The Sun. — London, England, 1840-07-14 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. the House; and as to the discussions with Constanti nople—unfriendly, he presumed, was meant—they were to him (Lord Palmerston) wholly unknown. With regard to Washirigton, he presumed that the Right Hon. Gentleman referred to the boundary ques tion, but if he had been less occupied in the prepara tion of his speech that evening he would have heard him (Lord Palmerston) state, in answer to the Right Hon. baronet the Member for Tamworth, that they had made a proposition to the American Government founded on the basis of a suggestion made by the American Government last year, and therefore there was some ground for hoping that that affair was in a train of settlement. With regard to China, he did not recollect that the Right Hon. Gentleman had availed himself of the three nights' debate upon the question, to state the particular grounds of his disapproval of their policy with regard to that empire.—( Hear, hear.) It was not his intention to retract any opinion he had previously given upon the question as between the three Powers and the State of Cracow. With reference to its occupation, he certainly did not think that any case had been made out by these parties, and he was all through of opinion that that occupation was a violation of the stipnlations of the treaty, and her Majesty's Government had pro tested against it.—(Hear, hear.) It was one thing, however, to pronounce an opinion and another to en force that opinion by an appeal to arms, which England was not at the time in a condition to do. It was also fair to state the peculiar circumstances in which Europe was placed at the time. There had been a revolution in France—Belgium and Holland had been separated, and the Poles had endeavoured to rescue what 'hey con ceived to be their rightful Government from Russia. The three Powers in question were greatly alarmed, each of them holding possession of the territories which formerly formed a part of the kingdom of Poland, and it was not surprising at the moment that their fears or their passions had obscured that judgment which they might have exercised in their calmer moments. He mentioned that as much with respect to the future as 't'he past, because their apprehension, having now gone :by he might rationally indulge the hope that the three Powers would be induced to take a kinder view of the mutter than in times gone by.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had contended that Cracow was of great importance to that country in a commer cial point of view. Now, when he informed the House that the whole population of Cracow was not more than 1 10,000, it would he seen that its commercial import ance could not be very great. He did not wish to di minish the interest which the House felt on the ques tion, but he wished it to stand upon its real merits as regarded the commercial intercourse. The account of , thei r exports was not kept so distinct as to enable him to t`ll the Pee, pt-tct qu'intitles forwtwled to Cacti p n! but he would ilientimi the total •f 1,,, t o tal export= to and 11-31i.:rnl. in 183..1, amount in rdue to 7,439,000/. ; in 1836 they amount to 7,134,000/. ; in 18:37 they amount to 8,069,000/. ; and ie 1838 to 8,693,000/. Therefore whatever effect the state of Cracow had had on our commercial arrangements with that place, it was evident that with regard to Getman) , in general no diminution, but on the contrary a considerable aug mention had taken place in the ,last three years. He did not mention this as a reason why the House should Creel iedifferent on the subject, but to prevent their being led away by misconception of the bearings of this ease on our commercial interests.--( Hear, hear.) With regard to the occupation of Cracow, it should he :remembered that though sanctioned by the three Powers, it, was practically done by Austria, not by ' Russia, and at the present moment and for some time Past the garrison of Cracow consisted of Austrian troops. The British Government had for some time urged the withdrawal of that garrison, and Austria had ePeatedly assured them that it should be withdrawn. -At the same time there were arrangements for the re enrganization of the militia, and some trials to take place previously ; but the British Government were assured by the Government of Austria, that they were about to with draw the garrison, and the former had lately expressed a wish that the assurance should be carried into effect. It was therefore only a question between the Austrian Government and time. Therefore, as far as the object 'of obtaining the release of Cracow from military domina• tion was concerned, he could assure the House that her Majesty's Government had not lost sight of that object, but had pursued it in that manner they thought most eligible for its attainment. If it were asked when that was done what their intentions were, he thought expe rience of the manner in which his unfortunate assertion with regard to a Consul at Cracow had been taken up by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, would be a reason why he should refuse to g ive any other statement of intenti ons which might be subjected to unjust inferences.—( Hear.) With regard to that question he had stated distinctly that it was the intention of the Government to send a Consul to Cracow, but he certainly did not state that a Consul from Great Britain should be at Cracow in a month. But when that intention became known it created great jealousy i n the minds of the Governments of the three Powers ; not so much as to the fact of a British Consul being there, as to the political character given to it by other Parties ; and it was found, on communicating with them, that it would be impossible to remove from the minds of those Powers the feelings of jealousy and suspicion with which they received the expression of that inten leen. This he had fairly stated on a former occasion. %---( Hear, hear.) And it became a question of pru dence, with regard to the accomplishment of that in tention. In the first place, with regard to the people of Cracow, if the sending a Consul had excited in their minds expectations of farther support, and the inter ference which might have been justified with regard to Cracow had led to unfounded expectations, it might have left them in a worse condition than that in which they were, and w hi c h ev ery one deplored, and would desire not to make worse. In the next place, if the three Powers lied , -, determined to prevent a British Consul going to Cracow, nothing would be more easy than for them to induce the Government of Cracow to decline to receive h im, and was that a situation in which to place a great tower lik e E n e l an d i n respect to a sma ll power lik e bands, Hear, hear)—to have him returned on our ands, not by the Government, but which they must "eke as the act of the Government ? He thought the House would be of opinion that the most prudent and ,beeoming way, and that which, so far from being dis 41t "OUrable to England, was founded on a just regard .° the honour and dignity of the country, was to abstain from subjecting it to the posslbility of such an occur 10;Pce.--(Hear, hear.) He quite agreed with the '" l ght Hon. Gentleman that the manner in which Cracow was constituted an independent State "titled her to receive a Consul, and to send one to otte r Powers. A contrast had been drawn between r aeow and th e l on i an i s l an d s ; b ut i n t h e trea t y w i t h the latter it was found necessary to insert an article to prevent the lonian Legislature from holding diplomatic inte rcourse with f ore i gn St a t es , an d th ere f ore the case s were not analogous. It might be true that Frankfort Was not more important than Cracow, but a Consul W ould not have been sent there if Frankfort had not been the seat of a Confederation. The Consul there was an unpaid person, and was merely there for the transa c ti on of any trivial matters which might require his agency. A ga i n , w i t h regar d to H am b urg h, t h e Con sul -General there was not merely accredited to amh u'"g+ but to the Hanse towns, which, being places of great commercial interest, stood on a different footing to the inland:town of Cracow. He had now mica !nhred to state, as shortly as he could, that which in itself stood in a narrow compass, that the ground on which he differed in opinion from the three Powers, w as with regard to the occupation of Cracow, and not as to th e steps taken to put an end to that occupation ; and that there was reason to hope that, at no distant Period, that occupation would cease. He could assure the House he took a lively interest in all that concerned the unhappy population of Cracow and Poland. It was impossible that any person, standing in that House, should not feel and express great sympathy with the c alamities which war had inflicted on that unfortunate I !!°Ple.—(Hear, hear.) He could also assure the louse, that any occasion in which the Government of En gland --and he was sure in speaking for themselves, be alight speak for those who might succeed them— could, by the exercise of the influence of this country, miti gate the fat e o f th ose w h ose m i s f ortunes they so advantage and he could a l so assure t h e H ouse , that there f ; was the greate s t di s p os iti on i n h er Majesty's Present advi sers t o ava il t h emse l ves of such opportun i ty. onlyhowever, was not to be done by me naces —it could be effected by persuasion. There was no greater by th an to suppose a great country could be driven 1Y words when they were not prepared to second them Unbecoming opi n i on o f w h at was pass i ng i n ot h er coun tries, that he did not recommend, as his Hon. Friend seemed to do, the example of the French Chambers, tbo h e atuse he did not think anyth i ng was a dd e d entering on the honour of a grea t coun try by annually the R o ll s t rong reso l u tions and "lo n St without being prepared to follow them up by • 1 4 .1 y_ . effeetive m easures. — (H ear, hear.) sir R. PEEL sa id no ono f e l t more t h an h e did th e n ecessity so o f di scussing with ' great caution a question of great i mportance as that which now occupied the at tention of the House—a question, moreover, on o n t f hl eh they were not perfectly informed, and the issue Whichutmost might b e f raug h t w i t h consequences o f t h e n i st importan ce . H e agreed w i th the No b le L or d that nothing nothing was more unwi se th an i n a popu l ar assem .