The Sun. — London, England, 1840-01-28 00:00:00

EVEN IN G EDITION BE VERLEY ELECTION. The following is a brie' outline n! the proceedings, with the speeciies of Mr. L. Murray on Thursday and Friday. On Ar. Fox being nominated, he addressed the electors ' , Teri ' - -riefly. T. Last: ls MURRAY, Esq., was then announced, and or his name being mentioned, it was the a gnat for laud and enthusiastic cheering. After this had subsided, he ex prtssed the pleasure he felt on witnessing in their intel lectual countenances the determination of men who were ready to discharge an important public duty. They had ' heard words from the gentlemen on the other side, but he w,is afraid all their ideas had gone fox-hunting.— ( Laughter.) They would see the next day who would get the brush out of the tail.—( Applause.) He stood th re for two important objects the first was to give them an opportunity of sending a Member to Par liment who would fully and fairly represent their opinions, and the other was to give them the opportunity of saying whether the present Liberal Government should remain in office.—(Cheers.) If returned (as he con - dkatly expected he should be) it would show in some ia - legsure, that the people of this country were determined ' the obstructive principle which had hitherto guided the Turks should no longer continue. This state of thing. must not continue. The Government of the country sick of their situation, but the Tories had not the eiyirage, even if they had the power, to take it from them. Their sole wish was to produce exasperation and confusion in the country, for the mean object of throwing contempt on the Ministry.—( Applause.) But the electors were too wise to be tricked by such machi rritions ; be came among them for another reason, and tic. t was to give them an opportunity of saying yes or no to the question, "Shall Beverley be a close Tory borough ?" --(Shouts of " No")—whether they weu d be the serfs of the Tories, or assert their independence. —( Cheers.) His Hon. Opponent was a very gentlemanly man certainly, but he ( Mr. M.) was afraid if Mr. Fox were sent to Parliament, be would not trouble the House very much.—( Laughter.) That was not the time to send Members who could not deliver their sentiments on any of the great public ques tions which agitate the country, but w , iuld allow Sir iillbert Peel, or any ether Mini! , er, to ou• their votes in pocket. If they roturriud him ( .I'l-. Murray) he did not intend always to give the IVlnistry his vote. but he would do so when they w i ere n danger from the —( Applause.) He should be ashamed of himself it asking their suffrages. if he did net feel an innate Cor. 50101.1:411(113 of lying able to under:o3nd and discuss th, leading questiolA of the day. The state o f not now 41S it was fis merly, whim Parliament either through the favour of tzn could het in )bleman, by the transfer ,f 4 pocket horou,-e) from oil-, portion of a family to another. It they allowed sucks practices, the country would cry shape upon them. He could well untieratand some such conversation as this between two brothers after dinner—" It does not suit my convenience to go to Parliament this year; just go down to the elec. tors of Beverley ; they are good fellows, and will sent you.—(Laughter.) And when we have exhausted the i faasily of the Fox, perhaps we nosy get come of the family of the Goose, and it willed° just as well."—( Renewed j laughter.) . ..icriously speaking, he believed on that occasion they were not prepared to submit to any such transfer. They had heard some of the Tory orators talk of foreign diplomacy. If there were one thing more than another which the Tories ought to feel ashamed at, it was the very notion of Tory diplomacy. By the diplomacy of I the Tory Government. Turkey had been left to the prey of Russia, and the Dardanelles had been closed against the British flag, the design of Russia in the treaty of Adria. nople was, by having possession of the Black Sea, to con quer the inhabitants of Circassia—those indomitable people who had resisted Russia for ages, and whose women were so beautiful that they were the lights of the harems of the Princes of the East.—( Great applause.) But that country had been defeated of its wishes, and our flag shonld still wave victoriously without the firing of a gun over the waters of the Black Sea. He then alluded to the blunders of the Duke of Wellington and the Tories-in the treaty of Vienna, which had allowed the independence of Poland to be destroyed ; and with regard to Algiers, Tory diplomacy had given that country and the great power which the Caliphs once possessed, into the hands of the French. The divisions in Canada, too, had originated from Tory blunders, yet by good manage ment Canada had been preserved to us. Mr. Mur ray then declared himself in favour of House hold but not Universal Suffrage, as had been represented ; he would, however, be content at present with the repre sentation given to them by the Reform Bill, stripped of all its machinery by which persons were deprived of their votes. In the borough of Beverley, for instance, he would make it a duty incumbent on his worship the Mayor to place every man who had a vote on the register, without the pay ment of a shilling, the giving of notice on a particular day, or substantiating the vote in a Registration Court. It was also said he was in favour of Annual Parliaments. This was not the case; he did not wish the agitation of a con test to be renewed once a year; the habits of the people; the state of employment in the country; the variety of classes and interests rendered it expedient that elections should not be more frequent than once in three or five years. Triennial Parliaments were no infringements on the old Constitution ; they were the ancient right of Englishmen, and he wished to restore to them their birthright.—( Applause.) With regard to the Ballot, he observed that the intimidation of the landlords had rendered it necessary. What would be the worth of a piece of property, if it had no hedges or fences, and their enemies being stronger than them, were able to make incursions on it and destroy it—and what was the value of a vote without its 1 -2ing protected ? If the To ries did not wish to have the Ballot, let them cease to exert their influence over men v;hn earned their bread by means of ' their capital; let them not strike the poor man in the face, and not allow him to lift his hands to prevent it. He said the Ballot was a defensive measure ; the p3or man was merely tantalized with a right, who had not an oppor tunity of enjoying it—but that was Toryism to the ibackbone. —( Cheers.) He next adverted to national education, and that sacred book which the Tories had the impiety to suppose nobody read but themselves. However, they read it as the Hebrews did—backwards, skipping all those magnificent maxim: which ferns the moral code of every Christian notion, and which exp‘„ce Tory iniquity.—(Applause.) Did they think the peer c ought not to be educated? D'd they think that those lonly who were born gentlemen should understand the prin 'ciples of religion, morality, and science? He thought some of their honourable opponents would do well to go to school for the next six months.—( Laughter.) He was for the education of the people. He knew that some of the greatest - men who had evor borne the brunt of battle, and who had distinguished themiel7es in literature, or as improvers of the arts and sciences, had been horn amongst the people, and he was proud to say that he ( Mr. M.) was cue of the people. Education was a right as inde feasible as the common air. Why should there be light, and persons not able to see it ? Why should people be born with knowledge within their reach, and not have the i means of obtaining it ?—( Applause.) Did they think that f if the people had been properly educated. Fcargus O'Con i nor would have been able to have deluded them as he had I done ? Did they think, if such had been the case, that itl , e people would have sacrificed their own lives, and that / those unhappy men, Frost and his companions, would have been sentenced to be executed and quartered for high tree. son ? No ; those statutes which had remained almost oh solete since the time of Edward 111. would have still re mained so.—(Applause.) What they contended for was I education without proselytism—education with conscience ' unfettered. They had forced from the Tories the Catholic Emancipation Act, and what had been its effects? Why to reduce the army in Ireland from 30,000 or 40,000 to only a staff.—( Applause.) If his honourable opponent, ) who said he was half an Irishman, had been compelled to pay share and share alike with the other landed proprietors, he would have been for granting emancipation many years ago.—( Applause.) He would next address a few words to them on the subject of the Corn-laws. The Tories not only claimed exclusive loyalty, but exclusive attachment to the farmer. just as if the Members of the present ig o vernment and their friends had not quite as much inte - I rest in land as they had.—( Hear, hear.) He was not I only in favour of cheapening the loaf, but of placing it i in the power of the labourer, by other means, to purchase , his bread and beer, without which labour was neither fruit ful nor pleasant, at whatever price they might be.—( Hear, ( hear, hear.) He should like to put some of the Tories len the starvation diet which their Corn-laws produced —he would like to see them breaking stones on the high ! road, just by way of an experiment.—( Laughter and i applause.) The present Corn-laws neither protected the firmer when there was an abundant harvest, nor the poor t elan in a season of scarcity —(Applause.) It was said that he was an enemy of the farmer; he denied the emerge. What was the farmer but a producer ; he gave botilethiat labour and his capital to his employment, and he es - assure thererwas not a labourer in the country who did I not see-that it - Was his interest for the farmer to prosper.— ( Great alise.) He then referr e d t o t h e fl atter i ng re- I eetion whi ch he had met with i n B ever l ey , and i n highly eulogistic terms thanked the ladies for their good wishes for success, by stating that he bad nailed his colours to the mast, and he hoped on the following day to be re -1 turned as their representative.