The Sun. — London, England, 1840-04-10 00:00:00

i:VEN ENG EDITION. He did net mean to turn into ridicule the wilier wice of the Noble Lord to forms, but he would ask whether tl:at was a proper answer to such warnings, to say that those in tructions were worthy of the occasion ? It excited almost ridicule. He begged pardon for the digression. He would now confine himself to the point, whether the papers sup ported the charge against the Government, that they had not given to their Superintendent those powers which they might have given him--powers which were essential to the proper p er f ormance of his functions, and which , if given, he fully believed, would have prevented the calamity they deplored. The House would bear in mind that_ a n A c t o f P ar li ament , passe d i n 1833, called the China Trade Act, which substituted for our pre-existing rela tions with China another form of official communication. The sixth clause of that Act gave almost unlimited dis cretionary powers to the Crown, as full and complete powers as could be given by Act of Parliament, to the '‘ , g in Council, to give such powers to the Superinten dent,o in respect to the trade and commerce in China--to make and issue regulations touching the said trade and commerce, and to constitute Courts of Admiralty for the trial of all offences as well as civil matters. An Order in Coun c il, p ro f ess i ng t o f o ll ow that Act of Parliament, was issued, but that Order gave to the Superintendent merely the powers and authorities which the supercargoes of the East India Company had before exercised, and were in force before April, 1834. Now the supercargoes had no authority, and no regulations were in force. There was the East India Company at hand to apply to for instructions, but the first Order in Council gave no legal authority whatever to the Superintendent— it professed to give the authority of other officers, but they enjoyed none. The answer which had been given was, that there were gentlemen on his ( Sir R. P.'s) side of the House, who partook in the responsibility attaching to these orders, because his Right Hon. Friend the Mem ber for Pembroke, and the Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire, were Members of the Government at the time they were issued. What he wanted to know was, why, when those errors were pointed out, the Government had not taken timely measures to correct them ?_( Cheers) — for that, at least, his Right Hon. and Noble Friends were not responsible, and he would show that the Government had timely notice and might have repaired the omission ; but up to the present time they had omitted to do so, and at this very hour the Superintendent had neither powers nor instructions upon which to act. He submitted also that a great part of the present embarrassment had arisen from the want of those powers. In the first place, he said that the forcing of the passage of the Bocce by the Jar dine, and the evils which arose from it were caused entirely from the want of those powers which might have been given under the Act. When Captain Elliot attempted to make regulations for the ships at ono port, it was found that he could not act from his want of powers. When the negotiations were interrupted by the forcing of the passage by the Thomas Coutts, that was entirely owing to a want of power on the part of the Superintendent. Capt sin Elliot said in one of his despatches that he had made regulations for the passage of the Jardine, but for want of power he had been unable to carry them into effect. What was the answer to that ? In the first place the de spatch was nut given, and what might have been the repre aentatioes contained in it they knew not,—( Hear, hear.) They had only the minute, The answer of the Noble Lord was, that he had no such authority to make these regulations, but why had they riot given him that authority. When it was said that the Chinese ultmately resorted to out rag e, there might, abstractedly speaking, be no justifi cation of the outrage, but they must not look at the mere 'Act—they must not look at the last word which preceded the blow. They must look at the whole tenor and character of these proceedings ; they ' must look at the growing causes of exasperation and jea lousy in the minds of the Chinese, before they came to any conclusion upon that point. From the nature of the Notle Lord's reply it was impossible not to see that the tacit instructions were, " you are not to interfere with the enterprise of British merchants." He would take the case of the regulation made by Captain Elliot with re spect to the vessels at Whampoa. In consequence of the conflicts that had taken place between the crews of British vessels, Captain Elliot thought it ne cessary, acting under the powers of the orders in council, to establish certain regulations for the British at Wham poa. This was the statement of the Superintendent—" I have the honour to lay before your Lordship a copy of cer tain regulations which I found it necessary to establish at the commencement of the closing busy season, for the bet ter preservation of the peace on board the British shipping at Wilampoa. I have refrained from doing so till the end of the season, in order that I might be able to report how tar they have fulfilled the purpose in view. I trust it will be considered that I was justified in taking the particular occasion in question to establish these regulations. Every season since the opening of the trade has been marked by constant scenes of disgraceful and dangerous riot at Whampoa, and my own personal attention could not at all times be given without public inconvenience. What was the answer of the Noble Lord to that despatch ? 1 Why, that the Order in Council gave him no such power. r—t Hear.) Now he wanted to know what prevented . her Majesty's Government two years before that from giving to the Superintendent at Canton the powers necessary for preventing the Jardine from entering the river if it were objectionable to the Chinese, and the establishing those regulations at Whampoa, and latterly preventing that rupture which was the consequence of the Thomas Coutts neglecting the warning of the Governor of Canton. He would prove that at a very early period her Majesty's Government bad notice of the 'defective powers of the Orders in Council. He would prove that her Majesty's Government were aware that the Superintendent at Canton had no legal power whatever. The Noble Lord had stated that the Su perintendent was clothed with all the powers and authority of the supercargoes of the East India Company, and that all the regulations in force on the 21st of April, 1834, were thereby confirmed. Now, my Lord, says Sir George Ro binson, it is respectfully submitted that there were no regu lations whatever in existence at the period referred to.— 1 ( Hear and cheers.) What steps were taken by the Noble Lord in May, 1834, four months after he knew that the Superintendent had no jurisdiction ? The Noble Lord baing told that the Superintendent had no jurisdiction at all, writes to say " that the limits of that jurisdiction were ex tended." On the 28th of January, 1836, he knew that the Superintendent had the power, and be knew that the Orders in Council were a dead letter—that he had neither the power of a supercargo or anything else, and then, on the 28th, 1836, instead of remedying the defect and giving him power, he said, " Her Majesty's Government think it desirable to extend the limits of the Superin tendent's power."—( Cheers.) They were aware of that defect in Jan. 1836. Four years had passed, away and it had not. been supplied, but, after the lapse of four months, and in apparent utter ignorance of the fact, that the Order in Council was illegal, and that no jurisdiction ex isted, the answer was—" Extend your jurisdiction from Canton to Macao."—( Hear, hear.) They were sensible of th e want of these powers, for on the Bth of November, 1836, the Noble Lord wrote, stating that her Majesty's Government was aware of the inconvenience arising, from the nature of the confined state of the jurisdic tion of the Superintendent, and the want of power to enforce the decisions that might be come to.—( Hear.) It would be difficult to say what would have been the effect if the Superintendent had possessed the powers that might have been given to him. If he could have restrained the Lascars and prevented the violation of Chinese autho rity, and, when they were willing to listen to terms of ac. commodation, could have prevented interruption by the act of a British Captain, who refused to obey his orders, some of the great practical evils attending the opium trade might have been effectually avoided. He admitted it might have been difficult to prevent that cupidity, arising from the debasement in consequence of constant indulgence engendered by this traffic, but the question i was, whether or not the possession of power by the Su ' perintendent would not have deprived that traffic of much of the evil resulting from it ? Take the admission of Captain Elliot, 30th Jan., 1839, in which, after speaking of the increase in trade during the last four years, he said, " But the manner of carrying on the traffic within the river is that which contributed most of all to impress the urgent necessity of preventing the audacity of smugglers." The great complaint of the Chinese Government was against the opium trade within the Canton River, and it was evident that it was not merely the trade, but the mariner of carrying it on, that exasperated the Government. In the' same despatch he says :—" While such traffic exists in the heart of our regular commerce, it affords the Chi. nese Government just groundefor harsh measures against our lawful trade, as being difficult to distinguish between that which was lawful and that which was not ; but this would not happen if I had power to suppress it." On the 17th July, 1 839, Capt. Elliot said " Certainly the Super intendent' should act with force among British subjects in this country ; it is necessary for his safety that the officer on the spot should be known to stand without blame in the estimation of the Government, and be vested with defined and adequate powers for the reasonable control of men whose rash conduct cannot be left to the operation of Chinese laws without the utmost inconvenience ' and risk to British character and British interests.' But, above all, read and consider the report of his conversation with Howqua, in which he aaid—.." I had recently had a conversation with Howqua, on which I explained, as carefully as I could, your Lord. ship's reasons in the debate in the House of Commons on the Chinese question. He confirmed every word I said, and particularly the expediency of withholding the subject from the attention of the Government, till all was ready for operation. He referred me with much earnest ness to the results of the opening of the monopoly, and implored me to make provisions for the government of her Majeaty's subjects, and desired to know what more was wanting, and how impossible it would be to preserve peace among all the English people who came to that country, if they were to be left without control."