°ol to ex c i te t h e E xecutive Government of the country e immediate resort to f orce for the aceomplish ebn of its p urposes ; b ut, at the same time, must say, th e H ouse o f C ommons would loose its station and ch aracter , if i t carr i e d t h at forbear ance to too great an ext7ente, and showed a perfect in difference to foreign aggression.—(Hear, hear.) He b ore in mind a ll t h ose cons id erat i ons, to which the Noble Lord had adverted in justification of the conduct of the three Powers. He bore in mind the momentous " re nts of 1830, which led to the overthrow of one t t and the separat i on o f H o ll an d an d B elg i um, 'ugh their union was guaranteed by the treaty of 181.5. He remembered the insurrection in Poland, and I the general excitement of publie feeling at that period, and the apprehension lest those feelings should be dis turbed, and involved in the calamity of a gene ral war.— (Hear, hear, hear.) He remembered all these considerations, and gave due weight to them in estimating the course pursued by the Three Powers. In the Treaty of 1815 it was particularly presided that Cracow should be prevented receiving the refugees of other countries. At the same time, speaking with all the caution and reserve, yet knowing well the value of public opinion expressed in the House of Commons, he must say he did hope the time would come when these Three Powers, with whom he wished to preserve rela tions of the utmost amity, would make the first ap proaches to the desired settlement, when they were fully assured it was for the general h.- terest, and for the maintenance of those great conservative principles which he believed it was their great object to maintain, that they should revert to the settlement made in 1815, and that Cracow should be established in the possession of the independence and freedom which was then guaranteed to her.— ( Hear, hear.) These Powers must feel that it would be of immense importance when the temporary neces sity should be at an end of re-establishing all States, the small as well as the great—and perhaps the moral obli gation was stronger svith regard to the former than the latter—in the full possession of their Independence. They would remember the prepossession entertained in Europe in favour of small communities, such as Frankfort, Lubeck, and others, which, though natu rally viewed with suspicion by their powerful neigh bours in the time of trouble, could not be safely de prived of their rights. He did hope these considera tions would induce these great Powers, for whose gene ral policy he entertained the greatest respect, to anti cipate the interference of England or France, and come forward themselves to guarantee the independence of Cracow. This would be by far the most satisfactory termination of the matter, and would permit Europe to enjoy the spectacle of all its small States surrounded by great military powers, but in possession of perfect freedom. There were some arguments of the Noble Lord, at which lie was rather surprised, and first with regard to the commercial importance of Cracow. He agreed that the political question was of greater importance, than the commercial, but this country could not view without great jealousy, the infraction of the rights of a city which had been decreed by a solemn treaty to be independent, and to have a right to free trade with all parts of the world. The Noble Lord had attempted to show that our commercial interests were not much impared by the hostile occupation of Cracow by showing that our exports to the whole of Germany had not fallen off; but what sort of proof was that ? Suppose there lied been a prozn - ss:tr: in , :reaf! in our commeroi,,i int,rrcoiirsc with Oermatiy 'did I lollend, did the Noble Lord think that would be a pt out' that. our commerce 1% . ,;:: not affected with regard to Cracee 't Ho .v del the Noble Lord know but that if there had been free trade with Cracow we might not have had a still greater in crease ? The Noble Lord had stated that lie was deter mined not again to declare the intention of her Ma jesty's Government. No one could complain of that resolution. He (Sir Robert Peel) must say that be had always thought that principle had been observed by all Governments. He thought the Noble Lord's experience with respect to his declaration of sending a Consul to Cracow, would fortify him in that resolution.—( Hear, hear.) He entirely concurred in the wisdom of the new course the Noble Lord meant to pursue. He could conceive nothing more inexpedient than for a Government to declare its intention to ob serve a certain course, unless they had positively made up their mind to do so. The Noble Lord declared four years ago that it was his intention to send a Con sul to Cracow, and in consequence of that declaration the Noble Lord induced a Member of the House, who had brought forward a notice of a hostile nature, to withdraw it on account of that satisfactory declara tion—(Hear, hear)—but the Noble Lord saw good reason not to act upon it. The Noble Lord had el , awn a contrast between his Right Honourable Friend and himself, and said that his Honourable Friend had acted hastily, and upon imperfect knowledge, whereas the Government never entered into affairs without the fullest information.—( Hear, hear.) He did not at all question the fullness of the informa tion which the Government possessed, but he must say the niggardliness in which they dealt it out formed a strong contrast to it.—(Hear, hear.) Considering the riches they possessed, the contrast between its extent and their charity was remarkable.—(Laughter.) He did not complain of the Noble Lord upon good grounds changing his determination, but what he com plained of was, that he made declarations without perceiving their consequences ; because, in the state of our relations with that country and the state of the discussions in the House of Com mons, that delaration by the Noble Lord was an important declaration, and might have been attended by the consequences the Noble Lord had mentioned, if persisted in. The people of Cracow, hearing that the Noble Lord, in defiance of the three Powers, had de clared his ,intention of sending a Consul to Cracow, would, no doubt, think that the British Government deemed the claims of Poland to be paramount, and had determined to act on the strict construction of that treaty.—(Hear, hear.) He could not but think the Noble Lord's untimely declaration had postponed the period at which a Consul svoUld be sent ; and that if the Noble Lord had stated fully the intention of the British Government on the subject, he would before this have succeeded in establishing a Consul at Cracow, without any further opposition on the part of the three Powers, but with their concurrence ; and that, in point of fact, the arrangements which must now ensue, would have been carried into execution.(Hear.) He hoped that after the evacuation of Cracow by the Austrian troops they should not only see the indepen dence of Cracow restored by the evacuation of its terri tory by the troops of the other Powers, but also our Consular relations with that country re-established. Although there might be no doubt as to the question of right, yet he agreed with the Noble Lord, that if great Powers, like France and England, were deter mined to push every question of right to the decision cf arms, there would be little chance of maintaining the peace of Europe. Considerations of prudence, as well as considerations of right, must be attended to. Al though a country might be satisfied it was in the right, yet if that right could only be enforced by disturbing the general peace of the world, the moral obliga tions we were under to preserve that peace, in dependently of considerations of prudence, ought to make us pause and weigh well the reasons before adopting such measures. Seeing the language that had been adopted in the French Chambers, seeing that the language held by the French G overnmen t was that they had made a solemn protest against the occu pation, and that having made such protest, silence must henceforth be observed on the subject until an opportunity should offer for enforcing that protest, lie must say that it was impossible to deny that the question was at present in an unsatisfactory state. The English and French Government had both made a solemn protest against the occupation. He trusted that the three Powers who had given guarantees for the maintenance of things on the ancient footing, and who might be considered as the defenders of Conservative principles in Europe, would maturely consider this important point, and take to themselves the credit, without waiting for any further intervention on the part either of France or England, at an early period, of restoring to the people of. Cracow, their free form of Constitutional Government, without any measures being adopted on the part of England, without any measures being adopted on the part of France for this purpose, and before popular feeling should be excited. That would be a course consistent with their own dignity, and would extinguish those seeds before maturity which might, if not extinguished, acquired a growth dangerous to the peace of Europe.— (Hear and cheers.) This question had been discussed in the temper in which such questions ought to be dis cussed, and he could not help thinking the complaints of the Noble Lord, of the manner in which it had bgen introduced by his Hon. Friend, were rather to be attri buted to the soreness of the Noble Lord, respecting his own former declarations, than to anything which had fallen from his Right Hon. Friend in introducing the subject.