—(Tremendous cheering ' ) The MAYOR called for a show of hands, w hi c h he de eared in favour of T. Laurie Murray, Esq., on which the cheering was renewed. The demonstration was at least two or three to one. The Tories, on behalf of Mr. Fox, demanded a poll, which was fixed for the following morning. A vote of thanks was then given to the Mayor, and the assembly separated. FRIDAY. The poll opened this morning at eight o'clock, and for the first two boors Mr. Murray had the advantage. It was obvious, however, that the Tories had resorted exten. sively to their old practices, and cash began to fly in abundance. In some instances 15/. was given by them for a vote ; the general price was 101, and men might be seen openly displaying the bribes they had received. To show the extent to which parties carried their intimidation, we may mention that respectable tradesmen, whom we should have thought independent of any neighbouring petty despot, declared to the Reformers, " Our principles are with you—but our custom is against yuu, and so we must vote for trade." At four o'clock Mr. Murray with his friend 3 pr.:cqeded to the busting 3. Mr. MUltitAT came forward amidst loud cheers. He said he wished to ask them one question ; did they see anything like the traces of defeat in his countenance ? (Cheers.) Did they see there anything like disappoint ment at the result of this contest? ("No," and cheers.) He was there then with a spirit as indomitable as when he addressed there after the magnificent show of hands they honoured htm with upon bi riaionitlon. If they thought that tlmt effigy of a toz - -((hcers)—wilieli perh-ps had if or ,,,,b a d j a its pericranium inteiligenee equal to so me t !,uman beings they had seen on tnis occa - oit; if they Ithought that miserable exhibition ;.ad created any dismay in Isis breast, they very much belied tie character he ought to occupy in their minds.—(Cheers.) Certainly the poor devil of a goose—(Loud cheers and laughter)—had been - very badly treated, and though he had no i wish to occupy its place, he must say, he would j rather . be _ . .the goose and himself, than the fox and the Hon. Member.—(Loud cheers.) He felt proud to hick that the coolest had been conducted with that gen- rlemanly feeling which had characterised it throughout• He (Mr Murray) came forward to offer to represent them in Parliament, and declared the sentiments on vthich ne asked their suffrages. It appeared from the poll that they differed with him in his opinions—( Shouts of " No") —he spoke of the electors—and they had therefore pro perly returned another gentleman. Properly, he meant, as regarded the law 3 which now control the electric franchise. He might have occasion to find fa u lt with those laws shculd h ever obtain a sea in the Legislature, but so long as they were the law, they were bound to respect their observance. They had received him with kindness, and the popular expression of opinion was triumphantly it in his favour. They might, perhap s, deem due thathe should give some explanation o f the cause of his standing forward to contest the borough . It was no feeling of a per sonal nature towards Mr. Fox that led him to oppose him— be never would have stood in the situation he occupied yes terday, nor have gone to the poll, had he not been led to ex pect, from calcubitions that had not turned out in the result to be true, that be stood a fair chance of being sent to Parliament by a majority of their suffrages.-(A cry of " Treachery.") How that defalcation had arisen time would probably unravel; at the present moment, the opinions he had on the subject were his own, and he should not be justified in statirg them without having investigated the facts. He had been proud to meet in Beverley many Reformers who would do honour to any town or place in England. Messrs. Sandwith, Bell, Hodgson, and Pen , nock Tiger, were especially alluded to. There were others who formed his Committee who were also worthy of the good opinion of any community. But it was his bounden duty to tell them that these gentlemen were never, from the first, responsible to him for his return. They put their names down as sanctioning his election ; but it was thought more advisable that it should be managed in another manner. He knew nothing of that management, as he had net been honoured with a knowledge of anything the gentlemen who under toek that duty had performed ; but he knew tnis_ that the result was very different from what he had been led to expect. He must tell them, a,th feelings of shame, teat the electors of Beverley could Lever, in future, get any man of spirit and independence to contest their borougn.—(Loud cheers, and shouts of We never shall ") You will never, (said Mr. M., hold ing ue an or inge handkerchief). get a man to lift that at:lege oat cf the mire in which it is now—never get a me.. who eau co ~t: at with e chance of succ. as the goad cruse. He witiie I teem to look seriously at the circum tencee of t- ea, . Teat was virtually a close borough of ; I 'oris —( Loiiii cheers.) That spit it of purity which eulite of them might have had in their dreams might have been expected 'o have been ntanilested now ; but what had taken place on the present occasion ? A gentle man not far from Beverley may reap the results of the fight he (Mr. M.) had fought for them. —(Cheers.) He gave it as his opinion that the Liberal interest could not place confidence in exertions tliat had on the present occasion turned out so disattreus. Per sonally he telt no disappeintment ; as he bee told them before, a seat in Parliament was not an ob j -et of very great ambition to himself. He could tell them—though he did not wish to boost of it before—that seats in Par liament were much more accessible to him than to the Gentleman whom they had elected, who, with all the respect he had for him for his gentlemanly conduct, he must say, he thought, was not likely to have an invitation from any other constituency.—( Loud laughter.) He said this without any desire to disparage Mr. Fox, who, no doubt, would discharge his duty to the best of his ability.---( Laughter.) He (Mr. M.) must tell them that never again could they be called the free and independent electors of Beverley—except in mockery of language and with a smile of derision upon the face of the man who pronounces it.—(Cheers.) They had bound them selves to the God of Mammon, and they would not raise themselves until they took their affairs more seri ously into their own hands. The circumstances of this election forced the question upon them, whether the electors of Beverley ought to be longer entrusted with the eleetive franchise ?...te(" That's right.") Let them recollect, that so far as any market could be made of that franchise, it was spoiled for ever ; therefore, disfran chisement could, in that point of view, make no differ ence to them at all. Never again would they be asked for their votes in a contested election—their votes, so far as the Parliarrentary franchise was concerned, were only as useful to them as cold water. These circumstances might shortly become the subject of investigation in Parliament. He did not pledge himself, but he did not know whether certain matters might not arise which would induce him to have the public spirit to go into that investigation.— (Cheers.) He should do so without any animosity to the gentleman they had elected, but upon public grounds-- and believe him, if he did undertake it, they would in the end thank him for his conduct.—(Cheers.) He was about to take leave of them, but he must say that he liked the people of Beverley very much, though the electors had not liked him on the present occasion. During his canvass he had seen many things among the people worthy the very best days of uid England. During his sojourn he had been received with the most kindly feelings ; he left them with those feelings, and should ever be ready hereafter, when his services could be useful in a public capacity, to render them, though they had not returned him to Parliament.— (Cheers. ) His mind was entirely filled with higher con siderations than the question whether they had or had not elected him, and he could say that if ever he should be asked for a favour from Beverley, he should recollect the women of the borough.—(Cheers)—and he could not re fuse a favour within his power if the application was backed by them. —(Cheers.) He had not thought it worth while to answer the squibs put out against him; but in one of these he was styled an adventurer. He was proud to say, that like many other men, several of whom had risen to eminence, he had adventured in life, and had suc ceeded in all his adventures.—(Cheers.) It had been stated the previous evening by an Hon. Member of the House of Commons, that he bad made inquiries in the House of Commons as to who he (Mr. M.) was, and that he cmill not find any person who knew him. He ( Mr. M.) would undertake to say one of two things tots true—rither the Hon. Gentleman was not extensively acquainted with Members of the House—)Laughter)—or that he did not state the whole fact. He believed the for mer was the case, and he had a guarantee for it in the fact that he (Mr. M.) was intimately known to more than one-half of the Members of that House.—( Cheers.) He owed every thing he had to himself, and could tell them that as regarded the confidence placed in him by others, he was engaged in transactions over which he had con t.and management which had a capital far more than he believed would buy all the Tories of Beverley—( Loud cheers)--both lie present and past, up to their great grand it hers,—( Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman again exprs-sed his sense of the kindness of the people of Be verley, and repeated that on any occasion they might com mand his services, the application were backed by the women. He retired amidst loud cheers from the crowd. UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. OXFCRD, JAN. 25. —The Regius Professor of Medicine has issued a notice that on Wednesday, the 29th inst.; I e will commence a c.)urse of lectures on anatomy and ph3 - siology, at two o'clock, in the Anatomy School. The Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol consecrated on Tuesday last the new Church at Alstone, near Chelten ham. It is a splendid and spacious structure, and contairs 2,085 sittings, 485 of which arc free. The Vicar of Leigh has presented the Rev. Alfred Hewlett, of Magdalen Hall, to the Perpetual Curacy of Astley, near Manchester. The Lord Bishop of Worcester has admitted, on the nomination of the trustees, the Rev. Wm. N. T. Marsh of Oriel College, to the incumbency of the Episcopal Chapel of St. Mary's, Leamington, lately erected, en dowed, and consecrated under the Church Building Acts. Messrs. E. M. Junes and D. Barttelot (as Frost's kin), and Mr. F. Naghton, of Oriel College, were yesterday elected Scholars of Corpus Christi College. Mr. John Murray, probationary Fellow of New College, was on Wednesday last admitted an actual Fellow of that Society. The Rev. C. P. Eden, Fellow of Oriel College, has, in addition to his former donations, presented to the new Church at Littleworth, near Faringdon, a handsome com munion service of plat,. CHINA.