— (Cheers.) That was the opinion of the most eminent of the Chinese merchants, of the man of greatest intercourse with England, best acquainted with thest relati able ons beto tween the two countries, and be foresee the consequences that would arise from the absence of that power." Captain Elliot conti nues—o an d he further entreated me to remember this Government never interfered except in cases of extreme emergency, upon the principle that from our ignorance of their laws and customs it would be unjust. I must con fess, my Lord, this reasoning appears to me marked with wisdom and great moderation, and, at all events, con vtunes me of the necessity of establishing control. I would mos t respectfully submit these views to the attentive considerati on o t the Government. In fact, my Lord, if her Majesty's officer is to be of any use for the purpose adjust pro tection, it a well-founded hope of securing things honourably . established, is not to be subjected to ch an g es which may be c ast up by goading this Government into some sud den a n d violent a ssertion o f its own authority, no time is to be lost in establishing a defined and reasonable control over her Majesty's subjects."—( Cheers.) What was the \ answer? They had power by the Chinese Act in 1838-- they knew in 1836 the power they pretended to have con ferred was necessary ; no man shared in their responsibility sirce I 8 3 ,.. In 1839 they heard from the most intelliaent tner,2llant of China, that by Chinese lawe British subjects could not be governed; but above all they had thi s practical warning, that some act of outrageous vio le ice on the part of the Government , stung to the quic k by constant neglect of their authority, would afford no THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 10, 1840. alternative but to give their representative a defined con- streets of Canton, which roused the people of that coun irol over their own subjects—( Cheers)—and had he not, try against us, and they should recollect the effects that therefore, on this single isolated point, first a grave charge might be produced on a nation ignorant of our usages by of neglect against the Government for not having given such appeals. They should recollect all the appeals which the powers and authorities which they might have given ; had taken place, and he believed they would then be surprised and, secondly, reason to suppose a great part of the ex- at the great irritation and exasperation which the inhabitants isting embarrassments had arisen from the want of that of China had received, and that they would not try control and that neglect ? Now what was the answer ? to aggravate the necessary horrors of war by laying the They applied to Parliament for the purpose of giving foundations of permanent lasting hostilities. ( Hear, that control, and Parliament did not meet their views. bear.) Honourable testimony had been borne in the de- He would give a narrative of facts connected with that ap- spa' ches before the House to the character of the people plieation. Tbey knew the defect in their power in January of China ; and he wished to refer to their conduct when 1836, at the beginning of the Session of Parliament ; that they delivered up to the British Authorities fifteen Bri year they took no step—that year passed by, but no step tish seamen who had been wrecked on their coast. Cap was taken. In 1837, they brought a Bill into the House tain Elliot said that fifteen seamen who had been of Commons. It passed the House without debate, and wrecked were safely delivered over to his hands, and was withdrawn from the other House without debate also, that the generous treatment they had in the meantime on account of the lateness of the Session, on the 10th of received from the Chinese authorities, was in the highest July, and Parliament was prorogued on the 17th, that was degree honourable to the humanity of that country. He to say, they who knew in January 1836, the Superintendent afterwards respectfully suggested to the Noble Lord that had no power—did not stir in Parliament until June 1837, he should address a letter to the Governor of Canton ex and the Bill was withdrawn without one word of remonstrance. pressive of his Lordship's thanks for the generous treat- The year 1838 arrived. Two years had passed full of ment they had received, while he added that they had remonstrances, full of embarrassments. Application was been well fed and lodged, and that on departing they each again made to Parliament for increased powers, but under received a sum amounting to about 50s. Now he ( Sir what circumstances? A Bill was brought in on the 30th of R. Peel) wished to ask the Noble Lord if he had acted on April 1838. He believed it had been postponed no less that suggestion—and if he had attempted to mitigate than twenty-two times.—( Cheers.) Let the House ob- the hostile spirit of the Chinese authorities by returning serve, that the Bill which had passed the House of Corn- some civil acknowledgment for such an act.—( Hear.) mons unopposed in 1837, had been withdrawn from the Another favourable testimony had been borne to the cha- House of Lords on account of the lateness of the Session, racter of the Chinese people. When Captain M a itland was on the 10th of July, and this Bill did not appear in Corn- leaving China, he said it was a duty he owed to the com mittee in the House of Commons until 28th July—twenty menders of the war junks at Canton to state, that their days later than the time at which the previous Bill had conduct had been marked by the strictest propriety. been withdrawn the year before on account of the lateness Capt. Elliot, speaking of the general position of the English of the Session.—(Loud cheers.) Papers were presented in China, said that there were many proofs of the sense of to the House on the subject, and never had been papers justice entertained by that people before the late outrages presented to Parliament' more calculated to mislead.— took place. He said that in no part of the world was life (Cheers.) He did not complain of the absence of commu- and property so secure as in Canton. He added, speaking nications to Parliament, but as he had not complained of the of the act of humanity towards seamen, that he believed absence of powers to the Superintendent, but of the commu- that in many important respects the Chinese were the most nication of powers to him which he could not exercise, so did moderate and reasonable people on the face of the earth. he complain, not of the absence of communications to Par- After all those collisions and animosities, they had it from liament, but that those communications were ca l cu l a t e d their own officer, the Superintendent at Canton—that to mislead by the suppression of every matter and every he believed the Chinese to be in many respects the most fact calculated to reveal the real position of affairs in moderate and reasonable people on the face of the earth. China.—( Cheers.) The information contained in those —( Hear, hear, hear.) He asked them, when they were papers were calculated to lead to a belief that all our af- about to strike that blow, not to do so in a vindictive spirit. fairy in China were in a most satisfactory state. Oppo- If the war be entered upon, let it be conducted with spit it; sition was made to the Bill, and it was withdrawn : but but, for God's sake, let it riot be conducted in a spirit of what was the effect of the Bill ?—merely to superadd civil vengeance.—( Hear, hear.) What, was there any one who jurisdiction to the jurisdiction which the Superintendent disagreed with him ?—(Cheers.) Did any one wish the had previously exercised. It provided for the establish- war to be carried on in a vindictive spirit?—( Cheers.) ment of Courts of Civil, Criminal, and Admiralty juris- The Chinese were an unwarlike people ; they were a peo diction. But when the Bill of 1837 was lost, what pre- ple with whom we had long held friendly communication vented their conferring on him the requisite powers by the and carried on a valuable trade. China was a country in authority of the Executive Government 2—( Cheers.) which every blow we struck must recoil upon ourselves.— They had full powers by the Act of 1832 to confer on the (Cheers from the Opposition.) There was no province of Superintendent, at least Criminal and Admiralty jurisdic- China which we could ravage without damaging a menu tion. He did not undervalue the importance of civil juris- facture of our own.—( Hear, hear.) He had read of one diction, but if, through the negligence or unwillingness of of our frigates passing through the whole fleet of the Chi- Parliament, they were prevented from conferring on him nese, and sinking many of their vessels ; but he entreated civil jurisdiction, they were perfectly independent of Par- that it should not be forgotten how uncertain were the re liament, so far as Criminal and Admiralty jurisdictions suits of the was.—( Hear, hear.) It was unknown what were concerned. Why were not these established ? new powers might arise out of it—what new arms They had full powers for the establishment of Courts, for might be brought into use. The Right Hon. Gentleman the defining of offences, and for the punishment of offen- the Member for Edinburgh had said that we had taken ders. The refusal of Parliament to pass the Bill of 1837 vengeance at Plassy for the injuries we had suffered. But —the opposition of his Right Hon. Friend to the Bill of who anticipated, in 1735, the results that were to follow? 1838—constituted no defence for their neglecting to exer- --( Hear, hear.) He was struck by the remarks of the eise those powers with which they were furnished under historian on those events. Mr. Clive marched at the head the China Act. It might be urged, indeed, that the consent of 700 Europeans and 1,500 natives, and a great revolu of the Chinese Authorities was required before those tion was the consequence. In the space of fourteen days, measures could be carried into effect ; but what was on one Sovereign was deposed, and another necessarily placed record in tbeir own Order in Conncil ? That Order was in his stead. In fourteen days a great revolution was distinctly to this effect, " that whereas the officers of the effected, and a government superior in wealth, territory, Chinese Government resident in Canton had signified to and population, to most European states, was transferred the supercargoes of the East India Company that it was from one Sovereign to another, under the command of a man desirous that effectual provision should be made by the wholly unacquainted with the arts of war. He ( Sir R. Peel) British Government for the effectual maintenance of peace did not know what might be the result of the war with and good order among his Majesty's subjects resident in China. He did not know to what revolution it might Canton, and whereas it was expedient that full effect should give rise. He did not know with what scenes of anarchy be given to such reasonable demands." This was in 1833, it might be attended.—( Hear, hear.) He did not know and after this admission in their own Order in Council, but the results might be similar to those of the battle of they could not say in their defence that they had not con- Plassy.—( Cheers.) But we should remember that there ferred this power on the Superintendent, because they are other powers ; and he could not tell what might be the could not obtain the consent of the Chinese authorities.— result of a conflict with commercial nations.—( Hear,) ( Loud cheers.) He would further refer to the letter of We should be prepared to find that there might be a colli their own officer in his despatch of the 26th of September, sion between us and other nations.—( Hear, hear.) It 1837. Captain Elliott said distinctly, " I would, in this had been thought that we would be fighting the battles place, my Lord, express a respectful hut earnest hope of other Christian nations. Do not act (said the Right that no time may be lost in the formation of adequate judi- Hon. Boronet) on that opinion.