The Sun. — London, England, 1847-02-18 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 17. ADJOURNED DEBATE ON THE FACTORIES' BILL. Sir ANDREW feEliil HAY (in continuation from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday) said—That such a state of depression existed was well known to all, and it was a fact that these manufacturers had for years together carried on their business, and kept their machinery going, for the purpose, not of emolument, but in tfie hope of f !setter times for their trade. That w as the present state things, and he felt convinced, that if they did pass this mea sure as proposed by the Hon. Member for Oldlia of n mills, the would, in the first place, stop altoge ther a number the owners of which would not think it worth their while to go on under such circumstances, and would thus inflict a great injury upon the manufacturing interest of this country. He had a letter from a mill-owner in that part of the country, which contained a statement that this measure would be very injurious to their interests.—(!lsar, hear.) With regard to the working of these mills, it appeared rational to suppose that if the:hours of labour were reduced from twelve to ten hours, it was absolutely impossible to suppose but that a reduction of wages must follow, and it would injure the agricultural interest by throwing a number of men out of employ ment, and making them dependent upon parochial relief. There was another point to which he would refer. It was impossible that a general Act of this kind could operate be neticially on all the manufacturers of England, Ireland, and Scotland. There would, therefore, be considerable hardship imposed on many of those parties. Till he had seen other reasons to alter his opinion, he must rote against the Bill. This was, of all other times, the most dangerous for trying such an experiment. It was not a time of prosperity, when it could be tried with impunity. He thanked the House for listening so attentively to him, and, on the part of the manu facturers of his county, as well as on behalf of the interests of the agriculturists of the empire, and the people generally, he must oppose the second reading of this Bill. Mr. BERNAL thought that, whatever side Hon. Members might take on the present question, they ought to express their opinions without exaggeration or prejudice. He for one had always been consistent on this subject ; he had never altered his opinion of its merits. Still he desired to state that he had no sympathy with any of the illiberal or vulgar attack:: which had been made on the master manufacturers of the country, who, he believed, had generally acted with the best intentions towards the operatives under their care. All he asked of those manufacturers was, not to let prejudice affect their minds in the condemnation of the present mea sure, for he believed an end to the question must come ere long by the concession of what was now sought.—(Hear, hear.) He felt certain that three years would not go over their heads till a ten hours' Bill would: be carried.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill now before the House proposed to limit the labour of young persons between the age of thirteen and eighteen, and all females, to ten hours a day for five days in the week, and eight hours on Saturday. That VMS to make the week's labour 58 hours, instead of 68 hours, as at pre sent. Now, in discussing the advantages that would result from the proposed change, he would deal only with plan arguments and matters of fact, and discard all poetry. He admitted at once that the arrangement would also limit the la bour of adults in factories. This being the case,he would address himself to one or two of the leading argument. employed previous speakers against the teal. It had been stated that if the hours of labour were reduced to two hours a day, there would in consequence be a reduction of wages in the same proportion; and it had further been stated that the factory operatives were not prepared for that. He conceded the first proposition, that there would be a reduction of wage., but he must tell the House that the operatives had over and over again expressed themselves willing to take the measure and abide the issue. He recollected two years ago having a two hours' conversation with delegates from the manufac turing districts, and when this subject was named to them ttt sir answer was,"We are content to encounter the risk, and abide the chance of reduction."—(Hear, hear.) But he did not con cede the point that there would be a necessary reduction of wages to the extent named by the opponents of the Bill. He would call the attention of those who differed with him in opinion on this subject to the figures, the data, the facts, that illustrated this point. Had the Acts passed during the past year, for the regulation of the textile manufactures of the country, reduced the rate of wages? Between 1813 and . 1833 seven distinct statutes had been passed on the subject of k ree lactories, and for the reduction of the hours of labour. lie e o ce appealed to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the Member for Dorchester (Sir James Graham) if such. had not been the case. To talk, therefore, of the principle of the present Bill being new was absurd. The details he had collected on the rate of wages at the different periods, he had collected from the evidence contained in the large blue books up stairs. As he had already observed, from 1813 to 1833, seven distinct Acts had been passed bearing on the question of factory labour. What, then, was the rate of wages in the different years? In 1833 Mr.f Holland Hoole gave evidence on the subject of wages, and his authority was the more important as he was well known to be opposed to measures of the kind. He states what were the wages in eight years. and the result is that the average wages of young per sons in Manchester was Bs. 4d. a week, while in 1833 they were Bs. 10d. a week, so that though the hours of labour were reduced, the wages of those persons had riot been reduced, but rather had increased. And the advantage would appear still greater,when thee-considered the pekes of provisions in relation to wages at the different periods. He begged the House to grant him its attention while he proceeded to read the scale of prices which prevailed in the articles of food, anti other necessaries, in each of these re-* spective years, and the House would remember, that in the intermediate period enactments had b een passed' limiting the hours of labour in factories. He foetid, thy., than the price of oatmeal was i n 1813, 553;„ tr - 18 n, 25 ,. butcher's meat, in 1813, 6d. ; i n 1833 , - qn, ; o " 1813, Bd., in 1833, 6d. ; , e cantiles, „Ili 1813, lii in d., in 1833, sid.; coals, in 1813, Bid., i n 1833 , 3id. Salt, they were aware, was coneiderably, ISucesi, and there had been a reduction generally in calicoes'', erticlei of dress, cheese, and potatoes, amounting nearly to 50 per cent., so that while the young women in 1833 got nearly the same average wages that they did in 1813, they could supply —• themselves with articles of food and clothing at 50 per cent. less. Now, if the House took the average weekly earnings in 1844 and 1845, they would find that the same facts were exhibited. In a speech of the Hon. Member for Durham, in which he entered at some length into the question of wages as existing in his own and other factories in Lanca shire and Yorkshire, the Hon. Member stated the number of his workers at 518, and their average earnings per week as 9s. Id. ; Mr. Ackroyd employed 745 workers, at an average weekly wage of 9s. 3d., while the workers in Messrs. Eccles' and other manufac• tories averaged 10s. 7d. He alluded to these facts merely to show that wages in 1844 and 1845 had not been reduced, although from the year 1833 they had passed two other enactments limiting the hours of labour in factories. He had, therefore, the right to assume that a doubt might be cast on the assertion, that the reduction of the duration of labour would be followed by a reduction of wages. He believed it would not, and be conceived that he had as good a right to prophecy as his opponents. When they were told that the health of towns was a subject of vital importance to all clisssee of the commuinity—when this subject was being forced upon their notice, in terms which could not be disre garded, could they, when considering this question, forget that the artizan was worked for 12 or 14 hours in a heated and unwholesome atmosphere; that women ( workers also in factories) were torn from their domestic relations, and inter rupted in the midst of those maternal duties which nature had pointed out as imperative? Let the house look to the facts elicited by Mr. Fletcher, a most intelligent surgeon of Manchester. fie, writing to the Honourable Member for Oldham, stated that he was startled at the statistical details set forth in various authorities; but after he had him self tested their accuracy, he was obliged to acknowledge that in no single instance were they overcharged. He had not taken one town or district, but had compared one with the other throughout the textile manufacturing counties. He had, for instance, taken one district in the town of Bury, and com pared it with another district in which a different species of manufacture prevailed. First, in the town district of Bury, which he had examined, he