—It is satisfactory to find, in the pre sent state of our relations with China, that the prospect of an abundant supply of tea, before many years have elapsed, will be obtained from the British possessions in the East Indies. The despatch received by the East India Company by the last overland mail, states that upwards of 4,000 labourers, inclu ing 300 Chinese families, were most actively er.gaged in clear ing ground in Upper Assam from jungle, upon which the tea plant flourished most luxuriantly, and that, with an adequate number of men, the produce of tea would be unlimited. About 100 chests of tea, consigned to the East India Company from Assam, have just been received ; and the samples furnished to the leading brokers in the trade, after due inspection, have been pronounced to be of very superior quality, and will, no doubt, informed that a matter of curiosity , realise high p ri c es. We are that the xhole of the experimental establishment formed by the Indian Government in Assam , is in co urse of being transferred to the Assam Company, which was e stablished last year in the City, to promote the cultivation of the tea plant in India. The whole of the shares allotted to India by the Company, had been taken in Calcutta and Bengal, before the last advices were despatched.—Sunday Times. CAUTION TO COCK-FIGHTERS. —On Tues day last James Kempster, landlord of the Parkhouse Inn, Poul ton, Gloucestershire, was summoned before the Magistrates of Cirencester, at the instance of Thomas Gibbing (an officer sent from London by the Animals' Friend Society), and fined in the mitigated penalty of 205., and costs lOs., for training cocks, and preparing a pit or room, for them to fight.—Gloucestershire Chronicle. From the American papers, just received, we learn that Mr. Buckingham, the , oriental traveller, and formerly P.,11. for Sheffield, is still travelling and lecturing there, and with extrat inary success. At Bangor a meeting was lately held, the M yor in the chair, and the principal clergmen of the town present, to appoint a Committee to give public expression to their high estimate of his qualities as a lecturer. And at Bostost the ladies presented him with a silver vlse, the same wh.ch att,ined the highest premium at the late Mechanics' Fir in t 1: Airnhal Tatham, who lately gained the great will causes so long disputed, died at his seat, Hornby Castle, near Lancaster, on Friday. He was in his 84th year. He has let the Hornby estates, the subject of contention for twelve years, to Pudsey Dawson, Esq. It was only in August, 1838, he made his triumphant entry on his estates. FORGED BANK OF ENGLAND NOTE. --A man, named Samuel Ramsden, was brought up before C. J. S. Walker, Esq., at the Salford Town Hall, on Thursday last, charged with uttering a forged a Rank of England note. JrA. luiggles, the deputy-constable, stated the prisoner went, on the preced ng day, into the Wilton Arms public-house, and asked for change for a note. Mrs. Taylor, the landlady, had not change, but set out to get it ; and it was then discovered that the note was a bad one. The prisoner, in his defence, said he was a butcher, and came from Bolton; he received the note at at the Sawyers' Arms public-house, in Manchester, but he did not know from whom. He was remanded. The note which was exhibited in Court, is a very bad imitation. On the genuine notes of the Bank the signature has been en graved, and scratched over with a pen; and the paper has no water-marks upon it. TH SUN, LONDON, TFJESDAY, JANUARY 28, 1840. BURNS' ANNIVERSARY. The members of the Caledonian Society met on Saturdly last, the 25th inst., to celebrate Cie anniver sary of the birth of their national bard. About forty gentlemen sat down to an excellent dinner. served up with great taste, and every attention to comfort. The chair was ably filled by J. Boucher, Esq., who was well supported by George Rose !Imes, Esq., as croupier. Both were elegantly attired in the Highland costume, including the pistol, dirk, and skein dbu, as were also several others of the party. The richness and beauty of the Highland dresses were much admired by the few guests and strangers who were pri vileged to be present. After the usual loyal and pa triotic toasts had been drunk with Scottish enthusiasm, the Memory of Burns was proposed by the Chairman in a feeling and appropriate speech, and responded to in solemn silence. The following song, written for the oc casion by Mr. Park, was sung with great spirit by the author. National toasts and songs followed in quick succession, and the hilarity of the evening was kept up till a late hour. The Caledonian Society exists for the double object of promoting social intercourse among Seotehmen in London, and ultimately establishing a fund for the relief of distressed natives of Scotland : Brave Scotland—Freedom's throne on Earth ! A bumper to thy glory ! This day thy matchless Bard bad birth, So famed in song and story Where'er thy mountain sons may stray, Thou'st thrown thy magic round them, And on this ever-hallowed day, In kindred love bast bound them. He nobly walked behind his plough, And gazed entranced on nature ; While genius graced his lofty brow, And played in every feature 1 For then, inspired by glowing songs, Of " Bruce," or Highland Mary," The minstrel-birds in joyous throngs, Around their Bard would tarry I But waes my heart I he sings nae mair Its strains o' joy or sorrow, Though on the bonny banks o' Ayr, His spirit smiles each morrow And Scotia's muse—enthroned on high— The great, the gentle hearted I Sits with the tear- , ltop in her eye, And mourns her Bard departed ! 0 sacred laud of gallant men ! Of maidens unassuming Who dwell obscure by loch and glen, Where still the thistle's blooming ! How well has Burns rehearsed your praise, Among your cloud.crowned mountains, In never-dying tuneful lays, Pure as your native fountains Then fill the sparkling goblet high, And let no discord stain it; Let joy illume each manly eye, While to the dregs we drain it 1 To Burns! to Burns! the King of Song 1 Whose Lyre shall charm all ages 1 Mirth, wisdom, love, and satire strong, Adorn his deathless pages ! STRANGE YET TRUE.—In the year 1803, a Regiment of the line was quartered in Dublin, the name of which it is unnecessary to mention. The Hospital to which invalids were sent was situated a little way outside the city, and among other patients within its walls there was a soldier (H. B.) of whose case the Doctor had a bad opinion, and who was believed by the nurses, and others around him, to be rapidly dying. An " orderly" ( A.M. ), served in the same corps, upon whom de volved the duty of carrying coffins to the Hospital when a death occurred. For this office he received a fee of one shilling, and perhaps, like the officials who come after him, rejoiced inwardly, though not outwardly, when a bit of coffin employment fell in his way. But while thus engaged in a favourite l►ne of duty, he was summoned to town on some other errand, and, lest some interloper might step in between, he hit on the following re markable expedient. " Incoffining" w as an office thirled to him self, and, rather than be baulked, he conveyed a mournful piece of carpenter-work to the bedside of his afflicted comrade ; and after divers awkward apologies, explained how he was situated, and then hinted that as a few hours or minutes could make but little difference, and no human aid avert a fate which left so many unshrouded on the battle field, he hoped no abjection would be made to lifting him from the bed on which he lay to the coffin at its side, where the only service he could now re ceive—moistening with a sponge his parched lips—might be as well performed as anywhere else. The soldier, though sick, was by no means insensate, and the reader may easily imagine feelingi in listening to a proposal so outrageously revolting —feeling. never better described than in the poem of " The Grave" : " Enough to rouse a dead man into rage, And warm with red resentment the wan cheek." And so it was with the supposed dying man ; the blood that fast retreated from, returned to the heart, and rousing every latent enery, he exclaimed, more in a soldi er than a Chri s tian phrase—" I'll see you d—d first!" Thus emphatically re buked, your worse than resurrectionist sneaked off, but, to all appearance, as unwillingly as the felon so graphically described by Prior:— " He fitted the halter, he traversed the cart, And often took leave, yet seemed loath to depart." But the scene seems to have had a good effect on the invalid, who, to the astonishment of all, shortly after recovered, and joined his regiment; and, whet among his comrades. it was impossible to resist denouncing the rascally Orderly, the very sight of whom, as he said, often tempted him to draw his bayonet. Nor could the offender, when challenged, deny the fact; and from that moment he became so hateful, and such a butt for ridicule, that he was Wad to hide his shame by deserting the service. The invalid lived for more than twenty years subsequent to the above event, was called abroad, served in various campaigns, and, though a frequent sharer in the battles of the Peninsula, survived them all—as can be well attested by a military gentle man now in Edinburgh, who related the circumstance, a few years ago, to a party of friends, one of whom communicated it to the Editor of this paper.