—( Cheers.) You insti cial and police institutions for the government of the King's tuted a blockade on the 11th of September. You with subjects in this empire, and I have no hesitation in draw it on thel6th. You instituted it on the supposition that assuring your Lordship that it is in my power to secure a boat was missing, and you withdraw it because the suppo • from the provincial authorities the most formal sition was a mistake, and the boat was recovered. sanction to their operation."—( Loud cheers. He would But do not forget that the result of your blockade was a here close his case—he would allude to no other point, protest from the Americans, who told Captain Smith that and he did feel that he had established fully the case with the blockade was unlawful, and that he must be responsi. which he had set out—namely, that the Government had ble for any loss they might suffer from it.—( Hear, hear.) had the means of conferring important powers—that they But I cannot help thinking that the protest was more ef were perfectly cognizant of the fact that those powers did fectual in putting an end to the blockade than the recovery not exist—(Cheers) —that they had received continual re- of the men.—(Cheers.) And the protest dissipated the monstraeces on the subject—that from January, 1836, up illusion that common cause would be made with us by the to the present time the evil had continued to exist—bad other Christian nations.—( Hear.) Some years ago become aggravated by the lapse of time, and that Admiral Owen entreated you to recollect the difference of no attempt had been made to supply this de- your position now, and when you had the power of die joct, although they were possessed of ample tiding the conditions of the China trade.—( Hear, bear, means for so doing.—(Loud cheers.) On this ground hear.) He told you that then the Dutch, the Danes, alone a strong case had been made out in support the Russians, and the Americans now trade with of the motion.--( Cheers.) As strong a case existed with China, and that on the first interruption of your regard to the abuse of instructions.—(Cheers.) But on commerce, so far from making common cause with you, that point he would not touch, as he considered that he they took the opportunity of impressing the Chinese Go had already proved that the great calamity with which vernment that they were more capable of carrying on the we were threatened was mainly attributable to the neglect commerce with them than we were. He told you that and misconduct of her Majesty's Government.—. there would not be wanting those who would assert that (Hear, hear, hear.) At the same time there was another the trade would be carried on more safely under the flags of and a perfectly distinct question, what, under the present these nations than under ours.—( Hear, hear.) Again and circumstances of extreme difficulty, was fitting to be done ? again, I say, do not enter into this war without a becoming The Right Hon. Gentleman at least had acq ui t ted the spirit--( Hear. hear) —a spirit becoming the name and Opposition of taking advantage of national difficulties to character of England.—( Cheers ) Do not forget the pe embarrass the Government.—(lronical cheers.) The culiar character of the people with whom you have to deal, Right Hon. Gentleman had said, that during the time the and so temper your measures that as little evil as possible expedition to the north-west frontier of India was in pro- m ay remain. —(Cheers.) Remember that the character press, at th e time when the issue was doubtful, so of the people has lasted for many generations. The clia little was their disposition to embarrass her Majesty's racter that was given to them by Pliny was given to them Government. or to take advantage of any de- by many subsequent writers, and still remained.—( Hear.) feat or calamity which, in spite of their best It is your duty to vindicate the honour of England where precautions, or the gallantry of our soldiers, might vindication is necessary, and to demand reparation occur by possibility—that they had abstained from say- wherever reparation is due. ( Hear, hear, hear.) ing a single word on the subject. This was the testi- But may God grant that all this may lead to the mony borne to their conduct in Indian affairs, by the restoration of amicable relations with China, with Right Hon. Gentleman more immediately connected with little disturbance of our relations with other nations.— that department, and who therefore was most competent (Cheers from the Opposition.) In the absence of every to form an opinion on the subject. He said that on that confidence in her Majesty's Ministers, I will express a occasion their conduct was characterised by a wisdom wish, in which the party of the Right Hon. Member for and moderation and discretion which was entitled to the Edinburgh would join—l pray the Almighty Disposer, highest praise.—(Cheers.) He thanked the Right Hon. from whom all just council and good works proceed—l Gentleman for that conclusive reply to the charge made by pray to God that he will dispose the minds of this people the Hon. Member for Lambeth, who had not been quite and defend them from the evils which they may deserve -01: :a,rre' harbour,— in rgo u hostilities r . deserve— so charitable in his construction of their motives.— I pray to God that he will avert from them the calamities, ( Cheers.) He had not the slightest doubt that if the oh- and from us the evils, which, I must say, the neglect and j ee r o f the present motion had been a factious one, if they incapacity of our rulers have most righteously deserved. had really desired merely to embarrass and annoy the Go- Lord PAL aIERSTON—Mr. Speaker—Sir, at this vernment, the most effectual motion for that purpose late hour of the third night of the debate, I need not would have been denouncing the opium trade, and assure the House that I shall, as much as possible, corn deprecating altogether the war with China.—( Hear.) press my observations.—(Cheers.) If the resolution was He very much doubted whether, if for party purposes they not so directly pointed at my department, I should not had made that motion, a majority of the House of Cons have risen to address myself to what I must (without any mons would not have given them its support.—( Hear, intention of giving offence) call the feeble conception of the hear.) But he could not at present permit himself to motion—( Cheers)—and its still more feeble enforcement conciliate any parties, by denying the necessity there in debate—( Loud cheers on both sides)—particularly alter might be for hostile demonstrations with respect to China. the . able . manner in which both the one and the other He might think, as he had before said, that violent out .have been, as I think, completely disposed of rages had been committed, for which her Majesty's Go by my Hon. Friends who have spoken on this side.— vernment were responsible—( Cheers)—but which having ( Cheers.) Sir, I say the con . ception . of the mot . ion . is been committed, there might be no alternative for this feeble. —( Cheers. ) Without impugning the distinction country but a recourse to measures to vindicate our per drawn by the Right Hon. Baronet, that you may admit tire tional honour.—( Hear, hear.) It might be that, after policy d of a war, and yet attach blame to those who ren. what had passed, the British honour and the British name erea it necessary. I must say, that the precedents of the would suffer unless something was done to procure redress Right Hon. Baronet were by no means applicable—. for the injuries we had sustained. The Noble Lord (Lord (ear) —they all pointed to some direct and positive event, J. Russell) had told them what their motives should be for and were not founded on answers to letters, or the precision entering into that war. They were three in number—first of instructions.—( Hear, hear.) If I were asked, Sir, to obtain reparation for the insults and the injuries offered whether I thought that this was the first form of the me to her Majesty's Superintendent and her Majesty's subjects ; tion that suggested itself to the Right Honourable secondly, to procure indemnity for the loss of property Baronet's mind—or that if he thought he could, they had incurred ; and lastly, that the trade and tom- by altering it otherwise, have gained the s u p_ merce of this country should be maintained on a proper port of those who oppose the opium trade, arid disap. footing. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said those were not his prove the war, he would not have done so, I should reply that I believed no such thing.—(Laughter and words. The expressions he had used were that the lives cheers.) The motion is, that "In consideration of the and properties of British subjects carrying on trade with „ papers, and so forth.—( Laughter.) Now, Sir, as to China should be protected. commercial rciations. Up to the latest arrivals, those re- Sir ROBERT PE EL admitted the explanation of the Noble Lord. If it were to be demonstrated that Kos- lations had not been put an end to—(Cheers) —on the . contrary, the trade last year was more prosperous than it tilities were inevitable he must say that he still deprecated ever was before.—(Cheers and counter-cheers.) The the expressions used by the Right Hon. Member for Ellin- main body of the charge is, that the Government neglected burgh. When that Right Hon. Gentleman had referred to furnish the Superintendent with definite instructions, to the vengeance we had taken of our Indian enemies at and sufficient power. Yet every lion. Member who has Assayc, and to our having humbled those enemies in the supported the motion, arid fur this I complain, though Cer. dust, he was speaking in a tone and spirit not essentially necessary to a vigorous and successful prosecution of hos_ 1 last spoke—they have all avoided stating what powers 1 tainly in a less degree, of the Right Hon. Baronet who tilities, and which might aggravate the inevitable salami- should have been given, and what instructions sent ties of war. He also deprecated the details that had (Cheers on both sides.) There is one circumstance, Sir, been entered into of outrages committed by the Chinese, which I notice with unaffected sincerity of satisfaction — without some more clear and distinct proof than had yet that the general tone of the debate has been to been offered on the subject. He knew how easy it was to avoid an severe scrutiny into, or remarks on, arouse the indignation of this country by details of indivi- the conduct y of the Gentleman who filled the office dual sufferings, and how justly they might be roused, but Superintendent r , ; it • most they should be perfectly satisfied with the evidence given of at Canton for is in such cases. Advantage had been taken of expressions important, Sir, that servants of the Crown, performing their in the heat of debate had fallen from his duties to the best of their ability in distant . regions,. should which ilonourable Friend the Member for Newark—( Hoar, noQse made the victims ofeohuripsarzstoruhgegetteselfor honourable posses- Honourable sides.