerable time in pointing out that nothing but misrepresentation and misgovernment had prevailed in Canada, for the last- fifteen or twenty years. He had spoken of this in that glowing language he was so capable of using; but he (Mr. Hume) asked whether this Bill was anything like free institutions— whether a people, living at such a distance, should have all their regulations framed by individuals in Downing street—and how the Noble Lord could flatter himself that the public, eithey here or in Upper Canada, entertained the hopes he bad expressed ? He asked the Noble Lord whether he had not pointed out that, for fifteen years, the people of that province hail not by large majorities passed a Bill with a view to settle that question, which the Noble Lord stated to be most important—and whether these Bills, the expressed wish of nineteen-twentieths of the popula tion, were not rejected because of the discord which existed? This the Nots!'e Lcrd had given as an instance of the bautiful result of our establishments and education in other parts of the world. What did the Noble Lord ask the House to do now ? He teed them that her I Majesty'e Ministers would advise her Majesty to give her sanction to this Bill, not tint it was in his opinion right, but because a certain majority in Upper Canada had passed the Bill, and he said (which to him was most astonishing) that if that Bill passed the ques tion would be settled in Canada. He asked the Noble Lord was this Bill right or just to the people of Canada, which was passed by a packed Assembly, and to which the greatest possible dissatisfaction at this moment existed, and nothing that the House could de in giving censent to that Bill would promote peace. He told the Noble Lord he was as much mistaken in expecting peace from that Bill as he was in p ssing his revolutionary resolutions of 1837. Three yeas a had passed, and what was the Noble Lord ebeut to do ? He was about to concel e, as the only means of conciliation, that which was asked in 1837, and might then have been conceded with effect. He told the Noble Lord he was as much mistaken in the effect of the Clergy Reserve Bill as be was in the effect of those resolutions. On the contrary, it would be, to the last hour C ana d a b a d a government, a source of discord. Would the Noble Lord allow him to tell him the members of the Church of England at this moment in Upper Canada were not one tenth of the population ? Did not the Noble Lord think this measure vas contrary to the feelings of the Cana diana, arid that it would promote discord and disaffection ? He was not disposed to go lack to cases of any great extent against the proceedings of the Government in Upper Canada, but he had no hesitation in saying that if the Noble Lord or his predecessors bad been disposed to give that which they were now disposed to give, they would never have heard of civil war or disaffection in any part of these pi-e -vinces. He held in his hand a paper containing an address of the Speaker of the House of Assembly in 1830, stating what they wauted, and it was impossible for any man has,' ing that paper not to lament mismaaagement which had kept those provinces in a state of discord. The Reports and the Committee to which the Noble Lord had referred all pointed out those things. He saw with great satisfaction a passage in the Address of the Governor-Gene ral to the House in Upper Canada, after the receipt of the Noble Lord's letter, and which he would read. The Hon. Member then read the extract : The Hon, Member proceeded to say that nothing could be more opposed to the principles of the British Constitu tion than the treatment Canada had uniformly expe rienced. Those provinces had been made a source of pa tronage from first to last, in the shape of grants of land and sinecure offices, and interruption of those improve ments which had been attempted in the laws of these co lonies. The No'd'e Lord had talked of the free institutions of this country ; but the Noble Lord seemed to have for gotten that in all our colonies those institutions bed been hampered by Biliiish Governments, and even in America itself, on the British origin of whose people the Noble Lord appeared so mach to pride himself, it was only after an open resistance to our authority that free principles had become triumphant. Canada would not be tranquillized with a cost less than from 5 ,000000/. to 6,000.0001. Yet Government could from the first have settled all the difficulties of the question by yielding to the just claims g, euel of the Canadian people. Lord Gl though an amiable swan in private life, was the person who led the country into all those embarassrnents, and vet, instead of having been immediately removed from office, as the source of all those evils, he had been rewarded with a pension of 2,000/. a-year. At the time of the extraordinary course taken by Sir Francis Head in Upper Canada, one of the individuals whom he (Sir F. Head) had vielently removed from office was a Mr. Bald win, and that gentleman had been sent over to submit to the British Government the real state of Canada. Mr. Baldwin, however, after having undertaken that long jour net, bad beets unceremoniously refused an interview by Lord Gleneig. The points, however, which Mr. Baldwin intended to lay before the British Government would have led to th.) ultimate pacification of Canada, as they were all that were required by the people of that country, and if that gentleman had been consulted he (Mr. Hume) be lieved that all the evils which followed could never have occurred. The same Mr. Baldwin whom Lord Glenelg had refused to see, had since been appointed Solicitor- General in Canada, and he had been deputed on the occa sion as one of the most moderate men of his party. What was it that Canada required ? They wanted a control over their own resources—they wished to have the power of granting the civil list which they might think proper, and they claimeit a control over ministerial authority by annually voting the supplies.