—(Cheers.) Mr. HUME hoped nothing like party feeling would be expressed on a subject of this importance. He thought, notwithstanding what had fallen from the Noble Lord, that the Chambers of France had done themselves honour by the part they had taken on this subject in pointing out the object to the policy of the three Powers, and he was pleased to see the decided manner in which they had raised their voice in the face of Europe against the commission of this injustice. Viewing the conduct of the three Powers since 1815, more particularly looking at the present state of Cracow, no British subject could entertain any respect for them. They had seemed to vie with each other in the violation of treaties respecting Poland, and their conduct was such as no public man could approve. He wished the Noble Lord would satisfy the British public as to what steps had been taken to remonstrate against the violation of the most sacred treaties. He wished the Noble Lord bad stated the nature of the protests he had made, or produced them—(Hear)—in order to show how far he had gone in support of that cause he was bound to support. He hoped the just appeals which had been made to the three Powers would be sufficient to bring them back to a sense of honour. But it yet remained to be stated what steps the Government had taken to secure the in dependence of Cracow. He believed that no Member of the British House of Commons had ex pressed his approval of their conduct—the expression of disapprobation had been unanimous, and the feeling of the people of England was equally strong with that of the people of France on this most important question. —( Hear, hear.) AN hen he saw the three Powers en• forcing certain portions of the Treaty of Vienna—re jecting other parts which were favourable to public i liberty, it was impossible not to regret that more ener getic measures had not been pursued at the time of th e Polish Revolution. It would be satisfactory to see the protest made by Lord Grey on that occasion.—(Hear, V. SUN, LONDoN, TUESDAY - , JULY 14, MO hear.) • Russia had violated the Treat 3 of Vienna on that occasion, and again in 1836 with regard to Cra cow. The public ought to be satisfied that the I3ritish Government had done all in its power to obtain justice for Cracow. It was their duty to support the ittde pendence of every State which was guaranteed by the Treaty of Vienna.--( Hear.) He deprecated war as much as any man, yet thought the Government ought to protest in the strongest manner against this violation of treaties ; but the fearful silence which had been' observed on this subject, and the refusal to produce the correspondence, gave occasion to leer that proper exertions had not been used in support of the weak and the oppressed.—( Hear, hear.) The residence of a British Consul at Ctacow was of the utmost im portance, and he regretted that no steps had been taken to prevent a violation of the most sacred treaties. Mr. COLQUHOUN thought that if a wise course of conduct had been pursued from the first with regard to this affair, we should not now have bt en placed in our present unpleasant situation. It Was humiliating to find that any circumstances should have occurred to prevent the Noble Lord front fulfilling his intention of sending a Consul to Cracow, which he had stated was most important for the dignity and interest of the country. The Noble Lord had ;aid that our commercial interests had not suffered in consequence of the nona residence of a Consul at Cracow, and that our trade with that place was not of importance. Now, be held in his hand a statement of the merchants and bankers of the city of London interested in that commerce, which stated that that trade which had been progressing for sixteen years, had, in consequence of the occupation of Cracow, been destroyed. Such was the representation of the merchants interested in the subject. The freedom of Cracow had been guaranteed by treaty, and now it was completel3 destroyed. Cracow was garrisoned by foreign troops, and a foreign police. Her Assembly was destroyed, and her President was a nullity. Lord ELIOT had wished some one had risen to support the views of the Noble Lord, whose speech had been so ably answered by the Right Hon. Baronet. The statement was so far satisfactory that it appeared the occupation would not be prolonged further than was necessary for the settlement of the internal affairs of Cracow, but it should be recollected that occupation had already lasted four years, ostensibly for that pur pose. It was desirable not only that the troops of the Powers should evacuate the territory of Cracow, but that the free force of Government should be restored, and that they should be rendered perfectly independent. Martin, in his description of the States of Europe, had ranked Cracow as one .of the Sovereign States, and as completely independent as Prussia itself. There fore its occupation was a most flagrant violation of the ti2llt., of nations, and, as ought to inanly protested against. The Noble Lord bad „t,, te d that cireutnitaht c, had prevented Lis appointinet4 Consul to Cr.lcow, and that had he done so, recourse would have been had to stratagem to prevent his resid ing at Cracow, and that the Senate would have been forced by the three Powers to refuse him his exequatur. He could not believe that such would have been the case ; and, had it been so, still he thought we were bound to send some diplomatic agent to Cracow. There were circumstances in which caution became pusilani wily, and he trusted the Government 'would never for get those liberties to which this country was a guaran tee. The Noble Lord should feel that it was his duty not to relax in his efforts to put an end to an occupa nation which should never have existed. Sir H. VERNEY was glad to find that the sense of the House had been unanimous on the subject then un der their consideration. He had never heard a speech in which either side of the House might so entirely con cur as that of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth. The speech had deprecated the state of thraldom in which Cracow was held by the protecting Powers, and on that subject ,all were agreed. The Noble Lord should therefore feel that in remonstrating with the Protecting Powers, he would be entirely borne out by the sense of the House. He trusted that the Noble Lord would go hand in hand in insisting that the rights of treaties should be respected. Sir memorial. fro A tn N the l CNN i n G inquired h a btan ts of %N C . h r e . thean a cow r to th d e d re ss and Govern ment of Great Britain, dated October, 1839, had been re ceived ? Lord PALMERSTON said that the address had been received some time ago. DR. BOWRING. Colonel SIBTHORP then rose to call the attention of the House to the returns of the sums paid by the Go vernment to Dr. Bowring for services stated to have been performed by him. The Hon. and Gallant Member pro ceeded to say that he did not wish to bring any charge against Dr. Bowring—his charge was against the Go vernment, for having employed that gentleman, and paid him various sums, and, above all, for having en wag n a h d g i c e h d fi tvhe h e i m g de an for ec. ....Bmh oat t awor h nrgr e i nagh s ag p egui ; e c ai sw e dnt siobtoi o niti f ehdhne at employed n o eao pv sl eoeyaryaencetamcdriusifnar Parliament accurate— That gH lu a d Bme u 3 o o r t etl l h i h t n n a h et t g do s r. foundt w h a a s t D hi r s . 1839, and during that tim e h e h a d received, ammaxo—rni items, the sum of 500/. for a report on our commercial relations with France, made while he was a Member of that House. There were various other reports, and among them was one on Egypt, whi c h h a d not yet been published.' Of this he (Col. Stbthorp) complained. As the public had paid for the expenses of Dr. Buvrring's mission they were entitled to any benefits which might be derivable from it. The entire sum paid to Dr. Bowring up to the present moment amounted to 11,0311. 17s. ; but what was most objectionable was the part of that sum paid while that gentleman was a Member of Parliament. In strict fairness he asked her Majesty's Government, who ought to be models of impartiality, was it right that during the short time he had mentioned, the Learned Gentleman being a Member of the House of Common!, should have received so much of the public money for his services to the Government, whilst there were many otl-er gentlemen not in Parliament, and of course not supporters of the Government in the House,who would have been happy to serve their country for a less sum? On the subject of those estimates lie agreed with the Hen, Member for Kil kenny, that it would be much better that they should be referred to a Select Committee in the early part of the Session, instead of being brought in at this late period, when so many Members had gone out of town. Ile hoped he would have the sepport of the Hon. Member and of Mr. Robert Gordon, who, before he took office, though perhaps not before he was looking for it, had expressed a similar opinion.—( Hear, hear. ) lie would not ob ject to the payment of the whole sum asked f•Jr under the name of the civil contingencies, but he would cer tainly vote against that portion which referred to the sums already paid to Dr. Bowring. The money had been paid, and Holdfast was a good dog.—( Laughter.) It was his intention at another time to move that no Member of that House should be employed by her Majesty's Govern ment on any foreign mission, or be paid salary in 'any oth:er way, unless he be a person holding office to which he had been appointed since his 'election to this House. He hoped the Noble Lord at the..head of the Foreign Department would explain how far the Reports for which the money had been paid had been acted upon ? and he hoped to be informed, before the House voted such a sum as 130,0001. for civil contingencies, whe ther any portion of that sum was to be appropriated to the payment of Dr. John Bowring for similar services in future? In the Committee he would, he repeated, vote against so much of the grant as was to be so applied. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that at the com mencement of the Hon. Gentleman's speech he said that he had been recommended by his friends on the opposite side of the House to make his objections in the Committee of Supply, .and the Hon. Member had shown that the advice was correct, by concluding his speech with an intimation that he would act upon it.--( Hear, hear.) It was there fore to be regretted that the Hon. Gentleman had taken up the time of the House before the occasion arrived when the whole subject would be gone fully into. As that op portunity w ,uld occur in the Committee, he ( Lord John Russell) would not occupy the House at present by going further into the subject. But he begged to remind Hon. Gentlemen, that as the Friday night, which was fixed for the Committee of Supply, bad been given up for another purpose, there should be no obstruction offered to go on with those portions of the estimates which were necessary for the public service.—( Hear, hear.) Afte; a few words froin Mr. FIERIES and Mr. GLAD sroNE, which, on account of the noise in the House, were not distinctly heard in the Gallery, the House went into Committee of Supply. NAVY ESTIMATES. Mr. M. O'FE RR AL L rose to move the remainder of the Navy Estimates. In the first item of 101,7481 , for wages, Szo., for 2,000 additional men, there was included a sum of 48,000/. for increased pay of officers, according to the recommendation of the Naval and Military Com mission, and 26,000/. for steam vessels. Captain PE CHE LL expressed his satisfaction that the recommendation of the Commissioners had been so far acted upon; but he regretted that nothing had been done for the officers on half-pay. He thought the present was a good opportunity for stating whether the opinions of the Admiralty were the same as those expressed by the naval officers in that House ? He wished to know, also, whe ther there was any increase in the amount of the num ber of boys? He was anxious, also, to know how the Secretary accounted for the number of mates ? He de manded an estimate for four hundred and sixty-nine mates, whereas with returns made in February the number was 387. He was glad there was this increase, but he wanted to know where that increase came from. He could not but think as there was a difference between the supple mentary estimate and the return, that there must be some error, and he was desirous of knowing whether or not that was the case. He also wished to know whether there was any provision for the half-pay to the Secretaries of the Commander in Chief and the Admirals. Sir G. CLERK was not desirous of offering any oppo sition to the addition of the Navy Estimates, but he wished to know whether any application had been made to the Queen in Council, stating that more men were necessary. Mr. MORE O'FERR4LL understaod that such an application had been made, but he could not speak posi tively upon that point as he had but just returned to town. After a few words from Mr. MORE O'FERRALL and Sir G. CLERK, the vote was withdrawn. 'Sir R. PEEL then proposed 29,9531. be granted to her Majesty for defraying the expenses of the British Museum up to Lady-day 1841. Mr. HAWES €id not object to the grant, although large, but he thought the public were entitled to th ut most benefit for the grant. The holidays at the Museum should not be on those days of public thanksgiving, wh e❑ the public were most abroad. For instance, on the days of her Majesty's marriage and the coronation, the Museum was shut—days, in his opinion, on wh'ch, above all other days, it ought to have been open. Complaints had also been made (Attie King's Library being closed fora twelve month. He understoed the excuse for that was that the public created too much dust, but lie did not think such an excuse was very swis. factory. Then, as to the subject of casts. Casts im porte i from Peris could he purchased at a cheap ,, r nee than they could be bought at the Britiih Museum, and he thought some Alteration ought tp be made in that respect. He also thought that the attendance of the two sentinels at the doors of the Museum might be dispensed eith, and thus an extin expense, although perhaps small, be avoided. Mr. .Hallarri, one of the trustees of tee Mu.eum, in his Constitutional History. stated that nothing could be more un- English than the presence of sentinels at the doors of the Museum, and he e Mr. Hawes) thought it was a very idle and silly display of military authority. Sir R. PE EL could state that the Tr ustees had only one object i n s l ew, to give the greatest accommodation to the publi c , consistent with the preserva•ion of the valu able pr o p erty entrusted to their charge. As to the holi days. The w h o l e of the holidays of the Officers of the British M useum were six days in .1 inuary, six days in May, six d a y s in S eptem b er, Ash Wednesday, Good F. i• day, Christmas Day, and also any special fast or thanks giving. da y_amounting to very f ew m ore th en t wen ty days in the whole year. Then as to the casts. They ought not to undertake to give away the public money by charging too small a sum for casts. They owed a great obligation to the Treasury, and the public could not expect them to sell the casts for less than they were worth With respect to the sentinels he would take care to remind Mr. Hallam of that pessr.ge in his constitutional history. but he had not seen that gentleman shudder at :heir pre sence on entering the Museum —(A laugh.) There could not be much expens e attending the placing a few sentinels upon an establishment of that kind. However, he would make inquiry into that, as well as into any other subject to which his attention might be called. With respect to the Kings's library it was necessary to complete accurate cata logues of the library, and it was impossible to proceed with the formation of that catalogue without in Solle degree trespassing on the time of the public ; and as to the dust, it really was necessary to adopt some precaution, and glass cases at a considerable expense had been provided for that purpose, to protect the more valuable works. Mr. HUME expressed his obligation to the Right Hon. Baronet for attending to the suggestions he had made on a former occasions. But it was necessary the institution should be made as useful as possible. The con stitution of the Trustees was by no means satisfactory to many individuals. He agreed with the Hon. Member for Lambeth that the Museum was shut on these particular days on which it ought to be open—namely, public holi days. The desire of information and amusement was gaining ground all over the country. It was true that there were only twenty-eight days in the year kept by the officers of the British Museum as holidays; but then it sheuld be borne in mind, that ;he Institution was only open to the public three days in the week. He sug gested that the Museum should be open to the public every day in the week instead of three days, as at present. It was well known that many persons had not a second day to spend i n L en der, and they were llie, bed csequewTy v , ry much disappointed. He wished to whether to know from the Rig'nt Hon. Baronet the Mcmber fur j nom that the sala:y of the Secretary, Sir Henry E been raised from 5001. to 8001. a-year, lie had given up his situation as Secretary to the Antiquarian Society, and devoted his whole time to the business of the Museum. Sir It. PEEL said the British Museum was actually open five days in the week—three to the public, and t‘ No to distinguished foreigners and men of science. It V% a s his impression that the whole of Sir Henry Ellis's time was at present devoted to the British Museum ; but he should make inquiries on the subject. The vote was then agreed to. Mr. M A CAUL A Y said the next vote was one for carry ing into effect the Naval and Military Commission, rnd he need hardly say that the Commission contained the names of some of the most distinguished men in the ser vice, including the Duke of Wellington, the Master of the Ordnanc.., and Sir J. Graham. Under these circumstances nothing in his mind could justify her Majesty's Govern ment in refusing their assent to the recommendations of that Commission. The whole sum required to meet the suggestion of the Commission for the improvement and the encouragement of the army would only amount to about 30,0001. per annum, and in the course of a few years that sum would be reduced to about 15,000/. The charge for the three quarters of the present year would amount to 22,0001., and a greaqart of that sum;would be applied to an increase of the allowance to old and meritorious officers, and part to the payment of fees on obtaining commissions, a system which had been found extremely inconvenient in particular cases, and a part to the increase of the pay of adjutants. After a few words from Sir A. DALRYMPLE, Mr. HUME said that no information had been given to the the in H o o n u e s y e wasastotto be hespaepcipfilciend. He atureof th t o h u e g o h b t h j t ec e t y s t o o ug w i h a it t l o i have the why and the wherefore. Mr. MACAULAY said a sum of 15,0001. would be applied to an increase of the retired full pay of old ani meritorious officers. A sum of 2,000/. would be applied as additions to the half -ply-1,5001. full payment of fees, and the addition to the pay of adjutants would be about 5,9001 The remainder, in strict coaflomity with the recommendations of the Committee, could be applied to the increase of the pay of medical officers. The vote of 22,0001. to carry into effect the recommen dations of the Nasal and Military Committee was then agreed to. t with which his Hon. F r i en d h a d state d his object he must j attribute it to that dexteriTin debate on the part of the Noble Lord, and it was impossible net to admire the man ner in which he had passed by the ‘shole gist of the ques tion and entered into a discussion of the merits of Dr. Bowring, which no one, except perhaps his Hon. Friend, had denied. Colonel SIB THO IZP—I do not deny Dr. Bowrin:es merits. Mr. GOUL BURN sail that those merits had been de nied by no one. The case was this. The Government hal in the coo; se of nine ycara paid a gentleman 11,0001. for servie s rendered to the country. He was not now going to discuss the nature of those services or the merits .1 Dr. Buwring's reports; but duriog the term Dr. Bow ring had been a representatve in Parliament, sitting in the House of Commons, he had been employed by Government as he had been before and since. He had been receiving a pecuniary allowance daring the time he had been sitting in Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) The Act of Anne hai provided that any person accepting - an office created since the passing of that Act, and to which a salary was attached, should be incapacitated from sitting in thAt House, and that a person accepting an office in being at that time, sh ou ld vacate hi s seat . Th e N o bl e L or d h a d I argued as if a gentleman holding the same opinions after the acceptance of office as he did before it, ought not to be called upon to vacate his scat. But that had nothing to do with the question, and it was impossible for any person to receive a salary fr m the Government for any office, and. nt the same time not to vacate his seat -in Parliament, without a violation of the laws.