—(Cheers.) With regard bear) —an advantage which, from the joy with which sion . of that power hoth vv si li d i es. ambition .to it was seized, proved to him ( Sir R. Peel) how happy Elliot, I must just Observe that it is Hon. Members opposite were to receive any adventitious . to Captain incorrect to state that he encouraged the opium aid even from a casual expression of a Member whose : ' trade—the very reverse—neither is it true that character and uniform demeanour might have told them they were putting a construction upon his he intimated an intention ships defend the opium ships, words which he never intended they should bear. but the cargo, the merchant s ch ip in s e a s t e t h h a e d ir ntho ra e n p e should not be forgottentheht,, according to the Honourable should But what was the evidence afforded of an act Member for Portsmouth, t which all must admit was contrary to the usages of nations ? The allusion to that subject was to be found their own laws to seize h opium outside he would remark as to the in the postscript of a despatch, and all that Capt. Elliot (Hear, hear.) N said was, that he had heard of a placard declaring the which took place, th w at in every case Captain Elliot en wells were poisoned, but that he did not believe that to : the defensive, and was successful.---( Cheers. ) en tered on s Sir, it was with deep regret I listened to the speech of the have been done with the consent of the Chinese authori- Honourable Member. for . Newark—( Hear)—that he shoud ties. There was merely a su,picion on the part of Capt. Elliot that such a placard had been exhibited, but there wasi nLse ga l a have spoken of po i l L so o n u in d g erie th s e or wej wells ebayr,the hear.o I)i no evidence of that, and there was not the slightest proof matter of course.--, that so atrocious an act had been sanctioned by the people Mr. GL A D STO N E rose tinder some excitement, and of China. There was no evidence of the fact that there said—l spoke of the allegation—not the fact—and imme had been any poison used at all ; and he ( Sir R. Peel) de- diately corrected myself in the hearing of the Noble Lord. precated any allusion being made to such a fact for the —( Loud cheers ) purpose of exciting public clamour against a great people, Lord PALM E R ST ON—What I objected to in the but a people of unwarlike habits, and with whom it was of Hon. Gentleman's speech was not so much that he asserted the utmost i m p or t ance th a t, a ft er the hostilities we 1 the fact, as that he seemed by his mariner to indicate that m i g ht be forced to enter into, amicable relations and 1 what was passing in his mini led him to allude to the cir a friendly spirit might ag a i n b e renewed.—( Hear.) The 1 cums t anee merely as a matter o f course, and of no poisoning the wells would he bad enou g h, but let them not 1 great importance.—( Hear, hear.) I did not think that on that account poison the people of this country by alle- I the Hon. Gentleman —that any man—would deliberately gations such as those he had referred to, while unsupported ! have laid down such a monstrous doctrine.—( Cheers. ) by sufficient proof.—(llear. ) There had been outrages Wh a t I w ished was that he should hav e at once avowed committed by the people of China, and he regretted it; but ; (what I doubt not his own feelings, on reflection, would they can set against these outrages the testimonies which , lead him to avow) that he spoke carelessly, and did not for had been borne to the character of the people of that coup- an instant mean seriously to utter such a sentiment— try;gh an individual act might ha v e been am- ! (Hear, from Mr. Gladstone) . For the hon our of the House, n w ould admit of no d ef enc e the y should also : Sr.: for the honour of tire country I wish to do aw a y w i t h t h e iitte r idnd which recollect the provocations the Chinese had received. impression that such an opinion should deliberately have They should recollect the acts of Lord Napier—they been expressed among us. Then, Sir, came the Learned should recollect the publication of a printed placard in the Member for Woodstock ( Mr. Thesiger), who commenced by saying that he brought nothing to the task but his diffi dence and his industry.—(Laughter, and Hear, hear.) Now, as to his diffidence, I really did not discover it. -- ( Loud laughter.) But as to his industry, I think it de serves some slight consideration.—( Laughter.) I doubt not the blue book was handed to him, and it was said, You must give us a speech upon it"—(Laughter) —and then the Learned Member went into it as into a brief— (" No," from the Opposition, and cheers) —without any great insight in, or attention to, the political history of the time, and he took it for granted that the beginning of the Blue Book must necessarily have been the beginning of the evil which has arisen in China.—(Laughter, and Hear, hear.) And the Learned Gentleman went on giving not only to the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke, but the Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down, the most ter rific back-banded blows that ever an awkward sparrer dealt to his friend.—( Loud laughter and cheers.) The Learned Gentleman traced the origin of the evil to the measures and instructions of 1833—( Hear, hear) —and though certainly where Ministers have confidence in their colleagues, they are left to their respective departments, yet the Right Hon. Baronet will admit that for the general principles of that measure he is responsible.--( Hear, from Sir J. Graham. ) Not only had the Hon. Member given these back-handers right and left, but he called upon the House to look at the letter of the Duke of Wellington, which bad been so often quoted. It was quite unnecessary to attempt to raise the reputation of that Noble Duke as a man of business, by stating that he had answered a letter one day which he had received the previous one.—( Hear, hear.) Now w hat was the effect of that letter? Why, that the Noble Duke re ferred Lord Napier to the instructions and Order it, Council given by the preceding Government, in effect state g that he had nothing better to tell him than that he must observe those instructions.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) Those instructions, which were, in the opinion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Woodstock, the origin of all the evils, were concurred in by the Honourable Member who brought forward the motion, were afterwards ap proved of by the Duke of Wellington.—( Hear, hear. ) He had been much condemned for not answering the despatches with sufficient punctuality. Now if so much praise was due to the Duke of Wellington for answering a letter one day which he had received the day before, he ( Lord Palmerston) was entitled to equal credit at least, for he had answered two letters in the same time. He had a list of a great' number of despatches' with which, how ever, he would not trouble the House, but if Hon. Mem bers would take the trouble of going through them, and comparing the dates, they would find what had been stated by the Honourable Member for Liskeard to be the fact, that where there were any points requiring answers they were immediately given.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But then they say, aye, but there a-e instructions you did not give, and the Right Hon. Baronet narrowed his attack very much to that point that the Superintendent did not receive certain instructions which he ought to have received ; again, we are asked what were our in structions, and in return for that we asked what instructions they would wish to be given, and to that they replied that it is not for us to tell you; they say we make the charge, and it is for you to repel it. Now where there was a charge of doing something which ought not to have been done that would have been all very well ; but where the charge is the reverse, and where it is said we blame you because you did not do tomething, surely we have a right to ask our accusers what that something is.—( Great cheering.) They say that we did not give instructions, and that we had not a sufficient force, I know perfectly well what they mean by that, but they do not choose to explain to us that meaning.— ( Hear, hear.) What they mean is this—that we should give our Superintendent powers to expel from China every man and vessel engaged in the opium trade. Now that is what I should call a most monstrous and arbitrary power, and one which, if exer cised, would be in direct opposition to the power given us by the Act. Then it was said that the Order in Council gave us the power to go to such an enormous extent. I do not hesitate to say that it gives us no such power, and there was nothing in the instructions that would warrant the exercise of the power of expulsion—the instructions which we gave were the instructions which were given to every officer when he went to a foreign station ; the instructions given were to obtain statistical information, and to do all in his power to ameliorate between British subjects and the Government of the country. Then it was said that we had not established Courts in the country, I retort that charge upon the Honourable Gentleman opposite, who say that we have not established those Courts which the law enabled us to establish. The Hon. Gentleman opposite could not have read with common attention the papers which were in their hands.— ( Hear, bear.) Had they read the second Order in Coun cil of 1833, they would have seen that by it was established the criminal and admiralty jurisdiction so much insisted open by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, and which they charged the Government with not having established. ( Cheers.) It was not only established, but had recently been called into action. A trial had taken place— (Loud cheers) —before the Court, the proceedings of which I felt it my duty to refer to the Law Officers of the Crown, so that all that long argument, founded upon the assumption that I did not give those powers, falls to the ground, upon the simple statement that the power was given, the Court constituted, and in existence down to the present time.—( Loud cheers.) No doubt I will be told if such was the fact, why did I bring in that Bill called the China Courts Bill of 1837 ? Sir, that question is easily answered. I brought in that Bill because of the representations of the Superintendent of 1836. Those representations were not complaints of the want of criminal jurisdiction, but were made in consequence of a dispute between two merchants. The Court found that they had not power to dispose of and en force their decrees in civil cases, and the main object of the Bill of 1837 was to remedy that defect. That Bill, however, contained another provision, and it was this. By the China Trade Act, power was given to the King in Council, to establish Courts, not to give the Superinten dent power, but that he should exercise that power him self, and make such regulations for the government of his subjects in China, and to attach such punishments to offences, as he might be advised. The Bill of 1837 which I proposed, was to give the Crown this further power, not only to give the Court power in civil cases, but to give in criminal cases the power to deport from that country any British subject for a breach of the regulations. But, Sir, what was the fate of that Bill ? --( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth said—" No doubt the Government would excuse themselves by saying that the House would not pass the China Courts Bill." Undoubtedly; that Bill did not pass. The first year it failed in the House of Lords, not in consequence of the lateness of the Session, as the Right Hon. Baronet said, but, it was withdrawn in conse quence of opposition offered to it from a quarter which they well knew would in that House be all power ful. I may say say that we withdrew the Bill in conse quence of the opposition offer e d t o it by Lord Ellenbo rough. Sir, I brought in that Bill a second time next year, and I was charged or blamed with showing no great earnestness in pressing that Bill, and that it was not until July that it came on for discussion. Now, Sir, I speak in the recollection of many Members now present, and I as sure the House that I attended in my place night after night till the rising of the House, in order to get the Bill on another stage, but I was invariably met with the as surance that the Bill was opposed, and that Mr. So-and-so was absent—you see the state of the House— )ou are in our power, and it was by compulsion that I was obliged to allow the Bill to drop. That Bill was opposed by my Hon. Friends the Members for Portsmouth and Lambeth, and also by the Right Hon. Baronet the Mein • ber for Tamworth. In the Mirror of Parliament the Right Hon. Baronet is reported to have taken two objections to the Bill, the first of which was to the principle of establish ing any Court in the territories of an independent Sovereign without having his consent. The words used by the Right Hon. Baronet as reported in the Mirror of Parlia ment are these, " I do not see how writs and processes are to be served, and I much disapprove of the absolute power given for the deportation of British subjects."