—( Hear, hear, hear.) They wished that the colonial administration should be guided in conformity with the wishes of the House of Com mons as was the case in this country. That was all that the Canadas wanted, for he believed that the wishes of the people of both Provinces were the same. Why then, he would ask, had so much blood and treasures been after wards expended ? He (Mr. Hume) could only account for that by attributing some incompetency or infatuation to our Foreign-office which it was impossible to explain. He (Mr. Hume) did not object to the proposal of uniting the two Provinces if the Government were left under popular control. He believed that in that case the majority of each of them would act in unison, as their interests were the same. He did not, however, think that the Noble Lord was acting fairly in introducing the election qualification into his Bill. That was an exploded practice which was unfitted to the present time. He would venture to foretell that before this time ten years, or perhaps within a shorter period, it would be found that Canada would not submit to the conditions imposed on them by the Bill. They would want a control over their own affairs, and the Bill would become nothing but a subject of contention between them and the parent country. He believed that the Noble Lord should render the Canadians, and with them all our othertcolonies, free from any undue ex ercise of authority on the part of the sovereign office. That was one of the first objects to which he should at tend. When the Bill came hi he would object to many of its clauses, and he hoped that the House would never con sent to its passing in its present form.—( Hear.) Sir R. H. ING LIS would not suffer one part of the speech of the Noble Lord to escape without entering against it his protest. The House would perhaps have no difficulty in judging of the part to which he referred. He alluded to that part which related to the Church. If t h e N o bl e Lord had been prese nt during the speech of the Hon. Member for Kilkenny he would have heard from no mean authority on Canadian affairs that his Bill was not one from which peace and tranquillity could be expected to fl ow . H e (Sir R. Inglis) trusted that Parliament would never so far neglect its duty as ever to allow that Bill to become law. What could the House of Assembly have to do with the property of the Church ? Suppose a grant of money had been made to the Corporation of London, in stead of the clergy, what right could Parliament have to interfere with that grant? There was no difference be tween the two cases. It could not be justly said that the clergy reserves could be applied to public purposes. That was a doctrine which might be acceptabl e to many, but it was not the less true.—( Cries of "'Hear.") Tire Hon. Member for Kilkenny had more opportunities than he (Sir Robert Inglis) had, of intercourse with per sons (who were now happily away from Canada) as to tha real chareeter of the transactions of the rebellion. But the charge against Sir F. Head . was first made by L ord Dur ham (no enviable distinctum) and was afterwards fully refuted. Be would not longer intrude upon the House than to protest against the measure which the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) himself avowed he introduced, not upon his own conviction, but in compliance with the will of others. Mr. PAKINGTON would not go into a discussion of the Bill, as its details were not before the House. But he etid not think that the union of the provinces would be productive of the advantages which the Noble Lord seemed to contemplate from it. He regarded the experiment as one full of risk and danger. But as he saw the Noble Lord now returned to his place, he would ask him e wo or three questions, which were suggested by the observations of the Noble Lard himself, and by statements which had been made to him (Mr. Pakington)—lst. H e as k ed whether it was consistent with law that the House of Assembly of Canada should pass a bill which was in effect a repeal of an Act of Parliament, the 37th of George the Third? Secondly, what were the various denominations of Chris tiara! who were to benefit by the distribution of the two fourths of the reserve not appropriated to the Churches of Scotland and England? And, thirdly, what was held to be the construction of the thirty days? Whether they were to be understood as thirty days of Parliamentary sit tings, or as days of the calendar? ir CHARLES GREY defended the measures pro posed by the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) and con tended that they would not be productive of the evils anti cipated from