found that great mortality pre vailed in consequence of defective ventilation, and that the number of years which each worker was employed in the factories did not exceed on en average eight years, while in some other kinds of factories the period exceeded fourteen years. Ile found that the deaths of infants in the towns averaged sixty-one per cent., and in other districts thirty-two per cent. The Hon. Member ( Mr. Milner Gibson) seemed to doubt this, but the facts were accredited, and could be substantiated to the satis faction of the Hon. Member. Now in the district of Bury North he found the mortality as 9 1 ,4 years compared to 19 years in other districts, and the deaths among infants as 54 per cent. compared to 33 per cent. in other dis tricts. Now they had heard a great deal of the necessity for the construction of parks, and schools, and athenaeums for the working classes, but he should like to know what period the workman had to give, or what phy sical energy he had left, to enjoy these walks in the parks, or that intellectual recreation in athenaeums. Would any Hon. Gentleman who knew anything of the physical energies of the human frame tell him that any man or woman had sufficient bodily energy at the end of six days' work in a factory to enjoy themselves in a park or an athenaeum? It was truly said that manufactures at the present moment were depressed. Now, what was the cause of it? Why, i t could be traced to the work i ng of that mag nificent dem on (if h e might be allowed the term), the steam engine. By the aid of its powers the manufacturers of this country had overstocked every market in the world, and that was the cause of the depression in manufactures. The consequence of all this was that all the mills throughout the kingdom were working sho r t ti me , and as there must necs- sarily be diminished production in f u t ure , w h at harm was there in passing this Bill? Mr. DENNISTOUN was understood to remark that over production was an increase of good; it was net an evil. Mr. BERNAL denied that it was an increase of good, and maintained that over-production was a decided evil. In America they managed things better than in this country, and while the wages there were 15s. a week, ss. more than in this country, the hours of labour were much shorter. Still America was enabled to compete with British manufac tures. In France and Belgium the wages were lower than in this country. But it was urged that if this Bill were passed the price of manufactures would be increased in the home market. Well, perhaps it might, but only to the extent of a halfpenny a shirt. Then, again, it was urged, that if factory labourers objected to their present hours of labour they could combine or turn out. This, be thought, was un generoue, for in his opinion the operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire were deserving of the highest eulogium, and were entitled to credit rather than odium for not having long ago resorted to a turn out or a combination. Now, why should the operatives be compelled to work more hours a day than the mechanic? There was not a mechanic in any mill who worked more than ten hours a day—not a smith, joiner, or carpenter upon the average worked in a mill more than ten hours par day, and why should the fac tory operatives be compelled to work longer ?—(Hear.) He did not think that five hundred men, employed together beneath a large shed, with this " demon power" urging them on, could be said to be men with free will. It was a very common thing to talk of educating the people, but he wanted these men, who were standing upon the soles of their feet, in an atmosphere of from 70 to 80 degrees, to ha v e a littl e reposerts well as e d uca ti on . A p erson occu pi e d a ll t h e d ay insuch occupations could not be supposed to turn to his scholastic duties or afterwards take a pleasant walk in the park, or pluck flowers in the green fields. It had been said that the a g r icul ; tur t tl e laboure r was worked as severely as the manufacturers owing to the were, however, always healthy, Tf the Government tua continued blessings of air and light. not f grant the request of those who were peacefully agitatin they would be compelled g t i au r d t oe h a e aeo m .th easu re , sooner or later But it had been said for er nnn on s c e e lf ssi t ons would , b© that if this measure were required. He begged, however, se o eh sta h . e e that the present was a Ten Hours' Bill, and come sup ported it, but if the operatives should st a limitation of the hours of m e forward and request labour to eight, he should most certainly o pp ose it. lie found th at there 'a a clause in the pr esent bill p ro p osin g tha t from the I s t of May, 1817, to the let of May, 1848, the hours of labour hould be reduced to eleven ; but, that, after that period the ime should be reduced to ten hours. Ile did not approve of the eleven hours' measure; he thought that it either went too far, or not far enough. He hoped that the manu facturers would not leave themselves open even to the charge of suspicion of avariciousgr risping of . that which they should not maintain , and which the dut lea o f morality and Christianity forbsd them to hold. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD said that he attended a meeting held in the Town-hall of Rochdale, numerously attended by the working classes of that town, convened fur the purpose of expressing their opinions upon the subject of the Ten Hours' Bill, and he asked them what was their wishes with respect to that Bill, and whether they desired him to support the measure in that House, and whe ther they were willing to receive any reduction of wages which might arise from the passing of that measure? :One part of the hall was appropriated to females, and he asked them their opinion upon these subjects, and received the most enthusiastic answer in the affirmative. And, although the operatives of Rochdale did not constitute the whole body of the electors of Rochdale, still he felt it his duty to pay a due consideration to the wishes of that large body, and he considered that he was acting in conformity with their opi nions by giving his vote in favour of this Bill. Mr. DENNISTOUN said that the Hon. Member (Mr. Bernal) had challenged him to disprove his statement of facts, but before he (Mr. Dennistoun) did so, he must say that he was somewhat surprised that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government found fault . . with his Honourable Friend, the Member for Durham, be cause at ten minutes to six o'clock on last Wednesday he made what the Noble Lord called an attack upon him. Short, however, as the time for addressing the House was, it did not prevent the Noble Lord from making a counter attack upon his Hon. Friend, and at the same time upon a question of this vital importance, the first Minister of the Crown did not hesitate to say, that during the few mi nutes he had then to occupy the House he was quite pre pared to state his reasons for opposing the measure. Now, he confessed that his Hon. Friend stated one argument which, at the first blush, would seem to carry, if not convic tion, at the least great weight, and which, if it were not met, would place the opponents to the Bill in a different position. He alluded to the point made, that this would not be the first time that the State has interfered in the hours of labour. There had certainly been a reduction made from fourteen to twelve hours, but that was only a nominal reduction, and was not general throughout the country, for twelve hours had been always the average, and this being the fact the whole arguments of his Hon. Friend fell to the ground. He considered that to put a limit on the power of steam was tke most absurd idea that could enter into the head of man. The Americans had a natural advantage over the manufacturers of this country by about 20 per cent. In the year 1843 there were 400,000 bales of cotton spun in England, out of which 342,000 were expended, leaving only 58,000,000 pounds to be consumed in the country. The result of the measure would be to limit the production of the country to one-seventh. It they passed this measure, before many months elapsed, they woald find it necessary to retrace their steps and to abrogate all they had done.