— (Cheers.) As far as the absolute power of deportation goes, I go along with the Right Hon. Baronet, but it is to be remembered that it is by the sentence of a Court after a trial.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if the Right Honourable Baronet objected to such a power, being placed in the bands of a Court so constituted. I must be allowed to ask him upon what possible grounds he could, by any means whatever, think it expedient that the same powers should have been lodged in the bands of the Superintendent ?—(Hear, bear.) Well, then, as was stated on a former occasion, in order to show the Right Hon. Baronet's opinion on the general question of power and authority, I must remind him that so far from being favourable to the extension of these powers, the Right Hon. Baronet thoUght that these powers ought to be withdrawn. Now then, Sir, here is the Right Honourable Baronet, who makes this motion to I the House, stating, in his place in Parliament, that the powers already possessed of Criminal and Admiralty jurisdiction, ought to be withdrawn, and there is the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam worth stating that the gravest charge against me is, that I had not constituted a Court with these powers.—( Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Sir, it is exceed ingly difficult for any Government or any individual Mem ber of a Government, to exculpate himself to the satis faction of parties entertaining such different opinions.— ( Hear and cheers.) But now, as to what we ought to have done, for , after all, that is the question, the Right Hon. Baronet has not explained ; and, therefore, we are are left to grope o ur wa y in the to me dark, and by me a n s o f a proclamation ; and i t appeats that he must m ean that I ought to ha ve given him powers such as I have de scribed. We are told that if w the Gov ernment i n 1835 had continued in power, e would hav e b een in a very diffe rent position, and, as a proof, of that we are referred to the memorandum of the Duke of Wellington. Sir, I wish the House to refer to that me morandum, and I must say that it is a fair exposition of the case, and considering the short time that the Noble Duke had the matter under his consideration, and the pressure of more important matter, it was not to be expected that he could have done more than give that general outline of the question. There is one point in that memorandum which I wish to refer to, and it is that which recommends certain regulations with regard to this Court. Certainly it was found very difficult to frame anything which might be satisfactory, but as the Order in Council stated that the regulationswerc to be according to theßritish Courts of Law, the Noble Duke observed that it would be necessary to frame—what ? Rules for the regulation of the British sub jects in China? rules for putting an end to contraband trade? rules for delivering up vessels which might con tain opium ? No ; bat " some simple rules of practice, which might be carried into operation with Out the inter vention of legal gentlemen;" a very proper regulation certainly; but one not in the remotest degree bearing out the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet. The memo randum contained instructions to the Superintendent to reside at Canton within the Bocce Tigris, to which point British vessels were not allowed to go. The Super intendent was required to reside at a place at which the Chinese authorities would not allow him to remain. That was a point which the Noble Duke thought required alteration, and he added, " with respect to the effort to be made to improve our relations with China, that was a matter fur further consideration, but that which we require now is not to lose the enjoyment of vi hat we have got. ''—(f.Meets.) Under the circumstancci of the case that was the wisest course that could be adopted. I have turned our flanks at once, and would have 'Mc eiternative recommended by the Noble Duke was that ' carric3 on the trade in American vessels. They the Superintendent should not reside at Canton ; but by would deceive our cruisers, and the trade would go the exertions of Captain Elliot the restriction to which he lonas at present.—( Hear, hear.) I say that on every had referred had ceased to exist.—( Cheers.) Again, the ground I object to our having - given to our Superintendent recommendation of the Noble Duke was at complete those arbitrary powers over trade in China which Right variance with the principles upon which the trade lion. Gentlemen opposite would have given. I think had been carried on by the East India Company, and were such powers would have led to great abuse, and could not at variance with the principles which had been deliberately lead to any beneficial results 7 Suppose that the power and distinctly laid down in the instructions given to Lord was used with moderation, there might still be those party Napier, and the instructions uniformly given were, not to divisions among the merchants, and those principles of allow ships of war to go to the China station at all. The party spirit might oe acted on by them as well as instructions to the Admiral on the India station were, to by Hon. Members of that Hous e— ( Cries of " Hear ") send when necessity arose ; but not so a s t o a l arm t h e j ea • while many inconveniencies would thus ensue. What lousy of the Chinese that anything further was intended. would the papers of Canton — what wou ld the p a p ers of But the Duke of Wellington says that un d er t h e presen t I n di a or London have said of such an abominable exercise state of things, a naval force was necessary. I won't say of arbitrary power as that which the Hon. Gentleman op- I acted upon that, but upon circumstances which showed posite recommended ? What could they say to British what was necessary to be done—but I wrote to the Admiral merchants at Canton who had large commercial not only to send a ship of war to remain as long as neces- interests at stake in that country, or what corn sary on the Chinese station, for the protection of British pensation could they make to them, if they had subjects and interests, but I directed him to do rather an unjustly and capriciously expelled them from China at a extraordinary thing—to take the earliest opportu n ity of time most critical to themselves and those who confided to going himself with a line-of-battle ship to the Chinese t hem their interests. I can only say, for my part, that so far station, in order to communicate personally with from regretting that I had not given such powers and the Superintendent, that he might give that local in- such instructions as those referred to, I claim to formation, and enter into those particular arrange- myself some merit for not having issued them.—( Cheers.) meats to render it certain that by subsequent communica- It has been said that we should seed an embassy to Pekin. tion between the Superintendent and the Admiral, naval That is a proposition which I admit to be deserving of con protection might be afforded whenever required.— sideration. But I must say, that looking to what has passed Yet I am accused of not having afforded sufficient on former occasions—considering the disinclination of the naval protection, though the papers on the table disprove Government of China to have diplomatic relations with any it.—( Cheers. ) Nor can it be said that it was my duty other country—considering, too, that we would have no to request the Admiralty to order a ship of war proposition to make to that Government (unless, indeed, to be constantly stationed on the China coast; a treaty of trade,to which there is no prospect of their agree for if any one looks to the despatches of Captain tugs, but an agreement to out down the opium smuggling, Elliot, he will see that he speaks of short visits of ships as I think, on the whole, no good effects could result from such most likely to bring about the settlement of the question, an embassy, especially as in all probability it would arrive just and legalization of the opium trade, and that he did not at when the Chinese Government had legalized the traffic.— all desire a permanent continuance of the ships, but only a —( Hear, hear.) It is said that the opinion that the Chinese short visit. Therefore as far as the memorandum of the Duke Government would legalize the trade is tenable only up to a certain p o o f in th t . e n S i i n r m , up c to a t t h e El vg s l a a i t d est , m , l om eo e n n f t e — ss uf h t a o v t e h a e of Wellington goes, there is nothing recommended in it but the simple rules of practice, and that naval protection that seizuresp that the presen P t spoliatory measure will end in the was afforded, and if any proof was wanting that ships of legalization of the trade—perhaps putting it on a Government war out side the port could not have prevented any proceed- monopoly."—( Hear.) Now, Sir, I think I have disposed of all ings which the Chinese authorities might have thought fit to the points which have been urged by Gentlemen opposite. — adopt respecting them, look to the effect when the pro- (Loud Ministerial Cheers.) I have shown that we gave in ceedings towards Lord Napier occurred, while two frigates timations on all points on which it was desirable that were within the harbour. But what were the motives of intimations should be issued.—( Hear, hear.) We pro the proceedings of Lord Napier? Could they have been vided an adequate force for the protection of the legal prevented by any instructions to Captain Elliot ? The two trade. We told the Superintendent not to forget the illegal points throughout which served as a reason with the trade. him Sir t , h t a h t e w ß ha th r t er , Hon. hemi B a h ro t n t e h t in s k ta n te f d the (and me l an w s a h s glad whichto Chinese Government were, that Lord Napier insisted upon Bear personal communication with the Viceroy, and upon send- the present crisis had been brought g about, in the presen y t state of things measures must he taken to vindicate our honour, and ing him a letter, not a petition, through the Hong Mer obtain reparation for the injuries we have received.—( Cheers. ) chants. Now, what was the opinion of those I think that is the general opinion of the House—l know it is who were present at the time, and acquainted of all parties most interested in the question.