them by the Hon. Member for Kilkenny. With respect to the observations made on the Clergy Re serves Bill he could not go so far as the Hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford, or the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, who had stated that it would have the worst effects in Canada, but this he would say, that he was not sanguine enough to suppose that either of the measures of the Noble Lord would produce contentment. But, believing that they would effect great good he would support them. Sir R. PEEL thought it would be unadvisable at the present moment, in the absence of much important matter, to discuss the principles of the important subject brought under the attention of the House by the Noble Lord. He should therefore for the present postpone all discussion upon the principles of the measures, reserving to himself an entire and unfettered discretion as to the course he should pursue, until he had seen the en ac t ments b y w hi c h the Noble Lord proposed to give effect to the measures. The Chief object he had in rising was to ask the Noble Lard in what position the clergy reserves were in Lower Canada, and what course he proposed to pursue with re spect to them. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he intended to leave that subject to the Legislature of the United Provinces, subject to the provisions of the Act of 1791, by which power was given to address the Crown by either House. Sir R. PEEL wished to know, supposing neither House of Parliament to interfere with the Clergy Reserve Act, and supposing the Crown to have given its counsel whether the Noble Lord would, or not, consider that a final settlement of the Clergy Reserve in Lower Canada? Lord J. RUSSELL was anxious to put the House i n possession of what he conceived to be the state of the law; he believed it to be this--that supposing the assent of her Majesty was given to the Bill, it would not, in point of form, prevent the Legislature of the united provinces from legislating on the subject, but, on the contrary, they would have the power of interfering, and proposing new legisla tion on any Bill not subject to the provision of the Act of 1791. With regard to the question of the Hon. Member for Droitwich, as to the Act of the 7th and Bth of George the Fourth, which provided for the sale of one-fourth of the Clergy Reserves, and directed the proceeds to be in vested in this country, he had to say that great part had been invested in the country, and that the Act made no exception with respect to the restrictions of the Act of 1791. With respect to another question of the Hon. Member, the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown was, that without an Act of the Imperial Parliament the Act of the Colonial Legislature would not be operative. As to the Hon. Gentleman's question as to the thirty days he would consult the Law Officers of the Crown, and inform him on that subject. Then as to the debt of Upper Canada, it was intended that that should form part of tne debt of the United Provinces. Mr. PA KINGTON said that there was ono ques tion to which the Noble Lord had not replied, and that was as to the denomination to which the Bill was intended to apply. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the sects who would derive advantage from this settlement were those which had been recognised by several Acts of the province. Sir R. PE EL wished to know whether the Papers ty be laid on the Table would state what these sects were which were to be recognised ? Lor3 J. RUSSELL—Yes, there is a phrase in the proposed Bill respecting the different sects recognised by the different Colonial Acts. Colonel SI BTHORP wished to draw the attention of the House to the expense of the appointment of the Earl of Durham and the Right Hon. C. P. Thomson, the late and present Governor-General of Canada. Re turns had been made of the expenses of the appointments of Earl Gosford in 1835, and of Lord Durham, but he wished, if possible, to have those accounts laid before the House in a more satisfactory manner--he wished to extract kroai the Noble Lord a promise to lay all the papers be fore the House relating to this matter—he wished to have the returns simplified. There had been a must unwar rantable expenditure in 1835, on the appointment of Lord Gosford ; there had been a great waste of money on the appointment of Lord Durh'im, and he believed the same thing bad occurred on the appointment of the present Go vernor-General ; he wished to obtain a simplification of those returns, which had been purposely mystified, in or der, if possible, to prevent the public from obtaining any knowledge on this subject. The question having been put, leave was given, and Lord John Russell and Mr. Labouchere were ordered to bring in the Bill. SUPPLY. On the Order of the Day for the report of the Com mittee of Supply being brought up, Sir J. G. BULLER said that he bad understood that the Right Hon. and Gallant Gentleman opposite wished to take that opportunity of offering some explanation re lative to the dismissal of Mr. Foote. Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN said that he had no wish to make any statement, nor did he see any necessity for making one. The fact was the Ordnance Department had nothing whatever to do mith the case. Mr. Foote was merely the agent to the Solicitor for the Ordnance Department, but since what had passed the other night he requested Mr. Hignett to furnish him in writing with his statement relative to the case of Mr. Foote, which he would take the liberty of reading to the House. The Right Hon. and Gallant Gentleman then read a state ment of Mr. Hignett stating that on the death of Mr. Smith, the late Solicitor to the Ordnance, he received an appointment, and that, as be alone was responsible for the due performance of the duties of the office, he thought he was fully justified in appointing as his agents his own friends, and those with whom he was acquainted, that in consequence he had employed new agents at several dif ferent stations, and of all the persons who had been re moved Mr. Foote was the only one who had thought it necessary to make any complaint. Sir J. Y. BULLER asked at what other stations new agents had been appointed. Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN was not aware of the names of all the places ; but he would mention two—Liverpool and Birmingham. The Right Hon. and Gallant Gentleman then proceeded to conclude the reading of Mr. Hignett's statement. Mr. Foote had not only made complaints on this subject, but be had caused a letter to be inserted in the provincial papers which had been transferred to the columns of the London daily journals, alleging that after acting for Uty-five years as the confidential agent of the Board of Ordnance, he had been re moved from that office solely on the ground of having given his rote at the recent election, in favour of the Gen tleman who was opposed to the Government. That Mr. Foote might imagine such to be the case, Being the strong part he had taken in that election—(cheers)—giving his professional services gratuitously to Mr. Dawson, was not to be wondered at—(Opposition cheers)—but he begged to say that Mr. Foote was entirely mistaken in that sup position, as he had determined on appointing a new con fidential agen t at Devonport long before the election had come on, and not having the honour of Mr. Foote's per sonal acquaintance, he was entirely unacquainted with that gentleman's political opinions at the time he had come to that determination. It was entirely a private affair of his o►wn, as neither the Ordnance or the Admiralty had ever recognized legal agents in the country, as wit; proved from what occurred at Portsmouth, on the death of the late Mr. Greatw•ood, when a gentleman applied to the Admiralty for the appointment, and received an answer from Sir James Graham, the first Lord of the Admiralty, that the Admiralty had nothing to do with the matter, as they never interfered in the appointments of legal agents, which rested solely with the solicitors.—(Loud cheers front the Ministerial benches.) He (Sir H. Vivian) was certain that Mr. Foote never considered himself as the agent of the Board ; if he bad so considered himself, he was a man of too much honour to have interfered in the way he had done in the election. The Right Honourable Gen tleman then read a handbill, headed Mr. Dawson's election, in which Mr. Foote and other solicitors adver tised themselves as coming forward to give their gratuitous services for his support. What would have been said had he done this in support of Mr. Tufnell ?—( Loud cheers.) With regard to Captain Dundas, be could state that his visit was solely on Ordnance business, as he had written to Captain Dundas to meet him ( Sir H. Vivian) there, for the purpose of seeing some Ordnance property which a person was desirous of purchasing. On that occasion Captain Dundas had called on Mr. Foote in relation to this business, and as he was quitting him he might have cursorily alluded to the subject of the election. With regard to the case of Underwood, which had also been alluded to, he begged to say that that person had been ap pointed to Woolwich in the room of a person named Nicholets, who was in the hospital, and not expected to live. He believed that soon it would be impossible to send an Ordnance boy to sea without inquiring which way his relations had voted. He pledged himself that the ap pointments in the Ordnance Department were made irre spective of politics. One of the clerks in the Ordnance had voted plurnpers against him at the Cornwall election, and he had afterwards gone over the ground with him, and had given orders that the suhjcct should not be alluded to.—(Cheers.) At the last election four of the Ordnance Department had voted for Tufuell, and four for Dawson. This at least was an equal division. Sir J. Y. BULLER thought the explanation of the Right Hon. Gentleman, as far as regarded himself, satis factory, but still he thought the case of Mr. Foote a hard one, as he had no notice of any intention to dismiss him, as his letters to Mr. Hignett on the subject had remained unanswered, and he had been employed in Ordnance busi. ness since the death of Mr. Smith. _ _ Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN said that Hignett had not re ceivrd Mr. Foote's first letter until long after it wa written, as he was absent on an Ordnance trial at Wi n _ cheater. Mr. S HA W, in reference to the question of the mili tary, wished to bear his testimony to the manner in which the Master-General exercised his patronage in that esta blishment; he believed that in the appointment of boys to to the College, he was not in the least influenced by pc litical consideratiuns.