—(Hear.) Mr. FERRAND said, when his Hon. Friend the Member for Oldham (Mr. Fielden) presented, this afternoon, petitions signed by many thousands of the factory operatives of the north of England in favour of this Bill, he could not help being struck with the contrast which the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Dundee (Mr. Duncan) pre sented, in rising immediately after him to inform the Meuse that he had a petition to present on the subject from a different class of persons—from the members of the Chamber of Commerce of Dundee waving that the rim mignc pose :, se 5..,. Ile was, indeed, prepared to admit that they were a very different class of persons. On the oue hand, there were thousands of operatives re questing the protection of the House, steeped in misery and distress; whilst, on the other hand, the members of the Chamber of Commerce of Dundee had presented a petition requesting that House not to listen to the prayers of millions of the people of this country. We were on that occasion to support the prayers of the millions—the toiling millions of England and Scotland, and in doing so he should offer no apology to the House, but ask them to give him his attention whilst he read to the House some extracts from the writings of a gentleman who was perfectly compe tent to inform the House what were the feelings of the ope ratives of England on this vital question. For himself he might ray, that it was now seventeen years since he first became the siren advocate of a Ten Hours' Factory Bill ; bat, at the large number of meetings he had attended on the subject, he had never yet witnessed one manufacturer who durst raise his voice at any of those meetings against those who had pub licly assembled to advocate thin Factory Bill. He had never heard one manufacturer who durst meet his work-people and fairly argue the question which was at issue. If there was an instance, he should be glad to hear it. He saw the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Sheffield (Hr. Ward) taking notes; he believed it was not many weeks since he visited his constituents, and was obliged to admit that the people of this country were unanimous in favour of this Bill. Mr. WAIiD assured the Hon. Gentleman that he did not make such an assertion. Mr. FERRAND explained that what he meant to say was that he was obliged to admit that the factory operatives were unanimously in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill. The working populace of Sheffield entirely differed with the I-loa. Member in his view of the question. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had informed the House that he felt it his duty to vote against the Bill, in consequence of his anxiety for the interests of the factory labourers. By the permission of the' House he should like to read the details ofs-eht present state and sufferings of those operatives. The extract to which he had referred was from the writings of a Lancashire cot ton-spinner. Out of the mouths of those manufacturers who opposed this Bill he would judge them in the British House of Commons. If the statement was true, and there was no doubt of it, he would ask if there was any Hon. Member who had the audacity to stand up and say, that he was prepared to perpetuate in a Christian and civilised land a state of suffering and degradation such as that which he was about to read to the House, in opposition to the state ments made by the united operatives of the north of Eng land. Thisgreat Lancashire cotton-spinner stated that, as indie vidual manufacturers externally engaged in trade, they should not be suspected of wilful exaggeration of the evils of this system when they made the following statement. They should exaggerate nothing, extenuate nothing, but simply state the amount of evil that exists, and make suggestions for it* cure. (The Hon. Member then read several, extracts, which stated that children of 10 and 12 years of age, after being . employed for a short time in factory labour, lost the elastic step of youth, the blooming cheek, and . the vivacity: of intellect, under the severe employment and the ptolonged confinement, often resulting in permanent debility or pre mature death.) The gentleman who thus spoke of !the' factory system was no other than Mr. Greig, one of the largest cotton-spinners in Lancashire, who at the time he made these statements vi as in favour of the relaxation of the hours of labour; but now his mind had been poisoned by the principles of political economy, and he was associated with a small, and God be thanked, a decreasing band, of cotton-spinners in Lancashire, who denied the factory operatives that protection to which they were fully entitled. Mr. Greig went on state that from long hours of work, and from its severe nature—rendered more i severe and exhausting by its often being performed in a close atmosphere—the workers found it neces sary to resort to the use of artificial stimulants; that many of them receiving the highest wages spend the greater portion of their leisure, more particularly on Saturday evenings and during the Sundays, in be sotting themselves with ale, and beer, and gin. The quan tity of gin drunk in this way was enormous; and it was painful to see children, even girls, being initiated into this practice. Ardent spirits were not the only stimulants they resorted to, as many of them indulged to a large extent in opium, which they took in the form of pills, and in other forms, which they called anodyne, which was cheaper than gin. It was mach in use when wages were low, but now it would be an habitual stimulant. The general hours of work were from half-past fiive in the morning until half-past seven or eight at night, with half an hour for breakfast, an hour for dinner, and half an hour generally for tea, leaving twelve hours a day for clear labour. The labour of spinning was most laborious, and perhaps was only exceeded in that respect by mowing alone; and few mowers worked twelve hours without inter mission. It was impossible anybody could work for twelve hours in this way without injuring hie constitution. Farm and other labourers seldom worked more than tan hours a day. Walking for twenty hours was considered a moat intolerable punishment for witches, but they never could undergo their punishment longer than twelve. Many of the Members of that House were arguing about the great disadvantage of losing a farthing a pound on the cotton manufacture by reducing the hours of labour, in oppositon to the far more important question, namely, the sacrificing of the lives of millions of the people of this country. They said that it was the duty of the British house of Commons to refuse this Bill in order that the superabundant wealth of the manufacturers might be madelgreater than it was. There was not a cotton-spinner in Lancashire who durst attend a public meeting in any one of the large ma nufacturing towns, and there openly state, in the presence of numbers of the factory workmen, similar to that which had been stated in that house ; and if there was one Member of that House connected with the cotton trade who was prepared to dispute the policy of grant ing this measure before the factory workers of the north of England, he challenged him to go down to the town with which he was connected, where he (Mr. Ferrand) would meet him, and discuss the question with him at a public meeting; and he pledged his word, that although attempts had been secretly made to induce the factory workers in many parts to make statements in opposition to the Bill—and he should prove it to the House before long—he should show that the operatives themselves were anxious to work no more than ten hours a day, and that if the House would not legislate for them they would legislate for themselves. It was further said by Mr. Greig, that the fourth cause of the ill-health prevailing in the manufacturing districts might be traced to the weakened and vitiated constitutions of the women. They were employed after their marriage and dur ing their pregnancy, and that was known to every one, who had considered the subject, to bring on a weakened and debilitated condition to the children, so that when the children began working themselves, they were pre pared at once to succumb to the evil influences by which they were surrounded. These were the facia delivered by Mr. Greig, guaranteed by him, and which he had published to the world upon his high authority. Was there a Member in that House who could gainsay any one of them, or any longer maintain in the House the factory system, which had been carved on by the sacrifice of thou sands of the people of England? The manufacturers had also said, in a statement which had been eitrculated among the Members of that House, that if they carried the Ten hours' Bill, let the Ministers be responsible for the consequences, and they had gone so far as to threaten to close their mills for the purpose of creating events similar to those which occurred in 1842. Was that the way for men who had amassed enormous wealth out of the bones and sinews of the starving people of England to conduct them selves?—was that the way in which they should set an example? After they had voted—disgracefully to them selves—and had carried the corn-laws, they still opposed the Factory Bill, after they had promised to give their support to it.