—(Hear, hear.) with the circumstances. Great blame has been No man can venture to predict what the result may be; but I thrown upon us for insisting upon matters of form. do not see any reason to think that the measures taken may Mr. Davis says, August 4,, 1834— ,, Lord Napier seems to not effect the object in view. The Right Hon. Baronet has be clear as to his instructions allowing him to decline any stated, and lam sure that all agreed with h t l i t t im a , t that of tho h se e but direct communication with the officers of the Govern- acts (which were rendered nnt n h e e ce o ss f ar a y by e ive c c a haract t • ment, and in the policy of that course I have no hesita- Chinese authorities) I a d h e o s n truction unnecessarily. I can assu e r i e Lion in complying, for we are governed by the Hong mer- or ca ß u i se h r t avage Hon. and ßaronet and the House that her Majesty's chants—a system more detrimental to our interests than the Ministe g rs fully partake in the sentiment expressed by the Right when we were under the reign of the Company— Hon. Baronet, and I trust that when these affairs are brought ( Hear, hear). Unless we can have direct communi to a close, and we have to render an account, you shall find cation with the Government officers we can do nothing that the demand did not exceed the measure of justice, and that •ehatever."—( Cheers. ) And here lam accused of pre- the measures we adopted to enforce them, were necessary. venting these officers being able to do anything from not I think that my Right Hon. Friend will see that it is quite having instructions—for having insisted upon that direct foreign to the subject to discuss whether the Chinese are a cruel and kind as in most communication, which these Gentlemen allege to be abso - cruel or a kind people.—(Cheers.) China both I be lutely necessary to do anything at all. What does Mr. countries, there done there somear e l acts of barbarity and great cruebelie vethn mefn. Davis say about direct communication by letter instead They instance, h nce, the burning of a Spanish ship which the Chin of petition ?—‘' That Lord Napier's letter was rejecte d on the moat frivolous of pretences."Sir George Robinson is of had mistaken for an English one. — ( Hear , hear.) The that opinion. Both these Gentlemen concurred in its being atrocious attack upon a passage-boat in which there were some unfortunate Lascars, who were so cruelly and barbarously mur necessary for the Superintendent to do everything for cloned. There were many acts of cruelty on the part of the then to obtain direct communication. Was it, then, un- Chinese. But on the other hand, there were instances in reasonable to insist upon this on all suitable occasions. which kindness and benevolent dispositions were evinced. On That point, however, was to have been given up, if I un- the contrary, I believe they had a great dislike to severe and derstand this memorandum of the Duke of Wel- capital punishments. But that is nothing in this question. If lington's, but my own views were carried, for Cap- you have a quarrel with a Government, your measures are not tain Elliot obtained leave that all communications to be the stronger or more vigorous because the people with with the Government should be as was desired. whom you are at war are cruel, nor must you make your whom y„, mea- But the Superintendent was at a loss to know how to act sores the a less vigorous because h the people umane w and civilised. with regard to the illicit trade, and I ought to have given i o h u er e a i r s e this advanjage also attending the not resorting to him instructions. Sir, I did give him instructions, but measures of severity, that the steps which may be taken are the they were found fault with as not being long enough, more likely to be attended with success. It has been said that Gentlemen who make long speeches seem to think that it we may involve ourselves in quarrels with other nations in the is necessary to write long letters.—( Cheers and laughter.) pursuit of our just demands.—( Hear, hear.) If that misfor- But the length of the instructions should be in proportion tune arises, we muet meet it as we can.—( Hear, hear, from the to the distance they had to travel, and that consequently Opposition benches.) But neither we nor any other country instructions to bo sent to China should be proportioned to ought: t o be deterred from enforcing ttoli o da u et r t j et u ro s t t he d ev e e m r y a f n roo d tm s hc . e — aers ne ( c,f C olurs h en e j e i r gye s the length of the voyage.—(Continued cheering.) I, on from the Opposition.) IlitapniOl the contrary, am of opinion that instructions, especially if as well sats.his, demands,that btuttoug every country, in su m ch a sent to persons resident at a great distance, should be as best t ir j short and as simple as possible, as being less liable to be j udge of how far it ought to go on this point. Now, Sir, the Right Honourable Baronet had referred to the United misunderstood by the person to whom they are states ' and he stated that there were certain Ante ' addressed.—( Cheers. ) In my instructions I told the rican merchants who had interfered with that 1 Superintendent not to afford any protection whatever to blockade, and he further stated that our outbreak with China the illegal trade, but that those engaged in it should suffer was likely to produce disastrous results with our transatlantic the loss they had incurred by their own acts. What more neighbours in the United States. Sir, I should say in the first could I have told him—(Cheers)—unless I had thought place, that I know nothing of the protest of the American mer proper to say that be was to take measures to put down the chants except from what I have seen in the public papers, and opium trade by seizing her Majesty's subjects and acting in no copy of . any such protest has been forwarded by Capt. Elliot, a manner contrary, I think, to the British law and to the buth ere is amemorial addressed by the American merchant Cnatotheirown Government. They say that s international law—( Cheers)—without the authority of an tradingrel. merchants at Canton have memorialized the Congress, with hi 1 Act of Parliament? or it may be argued, though I think several setting forth the recent proceeding at Canton, and not soundly, that by the existing Act of Parliament the recommending the co-operation of the Government Crown was empowered to make an Order in Council for of the United States with that of Great Britain in esta the regulation and government of British subjects in China. blishing commercial relations with China on a safe Ido not think the Act authorizes the Crown to make and honourable footing. If the memorialist avowed their opinion such regulations as that; I think it would be a forced in- that the course pursued by the Chinese Government was unjust tcrpretation of the Act to do so, and it would be unwise and no better than robbery, that if satisfaction was not yielded and improper in any GovernmEtt to do so on their own to the demands of the British Government, h a e blo r e t k e a d de tn of the d 0 f o a ug na t r to al fn e re r e resorted En authority, without taking the sense of Parliament on the chief Ports and China 'la a nd, subject.—( Loud cheers.) I say it would be improper in t t h h e e yth g of e any Government to vest a mere functional officer residing United n States, ancl p tte coasts of France, would even with at a blockade obtain from the Chinese Government such an such an immense distance with arbitrary power to send acknowledgment of their rights as was require.— ( away any British subject.—( Cheers). Ido no believe that Hear, hear, and cheers. ) I say that this shows d that Parliament ever intended to give Government such power. at least those American merchants who are most interested in I would not be the one to propose such powers to be con- this matter, and most capable of judging of the state ferred on any officer, and I must say that if any other of the case, entertain an opinion that the conduct of the man had made such a proposal, I should most certainly Chinese Government was most unjustifiable and !improper. have opposed it.— (Loud cheers.) I will say another The opinion of the country is in favour of the proceeding her thing, if I had proposed it I am sure that the first person Majesty's Government has taken. I wou d ld have stated that who would have resisted me would have been the Right this morning upon my-w- Hon. Baronet himself, who so strenuously objected to give sonal utu m in u te w r i c t o h ur a s which ' I information, had n for mdaut i ? n , a t n h e al Zu n rs in e y o i f )w t he per- Hon. gr rm e g at and important interest a qualified extension to the powers already existing.— A ret connected ies represe w n i t t i h ng the trade of China, but lam (Loud cheers.) lam sure that he would have opposed in this countr r Y now enabled to state it upon better authority , for I hold in my such a proposition, and that it wou ld have ex p osed the Government to great and merited censure. But suppose hand a letter signed by most respectable memb tnoe e s r t9 s ant o h f rAm th pb i ar ; il y d: 1 firms in London engaged in commerce with China.—( Hear, I had applied to Parliament, and suppose that Parliament had given the necessary powers for confiscating British hear.) This letter 1 will read ; it is date p d re L s o gsi n roe d na o 1840.—" We, the undersigned British i T h e t r h e e hants, interested aia in ships and seizing British subjects—suppose they had given the trade th th C e lun r a nb c a a h n le no e t ffeet of , w th w e ex the Superintendent a right to issue orders prohib o it u i l n d g Bri- apprehension inion with respect ll to the justice and policy of the je ll as n ures fish subjects from engaging in this trade. have obeyed these orders ? We must have found theysome iorneptdernedssedfotroibnesutlatkseninbilyiehteear O A u I aj Britishe sty 's subjects Government bT t h to e ch ob iu ta es in e means of punishment for the violation of those orders, for most certainly they would have been violated b y two- Government, and for the future protection of the legal trade o f that country We refrain from dting the mode in which the thirds of the British subjects in tha t countr y , and b y the trade should . be carried on, but we ict s a tate it to be our deliberate great majority of ships coming to that port—for, be it re opinion, that unless the measures of the Government are fol membered, that the value of British commodities sent lowed up with firmness and energy, the trade with China would from England and India to China, amounts annually, as no longer be conducted with security, with propriety, or with far as I am informed, to five millions, of which credit or advantage to the British nation." When I read the 2,000,000/. consists of opium, the remaining 3,000,0001. following names, I think the sentiments expressed in consisting of cotton goods. Well, then, the orders would it will be considered wor i‘ t d h isit y .o.n o u f e. ai :ladl c onsiderat io n nceor,, 1l ia el : ee It u The de h C a h v airm ai an , be disobeyed, it would be necessary to have some force to of the China A d sso c ciatio G n, le, carry them into execution. Some physical forge—a small F r NV the k lli r s m an a d n C a o , Col"uhoun and Co., Geo . rge Riggs of the firm naval force would be necessary, and a small band of armed of Fox and C . () , Cr ri awtord, Colville, and Co., Lyall Brothers men. Now this, I should imagine, would not be very and Co., Sanderson and Co., Gardner and Co., Alexander palatable to the Chinese authorities.