—(Cheers.) Ile also highly ap proved of the alterations which had been made in the age of admission, UNION WORKHOUSES BILL. Mr. MAULE moved the third readaig of this Bill. Sir C. DOUGLAS wished it to be postponed. Mr. BERNAL also said he thought it ought to be postponed, because the country were not generally aware of it. Mr. BURROUGHS and Mr. HODGES concurred in the suggestion. Mr. lIUME wished to know if hospit a l s were to be exe mpt from rating. Mr. Ir. M AULE said, the Chancellor of the Exche quer had already stated that he would not assent to it. As to the request for postponement, the object of the Bill was simply to exempt from parochial rates buildings taken for workhouses, and a new rate commencing on the sth April, postponement would amount to desertion. . Sir E. KNATCHBULL said t h e rates were quarterly. Sir T. FREMANTLE was in favour of the Bill, and hoped it would not be postponed, but he wished the clause which had been struck out to be restored, placing the land, or the buildings used for workhousep, in the same position as to rating as before, so that the parish should not be injured.—( Hear. hear. ) Sir C. DOUGLAS moved that the Bill be postponed to that by thr,:e weeks. The gallery was cleared for a division, but none took place, and on our return we beard Sir R. PEEL assenting to the principle of the Bill, but ndvocating postponement. Mr. HAWES also trusted it would be postponed, to give the country opportunity of expressing► opinions on it. Mr. F. MAULE would no longer resist their solicits. tions, and postponed the Bill for a fortnight. The Law of Evidence (Scotland) Bill went through Committee. SEWERS BILL. Mr. CHRISTOPHER moved the second reading of this Bill. Mr. HODGES was oppo3ed to the Bill. An Act had passed only a few years ago, which, so far as he knew, had given satisfaction to every county in England and Wales, and that Bill ought not to 1N. , . repealed without some strong ground being shown for such a course. Mr. CHRISTOPHER said the Bill vould only sim plify all the laws relating to sewers. He hoped the House would allow the Bill to be read a second time, and referred to7a Committee up stairs, where it would be fully con sidered. Mr. HODGES moved that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. Mr. H E hoped his lion. Friend would allow the Bill to go to a Committee, and if, after being scrutinized there it was objectionable, he could object to it in a future stage. After a few words from Col. Sibthorp, Mr. C. Berkeley, Mr. Williams, and Lord G. Somerset, Mr. HODGES withdrew his amendment, and the Bill was read a second time. SUPPLY. Mr. GORDON brought up the Report of the Com mittee of Supply. Mr. PUSE'k . moved the following Members as the Committee on the Settled Estates Drainage Bill :—Mr. Pusey, Sir James Graham, Sir Edward Sugden, Mr. Handley, Mr. Lynch, Lord Worsley, Sir Thomas Acland, Captain Pechell, Mr. Ag,lionby, Mr. Frcshfield, Mr. Hayter, Sir John Y4rde Buller, Mr. Bruges, Sir Harry Verney, and Mr. Stansfield. On the motion of Mr. WA KLE Y the following were appointed the Committee on the office of Coroner of Mid dlesex :—Mr. Wakley, Cot. Thomas Wood, Mr. William Williams, Mr. Mackinnon, Mr. Solicitor-General for Ire land, Mr. Cripps, Mr. Thomas Duncombe, ° Lord Teirr n mouth, Sir James Duke, Lord Eliot, Mr. Aglionby, Sir Thomas Fremantle, Sir Benjamin Hall, Mr. Gaily Knight, and Sir George Strickland. Col. T. WOOD had consented to serve upon the Com mittee with great reluctance, but he did so for the purpose of vindicating the character of the Magistrates, whose con duct was impugned. He thought the proceeding a most unfair and improper one.- The Committee was then appointed, and the House Ad journed at a Quarter before Eleven o'Clock. THE NAVY. LIVERIOOL, MARCH 18T0, 1840. SlR,—Looking at your paper Dated March 16th i find the Desputes respecting the Seamen —i find the officer woe is speaking for the kats and the Gang way wos with me of flushing ; but now Sir tell im it is this 1 in one ship thay flogd 15 men a day 2 three men flogd on the bare back Side at the Gun having a Point tide 3 for Boxing mates with 3 sister in thirs and—or th Canes marld to Gerthe to starte th People 4 th Capting of th main top for sliping is fart going a loft IDozin-1 top man sent a loft after being flogd again made im fall ner kild not fit for sea any more 5 not Gitteng a mast up to your likeng—flogd 6 man gumpt overbord—sale imself from being flogd —Dround 7 a Prest man flogd through the fleet for striveng to Get to is family. 8 thretned at ever part of the ship—there is no end to floging & starting—men Lives in Constant feere ; Captins word i will se your back Bone 9th word Came out to the Ships of a th America Couste that now man kan Share of th Prize exsept e take her. Looke at this, th Admiral reserving one eith 10 of the Prizes and never see them 11 Look at this, i was paid of with we skanty wages but the Prize money not Given 12 i have rote for it thay have sived it well 13 Why is ther not a inquirey into Sators Prize money We have not got our rites Look at th Chist of Green witch 14 Look at wot the Prizes wos sold for and if the Saylor last war as got their rites-1 think you will say now nor their Widdows nor Children. before i will goe in to th British man of war a Gain they shall make these rules 1 2 P 10 shillings a month 2 Little more Beef 3 Better Peas, not shot to eat 3 Better Clouthes and Shues & better Beet and Blanket. 