—( Hear, hear.) Air. BRIGHT—No. Mr. FERRAND—The Honourable Member for Durham said "No." He (Mr. Ferrand) believed that they did, and if they did he called on them, as men of honour, to redeem their pledge, and if they did not do so they ought to be branded with infamy and disgrace. It was not the Ministers that would be re erosible. It was themstives who would be responsible. '1 he manufacturers had declared through their representative in that House, that if they were left alone, and legislative interference were not brought to hear upon them, they would immediately arrange the thing between the masters and the workmen—that they would introduce the Ten Hours' Bill themselves. Had they done so ? They had broken their pledge and promises, being determined that this disgraceful state of things should continue, and it was therefore the duty of Parlia ment to interfere and to protect the weak against the strong. Who were the parties who interfered and told them that they should not come to that House to protect men ? Did they come to protect men? No . ; they came for the protection of women and children, who were compelled either to work for this period or starve to death. It was their machinery which destroyed the system of manual labour and the hand-loom we,yers. Many of th em b a d laeen starved in the country ; 'andsiinhe fewhaydeabres m achinery en tci, uponwould auvir(yiecstormoy the pe t e labourntauthoroirty;om authority, that persons enure. What were the manufacturers doing at t o h u e g la p : t o beat ant n i eoa e ffect good the people for one half r f g"lar ; hours . Tomeetrt* go l o li d eir mills were not running six during the other half; 0041th : e tc. these mills, their employment and they ought not to starve year, and work them to death cls he had received accounts from :It THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 18, IM7. Manchester, which said that there was a probability that the great majority of the mills would soon be entirely closed, and yet, during this state of things, it was proposed to retain the power of working the people for twelve hours a day. The first medical men in England had declared that no man was capable of working twelve hours during the whole year. They were longer than any horse or man could bear it ; and women and children were compelled to bear it, and were dying by thousands. Even the men could not bear the factory labour beyond the age of 45. The Hon. Member for Mon trose had said, leave the women and children to themselves, they would settle the matter with their masters. Did any man suppose that when a mother went to the mills, receiving only Bs. or 108. per week, and returning she found her three or four children crying for food, that she would not work her fingers' ends raw, and herself to death, rather than sit down and see her children starving? He had even conversed with these women themselves, and they had stated to him that it was little known what their sufferings were. When they returned weary and fatigued, and saw their children in want, they would work, as long as. God gave them health and strength, to support them. The Hon. Member for Durham, on Wed nesday last, when he saw the gangway, made some ex traordinary statements in his speech, and that in so deter mined and firm a manner, that he (Mr. Ferrand) had no doubt that the House believed them to be all true. The Hon. Member said, in one part of his speech, that such speeches as used to be made by Lord Ashley had not been heard that day, except from the Noble Lord the Member for Newark, and that Lord Ashley used to make speeches in that House which he had now given up, and which had been proved to be wrong. He (Mr. Ferrand ) was prepared to challenge the Hon. Mem ber to prove that any statement Lord Ashley ever made in that House connected with the Ten Hours' Bill was not strictly true. It was not manly of the Hon. Member to come there and attack Lord Ashley behind his back. Mr. ROEBUCK here made some observation. Mr. FERItAND—" He could come here," said the Hon. Member for Bath. Mr. ROEBUCK—I did not say so. Mr. FERRAND said that he understood the Hon. Member to say so, and the next time the Hon. Member interrupted him, let him speak so as to be understood. The Noble Lord was not there to defend himself, and he ( Mr. Ferrand) should be accused of ingratitude towards the Noble Lord, if he sat in that House and allowed his character to be so unjustly at tacked, when lie had sacrificed his seat for the principle of this measure. The Noble Lord had published to his consti tuency a letter, stating his determination to support the re peal of the corn-laws, and he (Mr. Ferrand) was justified in saying that he (Lord Ashley) had received a communication made to him from the leading cotton-spinners of Lancashire, to the effect that if he did support them in obtaining the repeal of the corn-laws they would support him in his Ten Hours' Factory Bill, which the Noble Lord had supported during the best period of his life. The other day in Lancashire the Noble Lord attended a vast meeting, when no man dared to oppose him. The Hon. Member was in Rochdale, but did not meet Lord Ashley. Mr. BRIGHT—No I was not, I beg your pardon. Mr. FERRAND begged pardon. Why did not the Hon. Member meet him there, when his own brother appeared ?—he had not the pluck to do it. The Hon. Member did not go to him face to face and make his charges. The brother of the Hon. Member had the pluck to go, and manfully spoke before his vvu workmen. but he was not awe CU 5 L eingie man W eO - him. He again asked the lion. Member what stdte ment of Lord Ashley's which was ever made in that Honse he was prepared to refute? Two years ago the Hon. Mem • ber made some such statements as these against the Noble Lord, who was accused of having made some unfounded state ment in that House with regard to the childen in the factories. The Hon. Member for Durham had referred to a petition which had been presented to that House from Manchester, with 70,000 signatures, in support of a repeal of the corn - laws, as a contrast to the petition of the operatives in favour of the present Bill,• signed by 22,000. Why, the popu lation of Manchester was but 262,000, and the male adults there not more than 40,000, so that it would be impossible to get up a petition with 70,000 names, even if all the male adults signed it. He trusted, when the Bill went into Committee, the Hon. Member would get up and explain how this petition was got up, as he (Mr. Fer rand) believed that 22,000 was a fair representation of the opinion of Manchester. It had also been denied by that Hon. Member that the operatives were prepared to take the chance of the reduction of wages. He (Mr. Ferrand) had been lately at meetings all over the manufacturing districts, at which the question was always put, if they were prepared for the consequences of a reduction of wages? the universal answer was, they were. Meetings had been held at Manchester, Bury, Barnley, Rochdale, Preston, Chorley, Huddersfield, Halifax, Bradford, Holmforth, Keigh ley, Leeds, Glasgow, Paisley, and Dundee, at which this answer to the , question had been given. It was not put at the meeting held at Edinburgh, because there were no manufacturers there, and he was not certain if it were put at the meeting in Glasgow. Nay, a report of the meeting at Rochdale had appeared in the Hon. Meinber for Durham's own paper, the Manchester lizaminer. Mr. BRIGHT—It is not mine. Mr. FERRAND—Then he was a shareholder, or had something to do with it.—(Cries of order). The Manchester Examiner confirmed the fact that the question had been put at the Rochdale meeting and answered in the manner he had described. At the very time the Hon. Member was making his speech last Wednesday a message was sent down to Bradford, and the next morning a meeting of the operatives was advertised by placard. It was held in the evening, in Christ Church School, and presided over by the Rev. Wm. Dldham. It was densely attended, and when the question was put about the wages, every, hand was held up for the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member had also told the House that the mechanics of the north were always glad to work long hours when they could get an increase of wages. He (Mr. Ferrand) had. since then received is letter from the mechanics of Manchester, denying the statement, and enclosing a copy of a prize essay, issued under the auspices of the delegates of the united eaechanica of Great Britain and Ireland, as to the benefits resulting from a reduction of the hours of labour. The Honourable Member had also denied that any com pact had been entered into between the Anti-Corn law 'League and the factory operatives, on the con -tilt-ion' - that if the latter supported the repeal of the corn-laws the former would withdraw their oppo eition to- the Ten Hours' Bill. Now, in answer to that he could prove that in 1843 sad 1844, when the League was not very popular with the operatives, his old. friend Mr. Brookes, of " God bless you, we're all for ourselves" noto • riety made efforts to convince the leaders of the factory operatives, if they would support the repeal of the corn-laws,he and many other manufacturers would support the Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. Ashworth had also corresponded with the short time delegates in London, to the effect that the corn-laws were the cause of long hours of labour, and that they should be repealed before any reduction in the hours of working took place. (The Hon. Member then read several extracts from letters and documents in support of what he had advanced.) The League had obtained the repeal of the corn-laws; were ' they prepared to fulfil their contract?