—(Loud cheers.) But the danger was increased tenfold when that person was paid from a fund of which Parliament had no knowledge. He had received his salary from a special Fund, and not a fixed salary, but one varying from one day to anoth-r, according as the Treasury doled it out. It was perfectly competent for the Treasury so to regulate the payment as to make the salary greater or less at the will of the Government. He was not imputing any thing to the Government, or anything to Dr. Bowring, but he was standing up for a great principle. If this were per mitted to pass without notice, it would be perfectly com petent for an unprincipled Government, bargaining with an unprincipled person, so to regulate their payments, as that ht. should receive 1001. a day if he acted in a certain manner, and 5001 a-day if he did not. It was opening a door to a most extensive corruption. In 1837, during the discus sion of the Ordnance Es'imates, he had taken the liberty of adverting shortly to the report of Dr. Bowring on Swit zerland, and he had said, that if Dr. Bowring was re ' ceiving payment for that report, it was not a subject that ought to be lightly passed over. On that occasion, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer had made this assertion, and there could be no doubt that be had done so, because all the various reports of the proceedings of that House agreed in the reply ; the Chancellor of the Exchequer on that occasion had said, that with respect to the question of renfhneration, lie could affirm that no sum whatever had been received by the Honourable Member fel that Report, nor ,would any sum be received by him. Fir reccirsd a distinct A.S2 IP Ile,: from Mr. .1.5orill:.; Rice wLe erns then Ch,neciler of the-l':xebkAucr, tL,t, not bad the Report been prepared without any of par ';nent to Dr. Bowring, but, in fact, no payment should be made.—( Hear, hear.) It appeared, however, that im mediately upon the dissolution of Parliament Dr. Bowring was paid upwards of 6001. for that very Report, but the system of concealment was still kept up._( Hear, hear.) A was set down as having been paid to Dr. Al•Grigor and Dr. Bowring, but the fact was not set down that Dr. Bowring received 3761. out of that sum for the Report in question. Lookinr , upon the transaction from the begin ning, lie considered it a blot upon Parliament, and he should not hesitate to give his vote for the motion of his Hon. Friend. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke last had con demned the payment to Dr. I3owring on two grounds— first, that it was unconstitutional to employ a Member of that House upon such services with a salary; and second, that the remuneration had been paid in a secret manner. With respect . to the first objection he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought that if it could be shown that the Government had employed a Member of that House for the purpose of influencing his vote, it would be impro per and unconstitutional. But he did not think that it had ever been laid down that a Member of that House was never to be paid for any service whatever. — He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) thought he could show that payments had been made to other Members of that House in cases much stronger than that of Dr. B. The Chair man of the Commission of Excise Inquiry (who was still a Member of that lIouse) had been paid for the duties of that office whilst he continued to hold his seat in the House.—.(Hear.) The same had been the case with Mr. Blackburne. He might be told that these salaries had been paid out of funds of which Parliament had no knowledge. But the fact was, that they were paid out of the Special Service Fund.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Fiankland Lewis was paid as the Chairman of the Educa tion Commission in Ireland, at the same time that he con tinued to hold his seat in that House.—( Cheers.) His Right Hon. Friend, the Member for Oxford University (Sir H. Inglis) at this moment received a salary as Chairs man of a Commission to which he was appointed, whilst he held a seat in Parliament.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) When there was an attempt made to give an unfair ap pearance to this case, he asked Gentlemen to look to what was the first employment of Dr. Bowring.—( Hear, hear.) Let them see who first employed him.—(Hear, hear.) He was first employed before the present Go vernment came into office—( Hear, hear)—and in porn anon of the recommendation of a Committee of that House. That was upon the inquiry respecting the Excise. He was subsequently employed in an inquiry respecting the state of manufactures in France, and upon other .inves tigations of the same nature. Was it necessary. then that the present Government should deprive him of that employment, because he was a Member of Par liament, although he possessed all the requisite informs. tion and experience ?—( Hear, hear.) He would ask any man could it be supposed that their continuing to employ him was intended to influence Isis vote ?—( Hear.) With respect to the manner iu which he had been paid, there was nothing of secrecy attempted, at the same time that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) admitted that it wouli have been better if he bad been paid out of the Civil Con tingencies, than out of the Special Service Fund.--( Hear, hear.) There could be no doubt that Dr. Bowring had received payment for his services, but it had been discussed in that House open'v, and no concealment had taken place. Mr. DISRAELI thought the cases which had been ad verted to by the Right Hun. Gentleman were not at all in point viith the present case. He was always averse to al luding to individuals in their absence, but he could not agree with the statements of the Noble Lord with respect to Dr. Bowring. He thought that the payments that had been made to Dr. Bowring could not be defended, and as to the Learned Gentleman's reports, many parts of them had been furnished by her Majesty's Consuls, and others were compilations from German authors. The Government had endeavoured to cover, not only Europe, but Asia and Africa with statistical mission. aries. They had supported a political supporter at home, and a political interest abroad—that supporter at home being perhaps an inconvenient one ; and the views he sup ported abroad being in all possibility not altogether palat able to the Cabinet. Let the House see the inconvenience that must anise from the employment of—(he did not use the phrase offensively)—political incendiaries.—( A "'laugh.) Foreign States must suppose that English Di plomatists were not capable of managing the business, or that it was too insignificant for them to attend to. He should support the motion of his Hon. and Gallant Friend. Mr. L A BOUC HERE, considering that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had come down to the House, as he stated, to argue this question as a Constitu tional question, and not to make a personal attack on Dr. Bowring, it was very extraordinary that the Hon. Gen.. tleman should have found so many documents in his pocket to support that laboured attack he had made on Dr. Bowring.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) If it had been merely argued as a constitutional question, he should have been content to have left it upon the speeches of his Noble Friend the Foreign Secretary, and his Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. But he must say he had never heard any person before express a low opinion of the labours of Dr. Bowring. They were not held in low estimation by the commercial world, but it was believed a great deal of valuable information had been communicated to the House and the country, and that most useful results had followed the various employments that gentleman had undertaken.—(Cheers.) The Report on the German League contained a great mass of valu able information.