4 now floging only in Case of theft 5 wen a Prize is taken the money paid as soon as pos aple 6 Liberti to se my Parents if vtar every 3 or 4 years 7 that officers shall not coule men out of ther name Stone Cutters Grave Digers and all shush names to dis turb ther Peice of mind the time is Come you want us a Gain we have not for got our duty if you want oar me►► from a merica you must Post on the voles all Prize money to be paid for the Last war. the well none sa'or R. SWIFT. [The above is a correct copy, literatirn et verbatim, of a letter which we have received. We have taken no other liberties with it whatever than to interpose a comma or two, the writer having no idea of punctuation, where we thought it was indispensable to enable the reader to un derstand the meaning, We believe that we comprehend nearly every thing the writer has written, and his letter is as much distinguished by good sense and correct know ledge as it is by bad orthography. The flogging and starting he describes certainly were prevalent on board our ships ; and the means he recommends to win sailors into our service would undoubtedly find favour with all the class to which " the well-known sailor, R. Swift," belongs. The orthography and diction will certainly amuse our readers ; and if they can find out Mr. Swift's meaning, the letter will convey much instruction as to the feelings of the seamen, whose feelings it new behoves all classes to con sult and respect.] NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. (From the Hampshire Telegraph.) MALTA, MARCEL 4. Admiral Sir Robert Stopford 1 having received two days' grace, was released from quaran tine on Wednesday last, and the Gorgon on Saturday . The Carysfort will be released to-morrow, and the Princess Charlotte on Friday next. On Thursday evening his Ne therland Majesty's ship Rhine, (having on board Prince Henry, of Holland, as second Captain or Commander,) after saluting the British Admiral's flag, which was re turned by the Bellerophon, was towed out by the boats of the squadron, and sailed for Athens and the Levant. The Castor sailed for Vourla en Saturday. The Rodney will sail for Plymouth, and the Ganges for Vourla, to-morrow, or Friday, the ►atter conveying such letters for the ships in the Levant as may arrive by the Blazer, due here to-day. The Megara arrived o❑ Saturday night from Alexandria, whence she sailed on the 24th ult., bringing the East India mail despatched from Bom bay on the 3lat of January by the Berenice, which reached Suez on the 18th ult. The mail from England was for warded by the Volcano, which took her departure on Sunday afternoon for Marseilles, whence she will return here about the 13th, with the London overland mail of the 4th inst., when those for Egypt, Syria, ald India will be despatched to Alexandria by the Megara. Those for Gi braltar will be conveyed by the Hermes, and these for the lonian Islands and Greece by the Coufiance. The Zebra will sail for Corfu after the return of the Hydra from Vourla to relieve the Jascur. The Acheron arrived with the mails from the lonian Islands on Monday. The Cyclops steam-frigate, Captain Austen, is ready for sea, and will proceed in tho course of the ensuing week to the Mediterranean. The Andromache, 28, Captain Baynes, C. 8., is still at Spithead, waiting for orders. The Vanguard, SO, Captain Sir Thomas Fellowes, came into harbour on Tuesday. She will be docked for the ex amination of her bottom, and immediately recommissioned. The Pantaloon, 10, is cruising off the Kentish and Sussex coast, to prevent French boats from fishing within the prescribed limits of three miles. It is probable she will continue upon this service some time. She was off Brighton on Thursday. k't4its PLYMOUTH, MARCH 20.—The Emerald tender arrived from Portsmouth on Saturday last, with supernumeraries, and has since sailed on her return to that port. The Nau tilus, 10, Lieutenant G. Beaufoy, arrived from the coast of Africa on Sunday. She left Sierra Leone the 28th of January; the Harlequin and Buzzard were there when she sailed, the Lily and Forester were at Ascension, and the Wolverine at Prince's Island. The Pique, 36, Capt. E. Boxer, returned, after a short cruise to the westward, on Sunday, and waits for orders. The Minden, 72, is or dered to be fitted as a demonstration ship. The Sans Pa. roil, sheer-hulk, has been taken into dock to have her d e. fects examined. The Thunderer , Inconstant, and Persian , . fitting at this port, have nearly completed their crews, and , a te in a very forward state. The St. George, 1 20 Ferret, .10, will be launched from this dockya rd in,, and the course of the summer. In Harbour—The Impregnable, the San Josef, the Thunderer, the Inconstant, the Persian, the Nautilus, the Carron and the Columbia steamers. In the Sound--The Pique. NAVAL PROMOTIONS AND APPOINTMENTS. PROMOTIONS. Lieutenant—John fliers Greer (1799), to the rank of Retired Commander, retainieg his out-pension of Green wich Hospital. APPOINTMENTS. Commander—T. L. Massie, to the Thunderer. Lieutenants—R. F. King, to the Persian; Alexander Dawson, to the Astrea ; George Sprigg, from the Mel ville, to command the Brisk, vice Armitage ; Thomas Courtis Ross, to command the Curlew, vice Rose. Purser—James Yorsten, to the Inconstant. Assistaut-Surgeons—R. Faris and John Tait, to the Thunderer. Mates—Mr. William Butler, to the Cyclops Mr. John George Nops, second Master, to the Jupiter. Volunteer Ist Class—Samuel Marryat, to the Britannia. Boatswain—Mr. William R o bertson, of the Victory, to the Royal Sovereign yacht, a Milford. Commander Bamber has been placed on the out-pension of Greenwich Hospital. Lord Cranstoun, who has been making a tour of several mouths on the Continent, has returned to this coun try, and is novr enjoying the sports of the field at Melton Mowbray. EVENING EDITION. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen had a Dinner Party yesterday at Backing ingham Palace. The Company consisted of their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Kent, the Duke and Duchess( of Cambridge, Prince George and the Princess Augusta of Cambridge, the Duke and Duchess of &Aber/and, Marquis of Douglas, Marquis and Marchioness of Ayles. bury, Earl of Errol, Earl of Uxbridge, Viscount Mel. bourne, Viscountess Palmerston, Lady Frances Cowper, Lord Robert Grosvenor, Miss Kerr, Baron Kncsebeck, Dowager Lady Lyttelton, Lady Fanny Howard, Hon. Miss Anson, Hon. Miss Paget, Baroness Lehzen, Earl of Fingal!, Hon. Charles A. Murray, Hon. William Cowper, Colonel Wemyss, Colonel Wylde, Baron Gruben, acid Mr. Francis Seymour. The Band of the Royal Regiment of Horsy Guards was in attendance during dinner. Her Majesty had afterwards an Evening Party. Among the Company were Baron Gersdorf, the r.axon Minister, Baron de Bourqueney, the Duke end Duchess of Buccleuch, Duke and Duchess of Roxburgh, Duke and Duchess of Somerse, Marquis of Anglesey and Lady Adel a id e Paget, Lord Clarence Paget, Earl and Countess of Rosebery and tk.3 Ladies Primrosc, Earl and Countess of Wilton, Earl and Countess of Jersey and Lady S. Villiers, the Countess of Uxbridge, the Ladies Eleanora rnd Constance Paget, Hon. Mr. Berkeley Paget, Countess of Errol and Lady Ida Nay, Earl and Countess of Verulam and Lady M. Grimston, Earl and Countess Delawarr and Lady M. West and Viscount Cantilupe, Earl and Countess of Carlisle and the Ladies Howard, Lord Morpeth, the Hon. Charles Howard, Earl of March, Lord Foley, Lord an d L a d y Kinnaird, Lord Leveson, Lord Alfred Paget, Hon. C. C. Cavendish, M.P., and Lady Catherine and Miss Caven dish, Hon. Colonel and Hon. Miss Cavendish, Hon. Sir Edward and Lady Cust, Hon. Captain and Hon. Miss Pitt, Sir Robert and Lady Gardiner and Miss Gardiner, Sir George Anson and Mr. George Edward Anson. Viscount Melbourne had an audience yesterday, of the Queen. Addresses of Congratulation to Prince Albert on his marriage were presented to his Royal Highness yesterday at Buckingham Palace, by the following Noblemen and Gentlemen : The Earl of Aberdeen, Sir Henry Ellis, Mr. Nicholas Carlisle, K. H., Mr. Amyot, and Mr. Gage Rokewede —From the Society of Antiquaries. • The Hon. E. J. Stanley, M. P., and Mr. Broekleburst M.P.—From the Superintendants and Scholars of the Macclesfield School, under the patronage of his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex. The Hen. E. J. S:anley, M. P., Mr. Tatton Egerton, M. P., Mr. Grimsditch, M. P., and Mr. Brocklehurst, —From the Town Council of the Borough of Macclesfield. Mr. Henry Weymouth and Mr. John Wilks—From the Deputies of the Congregation of Protestant Dissenters of the Three Denominations in London and the vicinity. The Bishop of Hereford— From the Bishop and Dean and Chapter of the CathedrallChurch of Hereford. Mr. John Vidler, Mayor of Rye, (presented by Mr. T. G. Monypenny. M.P.,) Captain Gybbon Monypenny, M. P., Mr. S. G. Fryman, and Mr. E. N. Dawes—Froth the ancient town of Rye.. _ _ Mr. Richard Franklin, Mayor of Limerick, and Mr. Henry Watson Seur, Magistrate of Limerick (presented by Viscount Gort)—From the Mayer, Sheriffs, awd Ci tiz?ns of the City of Limerick, in Council assembled. Mr. J. H. Chichester, M.P., and Mr. Hodgson, M, P. —From the Borough and Town of Barnstaple. Hon. Charles George Noel—From the Bailiffs and Burgesses of the ancient Borough of Chipping Camp den, in Gloucestershire. The Duke of Sutherland, accompanied by Messrs. Mackenzie, Stewart, Low, Auld, Morris, and Kirk... From the Scottish Hospital. Mr. William Pollard, High Sheriff of Westmeath, and Le Marquis of Wcstmeath—Frum the Nobility, C,, autry , Cleigy, and Freeholders of the county of West,:neath, Mr. Houston, M.P.—From the county of lienfrew. Mr. Gaskell, M. P.—From Wenlock.' Vice- Admiral Sir David Mike, K. C.D., and Captai■ Boswall, R.N.—From the Knights Templars of Scotland. Sir George Sinclair, M. P.—From Caithness. The Duke of Somerset, Vice-I - resident, end Mr. Wil Liam Tooke, Treasurer—From the University College, London. The Earl of Charleville and Lieut.-Colonel the lien. John Westenra, M.P.—From the High Sheriff, Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy of King's County. Mr. Heywood, the Mayor of Bolton, accompanied by Mr. Ainsworth, M. P., Mr. Alderman Cullen, and Mr. Councillor Dean—From the Mayor, Aldermen, and Coun cillors of the Borough of Bolton. Lord Kenyon—From the Trustees of the Anniversary of the Charity Schools. Tho Earl Delawarr, High Steward—From Stratford upon- Avon. Viscount Cantilupe—From Holston, in Cornwall. General Sir George Anson, G.C.B.