—(Bear, hear.) He would not argue the question of foreign competition with -them, but ke claimed it of them, as an act of duty, justice, and honour, to carry out their pledge, and not endeavour to intimidate the House in order to rob the poor man of his rights. The Manchester manufacturers had also pledged themselves to Lotd Ashley, through Mr. Greig, that if the Corn-laws were repealed they would not oppose a Ten Hours' Bill. The Hon. Member then proceeded to read a letter, ad dressed by Lord Ashley 'to the Secretary of the Operative Short-Time Committee, sitting in London. His Lordship said that Mr. Greig of Manchester had done him the honour to call upon him at the Albion Hotel, and he there ex pressed his strong desire for the settlement of the short timd question. The manufacturers had been benefited by the repeal of the duty on raw cotton, and they would be further benefited by the repeal of the corn-laws ; and he thought it but fair justice that the workman should receive his share of those advantages in abridged hours of labour. This he conceived could only be done by legislative enactment, as every proposition for regulations between the employers and the workmen had failed already. So much for the opinion of Mr. Grieg. Now, he thought that he had proved to the House that a deliberate compact had been entered into between the manu facturers and the work-people. But what had been the con duct of some of the largest manufacturers in Manchester, after the poor people bad been at the expenseof sending up to London delegates to watch over theirinterests ? It was, perhaps, lucky for them that they did so, as he (Mr. Ferrand) had been informed that there was in the House a document purporting to be from some of the workmen of Manchester (for the purpose of showing that they were opposed to the Ten Hours' Bill), and he believed that that paper would be used in the course of that debate It was lucky for the operatives that he (Mr. Ferrand) had caught the Speaker's eye before the Hon. Member had, as he thus had an opportunity of forestalling the statement made by the Hon. Member. Now what had the manufacturers been doing inManchester? On Monday last the overlookers and managers of Messrs. Murray's works—and he wished to call the attention of the House to this fact, in order to show the degree of intimidation which was used against the operative. The overlookers and managers of these mills went round among the workmen, with books in their hands, all ruled in columns, under these heads— " Ten hours' work and ten hours' wages "—" Eleven hours' work and eleven hours' wages "—" Twelve hours' work and _ twelve hours' wages ;" and to each worker they put the in quiry, Do you prefer a twelve hours' work and a twelve hours' wages, or an eleven or ten hours' work with an eleven or ten hours' wages 1-0 Hear, hear," from Mr. Bright.) There was no option left here for the workmen. They were tc be bound down to these agreements. The manufacturers were determined to protect themselves—("Hear,"from Mr. Bright) —but there was no protection extended to the workmen— (Hear, hear)—for they were given to understand, in almost as many words, that as they chose the alternatives offered. so would they please or displease their masters. The Messrs. Holdsworth had adopted the same course, and the men there had signed for eleven hours' work and eleven hours' wages, and the women for twelve—thus the weakest went to the wall. Messrs. M'Connelt had adopted a similar course, but they gave some hours' notice, and the men chose ten hours labour, and informed their employers that they would take their chance of the wages. Now, if the House would listen to what took place in the borough of Manchester the House would understand the workpeople would no longer be trifled with. The lion. Member proceeded to read—" Last night a meeting was held in the Mead House (one of the largest halls in Manchester), which was crammed to excess. The meeting was entirely conducted by operat ives . The first resolution adopted was—' That this meeting cannot but view with a feeling of regret and indignation the conduct of those mass ters who had adopted the disreputable course of sending their managers and overlookers through the mills with books in their hands, demanding in a hasty and peremptory manner whether they were in favour of a ren, an Eleven, or Twelve Hours' Bill—the object being to receive such answers as would enable Hon. Members to offer some further opposition to the Bill now beforejthe House.' The second resolution was, " That the factory workers are prepared to accept a Ten Hours' Bill, regardless of its effect on wages, leaving the prices of their labour to be regulated by the same principle which fixed the prices of other commodities in the market.' lie (Mr. Ferrand) had intended to have alluded to several other mis-statements made by the Honourable Member for Durham, but he did not know that he would be justified in taking up the time of the House. Before he sat down h e should wish to tell the House that the factory operatives throughout the land would no longer be trifled with. The Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had taunted them in this House that they Far y M h adnraoutds) wastruck glad through out England.—(Hear.) England.--(Hear.) He they had not done so. The horny-handed men of England had come to this House praying for protection for their wives and children, and their prayers had been denied. They had not denied protection to the wives and childree which illustrated th e excited in th e i r favour orthe blue book.—(Hear, hear.) The factor y o p erat ives miners,the decorations sympathy would get up similar decorations. They would also work cripples, assembled i n upon the feelings of lion. Member s, if the y could not rely upon their justice, and 50 0 facto r y Palace-yard;would raise a shout of supplication to the Hou se of Commons, and the universal burden of their prayer would be, " We will have the Ten Hours' Bill." Mr. ROEBUCK said he would pass over the noisy decla mation of the Hon. Gentleman who had just resumed his seat, and direct his attention to the little argument con tained in his speech. He was in no way connected with the commercial interest of this country, and therefore could have no other motive for opposing this Bill, except that he considered it would be for the public good that it should not pass; and yet, be. cause he opposed it upon conviction, he was to be called a cold-blooded political economist.—(Hear, hear.) It was time he had investigated the science of political economy as applied to the laws of trade, and as that investigation had induced him to come to a very different conclusion to that of Honourable Gentlemen opposite, it was hardly fair that vituperation of the vilest character shoul%! be heaped upon his head.—(Hear, hear.) lie should, how.. ever, hardly have addressed himself to this question had it not been for the address of the Noble Lord the Member for Newark, who wound up his speech with half a dozen perorations, and concluded the last of them with this observations—" And yet the working people of this country understand that gentl,2men on this side of the House (mean ing of course his own) also are attached to that party o. historic recollection, are in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill, ant were not opposing themselves to the rights of the people."-- (Hear, hear.) Historic recollection of party indeed! Ht. thought, if he were to look back into the page of history, he should find that this party had been engage. in one continued effort to repress the energies of the people. • but he was not called upon on that occasion to enter into the lists with the Noble Lord upon that subject, but wer tee called upon he could do so.—(Hear, hear.) That, how ever, was not the question he wished to embark in ; but, with out,any feeling of party, he wanted to address himself to the great question which was now occupying the attention of the House.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman who last ad dressed them had held out a threat to the House by which he proposed to influence their judgment through their feel ings, and he wished to know whether that mode of deal ing with the question was worthy of the representative of the people—was it rational ?—( Hear, hear.) Tne Hon. Member for Knaresborough said it was not fair to ask the labourer this question, " Are you willing to take ten hours' wages fur ten hours' work ?" But, in his opinion, it was more honourable putting it that way, than holding out to the operative that he would receive twelve hours' wages for the ten hours' work if this Bill were passed. Now, could they by any legislative enactment secure for the labouring man 12 hours' wages for ten hours' work ? If they could do that, why could they not receive twelve hours' wages for six hours' work? Nay, he would go further, and say, why could they not receive twelve hours' wages for no work at all ?