—Dumfries Courier. The memorial from the inhabitants of Bath and its vicinity to her Majesty, on behalf of Frost, Williams, and Jones, has received 9,000 signatures. Many of the middle classes attached their names to the memorial, and, among others, it contains those of one alderman and one Magistrate of the city, with numerous gentry and ex-officials. The same memorial, having been adopted by other towns, has received in Trowbridge 4,000 signatures; in Frome, 1,500 ; and in Brad ford, 1,400. The numbers are immense, considering the short time the memorial has been prepared. It has also been adopted in other towns, from which the numbers have not yet been col lected. It is not, as was expected, to be presented to the Queen by Lord Brougham ; it is, however, finally arranged that it shall be taken to the Secretary of State, by Mr. Leader, M.P. ; and Mr. Roebuck, the late representative of Bath. is expected to accompany him. The Chartists still anticipate the success of the objection taken by Sir F. Pollock, to the proceed ings in Monmouth ; but their zeal would not allow them to be satisfied with that reliance alone. - DREADFUL THUNDER STORM..--On Monday morning, about six •'clock, the neighbourhood of Bude was visited by a most awful storm of thunder and lightning, which did considerable damage to a house about a mile from Stratton, on the Kilkhamptou road, belonging to Mr. R. Cornube, of Stratton, and occupied by a labouring man of the name of Hicks. The poor man's pig was struck dead in the sty by the electric fluid ; and it was quite a miracle that the inhabitants escaped unhurt, as the house is much shattered, the doors and windows being smashed to atoms.— Cornwall Gazette. Last week, the landlord of the Ram Inn, Dork ing, gave, according to annual custom, a luncheon to his his guests ; and amongst the good things placed in a corner of the room, was a loaf of bread, measuring 8 feet high, and 3 feet. in circumference, which was soon sliced to nothing by the knives o fthe Surrey yeomen. THE DANGERS OP EAVES DROPPING.—A trio of ladies, hight Mistress Rhoda Walford, clothed in the matronly dignity of wife, Miss Emma Thorogood, fat, if not fair and forty, and Miss Mary Ann Philpott, who appeared as if she had been plundering a rainbow for a head-dress,_pre sented themselves before the Magistrates at th e B ra i n t ree Petty Session, on Wednesday, to settle a question of blows said to have been dealt about too freely in the parish of Stebbing.—lt appeared that Miss Philpott had domiciled her fascinating form, with all its gay appendages, either in the "two-pair front" or the " one-pair back," in the very house which Mrs. Walford inhabited with her lord; and that mischievous imp, known by his sallow complexion and green eyes, who is often to be found disturbing the water in canals, or meditating on halters and horse-pistols--called jealousy, had been whispering certain little suspicious circumstances in Mrs. W.'s ear ; in consequence thereof she was a few evenings ago readily , Mr. W. an admo nitory lesson by the side of his own hearth —a sort of prologue to the tragedy of a curtain lecture which she was brewing, when Migs Thorogood's ear stumbled against the window, and (quite accidentally, as she seemed to think) the angry words of the conubial accuser, and the soothing expressions of the head of the household dropped therein as regularly as black and white beans into a balloting box. Ac this momenta bundle of curls made their appearance at the chamb^r window, with the face of Miss Philpott in the midst thereof, anti Miss Thoro good being thus discovered, the fists of Mrs. Walford fell upon her in due course, for carrying off her matrimonial secrets by stealth, necessarily warmed her, and, said the complainant, " she hot me five lumps on the head and three on the back," the price of which eight lumps she now beseeched the Magis trates to estimate in hard cash. The Bench put them at IV. each (being at the rate of eighteen-pence a dozen) which, with the costs, amounting to 12s. 6d. more, Mrs. Watford was or dered to pay in fourteen days ; and Miss Philpott sailed out of Court with her colours streaming, like a British ship on the Queen's birthday, followed by the fat lady and the jealous lady in due order.— Chelmsford Chronicle. PETITION FOR THE REMOVAL OF HER MAJESTY'S MixisTEits ! ! !—At a nocturnal meeting held at Lincoln last Wednesday by a little knot of Tories, whose names even we never heard efore, a petition was got up for the dismissal of the present Ministers! ColonelSibthorp, we see, is to have the honour of presenting this precious petition. During the night of Sunday last, some miscre ants cut off the manes and tails of no less than 17 horses be longing to lour farmers living adjoining, between Chard and Yarcombe. Part of the hair, weighing about ten pounds, has been sold to a sadler at Axminster, by a fellow who was taken into custody at Honiton, with a bag of old metal. The parties are in search of another person, who was concerned in the transaction. The horses are sadly disfigured. Western Times. Lord William Fitzgerald has arrived at Carton, Maynooth, on a visit to the Duke and Duchess of Leinster, from an extensive tour on the Continent. THE CHARTISTS.—A public meeting was an nounced by the Chartists to be held at Banbury on Tuesday night last, to raise a subscription in aid of the funds for de fending Vincent upon a second indictment found against him in the Court of Queen's Bench. The speakers confined themselee principally to the subject of the meeting, but took occasion to denounce " physical force." THE CHARTISTS AT BURL—This week a memorial to the Queen. praying that the capital punishment of Frost and his companions may be remitted, has been in course of signature by the Chartists of Bury. At the same time the stupid fellows maintain an alarm in the neighbourhood, by c-in tinuing to held their secret class meetings. The same also prevails in several of the country districts around Manchester. — Manchester Guardian. The Synod of Ulster are about to join the Irish Nation a l B oar d o f Ed ucat i on , a nd accept grants from that body, for the instruction of the children of Presbyterian parents. Conferenc es on t h e su bj ect w ere held last week in Dublin Castle, which promise a satisfactory conclusion of the affair. SPORT EXTRAORDINARY. —A kw days ago, Charles Morewood, Esq., of Alfreton Park, shot in one day in Codnor Park no fewer than 54 snipes, and bagged them all but eleven or twelve. This day's execution is unequalled in sporting annals.—Derbyshire Courier. JAIPERIAL PARLIAMET. HOUSE OF LORDS, JAN. 27. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woo- sack at Five o'Cloek. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER gave notice of his intention to move a resolution respecting railways, but in such a low tone of voica that it was impossible to hear the purport of it. Lord BROUGHA M had a petition to present from Mr. Owen, who stated himself to be the discover of the rational system of religion, praying for a full and fair inquiry into the principles he advocates. That peti tion had been in his possession on last Friday evening, but he had not had an opportunity of presenting it. He had another petition from the same gentleman, which had been placed in his hands since. He did not know whether, in point of form, it could be received ; he had but little doubt on it, however ; but still he felt bound to state it to their Lordships. The petition stated that the petitioner's views regarding the general state of his society had been much misrepresented in the newspapers of Saturday, purporting to be what fell from a Noble Member of that House ; being pub lished in the newspapers, it had already gone forth to every place where the English language was known ; he therefore prayed for a full and ° fair inquiry into his principles at the bar of the House, in order that his defence might be as widely circulated as the unfounded charge made against him had been. He (Lord B.) had forgot one circumstance, while he had addressed a few words to the House on Friday. The petitioner was not only a person whose whole cha racter for humanity was extremely alien and averse to all those principles, with which he was charged, but he was a man whose whole changes were of the most peaceful nature, and he was bound to state that when Mr. Wilberforce in the other House vouched for his respectability and character for philanthropy he had stated that Mr. Owen had such a regard for the propagation of his principles, which he thought entirely for the benefit of the human race, that he had reduced a very large fortune to a small one, and that his philan throphy was so great that he had spent more than any 100 individuals, however charitable they might be. When the British and Foreign School Societ) was first established, he immediately transmitted a donation of 1,0001., which was much more than the most magnificent gilt they had got ; and to show that his philanthrophy was not secta rian, about twelve months after, when the National School Society was established, he immediately trans mitted the munificent donation of five hundred pounds. Such a person as Mr. Owen, whatever might be the peculiarity of his views, ought, he (Lord Brougham - ) thought, to receive credit for sincerity and honest in tentions, after having spent scores of thousands of pounds in acts of indisputable charity, in the doing of which he could not possibly have an interested motive. Often as that gentleman had been attacked, he had never before alluded to the injustice which had been done him ; but he now deemed it his duty to set himself right with the public. For the discharge of this part of his duty, he (Lord Brougham) knew that he should be attacked in every variety of way—in deed, he should not wonder if, for what he had just said he should be called an Owenite, but for all that he was prepared. His Lordship was still proceeding, when The Bishop of EXETER rose, and said that he had not expected the matter alluded to by the Noble Lord (Brougham) would have been brought forward that night. He knew it had reference to a petition presented by him (the Bishop of Exeter) on Friday night, but he was not then prepared to go into it. He, however, wished that the Noble and Learned Lord would move for a Committee to go into