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member had said it was casting a reflection on our Diploma tists abroad to send out agents for the purpose for which Dr. Bowring had been employed; but he could state to the House that America had been sending to a Court where she had a diplomatic agent, a gentleman on a special mission connected with commercial objects, be cause she supposed it was important for her to obtain information. He thought that by neglecting the oppor tunities of availing themselves of these services and that information, would be very bad economy ; and he was of opinion that the expenses of the mission in question by no means exceeded the importance of the objects that had been obtained. Mr. HUME said the introduction of Dr. Bowring's name originated in an application of the Finance Com mittee, of which he (Mr. Hume) was a member, to Mr. Harris, to consult with the Commissioners of Excise as to the most eligible person to be employed. Ho thought Dr. Bowring had been most miserably rewarded—why, three guineas a day—( Laughter and cheers from the Op. position benches.) He believed the gi eat offence of Dr. Bow ring was the giving a faithful report of the various subjects in which he was engaged. With regard to the constitutional question of the employment of Dr. Bowring, he (Mr. flume) was the person who some years ago ob jected to the t mploymtnt of Members of that House, but he had been satisfactorily answered thnt these were special missions, and were not permanent situations cen ferred by the Government. The Hon. and Gallant Mem ber who brought forward the question, had very properly not objected to the fitness of Dr. 13owring for the mission he was employed upon, and he trusted the motion would not be persevered in. Mr. C. HAMILTON would vote for the giant to Dr. Bowring on the conviction that he was fully entitled to the compensation claimed. Sir R. PE EL would remind the House that when the question was before the House on a former occasion, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated that it was not his intention to issue any money to Dr. Bowring, and therefore be could not now consistently vote against his own declaration.—( Hear, and cheers.) He thought his Hon. Friend the Member for Maidstone had been hardly dealt with, in being charged with making a personal attack, when he had merely questioned the utility and value of Dr, Bowrin b ws Reports. There might be cases in which it would be necessary to send a party to obtain information on commercial matters, but, in his opinion, it was an ex ceedingly bad one, inasmuch as it must inevitably had the regular diplomatic agents to neglect that most important part of their duty ; and he did not think it would be re quiring too much of them, in a time of pi ofound peace, to obtain all the requisite information on commercial matters. The Hon. Gentleman had stated that what particularly moved: his indignation was, the deficiency of payment. R,e411,7 these things hawed the House of Commons— (Cheers)—and when the Hon. Gentleman stated that his chic' objection was that the payment was only thr, guineas a-day, and two shillings a mile in addition t) an other payment, he must say that if that appointment wea made in other times, the Hon. Gentleman's indigo sti In would not have been on account of the deficiency of t salary; and if he (Sir Robert Peel) had employed any Member of Parliament during the recess on special service, and bad paid him in the same wanner as Dr. Bowring had been paid, he believed the Hon. Gentleman would have decidedly objected to it on the score of constitutional pre cedent. The words of the Act of Anne were clear that any person being a Member of Parliament accepting an office of profit under the Crown, his scat in Parliament should be void. Dr. Bowring had accepted an office of profit under the Crown, being a Member of Parliament, and he could not see how he could be exempted from the operation of that clause.—( Cheers.) With respect to the appointment of Carnatic Commissions that had been made under an Act of Parliament. Besides, he doubted that that was an apppointment under the Crown, and appointments under the East India Company did not vacate a seat in that House. With respect to Mr. Frank -1 Ind Lewis, he had been appointed under a special Act of Parliament. That House had addressed the Crown to appoint a Commissioner, and Mr. Frankland Lewis had been appointed one of the Commissioners. Besides, he had been paid by a specific vote of Parliament, which was not the ease in this instance. He was not now calling in qtrestion Dr. Bowring'a votes—he was speaking of ten dencies. God forbid that lie should question the honour of Dr. Bowring's motives.—(Cheers.) But he would suppose that he (Sir Robert Peel) had found a person conversant with accounts abroad, and had continued that person in his employment after he had been returned to Parlisment, employed him during the recess on special missions; if he might appoint one, there was no reason why he might not appoint half a dozen, and in such a ease would it be sufficient for him to say that they ware per fectly competent for the situation to which they were ap. pointed ? Would he not have been told by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, supposing tho situation to have been reversed; that such appointments were calculated to exercise an im proper influence over islembers,of Parliament, that it would be impossible to kn ow w h ere a limit was to be placed, and if he should have had the misfortune, through inattention or want of information, to have stated that no payment would take place, end three years afterwards it should have been discovered that a payment had taken place, what would have been the construction placed upon his conduct ?—(Cheers.) lie could wish Hon. Gentlemen opposite no greater punishment than to have heard the speeches which they would have then heard, beginning with the Secretary of the Treasury, and ending with the Hon. Gentleman. He was sorry to visit the conse quences of this upon Dr. Bowrir b r—the fault lay with the Government who employed him, but he knew of no better way o f expressing the sense of the House on the conduct of the Government than by a diminution of the vote. Mr. HUME said that the Right Hon. Baronet should have ohjecter! to this three yetis? ego, when ht, (Mr. floow) had hr,,tight the subject before Parliament. When Dr. Do,cring Iths a M,..:;!her of that. House, th o rhos. B,u - ot“.t list ut , t none eo thou, hut no N Wheil lie had ceaged to be a Member for three years, he joined in a per sonal attack upon him. It was conduct such us this that was degrading to the House of Corronons—(Checrs)— and it showed how a great Alan might become a little one by indulging in personal - attacks. The Right Hon. Gentleman says, I don't attack Dr. Bow ring, but I will attack her 'Majesty's Government. Th e Right Hon. Gentleman would final if he (Mr. Hume) had a place on the other side of the floose—', Hear, hear)-- that he would act as he now did. Did he not three years ago bring forward this subject in opposition to the interests of his "p: rsonal ally ?" He thoughl the conduct pursued by Government opposite was that wlrich was calculated to degrade the House of Corn eons.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. G 0 ULBURN explained. Lord JO HN RUSSELL could not refrain making an observation on the reference. made to the statement of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Monteagle. His Nable Friend had stated that Dr. Bowring was not to re ceive remuneration, but it was possible that afterwards he might have found that it was but just that he should act con sistently with that determination. He ( Lord J Russell) had been placed in a similar situation with respect to Mr. I3lackburne, the head of the Corporation Commission. He had some scruple to remunerate that Gentleman, he being a Member of Parliament ; but a strong representa tion being made to him by the other members of the Commission, he had brought the matter before Parliament, and the money was voted. With regard to the whole question, his opinion was there might be special occasions in which this remuneration might be permitted. If it were done to secure the vote of some Menber of Parliament it would be, he agreed, most objectionable, as also, if five or six Members, as mentioned by the Right Hon. Baronet were so employed, during the recess. It was his general opinion that no person receiving public money should sit in Parliament, but he thought the case of Dr. Bowring formed an harmless exception to it. Mr. VILLIE RS asked if the Right Hon. .Baronet could guarantee that diplomatic situations under his own or other Governments would be filled by proper persons ? He thought these commercial agents necessary evils; the ordinary diplomatic agents did not possess sufficient infor mation, or if they did, it was disputed in that House, and it was necessary they should have authentic information. He was ready to admit that it was inexpedient such agents should be Members of that House, but seeing this Gen tleman bad been so employed that no corruption was imputed to him, and that so long a time had elapsed, he did not see how they could fairly withhold payment. lie thought if this Gentleman had made a somewhat different Report, and had been a less distinguished person, he would not 'lave beer, made the object of attack. lie rested his support of the motion upon the great ser vices performed by Dr. Bo wring. and the necessity there was for them —( Hear, hear.) The gallery was then cleared for a division, when the numbers were— For the amendment Against it Majority against the amendment —32 On our re-admission into the gallery, there were loud cries for the Chairman to report progress. Mr. HUME persiited, notwithstanding the interruption, to ask whether it was intended to abolish in future those expenses of commissions which formed part of the vote, and which the Military and Naval Commissioners had re commended to be abolished ? Lord J. RUSSELL'Sanswer was wholly inaudible. Colonel SIBTHORP moved the Chairman should re port progress. The CHANCELLOR of the HXCHEQUER expos tulated, that after so much time had been occupied with a single motion, the Hon. Gentleman should not object to the vote for the Civil Contingencies being proceeded with. After a few words from Mr. Goulburn, Mr. Hawes, and Col. Sibthorp, the vote of 75,000/. for the Civil Contin gencies was rgreed to, and the House 1 , . sumed. The House then went into Committee upon the Prisons (Ireland) Bill. Colonel PERCIVAL objected to the Committee pro ceeding with the Bill at that late hour, and moved that the Chairman report progress. Lord MO RPETH said that if the Hon. and Gallant Member persisted, he should take the sense of the House. Colonel PERCIVAL said that he objected to the sys tem of deferring important measures of this nature to so late a period of the Session, and bringing them on when a large number of Irish Members were necessarily absent at the Assizes. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the Committee divided. The numbers were— For reporting progress lB Against it 29 Majority The Bill then went through Committee, and the House resumed. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarier to Two o'Clock. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S—YESTERDAY. The closing prices were as follow : LIVERPOOL cur. 5 to I agst Broadµ•ath—taken 5 to I agst Sleight of Hand 20 to 1 agst Huckster GOODWOOD STAKES. 8 to I agst Clarion—taken 18 to 1 agst liroathsath—taken 20 to 1 agst Forlorn Hope—taken and afterwards offs red Goonwoon cur. 5 to 1 agst Lanereost--taken 9 to 1 agst Charles the Twelfth—taken 9 to 1 agat Romulus—taken 9 to 1 agst Deception—taken 20 to 1 agat Harkaway—taken ST. LEGER. 3 to 1 agst Crucifix 9 to 2 agst Launcelot—taken 12 to 1 agst 13roadwath 3:3 to 1 agst Theon 500 even between Gibraltar and Drayton THE MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The h'ghcs' • rice of Rtex,i the Met avil:s u lCd, fJr th e 41b Lt af. GJod Bread may be had at S!. ORDNANCE ESTIMATES, Sir H. VIVI AN then rose to move the Supplementary Estimates for the Ordnance, on which very little explana tion would be necessary. The Hon. and Gallant Gentle man after having stated a few cf the items, moved that a sum of 4,7811. should be granted towards the improvement of the defences of Gibraltar, and the erection of barrack walls in Great Britain. The vote was agreed to. The sum of 4301. was veted for the formation of libra ries in Regimental Schools. The sum of 3,147/. was voted towards defraying the addi tional expenses consequent on the formation of the Naval and Military Commission. CIVIL CONTINGENCIES. On the vote being put for the grant of 70,0001 for Civil Contingencies, Colonel SIBTHORP objected to the payment of 1 3,579!. to Dr. Bowring for ssrviccs rendered while he was a Member of the House. lie would ask why the Report on Egypt still remained unpublished. They should know what they had before they paid for it. lie would move that the sum above-mentioned should be deducted from the grant. Lord PALMERSTON said that the Hon. and Gallsnt Member objected to the grant to Dr. Bow ring, on the principle that such a practice might lead to the exercise of undue influence over Members of Parlia ment. The principle, as a general one, was per fectly fair, but there was nothing in the r.ppoint ment of Dr. Bowring which could be objected to on that principle. In the first place, the appoint ment of that Gentleman did not in any way alter his conduct in the House.—( Oh, oh ! from the Opposition benches. ) He (Lord Palmerston) believed it was well known that there were questions at the time in which Dr. Bowring divided against the Government.—( Hear, hear.) The Government had been desirous of obtaining informa tion on statistical and commercial matters with respect to foreign countries, and they had found Dr. Bowring pecu liarly qualified for obtaining it. He was so qualified, not only by his general talents and various attainments, but by his having peculiarly directed his attentio n to those subjects on which information was required by the Government ; and he was sure, if they were to send any one to obtain information on subjects with which he was not well acquainted, he would be unable to discharge the trust confided to him. Dr. Bowring was known to be peculiarly versed in foreign languages, and was in every respect as fit a person as could be chosen for the employ_ ment which he filled. It was also to be remembered that his engagements were limited to the recesses of Parlia ment, so that they could not draw his attention from his duties in the House; and he (Lord Palmerston) contended that there was nothing in those engagements which was open to objection. It was said by some that the reports of Dr. Bowring were of little benefit. to the country, but he (Lord Palmerston) was persuaded that much good necessarily followed from communica'ing to the public that vast mass of information which the re ports contained.—( Hear, hear.) However slightingly Hon. Gentlemen opposite might speak of them, he was 'sure they would be admitted by those who were conver cohmad- insaenitcwelotfh the ee country.subjet, to be of th egrwehatoles,erDvirc.e Bowringtothe performed his duty with great diligence and zeal. With, regard to the charge of striking out parts of the reports, bb h eaeedns been ()o come l d obse rve i n t h T a t, Dr.h The report the roev rpro irnt go,isl h report Ea on ngd3sp:lf'orarunsdsi the as,y purpose nothing uiar p io,as had a m t r h t e e r o c r i of his superintending the printing of it. He cLord Pal merston) had certainly looked over that report, and had struck out one or two passages of a political tendency, hhterflon. Friend would c ommercial matters. informationat l i , m e a i t z t i e g matters, been nothing nothing improper - in and which which I r a o d ul n d o relation no t affect i n whateverthe e to l e c a o st m p _ e t i o o n ( nv.e Hear.)y G ed e n by tl e Gentleman's thata Withn, s respectr iil e na p lq, o eu r regardingitrnyeiihsistsai inecessarily zliy,g) t grounds sufficient to to the amount of dinaesurred in the great who considered the said that no, statement had been answertsrhea satisfy aufsyneel the hac ettii butooHnn House ee trusted ptthhrao. tupgt there etwer Bowring; n a hag d ta d;n s ohtaaent one expenses lur re qbueirmedusftor the production of these reports, would consider that he had received more than an adequate re- muneration.—( Cheers') Colonel SIBTHORP made of the time that Dr. Bowring had been absent on these occasions; and he would auk how it was that large one spot, agents i pl sums were paid to Amb assadors and Consuls in diff erent remain i t countries, if it was necessary tho scud o ut some one else to said an o art, as collect the information which t ey ought to f urn i s h, were obliged to constantly PALMERSTON m , h pot, it was o b vious they could not be employed in tr ave lli ng round the country to collect the information required.—( H ear , bear.) If they were to send an Amb assador or C onsu l to travel over Europe or Africa, t h ose duties for the more especial performa nce of whi ch he was appointedng any b u t w ithout meaning must be neglected ;disparage ment to the ability and ac q uirement s of our dipl oma ti c agents, he would state that i t would be difficult a mong t h at body to find any individua l who was so admirably qualified by his previous studies and the peculiar cast of his mind for this task as Dr. Bowring.—( Cheers.) Colonel SIBTHORP said that Consuls frequently framed this very species of information, for he saw a grant to Mr. Henry Sullivan for informatio n of a commercial nature. Lord PALMERSTON said he was happy to say that our Consular agents did very frequently furnish Govern ment with most valuable information of a commercial na. ture connected with a different spot in which 'they were located, but when it was necessary to travel over a whole country to collect information they were obliged to employ a gentlem - 11 specially for that purpose. Mr. GOU LB URN said be had listened to his Noble Friend with great attention, and he knew not whether to attribute his s peech to hit great dexterity in debate or to i his having t o t ply n o,undevstood what had fallen from his I Bon. Friend, although when he recollected th e clearness PRICE 3 OF SEEDS. Per Quarter. Per Ca t N w Engish R, Clove - ...5t1s Fes i St. Fein .... .....,—a ses 10s Old . it.... DR o —s 3 ti Rye G ass . —3 Els 50s New Foreign DI to s 5 !s 75s Paccy Grass S --S --..s 011 1)i to Di to —s —c s'l.,;useed, for fe di g ~.-3 4Fs 51 8 rcw White Clover 40s 51s CssDit o f -for 50wing.......-3 10 70 s Old Di t . Ditto —s —s slDltto, for crushi g ....—s 42s 40s N 4 w Trc oil .... —s lfis 30s II m -s I.los 42 3 Old lAtto 'Jr' folium s 30s 3t'el Per B..shel. Er glish Carraway ...... —s 50s 51s'White Mustard ....I4s Od to 10s Or . Foreign Litt° —s 48s sls'Brown Ditto Iss Od to 20 8 , d Coriander s lOs 14's Tares 656d tc is Gd FACE .4F OIL. Rope Oil, brown, ler ton ...... _ Dit o, refined Linseed Oil Lint cd Oil Cake at the Mill Rape • ake, per too COAL 141 Shi, s arrived s nee L a. d Adair's Buddle's West Hartley l9 6 ILly wed Ma h l9 (4 Ord's Redhugh Russell's High Main Smith's Fontop l7 6 West Hartley '2l 0 Walls E d I,ewic,e aud C,, 21 6 Walls End Brown's' lB 9 Walls End Clennell Walls end Heaton .. 2! 0 walls End Hilda .............. 20 9 W. E. Braddyll's liettcni ... f. 2 0 Walls End Haswell .......... .22 t Walls End Iletton .2 . 9 Walls End Iledley ...... ~... 21 1 Walls End Lambton ......... 22 9 £36 10 ••• O. 3B_a at 10 (per 1000) l3 10 MARKET. 0 last n.arket-day, 104. el. Walls End Luml ey 2O 6 W. E. North Hetton Lyons 21 3 Walls End Pemberton Walls End Stewart's iWalls E d Whitwel Walls End Hartlepool 122 0 Walls End Kelloe 22 W..11s End Adchide Wall, End Evenwood l9 6 W .11s End Gordon 2O 3 Walls End:South Durham 2l 0 Brampton Main Blythe' l6 9 Hartley 2O 0 Silkstone Clans lB A Victoria Main Walls End Devonshire l9 0 ELOPEMENT.-011Monday morning last, the inhabitants of Ludlow were thrown into a state of sui prise by the announcement that the daughter of a yeoman, resident in the neighbourhood of the town, had eloped with a jolly young Irishman well known on the turf; this gay lovemonger was an entire stranger in this part of the country, and had not been in the company of the lady many times before he struck the bar gain with her for elopement. In the evening of Sunday last the Irishman went in a chaise about a mile out of the town, and, on the wings of love, the fair one sprang, almost as quic& as lightning, into the vehicle containing her new and fond lover. —Het eford Times. EVENING ED I TION. THE REFORM BILL-HINTS TO OVERSEERS ANTILEHORS. July 20. —Last day for sending in claim for voting in counties. July 31 . —Overseers to make out lists of oounty and borough electors. August 2 and 9.