—(Hear, and laughter.) The Honourable Member for Weymouth had indulged in some remarks against over-pro duction, and argued that it would raise the price of a shirt a farthing, or a coat a penny. He appre hended that was not the way in which they ought to meet the question, nor was trade calculated upon that principle. How was it calculated? Why, a man having a certain capital to exhaust, employed a certain number of labourers in the production of certain articles, which he afterwards threw into the home and foreign markets to compete with others, and if he was undersold of course his speculation failed. That was the principle which regulated trade, but if by legislative enactments they attempted to cripple trade they might depend upon it America would not follow their example, and much of their trade would be lost to thew for ever. But what was the state of the country when this measure was brought forward? Why they were about to maintain three millions of people just at the very moment it was proposen to them to tie up the right hand of the British people. He had heard it said that their success in their con dicta with Napoleon was owin g to British valour. There was, fvs. irn plement they used in the conflict, and that was the British leaeseve supplied by the man axe: uring sinews of the country. rney nal now an enemy far greater than Napoleon, who was a far more potent instrument than Napoleon. They had a famine stalk ing over the land. Ireland was starving, and England was approaching starvation state, and yet at this moment, for party purposes, the question was raised. The Irish people were promised mutton every day, the En glish were promised twelve hours' wages for ten hours' work. Deis was called statesmanship, dealing with the interests of a great country upon a com p re h ens i ve plan" by the large party opposite—" my party." It was the conduct of the man who hoisted a flag upon the sea coast in the hope of getting something from the scramble which might arise from the shipwreck of some unfortunate vessel that might pass along the coast. Whether the ship should hoist the green flag of Ireland, or whether it be the ten hours' flag, it is all the same to " the great party." He had been asked why he did not come forward to meet a Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) upon a former occasion. He was not afraid to meet any person upon the principles which he held. He was not 'however a peripatetic, wishing to wander up and down among the people, propounding his principles to them. His place was in that House, and in that House he would always state fairly and openly his opinions. lie believed that the great body of the operatives of this country really and seriously believed that wages could be regulated by Act of Parliament. He differed from that opinion; he was perfectly confident of the truth of his opinions, and he wished that those persons were present by their representatives in that House to give effect to their principles and wishes. He hoped that he would soon see the day when his Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury would submit a really large and comprehensive measure to the leader of "the great party," which should give to the labouring population of the country the constitutional means of expressing their opinion upon subjects before the House. The way in which the Noble Lord and " the great party" dealt with the operatives of the country was always by a sort of patronising air ; they patted the people on their heads, and said to them We will do you all good, only be quiet—just listen to us —we will be your pastors and masters—we will will guide you always, and give you whatever you may desire in the position in which it has pleased God to call vou—but do not, for Heaven's sake, attempt to be legislators' He (Mr. Roe buck) wished them to be legislators, and to have the means of constitutionally expressing their opinions. He believed that it would be a great calamity to the country, if at the present momentous crisis this measure were to be carried. He deeply sympathised with the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, and most heartily wished him the utmost success in his measures; but so sure as he was now the chief adviser of the Crown, be might be assured that he would be crippling the energies of the country, and sullying the lustre and authority of his great name, if he lent his authority to the passing of this measure. He hoped he would not deal with the measure in so trifling and mischievous a manner as he had proposed, by limiting the period of labour to eleven hours a day. If the legislation were worth a farthing, it was worth going all the way. —(Cheers.) If by legislation the Government could make the people happy,they ought to make them completely happy, and, for his part, he would rather vote at once with the Hon. Member for Oldham than for the eleven hours' pro ' position.—(Cheers.) He hoped there Would be no trifling of this sort, no half measures, nor any ' halting between these distinct and opposite Opinions. If the measure of interference was good it ought to be ap plied to the agricultural labourers as well as the manufac turers; and he would propose in this Bill, if it ever came into action, that no farmer should employ any child under 13 years of age, and that he should also be compelled to edu cate them in the same manner as the manufacturers were. If any young r hetorician who wishes to employ rather a strong weapon with a weak hand, and draw up affecting details with his own diluted phraseology, he need only say that lee comes to advocate the rights of woman.—( Hear, hear.) Yes, that was the phrase. Now, he never heard any alltesion to the agricultural women, who were constantly employed in the cold and wet at fourpence a day. It was a very favourite theme to describe the effe e ets of factories upon the human frame. He (Mr. Roebuck) had no professional knowledge subject, but Ise could read, and he had a through a great number of factories, and d he gonee health of the females was in ten thou sandraniod u hnuedp had d that that gtohne times a better condition than that of the women employed in agriculture, whom he had seen driven to the field, in the cold and wet, ill fed and ill clothed, and they were so because their &testers were not able to pay t h e m higher wages ; but if they interfered with the amount of work done by the factory operative, they would necessitate a decrease in his wages ; and these Same misfortunes would then befal them. Now, if he wanted to show a foreigner the glory of his country, its wee lth, and its riches, and if he desired to give him a high opinion of the power of the country, he would take him to those places of industry in the north of England. It would not be to the hovel of the agrigultural laboarer in the south, nor to show him how the poor women had only fourpence per do) - . No, he would b rin g him to those immense towns which had s prung up from this m i g ht y intelligence —the enterprise of England—( Hear , hea r ) —whe re thousands of men were fed them, from if they chose, demand a certi ficatend clothed. every man who employed c hild ren in his factory. But, whatever was good for the factories of the north of E ngland , must be surely of ao equal benefit to th e a g riculturists o f the south. He , for his part, could not dra w any line of dist inction , and he would take care to introdu ce a clause whi ch would extend the benefit. When this f education Le di s appointment did come, the first parties who would come to that House to complain of their legislation would be the labouring classes themselves.—(Hear.) The consumer would feel it also, and the nation would feel it to its heart's core; and when they had to supply millions with food, they would find the Chancellor of the Exchequer complaining that the energies of the nation had been crippled, his finances cut short, and the right arm of England weakened.—(Hear.) Mr. P. BORTHWICK considered that the labour of women and children ought to be restricted, whether employed in Printing-houee-square or in the fields ; but as the experiment, with respect to both sexes ought to be fairly tried, and as he had voted during the whole time he had sat in Parliament for the measures of Lord, Ashley, he should support the second reading of the Bill, Sir R. H. INGLIS said, although the Hon. Member for Bath :and he occupied seats in the same locality in that House, be seldom agreed with the principles which he (sir. Roebuck) enunciated ; but in the speech which he had delivered there were some observations which he heard with unfailing pleasures particularly his concluding observation— that sooner or later the passing of such a measure its the one before the House was inevitable.—(Hear, hear.) The result of the experiments which had been made gave them every encouragement to go forward. The prophecies against the operation of the present measure were stated four years ago, when the late Government was in power, and when its supporters on one occasion were dragged through the mire in order to rescind the vote which they had given in favour of the Bill. He said then that, postpone it as they might, sooner or later the measure must be carried, and become the law of the land. The other point on which he agreed with the lion. Member for Bath was, if the mea sure was to be agreed to by the ey should take the Bill as it stood. With the views which he (Sir R. 11. Inglis) entertained of the ultimate success of the ten hours' measure, he could not see how the Government should prolong a vexatious agitation out of doors for the next few years. He trusted instead of doing so, her Majesty's Government would reconsider the question, and consent to the Bill as it stood on the table.