—( Cheers.) They Matthews and Co., Dallas and Co., and Willis, Ryan, and Co. would be glad to have the;authority of the Superintendent to These are the parties whose interests are at stake—these are back them, but if they were told that it is necessary to the parties whose interests are most interested, yet although I have a little fleet and a small detachment of troops, believe the majority of them are hostile to the Government and that it must be landed in your country, then I think generally, they coins forward voluntarily, spontaneously, to it is extremely probable that they would recal say that it the objects of the Government are not carried out, to their recollection some of those stories of which we have Itsitish commerce in China would be at an end.—(Loud heard so much, of the manner in which our footing in In- cheers.) It was impossible, quite 7repos attero Canton us,toono could suppose uoablte dia was first obtained.—( Cheers.) They wo uld most that since the time mellf Lordof a Napiermerchant any h probably say, my good friend, we are perfectly well saris- man pursuing us the n b professiones s with sasfaction to himself or honour to fled with your word—your word is as good as y o u r b o nd, the c y ountry to which he belontigs.—( Cheers. ) The motion of and a great deal better than your army and navy.—( Cheers the Right Hon. Baronet does not in terms touch upon any of and laughter.) But suppose this little force had been per- the great questions—or whether any measures should be taken mitted to ace—suppose they had succeeded in expelling the by the Government to diminish the trade in opium —indeed, I opium traders from the river of Canton, what would be the think it doubtful whether the usual effect would not be consequence? Why, that which has been stated by my produced upon the destruction of any monopoly—whe- Right Hon. Friend has been already the consequence ther the same effect would not be to increase the of the trade having been expelled from the river of produce. Is it not likely that, supposing we were to diminish Canton - it would have taken refuge, as it already has t the o Tsuurtply i i ,e n rsi l a nd o i r a, so i rn t e wo n u e l i d hb im ou m ri e n dia c t o e u ly ntr bc; transferred done, done, all along the extensive coast of' China—( Loud tion steering clear' of this guest question, we Ind the li m on o . - cheers)—a coast most admirably adapted for the carry- Gentlemen opposite are at once at issue upon the conduct of in gon a contraband tra ffi c of this nature, studded as it is the Government and the :measure they are going to pursue. with islands indented with harbours, covered with cities The motion of the Right Hon. Baronet attempts by a side and towns, all desirous of trading, more particularly of wind to fix censure upon—us by incidental means to cripple trading in this commodity—(Cheers)—it would be driven our means.—(Loud cheering.) And probably to take out from one place in which it was concentrated, and in o f our hands the execution of our measures.—(Cheers.) which consequently its horrors were mitigated, only Now, Sir, probably it is only out of kindness and to diffuse itself over the whole empire. —(Loud cheers.) compassion that the Gentlemen oppos im i fl t ol e irencas a ge r u e ve w s i . l . l . n ( g to sustain Would the Chinese Government be content with that? in their own persons that defeat which our exp!dition re w n i t ll r i e n n e t Was their object only that it should not take place at fallibly meet with in their eyes ; perhaps it is,as fought t m i t n s Canton? Are they indifferent if it takes place elsewhere? enemies feel a kind of friendship nnG f t o l r em t h e o n s e 0 they have pposite, who have —( Cheers.) We are told that the Chinese Government battle. f P u rob h a t bl i y u th H t ff h ey a t w e willfrom to of place thns e themselvesdisastrous are anxious to destroy this trade, chiefly on the ground of in u e t o h f u ten g its destroying the morality of their suljects. I would bethisti o tv,o House , bfrrom k e are n otuhre w the last man in the world to defend a trade carried on in resultswhichbreach,o in m order ust violation of the commercial laws of any country, more especially when such a trade is in a commodity calculated the mind of the Emperor, h 0 1 a f u g f o ti r t e e e r . v‘ ) , h i eh Sir, acc 0 m t that y a t our l e a believe least demands e dbse demonstration o actn different e a: p i o o n n to produce demoralisation, and to destroy good order from the authorities at C anwtono_7:l.o dloduobthveelrieyvedi among those who use it.—( Hear.) But I must ask the counsels of Commissioner L to a war. si r , last year the Right Hon. Baronet Hon. G en tl ema n opposite, if there is any one of them obtain justice at the Court of Pekin, without the necessity of who can stand up with a grave face, and say that be be. r h e a s : r a t ia l e g sson of the inconveniences of delay ; he was continually H th e e ar a , ffa h i e r a s r o . ) f sieves the object of the Chinese Government in putting 1 down that trade was a regard for the morals of its subjects? ' the East —(Cheers.) This year he left me no peace in this My answer to the questions which may be put to me is, House, and almost killed h the clerks t in the Foreign -off ice ._ anxious for the production of papers relative to his temp on.H ( Baronet did that the Chinese do not prevent the growth of poppy in ( eaughter)—by making whirt them sit up night f after night in pre their own country. It was for the purpose of encouraging paring the ne papers offl o e r e . f the floors of the printing- broke down with their own agricultural and poppy interests—( Hear, hear, Indeed )—and when they came the Right and laughter)—that they desired to discourage the the _ ear weight o of printing apparatus required to print the papers— trade of British merchants. If, when we formerly H nothing—the ( natural candour of laugh)—in carried on the trade with them we bad all at id onc to e site of the patty feeling which I know is er— at - t A heh endeavoured to suppress it, car- him—(Loud laughter)—he could not bring himselfi to ollorn os o e f us—You are only trifling with us—you h any motion—(Heae)--and so the result has been, that p h ro e p and they would have ay s e a ried on that trade, and why do o do away Y n dealing in his friends have been compelled, though most willingly— with the means of now controlling the parties is spread- (1-lear)—to concur in a vote of thanks to our gallant troops 1 laughter and cheers.) And now the Right Honourable it. The fact is that alreadyehat abominable trade. n _ i . i for having nobly executed what we wisely planned.—( Roars of I Baronet is resolved not to fall into the error of y ra tn is p m r g event p t F h o e_ p t t r.a.ol o , i c n h g in itselfa It over v w e o r u t l h d e h c a o v a u s coast, been u d and if we had come down to Parlia- ' delay— along the entire coast, I now, suspecting as he does, that these transactions will lead to of the expense necessary for such an results if not accompanied by such brilliant deeds, characterized ment with an estimate would have been laughed at. I by believe wo n is ee d es e s m ar ° equarsuccess--( Cheers)— the generous feeling which actuates undertaking, I of China were resol 'ed b ' 'tl R . 1 on eing 1 le ;Probst t on. Gentlemen opposite to gladly concur in marks The fact is that the people use of opm , • i n and nothing could p revent , ' of apon to our gallant soldiers—(Laughter)—impels corrupted by the .. t too have ridiculed any Go- them with chivalrous impatience—(Laughter)—to endeavour, such a result. Parliament embarked under such circumstances in a though even by a side wind—(Cheers) —to place themselves in vernment which ember anticipate— foolishthe laws of China and which a situation to meet the victorious accounts they foolish endeuvonr to execute vo tes of to discharge , the f (Cheers)—lay proposing, instead of concurring in would determine en endeavouringturic thanks to our gallant forces.—(Cheers.) Sir, I believe the y prevent contraband trafficresult of this ions of a police in order o will be deceived in their anticipations as far ashe all the in t so remote a country.—(Hear, leer, hear.) T 1 I believe that - je debate is concerned.—(Loud cheers.) fact is that we are unable to prevent the smuggling little solicitations which have been einployed—( T rem endous to exclude from ourports Don't you disapprove of the of tobacco from Ireland, or to the French.—( the cheering one Member— " nother, " Can you approve, brandy of our good neighbours expenses and increased Of course, then, any attempt to protect the shores and even by implication, of a war with I believe the little at bays of China would be treated with laughter ;and the taxation. —( Reiterated c heer . i e ng s ) n _ avai _ . _ . i (Loud cheers.) I attempt to obtain a vote on such a subject would be per- tempts to undermine us n will be of ° ported us on the want of con fuctly fruitless.—( Hear, hear.) And yet we were told am satisfied that those who rt usPnow—( Continued cheering ) that we should have given instructions to China, which fidence vote will I notnowsupport us in resisting this palpable en would have bcen nothing better than so much waste paper. adt(iadrtohnart to t hey substitutew another Ministry in our places.—( Tre- I will go a step further, and I will suppose that we en- continued cheering, which lasted for several mentions and long-continued to carry into effect such resolutions as I have re- minutes.) ferred to. Why, Sir, in that case our merchants would Sir J. GRAHAM said he could assure the House that at that EVENING EDITION hour he would endea;mur to imitate the brevity of the Nnl Lord's despatches rather than the reng;l. of - (Laughter.) He would begin with the latter portion of his address, but he must say he aid them a compliment when he thought that any suggestion the Opposition could offer would have any chance of prevailing.—( Cheers, and cries of " Divide.") He was disposed at all times to attach thegreatest importance to the representations offered by the merchants of the city of London, but he must observe in reference to this subject of the Chi nese trade, he had observed in them at all times a strong dispo sition to resort to the use of force, and their representations he looked on at the present moment with peculiar jealousy, when he knew that there were Bills in London connected pith the opium trade'under protest to noless an amount than 2,000,060/. He concurred most heartily in the desire which had been expressed that this demonstration of force, without further bloodshed, might produce the desired result of renewing our comtnercial relations, and he must say, Right Hon. Gentlemen wt.() had commented with so much severity on any tarqTuarded expres sion of his lion. Friend the Member for Newark, had nell themselves been remarkable for their measured language. Tho Hon. Secretary of War had indulged in language and illustrations which he (Sir J. Graham) had listened to !! with the greatest astonishment. He had spoken of the boast of Cromwell, that he would make the name of an Englishman as dreaded throughout the East as that of a Ro man citizen ; and from the circumstances under which that boast was uttered, he (Sir James Graham) could only infer that the purpose of the Right Honourable Gentleman was to intimate that he was desirous of inflicting upon the Chinese vindictive punishment.—(Cheers, counter-cheers, and uproar.) Now, to refer to th e reso l ut i on he had submitted—it had met with various comments—so me Honourable Gentlemen opposite had passed a high en comium on it, and others had as warmly condemned EE it. It was the most hopeless operation in the world nothing was so hopeless as throwing out baits for fish that would not bite. He would never so waste his time.