the whole facts of the case. He (the Bishop of Exeter) had not done so himself, because he wished to avoid a course which might savour too much of an inquisitorial character. With regard to the character of Mr. Owen, he (the Bishop of Exeter) did not know that he had said any attacking that gentleman's character. The No _ _ ble Lord had stated that Mr. Owen had ruined him self through his liberality and eagerness to promote the public good. He (the Bishop of Exeter) had heard a different thing. He would not then enter into a discussion as to the gentleman's character ; but he trusted that the Noble Lord would move for a Commit- :ee according to his (the Bishop of Exeter's) suggestion Lord BROUGHAM then said that Mr. Owen was not a ruined man as the Right Rev. Prelate had stated. He (Lord Brougham) asked whether a moderate fortune was a ruined fortune; if so, then he (Lord Brougham) was a ruined man, and the Right Rev. Prelate himself was a ruined man, for he was most earnest in the discharge of his duties, and received but a moderate revenue. He believed the Right Rev. Prelate bad been furnished with statements that were incorrect, for he could assure their Lordships that his (Lord Brou g h am ' s ) in formation was that on which he could implicitly rely. He should not adopt the course recommended to him by the Right Rev. Prelate, because he thought enoug h had been said at present to vindicate Mr. Owen, inas much as it would go forth that he denied the charges against him, and, what was better, challenged inquiry. He (Lord Brougham) had, moreover, borne testi mony to his character, and he thought it better to let it rest at that, as he should be very unwill ing to promote an inquiry that would have a ten dency to propagate the knowledge of such extremely bad, and, in his opinion, dangerous doctrines, since even such absurdities might find converts among the unin structed part of the community, and particularly those labouring under distress, when they promised to relieve their sufferings, which would probably be the effect of such proceedings being entered in the minutes of their Lordships' House, and circulated in the channels of public information. The Noble and Learned Lord then ' presented another petition from another section, Branch A, of Mr. Owen's Society. The Bishop of EXETER explained his statement respecting Mr. Owen's circumstances, and then said he had to present a petition most numerously and most respectably signed by inhabitants of the town of Huddersfield, praying their Lordship's to institute such inquiry, and take such steps as might seem desirable for the protection of religion, morality, and private property ; and in moving it should lie upon the table, he begged leave to state, that notwithstand ing what had fallen from the Noble Lord, and also the Noble Marquis on a former occasion, he thought it necessary that something more should be done, and that he did not assent to the opinion that they should abstain from the prosecution of crime, because it would be the means of publishing it to the world. If he thought greater danger would result from such an inquiry he should be content not to act vindictively against the propagators of such monstrous doctrines—but he felt it absolutely necessary to take some steps to vindicate justice and the morals and religion of the people. He was not speaking on light foundation, for he had that morning received letters from Hampshire, giving an account of horrible and chilling atrocities uttered at a Socialist meeting in the neighbourhood of a place where they had lately purchased a farm of 500 acres to try their experiment. Lord BROUGHAM (lid not understmd that the Noble Marquis at the head of the Home Department, could have laid down a proposition in the abstract so ab surd as that in no case should publications or pernicious principles he made the subject of prosecution for fear of increasing the publicity. Often, though the present publicity might be increased, eventually the spread of the poisonous principles might be prevented. His ob jection was not so much to prosecution as to going on in irregular debates on the subject in that House. The Bishop of EXETER said he felt the inexpe diency of irregular debating, and he now gave notice that, to morrow se'nnight he would move an - Address to the Crown to take steps to prosecute persons who might be guilty (he would not and could not be expected to state the precise word) ; the effect would be to inter pose its protection on behalf of religion and morality, against the horrible blasphemies of Socialism. He wished to state that he had not, and that he did not wish to animadvert on Mr. Owen's personal character. He had spoken principally of some who had adopted these principles, without that palliation which might be alleged for Mr. Owen. Lord BROUGHAM asked if the Right Reverend Prelate could not fix Friday, as he feared he could not attend to-morro w week. Lord MELBOURNE objected to that. The Marquis of NO RMAN BY denied that he had stated anything so broad as that prosecutions should be refrained from for fear of publicity. If the persons down in Hampshire had reported to the Government, his opinions would have been expressed as to the course to pursue. But lie had received no such notice, and he would now reserve himsolt for the motion of the Right Rev. Prelate. The Bishop of EXETER said, if more convenient to the Noble and Learned Lord, he would fix this day se'nnight for hi s mot i on . Lord BROUGHAM had a petition to present from Michael Br oom fi e ld , comp l a i n ing of the grant of 1,0001. a-week, as he called it, which was proposed to be given to the intended husband of the Queen. On the motion of the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, the petition was ordered to be read at the table. It said that the labouring classes in the county of Suffolk viewed with great alarm that it was pro. posed to pay Prince Albert 1,0001. a-week for wages out of their earnings; that the Queen could not wish her husband to be paid in that manner. but that it had been put upon her by some esil counsellors.—(Laugh ter.) Every poor working man or working woman were obliged to keep their own out of their earnings, and it was hard that so much had been given to a young man from a long way off without a shilling of his own and for living in idleness. If her Majesty were unable to keep her husband, then he ought to go and work for himself as was done by all the labour ing popul a ti on o f S u ff o lk. He loved h:s Church and his Q ueen , an d therefore he had been bold enough to te ll t h es e things to the Noble Lords and Bishop s i n Parliament. He loved his Queen , and would hav e lik e d on her mar riage-day, to have gone to the beer-house, and have drunk her health in a pot of beer; but, as he could not a ff or d it out of 10s. a week, he must wish the same thi ng over his gruel at home, with his wife and seven child ren. H e prayed that the principles of the Poor-law Bill be applied to rich and poor. Lord MELBOURNE gave an inaudible answer to a qu,...itiun put by Viscrriut Str,ingford.. SOUTH AM E RICA. Viscount ST RA NGFORD had read a very amusing . description of a set of jovial merry men in the city, calling thern , elves the Wide Awa/o Club. He was quite certain that the Noble Viscount did nut belong to that club; and if he and his colleagues were to apply to become members they would be black-balled by a very large majority, be cause they were not wide awake. Was the Noble Vis count aware that Monte Video was at that moment in the possession of the French troops? Viscount MELBOURNE was aware of that fact. The Earl of :ABERDEEN said the establishment of French authority in some of the South American States was a favourite project of the French Government at the Restoration, but it had been firmly opposed by the Go vernment of this country. The whole conduct of the French was irregular, and quite incompatible with all the law of nations. To such an extent had the ir:egularity n.w been carried, that it was difficult to say what was the law of nations, for all was thrown into confusion by the re cent practices. The right of blockade was strictly a belligerent right; but France was not at war with Buenos Ayres. In former times, the usual practice was to make reprisals, and by such a course injury was only inflicted on the party accused. But France, by her blockade, was injuring this country more than Buenos Ayres, with which she was at war. British commerce with that country was great, while that of France was comparatively trifling ; and if the object of that power was to do an injury to British commerce, he believed that France could not have adopted a more effectual course for the purpose than the blockade alluded to. Still that blockade was continued, and the Noble Lord (Melbourne) stated that he could hold out no hope of relief. Had such a course as that now pursued by France been adopted by any of the great despotic Powers, the country would have been roused by it from one end to the other. It was true we were on terms of friendly intercourse with France, but if the blockade continued that friendship must be greatly impaired. He mentioned this because he deemed it a ma nifest violation of treaties as understood in more civilized times. Viscount MELBOURNE explained in a very inaudi ble tone of voice. We understood him to say, that in con formity with official instructions, an inquiry had been insti tuted into the blockade of Buenos Ares by the British Admiral on that station, and who reported that the blockade would be but temporary. He could not but ad mit with the Noble Earl who had preceded him the inju rious results to commerce arising from that blockade, and though he had before stated that he could hold out no hope of relief, he did so, because it was impossible to pre dict any precise period for the termination of the hostilities between France and Buenos Ayres ; but he hrd neverthe less expressed his most anxious desire for its early termi nation, in the effecting of uhich Government would lose no opportunity to employ its best offices.