---(Two first Sundays) borough and county lists to be effixed to church doors. August 25.—Last day for servinr , objections oa eke tors in counties, or their tenants, and for service on over seers of objections to borough electors: also the last day to claim as borough electors. _ Aug. 29 —ovCrseers to send lista of county electors, and Lumber of objections, to the High Constable of their hundred. Aug. 31.—A1l taxes and rates payable to March 1 must be paid on or before this day, by persons olaiming t o be enrolled as burgesses under the New Corporation Act. Sept. 15.—(Two Sundays preceding this date) lists df objections to county voters, and also claims and objections respecting borough lists, to bo affixed to church door. CIVIL LIST PENSIONS. A LIST of all PENSIONS granted between the 20th day of June 1839, and the 20th day of June 1840, and charged upon the Civil. LIST (pursuant to the Act of Ist Viet. c. 2). November 20, 1839.—Sir John Newport, Bart., 1,0001. In consideration of the zealous and efficient servieu rendered by him to the public during a period of ready half a century, within which time he filled the offices of Chancellor of the Exchequer of Ireland, and Comptroller- General of the Exchequer of the United Kingdom. The latter office he resigned, in consequence of his great age and infirmities. December 31.—Hannah, Caroline, and William Ald ridge, 251. The widow and children of William Aldridge, a meri torious police officer, who was murdered at Deptfeed, whilst in the execution of his duty. April 23, 1840.—Mary Lander, 75/. In consideration of the science, zeal, and courage dis played by her husband, the late John Larder, in a hseard ous expedition into the interior of Africa'for the extension of knowledge, in which expedition his lire fell a sactiltc,a to his exertions. April 23.—James Browns, L. L.D., 1001. Member of the Faculty of Advocates at Edinburgh ; iia consideration of his literary attainments. R. GORDON. Whitehall, Treasury Chambers, July 4, 1840. NUN-INTRUSION HUMBUG. (From the Scotsman.) The state of public feeling in Scotland OR the ques tion of Non-Intrusion seems to be very little understood south of tl-e T7ro of the ablest London Jott!- rid!, the ,ili,,orty C./iroit'ele. and (i/d.c ate apparently quit^ at sea mm the sit , jest, cud ~ t sz.un:c that in the telcie of on-Intrusion, the sympathies of the great majority of the people are enlisted The noisy agitations of the high fling party, and the fact of their possessing a majority in the General Assembly, may have given a semblance of popularity to their proceedings ; but no one acquainted with enlightened public opinion in Scot land, will deny that the exiduet of these men is gene rally repudiated and condemned. It is.to be observed, that the publiC - opposition they have encountered affords no criterion of the disgust with which their conduct is regarded, as sensilile men of all parties arc satisfied that they are only knocking their own heads against the wail, and conceive that the law, as it at present exists, is sudi6iently strong t:3 resist their monstrous preten sions. In every ease, however, h Which the public mind hes been fairly tested, the result has been un favourable to the Non-Intrusionists. On Monday, the Marquis o! llreadalhane, in pre senting several petitions in favour of Non-Intrusion, took occasion to state that the number of signatures attached to Non-Intrusion petitions was 166,7a4, while those on the other side amounted only to 4,161. Lori Aberdeen showed how fallacious in this in instance was the enumeration of signatures as a test of public opinion. " The petitions," said his Lordship, "to which the Noble Marquis had referred, afforded a signal example of the perfection to which the manufacture of petitions had been brought. He could give their Lordships some account of one of them, which had been most nume rously signed—he meant the Edinburgh petition.— (Hear, hear.) Among the improvements in the art of petitioning, one of the most novel, and at the same time the most efll:ctual, was the employing ladies to carry about petitions to solicit signatures. Of course, the younger and handsomer those ladies were the better. —(A laugh.) He had seen a letter from a gentleman, who stated that this petition had been brought to his house by two ladies, who had asked if he or his wife were at home, and being informed the.y were not, the ladies sent the petition up into the nursery, with a message desiring all in the house belonging to the Established Church to sign ft. One servant and two children kad signed it, without knowing any thing further of it than they had learned from tht; mas sage. The eldest of these children was twelve years of age, and the other ten. He was far from wishing to undervalue the petitions of the people ; but he thought the unsophisticated article was much better than the manufactured one.—(Loud cheers, and laughter.) In this statement there is not, we believe, one word of exaggeration. At the time the petition .to which the Noble Lord refers was in course of signaturt., we heard numerous complaints of the annoyace to whi c h families were exposed by these Non-IntruVon intruders. With fishit iththetzicaalocuasmhe in theawkersof net. the Children, se petitions, everything w vants, all who could scratch their names, or procure others to do it for them, were alike acceptable, and the array of signatures thus collected is set forth as indica tive of the state of public opinion in Scotland! On Tuesday, the Marquis of Breadalbane presented a petition from a Committee of the General Assembly, praying to be heard by Counsel at the bar of the House of Lords against Lord Aberdeen' s Bill. L er d Aberdeen su pp orte d the prayer of the petition. "He could not," he said, " desire a better recommendation of the Bill than that these parties shoald be heard, for he felt convinced that they could not allege anything which would not tell against their own pretensions." In this opinion Lord Brougham concurred. SYRIA. BEY ROUT, JUNE 12.—The news from Syria is of the greatest interest. A great part of Syria, tbc dis tricts of Lebanon, Haouran, Naplouse, Kabul, Gebel el Sheihks, are in a state of complete insurrection. For nearly a month Government had been attempting to disarm the peaSantry ; but the Shieliks replied to the Emir-13csher, that it was impOssibte to execute his orders. Ibrahim was h'ghly incensed with this reply, and ordered their disarming forthwith. . The peasants, aware that the object was, to disarm them, in order to enroll them afterwards in the na tional guard, swore to resist to the last, and not to lay down their arms. - The insurgents have surrounded Bcyrout. Blood has been flowing here and there. All communication with the mountains is cut off. Soliman Paella has brought up two regiments from St. Jean d'Acre to protect Sei de. The Egyptian steamer, the Nile has arrived dt Seide with despatches for Soliman Pacha•. Government promises aro not relied on. But, after some deliberk don, the Sheihks proposed terms of capitulation, to be guaranteed by France and England, of which the fol lowing is the substance of the conditions : Abolition of every kind of forced service for Go• vernment—the abandonment of the working of the mines for coals, since the peasants are not recompenstki— the peasants engaged to pay thefcrde •ace a year, pro viding that, when one dies, his name be erased from the list of the finances of the villages, that they may not have to pay for a person who is dead—the peasants will keep their arms, which Government solemnly pro mised they should keep—lastly, the abolition of the conscription as existing in Egypt. The Ansarics are also in revolt. At the sight of the French corvette Diligentc, which arrived from Alexandria, the mountaineers showed the utmost joy. This vessel is to return immediately to Egypt. M. Dos Nleloizes, French Vico...consul, has taken pratique, on his ,ray to Damascus to superintend tho affairs of the Jew. Copy of a letter addressed by the insurgents to the Consuls of Beyrout : _ _ _ . . . " Most honourable Consuls! " We inform you in a few words, after having prsycd the Most High to protect your persons, that a little convoy of 24 sacks of fllur fell into our hands yester day ; we have allowed five to enter the city, it being told us, that they belonged to you. We pray you not to fail to send for anything you want, to the mountains. Those who come amongst us with a teskere signed by you, shall be treated as brothers ; no person shall touch them. We pray the Holy Virgin* to aid at all times, and give you a long life. "Ahmet Dagher Aga, and his victorious troops." Letters have been addressed to the Smyrna journals by a Druse Chief and Emir, complaining of the galling yoke of the Egyptian Government, a new proof this of the progress of the press in the Levant. The plague is making progress in Damascus, and several other cities in Syria. Other accounts say, th a t, of '2O per day at Damascus, only 6 arc from the plague. MALTA, JUNE 15.—We are happy to announce the return here yesterday of Admiral t•he Honourable Sir Robert Stopford, G.C.8., in the Col:fiance steamer from Naples ; and it is with much pleasure we are enabled to state that he is the bearer of instructions to release all the Neapolitan vessels captured and detained here ; a circumstance that leads to the inference that, if not finally concluded, the sulphur question is on the point of being settled. • A fine compliment to a British Consul ! We have heard that it is likely the Rev. Connop Thirlwall will be the new Bishop of St. David's. The Taff Vale Raikvay is now carried on with• renewed vigour. The undertaking improves steadily in public estimation ; and its speedy completion is anticipated. Trelshntan, I hot ears ;j C sce oce for'''