— (Laughter, and cries of " Question" ar.d " Divide.") What he wished to convey by it was the impression upon hie ow to mind that the present state of affairs was produced by mismanagement and want of foresight on the part of her Majesty's Ministers. He had been educated in a school and initiated into taking part in an opposition under expert masters; it was his misfortune to have been educated in A school in which the Noble Lord was acting on the defensive: He could assure the Noble Lord to the best of his recollection that this resolution was framed on the most approved principles—the Noble Lord the Se cretary for the Colonies knew what those principles were. He admitted that this was in some measure a party resolution, j. and that it was meant to exhibit the feeling of party .— ( Hear, ' hear.) He should, however, be ashamed to think there was anything in his motion inconsistent with facts or truth. The Noble Lord had said he had gratified him (Sir J. Graham) by presenting all the papers he had asked fur ; and there was certainly enough of them, however little they might prove,— (Laughter.) If the House would permit him, he should like to follow the Noble Lord through the various parts of his speech.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Divide.") The Hon. Baronet was interrupted by loud cries of , " Diti • divide," " Question, question," from all sides of the Holies, but for several minutes he endeavoured to make hiaisrit heard. The Speaker called " Order, order, order." and silence prevailed for a, second or two, Isalk4 the Right Hon. Baronet again attempted Ito address the House, when his voice was completely drowned in the shouts of " Di vide, divide, divide." The Right Hon. Baronet at length go t ve,, way to the loudly expressed feeling of the House, and with rtis ; nifest reluctance took his seat. • Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the Howe , divided— For the motion Against it .. _ 271 Majority for Ministers . . . --JO The announcement was received with deafening cheers from the Ministerial side of the House. The; other Orders of the Day were disposed of, a:ed House adjourned at Half-past Four. THE QUEEN'S DRAWING ROOM, The Queen held her first Drawing Room this sewn yester day afternoon at St. James's Palace. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, attended by their Suite, including the Mistress of the Robes, the Marchioness of Normanby, Lady in Waiting, Earl of Listowell, Lord in Waiting, Mr. Rich, the Groom in Wait ing, Hon. Colonel Cavendish (Clerk Marshal), Equerry In Waiting, Mr. Cowell, Mr. Chichester, and Master C. Wemyss, Pages of Honour in Waiting, Lord George Lennox and Colon Bouverie, Gentlemen of the Bedchamber, and Equerr; Waiting on Prince Albe rt, arrived with the escort at two o'clock from Buckingham Palace. Her Majesty and Prince Albert were received on their arrival by the Lord Chamberlain, the Lord Steward, and the Master of the Horse. Before the Drawing Room her Majesty (according to annual custom) received a Deputation from Christ's Hospital in the Royal Closet, who were ushered to the presence of the Queen by Sir William Martins, Gentleman Usher in Waiting. Th e Deputation consisted of Mr. Alderman Thompson, M.P., the President, Mr. Richard Hotham Pigeon, the Treasurer, Mr. Alderman Copeland, M.P., and Mr. Thomas Poynder, Go vernor, accompanied by the liter. William Webster, the Mathe matical Master, Mr. W. H. Back, the Drawing Master, and forty boys educated in the Royal Mathematical School founded by King Charles the Second. Het. Majesty took particular interest in the drawings and charts of the boys, and was pleased to express her approbation of their execution. Her Majesty kindly desired the Lord Cha7aberlain to intr o d uce the deputation to his Royal Highness " - e-rince Albert, who re-'. ceived the Members of the Deputation most graciously. The Queen, attended by the Ladies, Maids of Honour, and Women of the Bedchamber of her Household, afterwards en tered the Throne Room, and held her Drawing Room. Their Royal Highnesses the Duke of Sussex, the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, Prince George, and the Princess Augusta of Cambridge, and his Serene Highness the Hereditary Prince, of Saxe Cobourg Gotha were present. The following presentations to her Maiesty took place in the diplomatic circle :_. La Comtesse Zichy Ferraris, by Countess Bjornstierna, the Lady of the Swedish Minister. Madame C. B. D'Oliveira, the Lady of the Brasilian Envoy at the Court of St. Petersburg—by Madame Marques Lisboa, the Lady of the Brazilian Charge d'Affaires et this Court. Madame T. Murphy, nee de Beaumont Rochemure, the Lady of the Mexican Charge d'Affaires, and Madame M. Mos queraohe Lady of the Charge d'Affaires from the Republic of New Granada—by Viscountess Palmerston, the Lady of her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. After the presentations at the Entree the general company, were introduced. Mrs.,Charles Frederick Huth, the Lady Mayoress's daughter, vi as presented to the Queen by the Marchioness of Normanbs - . Le Comtesse de Reuse Korstritz was presented to her Ala jesty by Lady Sarah Murray. Among the Entree company were the French Ambassador ; Noory Effendi, Turkish Ambassador on a Special Mission, ac companied by Mr. Salame, her Majesty's Oriental Interpreter ; the Prussian Minister, the Swedish Minister and Countess Bjornstjerna, the Wurtemberg and Bavarian Ministers, the Pie. therlands Minister and Ilsladame Dedel, the United States nister and Mrs. Stevenson, the Sardinian and Portugueselii nisters, the Grecian Minister and Princess Maurocordatu,, the Venezuelan, Russian, Spanish, and Saxon Ministers: Baron de Nieumann on a Special Mission from Auger*. M. de Hummelauer ' Austrian Charge d'Aff a i res; Capese Galesta sei Duchi di Regina, Sicilian Champ d'Affaires; Commandeur M. Lisboa, Brazilian Charge d'Affaires, and Madame Lisboa; Mr. Charles Drottet, Belgian Charge d'Affaires ; Mr. T. Murphy, Mexican Charge d'Affaires ; M. Mosquera, Charge d'Affaires of New Granath' ; Count de Rohan Chabot of the French Embassy Count de Banneville, and Mr. de Vandeul, Mr. Benjamin Rush, Secre tary of the American Legation ; Baron de Lebzeltcrn, Secre tary of the Austrian Embassy; Count Revel, Secretary to the Sardinian Legation; Count Bille Brake, Secretary ;, and Baron Bertouch, Attache to the Danish Legation ; Chevalier Rebell* de Carvalho, Secretary; and Mr. L. A. Pinto de Soveral, Attache to the Portuguese Legation ; Mr. B. Muriel, Secre tary of the Mexican Legation; Mr. Agop, late Turkish Chargit d'Affaires ' • and Bekir Bey, Colonel in the Turkish Service; Le Baron Gustave Van Zuylen, and Victor Van de Woestyne, Attaches to the Belgian Legation ; Count de Quadt Jssag, Officer of the Guards of his Majesty the King of Wurtenia berg; Prince Jean de Soutgo, Baron. James de Roth's child, Baron Charles d'Eichthal, with the Bavaria, Minister, Baron de Cetto • Baron de Zandt, Chamberlain of the King of Bavaria; &tint Vablentine Esterhazy, Count George Esterhazy, of Galantha; Chevalier Concha, Secretary, and M. F. Pampillo, Attache to the Spanish Legation ; Cotint Zichy Ferraris, the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Lord Chancellor, the Bishop of London, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the Master of the Horse, the Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms; Lori Gold Stick is Waiting; the Lord Chief Justice of the Com mon Pleas, the Master-General of the Ordnance; Sir Henry Parnell, Paymaster-General; Marquis Handy, A.D. C. to the Queen ; Mr. W. Turner, her Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Republic of New Granada; Mr. Morier, Minister Plenipotentiary to the Swiss Confederation; Lord Robert Grosvenor, Groom of the Stole, and .\lr. George Edward Anson, Treasurer of Prince Albert's Household ; Mr. fiackhouse, Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Hon. F. Maule, Under Secretary of State for the Home De partment ; Hon. Sir Edward Btttler, Lieutenant of the Hon. Corps of Gentlemen at Arms ; Sir Edwin Pearson, Lieutenant of the Yeomen Guard; the Lord Mayor, the Master of the Ceremonies, the Attorney-General, Lord Radstock Newal, A. D. C. in Waiting; Co.onel Sir Robert Gardiner, Colonel Wood, Colonel Sir James Reynett, and Colonel Sir Adolphus Dalrymple, A. D. C. to the Queen, Mr. Henry Robinson, Standard-bearer to the Hon. Corps of Gentlemen at Arms ; Lord Alfred Paget, Equerry to her Majesty ; Colonel Wemyss, Equerry to her Majesty ; Colonel Wylde, Equerry, and General Sir George Anson, Groom of the Bedchamber . to H. R. H. Prince Alben; Dr. F. Schenck, Sicretary tohis Royal Highness Prince Albert; the Rev. Samuel Smith, Chaplain to the Lord Mayor, the Lord Advocate of Scotland. Mr. James Bunce Curling, Clerk of the Cheque of the Hon. Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms ; Mr. Ellerthorp, Clerk of the Cheque of the Yeoman Guard; the Groom of the Robes, Ca it. Seymour Sadler, E xon i n W a i ting; Sir Benjamin Smith, do, Richardson, Royal Horse Guards, Silver Stick to Waiting ; Major Hyde, Assistant Master and Marsha l, of the Ceremonies; Mr. Alfred Montgomery, Gentleman Usher in Waiting, and Colonel Aitchison, Scots Fusileer Guards, Field Officer in Waiting. Among the general company were Le Comte LXI.S. de Reuss Koestry, and the following— DUCHESSES—lnverness, Buccleuch, Somerset, Northumber land, Argyll, Roxburghe, Dowager Rozburghe. MsacnioamssEs—Winchester, Douro, Lansdowne, Lon donderry, Ailesbury, Cholmondeley. Coo NTESSES—Lichfield, Tankerville, Rosebery, Errol, Glengall, Falmouth, Ilxbride (Lucy) Wintertou, Surrey, Kinnoull, Dowager Clare, harlevilie, Lo z Lovelace, Dowagir d s Listowell, A. Vander Burch, Dowager Chichester , , Cadogan, Carlisle, Verularn_ . o Cawdor, Wilton, Denbigh, Had dington, Albemarle, Dar lington, Essex,De la Warr, Durham, _) Amherst, Dowager Ashburn am , Galloway. VISCOUNTESSES — Gage , 'Canning, Dowager Dillon, Collet well, Anson, Sydney, Maynard, Fitzharris, Howick. Lanies—Anne Anson, Bowater, Langdal e , _ Trimlestoh-n. Yardelkill e r, Seale, Teignmont h Francis Gordon, Gardner,, Charlotte,Hury, Constance Paget, Aldis,Bowyer Smyth, IV. kenfield, Antrobus, Dinorben, Emily Foley, Bulkeley Phi- E p p s , Cottenham, Honoria Cadogan, Curtis, Fitz Wygrark. ' Ogle, Ernest Brudenell Bruce, Henniker, Poland, Peel, vers ' Catherine r ,Cavendish, Augusta Cadogan, Acton, ESSia beth Elliot, Fanny Elliot, Shaw Stewart, Dowager Cawdtir, Williams, Dowager Rivers, Ashburton, Charlotte Egertex, Helen Stewart, Bargoyne, Worsley, Elizabeth Hope Vern, Sondes, Charlotte Guest, Louisa Primrose, Anne Primrose, ' Elizabeth A. Smyth, Georgiana Toler, Adelaide Paget, Emily I Gore, Elizabeth Gore, Montagu, Eleanore Paget, Augusta Gordon, Dowager Cawdor, Ida flay, Mahon, Frances Vane, Mary Howard, Dalrymple, Mary Fending, Emily Harding.. Anne Beckett, Will oug hby D'E res b y, W harnclifle, Sarah VII:- liers, Napier, Mary Grimsten, Henrietta Pelham, Mary FA e . phenson, Maryborough, Norreys, Elizabeth West, Elizr,b et h Howard, Mary Ho war d, G rey , eynett, Lucy Pelham, burst, Seymour, Georgians Grey, Katherine Fleming„ Louisa Fitz Maurice, Herries, Townsend Farquhar, Cust, 'Sandford Graham, Elizabeth Fending, Hulse, Elizabeth Cole, Dowager Floyd, Cowley, Agnes Buller, Hamilton, Law.* Ilfeyriek, Lurgan, Clarendon, Mary Latribton, Henrietta Pei ham Lucy Pelham Caroline Strangways, Methuen, Crow, O'Donel, Cecilia Paulet, Caroline Wood, Anne Wilbraham. Carteret, Wilson, Fuller, E. R. Ginkle, Elinor Ashburnhana. Dowager Ellenberough, Georgians Campbell, Caroline Camp bell, Harriet Baring, George Murray, Eustace, Augusta Poi- ;a5 11 I I I