— ( Hear, hear.) Should they do so, and the Bill not work so favourably as expected, then they could come down to the House in 1849, and recal the s tep which had been taken. The Hon. and Learned Member for Bath had ascribed party motives to the lion. Members whose names were on the back of the Bill, especially to the Noble Lord the Member for Newark (Lord John Alanners), but he could not see how he could make this appear, as o n all other questions those Hon. Members entirely differed. It was reasonable to suppose that, in introducing the present Bill, they were actuated by pure and honourable feelings. The experiment of the last twenty years gave them every encouragement to go forward, as all the prophecies which had been made against intervention had proved fallacious. His great object was not to raise the price of labour, nor the actual expense attendant up on the manufa ctuika of cotton, but to distribute the work more equally. At the pre sent moment, as he was informed, the work was distributed not over the six days of the week, but in many mills over four days only, and in others for only three days, th e work being the same in quantity. He had letters from Man chester, which stated that some mills only worked four days in the week, some only three days, and some were entirely stopped. lie wished to call the attention of the House to the fact, that this moment there were men working 48 hours per week, and who would, if their hours of labour were re duced, work 59 hours. But that work would be distributed over the whole week, so that they would get six days' wages for six days' work, and the manufacturers would deriee e greater amount of work from the system. The number of hands employed during only four days in Manchester was 2,240; those employed for three days were, 3,039 ; and there were about 500 employed for one day in the week; whilst those not employed amounted to 6,415 ; making a total of those partially stopped from work and those altogether stopped, amounting to 12,2G4. If the work now given were distributed 1 more equally it would be of ,renter benefit to the workmen, and afford an increased produce to the manufacturers. He still hoped that her Majesty's Government would allow this Bill to pass, in spite of the unadvised statement of the Noble Lord, and would also pass it in its original form. Mr. TRELAWNY rose, but was for a long time inaudible, in consequence of the confusion which prevailed in the House. He objected to the measure on this ground, because it was a distinct invasion of the rights of property; it invaded not only the capital invested in manufactures; but the labourer who, with a large family, desired to work 14 or 15 hours a day, was affected by it also, for it limited his ability of pro viding for those dependent on him. lie would give his op position to the second reading. Sir G. STRICKLAND would not have addressed the House were it not for a statement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and repeated by the Hon. Member for Bath, to the effect that the factory labourers were as well off as agri cultural labourers. The first thing which would strike the House in drawing a contrast between the two employments was this, that the agricultural labourer was away from home twelve hours a day, and worked in the invigorating air of heaven for ten hours, the factory labourer was away from home for fourteen hours each day, and worked in an overheated and unhealthy atmosphere for twelve hours each day. The agricultural labourer returns home to his domestic comfort in the winter seasons at four o'clock in the afternoon, the factory labourer, on the other hand, did not leave the factory till eight in the evening. But it had been said that there were maxims of political economy so stern and so unbending, that whatever amount of injury might be made out, it was impolitic to interfere. He denied, however, that such stern and unbending maxims were to be found in political economy. In all cases where he bad had the opportunity of testing the opinions of the operatives he had found that they were per fectly willing to receive less wages for their reduced labour, as it would give them an opportunity of increasing their do mestic comforts. He was decidedly in favour of the Bill, and should certainly vote for the second reading. Lord EBRINGTON considered that the principle of the measure was disposed of when the Legislature dews mined to limit the hours of labour to twelve hours, and he therefore should not detain the House upon that pout. The Bill, in his opinion, was justified upon economical grounds, because when operatives became ill from over-exertion the expense fell upon the State, while the profit of that over exertion went into the pocket of the employer. With regard to the general principle of interference with children, he considered that it was perfectly justifiable. It appeared to him that the right time to cease interference with boys was when they attained the years of discretion. He considered, however, that the introduction of the principle of interference with adult female labour was one most danger ous. He thought it right to state those points in which he differed from other Hon. Gentleman. COURT OF QUEEN'S BEACH, Feb. 17. ( Before Lord DENmAN.) NIGHTINGALE V. NIGHTINGALE. Mr. Crowder appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr. Sergeant Shee for the defendant. This was an action brought for a breach of contract. It appeared from the evidence that the plaintiff bad sold to the defendant the use of the road, so far as he was concerned, between Merton and London. After the contract was com pleted-the defendant had broken-its covenants. The engage. ment was entered into on the 22d of February, and the breach of contract complained of did not occur until the 29th of July. Respecting the breach of contract there was no doubt, but there was a question as to what the injury in curred really was. It was very evident that the omnibuses were plying on the road up to the 29th of July, and t hat con stituted the ground of the present action. The witnesses to prove the case having been called, Mr. Sergeant SAFE replied. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE summed up. The jary, being divided in opinion, retired to consider their verdict, and, after some time, returned for the plaintiff— Damages, Six guineas. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. tFORSHIP:STREA7'. Yesterday Mr. BRoUHTON resumed the adjourned investi gation into the conduct of police-constable Charles Andrew Amos, of the H division, who stood charged with having grossly assaulted, and unlawfully taken into custody, a young woman named Ellen Bolton, on the night of the 10th met., under circumstances which were stated iu our paper a few days since. Mr. Medlicott, the superintendent of the division, was present to watch and report upon the case, and Mr. Heritage was retained for the defence. The evidence given upon the former occasion having been read over by Mr. Vine, the chief clerk, the complainant, Ellen Bolton, and her witness, Jane Reeves, were subjected to a severe cross-examination by the defendant's solicitor, and fully corrobated each other in the main facts of their previous statement; but, upon being further qnestioned differed moat. materially upon several essential particulars, of too indelicate a nature to be distinctly detailed, and which carried the assault to a much greater and more gross extent than had been before sworn to. The witness Reeve added that upon the officer being balked in his designs upon Bolton, he used towards her the most insulting language, and not only ordered her off ; bin pushed her along by the back with great violence, until she threatened to report his previous misconduct at the police-station, when he at once took her into custody. • The witness followed the con stable) and Bolton to the door of the station, with the intention of giving evidence in favour of the com plainant, but was prevented doing so by Amos, who told her she was not wante I there ; and, although she next morning requested the officer on duty there to take care of Bolton, who was subject to fits, she was not admitted to see her. Bolton herself also stated, that she felt so much hurt at the insults to which she had been subjected, that she was in tears all the way to the station-house, on her arrival at which she communicated to the inspector on duty the fact of her having been ill-treated, but was prevented making a full dis closure of the particulars from the precipitancy with which the charge was taken, and she was locked up in the cells. Sergeant Coleman, the acting inspector at the time, was then called and stated, that on Bolton being brought to the station. she was certainly not crying, as she bad stated, nor did she bear the appearance of hating previously done so ; and that although she.complained to him that the policeman had offered her money to accompany him down the court, she said nothing of the gross acts of indecency alleged to have taken place, although she had ample opportunity of doing so. The sergeant added (as indeed the women them selves had acknowledged), that both the complainant and her friend were common prostitutes, and lodged at the house of a man named Sheen, which was the resort of the lowest characters in the district. Mr. Heritage addressed the Magistrate at great length on behalf of his client, who had instructed him to deny in the most decisive manner everything that was alleged against him, and to whom a conviction on such a charge would be little short of destruction ; and after pointing out the dis crepancies which appeared in the statement of the two women, said that lie was necessarily precluded by the very nature of the case from offering any direct evidence to rebut their testimony, but should call numerous witnesses he had in attendance, who would give as strong a refutation of it as the circumstances would admit of. The Learned Gentleman then called— Police-constable Galavin, 73 H, who stated, that while going the round of his section, at half-past twelve on the night in question, he came upon the defendant's beat in Well-street, stile-end, and saw him desiring the two women Bolton and Reeve, who were using most disgusting language in a loud tone of voice, to go away quietly. Witness also desired them to go home, and Reeve persuaded Bolton to do so, but they