—( Hear, hear.) He did not like to hold out hopes which might not be rea lised, because unquestionably these hostilities had conti nued longer than he had anticipated. He believed that a blockade was is itself a belligerent act, it was, in fact, to all intents and purposes a declaration of war, and it was in the power of the nation, against whom it was adopted, to treat it as a declaration of war. It was in the discretion of the nation against whom the blockade was instituted to determine whether they should consider it as such, but if they did not choose to treat it as such, it did not take away from the nation instituting it the power of acting as they thought proper.--( Hear, hear.) That was the view he took of the blockade of Buenos Ayres by the French. No one could deny the great evil of that state of things, and the House might depend on it that her Ma jesty's Government would take all the means in their power to bring it to a satisfactory arrangement as soon as possible. Viscount STRANG FORD hoped the Noble Viscount would permit him to remind him, that last Sessicn he stated that negotiations were then going on under the mediation of Great Britain, and that, therefore, pro tanto, the affair might be considered as nearly adjusted. Viscount MELBOURNE said the fact of those nego ciations not having come to a favourable conclusion, made him the more cautious of holding out any hopes that the affairs of that province would be speedily adjusted. Lord COLCHESTER trusted that in whatever ar rangements were made, care would be taken not to per mit any European nation to exercise any undue con'rol over these South American provinces. So long as the ports of Monte Video were open to European vessels, and the commerce of British merchants, little need be appre hended, but if they were obliged to traverse the moun tainous district of the Brazils, it would in a great mersure prevent their penetrating with heavy mercharidize into the interior of South America. He hoped, on these grounds, that no interference with their independence would be permitted. NATURALIZATION OF PRINCE ALBERT. The Order of the Day for the second reading of the Bill to make provision for Prince Albert having been read, The LORD CHANCELLOR said, it would not be necessary for him to occupy many moments of their Lord ships' time. The Bill was, in many respects, founded upon one passed on the marriage of the Princess Char lotte with Prince Leopold, although in some particulars it differed, inasmuch as the 3d claui'e empowered her Ma jesty to grant to Prince Albert such place and precedence in Parliament and elsewhere, as she thought fit. When the Bill passed for the marriage of the Princess Charlotte and Prince Leopold, their Lordships would recollect that her Royal Highness stood in a very different position. She was not even then the heiress expectant ; and it was there fore impossible that Prince Leopold could have a rank higher than that of the King's sons.—( Hear, hear.) It was obvious that if another event had taken place, and that the Princess had become the Sovereign of these realms, another proceeding might have been adopted to give the Queen's husband the rank he was entitled to. The history of the country afforded but few instances in which Parliament was called on to provide for the consort of the Queen Regnant. There were only two precedents, namely, Queen Mary and Queen Anne. By . the treaty of marriage between Philip and Mary it was provided that he should enjoy with the Queen state, honour, and kingly name, and the provision to that effect became the subject of an Act of Parliament. The next year, let and 2d of William and Mary, an Act had passed which made it highly penal to deny the title of Philip to the kingly style and dignity, and so it stood during that reign. The Noble and Learned Lord then referred, in a similar manner as Lord John Russell had done in the House of Commons, to the cases of Queen Anne and Prince George of Denmark, and of the Princess Charlotte and Prince Leopold, and concluded by moving that the Bill should be read a second time. The Duke of WELLINGTON, who was heard very imperfectly, said he certainly was not anxious to discuss this measure or oppose this Bill at the present moment, but he thought so serious a measure ought not to be taken into consideration by the House on the short notice the y had of its nature. The Noble and Learned Lord had laid this Bill on the table on Friday night after the debate, and it was entitled " An Act for the Naturalization of Prince Albert, of Saxe Coburg and Gotha." He had asked the Noble Lord, en a former occasion, when he consented that the Bill should be read, and had had understood that it was no more than a Bill in consequence of one that had passed that House and the other House of Parliament, for the second time on Monday, but not one word was said on the clauses respecting precedency which were the im pot tant parts of the Bill ; the consequence was, that nobody knew what the real contents of the Bill were, and he (the Duke of Wellington) had read nothing of its contents until yesterday ev3ning, when a Noble Friend sent him a copy of the Bill, before which he had not the least idea it was any thing but for the naturalization of Prince Albert. He was sure, therefore, the Noble and Learned Lord had taken the House by surprise which should not have been done on a question of this descrip tion. He should, therefore, propose the adjout nment of the debate to some day in the course of the week. that the House might have opportunity of thinking on this important matter.—( Hear, hear.) The titles of the Bills quoted by the Noble and Learned Lord, not exactly as precedents, but as Bills on a similar subject—the title of the Bills with relation to prince George of Den mark and Prince Leopold of Saxe Cobourg. positively stated. and the Bills themselves provided for precedency, but in the title of this Bill there was not a word of it. Under these circumstances he really thought it should be the subject of consideration on a future occasion, as it was desirable that it should be known precisely what it was in tended the Bill was to do. He should therefore beg Noble Lords that the debate be adjourned until Friday next.—( Hear, hear. ) Lord MELBOURNE said that it would certainly be more in accordance to what had passed on for mer occa- sions if the Bill passed without opposition. The Noble Duke objected to the title of the Bill as not stating that it provided for the precedency of Prince Albert, and so far differed from former Bills. It could not be of great con sequence, or for the information of the Noble Duke, with respect to the subject of the Bill, since it was perfectly clear that a Bill of this nature must settle the rank and station in the country of the person to whom it related, otherwise he would have no rank whatsoever. The Noble Duke also complained of his Noble Friend for not having stated when he introduced it all the circumstances of the case; at the same time he (Lord Melbourne) thought the proper time for making explanation on the subject tvas unquestionably on the second reading, which his Noble Friend had not taken. The Noble Duke said he wished the House to have further time for consideration ; be regretted that, and thought it would have been better if the usual course were taken on the subject—but unques tionably the Bill did differ, in this respect, from other Bills on similar circumstances, as it gave her Majesty, in respect to precedence, a larger power than was given in the ease of Prince George of Denmark or Prince Leopold, but the reason of the difference was the different situation of the cases, the situation of parties, and in the dignity of their situation. The Princess Charlotte was at the time of her marriage only the grand-daughter of the possessor of the Crown. He did not know what was the disposition of Parliament on the subject before, but it was certain that neither the Prince Regent nor other parties engaged in that matter considered the arrangement as more than tem porary—there was pretty good evidence that such was the intention of the parties to that transaction. The Noble Duke asked bow was this power to be exercised? He had no I,esitation in stating that it was intended to be exercised to the full extent to which it was given. If Parliament conferred the power of ;king so. it was intended to give Prince Albert rank next to her Mi jesty, and before Princes of the Blood—this, he believed, would meet with no objection whatever in the quarters that might be supposed particularly affected, Now, as to the Noble Duke proposing that the debate should be ad journed,:he thought it unnecessary to put off the reading, and that it had better be read a second time, and con sidered the next stage. This was the course he should propose. He was sorry there should be any difference on the subject; but, at the same time, he could not object to the course the Noble Duke pursued, and if further time was required it must be given. —( Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON explained that he had been entirely ignorant of the nature of the Bill. He knew a Bill was necessary for the naturalization of Prince Albert ; but as not a word of precedency was mentioned in the title_ Lord MELBOURNE observed that it was always done in Naturalization Bills. The Duke of WELLINGTON—But always mem tioned it, the title. Nuny Noble Lords were very anxious to give their opinions upon it ; it might be said that as Parliament was sitting, they ought to have been in town attending it, but at this seat,oa many were prevented from doing so by necessity, and One of his Noble Friends wouid certainly - have beet in town if he had known that the Bill related to prcc,:dency, which ho did not until yesterday evening. Lord BROUGHAM could not help thinking there was great truth in what his Noble Friend had said, that prece dency was settled in former Bills of Naturalization. He happened to know that his Noble Friend, who was not in his place, was not aware of that until he had made arrange ments for leaving town, and when he was informed of it had sent him ( Lord Brougham) a note, mentioning that it would be an unpleasant thing to be obliged to put it off, of which the Noble Duke seemed aware, but that was not the fault of the House, or of the Noble Duke, but of the Bill being different from other Bills—for these Bills generally passed with. out discussion—but a question arose on this Bill from a great novelty introduced, which deserved great considera tion. In former Bills the