—From the City of Lichfield. Hii Royal Highness Prince Albert was attended by Lord Robert Grosvenor, Groom of the Stole, Mr. George Edward Anson, Treasurer, Lord George Lennox, Gen tlemen of Honour, and Colonel Wylde, Equerry. Addresses of Congratulation to her Royal Highness the. Duchess of Kent, on the occasion of the marriage ot‘ her Majesty and his Royal Highness Prince Albert, were pre sented to her Rus al highness yesterday, from the follow leg places and pt;blic bodies : From the Mayors Aldermen, and Burgesses of the- Borough of Stockport—presented by the Hun. E. J. Stan ley, M. 1).. From the Mayer, Aldermen, and Burgesses of Wen. lock, in the county of Salop—presented by Mr. Milnes Gaskell, M.P. From the Mayor, Aldermen, and Councilmen of the Borough of Bolton—presented by the Mayor, and Maws, Cullen and Dean. From the Noblemen and Justices of the Peace, Com missioners of Supply, and Magistrates of the county of Renfrew—presented by Mr. Houston, M.P. From the Mayor, Aldermen, and Councillors of the Bo rough of Macclesfield, in the county of Chester; and also from the Sunday S: hoot Officers, and the various Teachers and Scholars of Macclesfield—presented by the Non. E. J. Stanley, M.P., Mr. Tatton Egerton, M. P., Mr. Grimaditch, M.P., and Mr. Brocklehurst, M. P. From the Religious and Military Orders of the lifoly Temple and Sepulchre, and St. John of Jerusalem, in Scotland—presented by Vice-Admiral Sir D. Milne and Captain Boswell, R.N. From the Landowners, Justices of the Peace, and Corn missioners of Supply of the County of Caithness —pre sented by Sir George Sinclair. From the Incorporated University College, Los(len— presented by the Duke of Somerset, Viee-Presidest, and Mr. William Tooke, Treasurer. From the Mayor, Aldermen, aid Burgesses of Sto a t ford-upon-Avon, in Council assembled—presented by the Earl Delawarr, High Steward. From the Mayor - , Aldermen, and Town Council *f the cncicut borough of Barnstaple, and also from the Clergy,. Magistrates, and other inhabitants of the borough rented by Mr. Chichest er , M . P., an d M r. Hodgson, le). From the Bishop, Dean, and Chapter of the Cathe. drat Church of ILreferd—presented by the Bishop of Hereford. From the President, Vice-President, Officers, and Mem. hers of tne Artists' Fund Society—presented by the Drke of Sutherland. From the President, Vice-President, Treasurer, and Governors of the Scottish Hospital—presented by the Duke of Sutherland. Messrs. Mackenzie, Stewart, Low, Auld, Morris, and Kirk. From the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and other la habitants of Salop—presented by the Duke of Suther land. From the Mayor, Aldermen, and Burgesses of the City of Lichfield—presented by General Sir George Anson. From the Deputies of the Congregations of Protestant Dissenters of the Three Denominations in London ani the vicinity—presented by Mr. Henry Waymonh and Itir. John Wilks. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent was attended, at the presentation of the Addresses, by Lady Fanny Howard, Lady in Waiting, and Colone4 Cowper, C. 8., First Equerry and Comptroller of her Rtyal Highnesea Household. The Duchets of Cambridge visited the Queen Dow ager yesterday. The Hereditary Prince of Saxe Cobourg Gotha re. turned to Buckingham Palace on Sunday evening, at tended by Lord Alfred Paget, Barons da Loweutels and Groben. The Duke cf Cambridge visited the Princess Augusts yesterday. Prince George of Cambridge arrived in town at three o'clock yesterday afternoon, from Brighton. The Hon. Lord Ashley and Mr. Steven, from the Society for doing away with the use of Hhildren in sweep. irg Chimneys, had an interview with the Marquis of Not.- manby yesterday, at the Home Office. A deputation of Sugar Refiners had an interview with Mr. Labouchere yesterday, at the Board of Trade. The Bishop of London and Mr. Clive had interviews with the Marquis of Normanby yesterday. Sir B. Hall and a deputation of Tavern Keepers had an interview with the Marquis of Normanby yesterday. THE CLERGY AND THE CORN- LAWS. Our pious Clergy, °he and all, • Do offer prayers to Heaven, That God may still the hungry cry, And daily bread be given. But when we strive that boon to get, Which soon would reach our land, Our Clergy all (save one") refuse To lend a helping hand. How can those worthy Pastors think, They'll do the soul much good, Whilst they with grasping hands withhold The body's needful food ? And for what end—now let me ask Are Heaven's kind gifts deny'd To countless numbers ?--That a few With lux'ries be supply'd. Then will they ask God to provide For all that are distressed 1 The widow, and the fatherless, The desolate, and oppress'd I And when we may Ilesetnhdesmenjoy e earth's . kindly fruits, Will they, to thwart them (strange to think) Such wicked means employ? When Bounteous God in plenty gives, His creatures' wants to meet, Is it for man—for tyrant man— His goodness to defeat ? Carlisle, March IS, 1840. Carlisle Journal. • The Rev. Mr. Hunter. The General Steam Navigation Company's. packet the Columbine, W. Norwood, from Rotterdam, ar rived off the Custom-house, at two o'clock yestyrday,"aftar favourable passage. S, a°' 13 0. ,; / [Ale 'cot° iy be the near' OW Ow -. ~. 1