precise degree of precedency was fixed, and, accordingly, precedent had not been fol lowed b:,t his Noble Friend, for this Bill did not fix prece dency, but was a Bill to enable her Majesty to do so. To this he had a constitutional objection, and thought it ought to be done by Parliament, which should not leave die Crown to exercise its discretion, but fix it as on former occasions; and, in his humble apprehen. sion, and speaking with all respect for the Crown, and the illustrious individual who possessed it, he thought it would be a more gratifying thing to Prince Albert to have his rank conferred by Parliament, which meant Queen as well as Lords and Commons, and Lords and Commons as well as Queen. lie did not wish to enter into a lengthened ciicussion, but with reference to the observa tion that the case of Prince Leopold and Princess Char lotte was out of question, because she was not heiress pre sumptive—he said she was treated as such, for her grand father was in a state that his decease might be speedily expected, while her father, though married, had been separated from his wifo for }ears, and no other children were the issue of that unhappy marriage. He mentioned this because it appeared to be overlooked by his Noble Friend ( Lord Melbourne) though in his department. He was dealt with as being about to marry the heiress of the Crown, and why did he say so ? because of their settling upon him 50,0001. Would that have been done if he had not been about to marry the heiress presumptive ? It was perfectly clear, and it was a jeke to say otherwise, that there was any difference between the two cases. fie did not wish to go further into the question then, but if he were forced to do so, he would not be deterred from ex pressing his opinion upon the matter as a constitutional lawyer, because of any fear of his motives being miscon strued elsewhere. There was one way of looking at the matter—an event might happen, which God forbid should be the case—but after the marriage of her Majesty it was possible that she might be called upon to pay the debt of nature ; again he said, God forbid—but what, under such circumstances, would be the situation of affairs? We would have a King and a Prince of Wales; but according to the Bill, Prince Albert having been married to an Eng lish Queen, a foreign Prince would have precedence of the heir apparent to the Throne, of the Prince of Wales. His Noble Friend the Noble Viscount, had said that the Illustrious Personages who would be affected had assented —or at all events would not object ito the atrangement ; but his Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack knew that the rights of an infant were deeply affected ; had he consented—could he consent ? He did not wish to enter further into the matter then, as it was probable the discus. sion would be adjourned. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the former Acts did not do more than the present Act proposed to do, viz. give the power of creation in, the cases to the Crown. In the case of Prince Leopold, the Act of Parliament did not give the rank or title, but it gave the Crown power to confer it—the only difference was that the present Bill gave a larger power. There was no necessity for adjourn. ing the discussion. No one would oppose the naturaliza tion of Prince Albert. The opposed clause was the last, and the discussion might be taken into Committee. Lord BROUGHAM said his Noble and Learned Friend was mistaken in thinking that he (Lord Brougham) was mistaken. The former Bills gave the power to the Crown, but it was a limited and a defined power—it did not give absolute power to the Crown, but it limited it in a certain and particular manner. Under the present Bill the Queen might create Prince Albert King Consort, for the Crown could invent any new title, except that of making or creating a King of part of these domi nions, which King Consort was not. The Duke of WELLINGTON wished the principle of the Bill to be discussed in the presence of several Noble Lords who objected to it. He did not think it right to take a decision in the Committee on the Bill, for he ob jected to the principle of the Bill ; he therefore wished to fix a day for the second reading, on the earliest day that it could be properly discussed. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY entirely concurred in what had fallen from the Noble Duke ; and he objected strongly to the principle of the Bill. The Noble Viscount said he had the assent of all those whose interests were or would be affected by the Bill. Now, was the Noble Vis count sure of his facts ? Had he the assent of an Illustrious Personage not now in this country? His Majesty of Ha. nover was summoned to the present Parliament by the title of Duke of Cumberland. Had the Noble Viscount obtained his assent? Was he sure of that fact? Viscount MELCOURNE had not at all alluded to that Illustrious Person. He could have wished that another course had been taken, and that there had been no delay. He was most anxious to waive anything like division upon 1 the subject ; he would therefore agree to postpone the second reading of the Bill till Friday. The House then adjourned till to-morrow. _HOUSE OF COMMON 3 JAN. 27. - -•• The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. Mr. Macaulay (Edinburgh), the Solicitor -General (Newark), Mr. Tufnell (Devonport), Mr. B. Wood (Southwark), and Mr. S. Lane Fox (Beverley), were introduced, and took the oaths and their seats. A Clerk presented accounts from the Bank of Eng , - land,pursuant to an Order of the House. Mr. O't:ONNELL presented a petition from the Dublin and Drogheda Railway Company, praying for leave to br ng in an amended Bill. Mr. DlVETT:presented a petition with a similar prayer from the Bristol and Exeter Railway Company. Also one from the Bristol Steam Company, praying for an improvement of the Port of Bristol. Mr. HARL AND presented a petition in favour of a Hartlepool Railway Bill. Mr. VILLIERS presented a petition from Gis borne-forest, in the county York, prayinc , for a repeal of the C orn -l aws ; a l so a pet i t i on, to the same effect, from parishes in the West-Riding. He would take that occasion to say that, pursuant to the course he had adopted last session, he would take the earliest opportunity of submitting to the House a motion on the subject. Mr.O'CONNELL presented a petition from a parish in the West Riding of Yorkshire, praying for a total repeal of the Corn-laws . . He also presented petitions from certain parishes in Ireland, complaining of the limited franchise in that country, complaining that five per cent. only had the franchise in Ireland, while more than nineteen per cent. enjoyed it in En g land. The petitioners complained of the profligate corporations of Ireland, which denied to that country the reforms which had been extended to England. They stated that, with very few exceptions, the inhabitants of Ireland had taken no part in the disloyal Chartist movement—they complained of attempts lately made to excite national prejudices and animosity in England against them. The Hon. Gentleman presented peti tions, to a similar effect, from various places in the counties of Armagh, Londonderry, Longford, Down, Westmeath, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Meath, Cavan, and the King's County. Mr. EASTHOPE rose to present a petition, but from the low tone of voice in which he spoke it was impossible to hear what its prayer was or from whence' it came. Mr. EASTNOR presented a petition from a place called Barford, in the count) of Warwick, praying to increase church accommodation. The Hon. Gentle man also presented petitions from several other places in the same county to a similar effect. Mr. J. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Athlone and other places in Ireland, for Municipal Corporate Reform. Mr: MAXWELL presented a petition from some place we could not learn, in which was stated that the pe titioners were influenced by the strongest feelings of loyalty and attachment to the Throne and Cot stitution of this country, and stating that they were under the greatest consternation and alarm at the many Popish conspiracies that existed to upset the established religion of this country, and concluding with a prayer, that in making a provision for the future husband of her Majesty, they will require such securities as will preserve unimpaired the Protestant Throne and Protestant re ligion, granted by a Bill of Rights. Admiral ADAMS presented a petition, praying the House that the Established Church shall be allowed to exercise their functions, without any interference from a civil power. _ _ Mr. PLUMPTRE presented a petition from some place in Staffordshire, praying that, in making provision for her Majesty's marriage, they will require such security as will preserve the Established Church un impaired in this country. Mr. H ALFORD presented a petition from the county of Leicester to the same effect. Sir - M. WOOD presented a petition, signed by va rious denominations, from the city of London, praying that House would adopt such measures as will relieve them from the payment of C Itch-rates, and furti,, praying for the release of JOLT Thot , :goo.! from prism). Mr. WARBURToN presented a p, titam from a parish in the West Riding of Yorkshire, praying for the total repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. HUME presented a petition from a gentleman named Watson, residing at Edinburgh, pra ) iog for Universal Suffrage and Vote by Ballot. Also a peti tion signed by 550 householders and inhabitants of King's L' nn. praying for the abolition of Church-rates. Mr. DIVETT presented a p , titioa from the Solici tors of Exeter, complaining of the arrears io the Court of Chancery, and praying the House to adopt measures to facilitate the business of that Court. Mr. WARD presented a petition from a parish in Essex, complaining of the imprisonment of Mr. Thoro geod, and praying for the abolition of Church rates. Mr. FRENCH presented a petition from certain medical practitioners residing in Tipperary, praying for medical reform. / 4 :V EN r\ T G PiDirrTOV. I'iti VILEUE. Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the petition of the Messrs. Hansard should be read by th. , Clerk, which was (loth!, and it appeared that th:j had had anodicr action commenced against them by Mr. Thomas Bur ton Howard, as the attorney of John Joseph Stockdale. The Noh:e. Lord then said that he conceived the House wouh! not expect that he shou'd do more than to move that Thomas Burton Howard should attend the House forthwith. Mr. LAW doubted whether the petition contained any statement of the cause of action, and the petition having been read again, Sir R. INGLIS said he thought his Learned Friend's objection was perfectly well founded, fur the action was not even against the Hessrs. Hansard, as printers of the House, and there was nothing at all to con nect it with the preceedings of the House. He for one should protest most solemnly against the motion of the Noble Lord as tending to prohibit Mr. Stockdale from bringing any action whatsoever against the Messrs. Hansard in their private capacity. Lord HO WICK. said the objection of the Hon. Baronet would be perfectly well founded if the motion was to commit Mr. Howard, whereas it was only ordering him to attend the bar— (Cries of " Hear, hear")—and to explain if, as he had every reason to believe, the present action was similar to the former ones ; and it should be recollected that in those former actions the writ did not, any more than the present, specify the cause of action. They had every reason to believe that the action that had been brought was a direct violation of the privileges of the House, and that such being the case, there could be no objection to his Noble Friend's motion, the object of which was to ascertain what the action was. Strangers were here ordered to withdraw, but no di vision took place. Sir E. SUGDEN having arose to address—he thought that there could be no doubt that the present action was brought upon the same ground as the former one. He doubted, however, whether any good could be obtained by the present premature step ; he thought it would be far better to ascertain from Messrs. Hansard the fact of what the nature of the action was, because it might turn out that there was another cause of action. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that those who wished not to concede to the House the power of committal, might think the motion unnecessary ; but he thought those who believed the House had such a power, and ought to exercise it, would agree with the motion of his Noble Friend, which was, that Mr. Howard should forthwith attend at the bar. He had seldom seen anything which had more the appearance of special pleading than the objections which had been taken on the. other side. There had already been three actions brought in the case of Stockdale v. Hansard. Messrs. Hansard, by their petitions informed the House that another action had been brought against them, and if such was the state of things, he would ask whether it was not the duty of the House to proceed in the first instance, because, if they waited to the expiration of four days, judgment would be signed, and execution would issue? He thought that, above all things, the privileges of the House should be defended ; and he trusted, therefore, that the House would adopt the motion of his Noble Friend. Strangers were again ordered to withdraw, but no division took place, and on our entering the gallery we found Sir R. Inglis on his legs moving as an amend ment " That it was not at present expedient to take any farther steps." Strangers were again ordered to withdraw, but the amendment was negatived without a division. The original motion was then put. The House di vided on it, and the numbers were as follows : For the motion lBl Against it 67 Majority — —ll4 Lord TEIGNMOUTH wished to take the earliest opportunity of explaining some expressions of his on the debate of a preceding evening. He under stood that what had then fallen from him, as reported in the newspapers, had given considerable offence. He had directed his attention to the different news papers in which the report had appeared, and when he had read them—though he was sure there was no intention of misrepresenting him—he found that there was a passage in them which gave offence. He would trespass on the recollection of Hon. Members on the subject. Of the Judges he had spoken in term; of the greatest respect ; and he had merely said that they were legally incompetent to decide on the privilege of that House. It would appear, however, from the newspapers, that he thought they were unfit to give a judgment on any subject, and that their decision was absurd and il legal. He (Lord Teignmouth) trusted that every Gentleman then present would allow that his words had been perverted, and that he meant nothing disrespectful to the Bench. With regard to the bar he found it stated that he had said that the members of the profes sion were not fit to give an opinion on questions con nected with the business of the House of Commons-- he had never said so, and he could not comprehend such a statement. He had always felt th a t the studies of the bar were particularly fit to pre pare people for the House of Commons. He bad merely wished to say on account of the occasion a lluded to that there was a tendency in the proceedi ags O f Courts of Law to fetter the judgments of men. He W sure that many Hon. Members would bear him out in his explanation, and he had spoken of the Judges in terms exactly similar to those employed by the Learned Attorney-General. He (Lord Teignmouth) felt that at this day it would be a very serious matter to give displeasure to the Judges, and he should have been very sorry to have done so. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON begged leave to say that he was present when the Noble Lord who had just sat down had made the speech he had alluded to, and that he (Mr. Sergeant Jackson) entirely agreed with the Noble Lord in what he had just said, that he (Lord Teignmouth) did not utter a word about the propriety of having the Members of the bar disqualified from sitting in that House. PRINCE ALBERT'S PENSION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the Order of the Day for a Committee of the whole House to have that part of the Queen's Speech read which related to a pro vision for Prince Albert. Lord MAHON begged to know when it was ez pected that Mr. Howard would be brought to the bar of that House. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it would be impos sible for him to inform the Hon. Gentleman, but he thought it would take place when he was taken. An HON. MEMBER gave notice of his intention to ask some questions with reference to the importan t transactions which were taking place in China. Mr. FECT()R gave notice of his intention of asking some questions relative to the affairs of Spain. DEBTS OF THE CROWN. Mr. G. PALMER asked whether there was arii foundation for the rumours which were abroad, that considerable debts had been incurred beyond the allow ante made by that House to her Majesty. Lord J. RUSSELL had only heard that such re' ports were in existence that morning ; and he coul d assure the House that they were totally unfounded. — "' (Loud cheers from the Ministetial benches.) SOCIALISM IN IRELAND. Mr. O'CONNELL b egge d t o as k t h e N o bl e tiara the Secretary for Ireland whether, as had been s tated in another place (to be sure the source was not to b e relied on), Socialism had spread to a considerable exten t in Ireland ? Lord MORPETH had no information as to the el. istence or spread of that system in Ireland. He r a ther thought that an attempt had been male to introduce it last autumn, but it had been very promptly put down' PROVISION FOR PRINCE ALBERT. The House then went into Committee of SupplY to v t i s h i a o t n f p o o r r t i i ) o r n i n o n o f her Albert, Majesty's mr. B Speech r a tin tifillge t c o on a si( p le ro r Chair. On the resolution being read authorising her Majesty to grant 50.0001. a year to Prince Albert, Mr. HUME then rose and said, he could assure the House that in rising to perform the dutY he had undertaken, he did it with great regret. It was a matter of very great r egret that her Majesty had b een advise to come forward at such a period to demand an establishment or a grant of money for Prince Albert, because from the tenor of the speech to which allusion had just bee° made, he was indu ce d to suppose that some separate establishment was to be maintained. He could not be' lieve it possible that the Noble Lord and his colleague °, and all those who had voted with him (Mr. Hume) last. Session again s t an i ncrease of the grant t. the Duke 0 ' Sussex—he could not believe that any individual wh o had voted on that occasion could act with such incowi s " tency of conduct as to propose so large a grant to th e House then. Since the House had last sat he had re ferred to the precedents quoted by the Noble Lar d ' and it did not appear to him that any of them bore upon the question then under their consideratiol: . There was a p rece d ent i n th e cas e o f P r i nce Leull° l , which he p resume d m i g ht b e depended o n, w h ere 60,00 0 1 was granted. It appeared from the resolution that th at e 60,0001. was granted not to Prince Leopold, but to tn . Princess Chlrlotte and Prince Leopold, for the est of tni kr 1,...n01d, ..‘, , dectly upon the utls roarutit:g t::.“ it wai to he separate i di.ti n et ; thell.)us.• wi. u :d fi n d, b y re ferring to the debate that took place on that occasion, when an objection wes made in a mild and gentle cifi t i t that it was too large, an answer was given to the etr e % that although it was a large amount, y e t th e llou° should bear in mind the Princess was then r ecetvig 30,0001. An additional 30,0001. w as vote d to one' them to maintain their rank and dignity, but not 13 , 5 shilling was given to Prin c e L eopo l d. I f the Nob , Lord would look at the speech of the Minist; of that day, Lord C: l stl e e eag h , he would find stated that the expenses o f t h e C rown were i nva riably looked on with more jealousy in this country than in An other, anti although th e grant was voted unanimously;e yet Mr. Tierney made an o b servat i on upon the i n exP rt diency of it in the then state of the country, to sulV e , what was called the spl en d our an d di gn i ty of the CrO`4,l,e No grant that had ev er b een made to any b ranc h or L - ot Royal family had been more o bj ecte d to t h an t he VI