still kept repeating the same filthy ex• pressions through the length of several stre.ts, and witness left Amos and them together, Amos telling him that he should be obliged to lock them up, "they were going on so." The women were surrounded by a large crowd of persons, whom their conduct had collected, but whose pre sence did not stop their disgusting language. Witness was not present at the commencement of the transaction, and could not, of course, speak as to what might previously have taken place. Green, 61 11, also deposed to the utterance of this language by the women, and to his own interference and telling them, as they were making a great disturbance, that if they had any complaint to make they should go away quietly and lodge it at the station-house. Mary ,Webb and Martha Walbank; two married women living in Anne's -court, Well-street, the scene of the alleged outrage upon the •person. of the complainant. stated, that they were both up on the night referred to till long after the time at which the offence was stated to have been committed by the constable, and that they beard no cries for assistance whatever, or struggle, or noise of any description, and the/ if there had been they must have heard it, as the court only contained four houses, was very quiet, and was not a thoroughfare. Richard Graves, a tradesman at the corner of the court, gave precisely the same testimony as to no screams or remonstrance having been uttered at the time spoken to, and, as his shop was not closed till a quarter past ono o'clock, had. any woman been so ill-treated, she had an opportunity of procuring assistance or complaining, and no one did so. Mrs. Elizabeth Hodge, the wife of a pewterer, also stated that while a male customer was making some purchases at her shop in Old Montague-street, about the time in question, the man was most grossly insulted by two women outside, although he had never seen them before, and who uttered such foul language towards him that it was impossible for her to repeat it. Mr. Wellesley Medlicott, the superintendent, Inspector Ellis, Sergeant Teakle, and.Alderrnan, the gaoler, were then called as witnesses to character, and all described the de fendant as an exceedingly well-conducted, promising, and pains-taking young man, who was very anxious to perform his duty correctly, and who had kept his beat, which was the resort of prostitutes of,the lowest order, more peaceable than It had ever previouslyibeen. Alderman bad know him before he entered theforce, when he was in business for himself, and both he and his friends were respectable. He was also a married man, with one' child, and his wife was the daughter of a tradesman in the neighbourhood. Mr. Heritage said he could calla number of other witnesses to the same effect, butionsidered it useless to do so. Mr. BRoUGIIToN said that this wasundoubtedly a question of much importance, both as regarded the administration of justice, the conduct of the police force in general, in which, if the charge were established, it must go a great way to shake the public confidence, as had been justly stated else where, and the defendant himself; who, if the statement of the women were true, had been guilty, if of anything, of an attempted violation, followed by gross perjury, for which any judge who tried him must sentence him to transportation ; for the moral status of the women offered no extenuation of the offence and a case was upon the books in which two soldiers had been tried and executed at Exeter for a rape upon a prostitute. The Learned Magistrate then went care fully through all the facts of the case, and the evidence bear ing upon them on both sides, and after commenting upon the important discrepancies in the woman's evidence, and the improbability that an officer should attempt such an offence in full uniform, by which he could be so easily identified, and with the knowledge that the other woman was close at hand, and that he might be momentarily detested by one of his superiors while going their rounds, concluded by saying, "If the evidence of these two women had been consistent in its chief particulars, or corroborated :by other impartial testi mony, I should certainly have felt it my duty to send the defendant for trial for perjury, when, good though the cha racter may be that he has hitherto borne, I have no hesita tion in saying that it would have very little weight in the sentence; but, after taking every pains that I possibly cou:d in sifting and investigating this matter in all its bearings, I must express it as my opinion that the evidence of the women, with such manifest contradictions, is not such as any jury or magistrate can safely depend upon, and under those circumstances I shall order the defendant to be dis charged." The case, which was not over till a late hour, excited great interest, and the court was most inconveniently crowded during the whole proceedings. LAIPJBETH. Yesterday Mary Ann Brooke, an exceedingly good-look ing woman, was placed at the bar before Mr. Elliott on a charge of robbing her master, Mr. Denny, a surgeon in the London-road, and presenting the property to a person in the Queen's Bench prison, who represents himself as a Lieute nant in the Royal Horse Guards Blue. It appeared that the day before Mr. Denny received a let ter from a person confined for debt •in the Queen's Bench prison, who represents himself as a Lieutenant P—, of the Royal Horse Guards Blue, stating that some time before he had met his servant (the prisoner ) e at the table of a Mr. B—, a fellow-prisoner , andth r a that sh e subsequently visited him very frequently in his own him (Lieutenant P—) with that during these visits the prisoner had presented m ; various articles which she represented to be her own pro perty, but he (Lieutenant P—), suspecting now that they were the property otMr. Denny, and that the prisoner had im properly possessed herself of them, was willing to give them up. This appeared all right and proper, but theemaining , remaining part of the letter went clearly to show that the • prisoner had become more Intimately acquainted with o th er debtors than Lieut. P— fancied, and that the letter forwarded to her master had been written more from a feeling of jealousy than compunctious visitations about the property being dishonestly come by. On receipt of the letter, how ever, Mr. Denny proceeded to the Queen's Bench prison, and in the room of Lieut. 1 ) found two carpets, a footman, a china basket, and other articles, which he recognised, and which were at once delivered up to him. He then returned home, and accused the prisoner of stealing these articles, when she replied that she had merely lent them to the gentleman in whose rooms they had been found, lira he then gave her into the custody of an officer. Her boxes and the drawers which she used were examined, and they were found to contain several articles of property belonging to Mr. Denny. Police -constable John Payne, 156 L, deposed that he had been called in to take the prisoner into custody on the pre ceding evening, and on his telling her what it was for, she replied that she bad lent the things to Mr. P—, who was is the Queen's Bench prison. She also said she .was sorry for what she had done, but Mr. P— wished her to take her master's property. She said she should not do so, but would lend him two or three things, which he was to return. The prisoner offered a similar defence, and was remanded to a future day, when the case will undergo the most search ing investigation. TILE LATIt EXTRAORDINARY CASE —After making the ap plication to this court on Tuesday evening, the parents of the lad who had been detained et the Railway Hotel, Nine Elms, by Mrs. Boys, proceeded there, as directed by the magistrate, for the purpose of possessing themselves of their youthful son, Mr. NE WDEGATE said he regretted that he was too late to present a petal:la from Huddersfield, signed by the soli citors, the merchant-traders, the physi c i ans , an d . the manu facturers in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. MARSLAND said that the Honourable Mem ber for Oldham had not acted upon his own precepts. As the manufacturers of this country had to com pete with foreign manufacturers, the House ought to pause before it consented to place restrictions upon them which could not fail to have the eft et of pi.ve.ting them from competing so well as they could it they were left untrammelled by legislative enactments. The time chosen for seeking to pass this measure was most unsuited, as the manufactures of the country were in a very perilous condition, He was in favour of giving the labouring classes of this city more relaxation for innocent pursuits, but he was adverse to its being given through the hands of the State. Mr. DUNCOMBE said, as it was the wish of the House to come to a division without delav, he would not detain them for more than three minutes. fie agreed in one observation of the Hon. Member, that the master manufacturers were tired of the agitation; but he might have added, with equal truth, that the workers also were tired of it. An Eleven Hours' Bill was an absurd proposition, and it showed that the Government, in favouring one, had doubts of a measure of that kind.—( Hear.) uch a measure could not be beneficial to the employed—they al most universally called for a Ten Hours' Bills Those who were for the restriction of labour in factories were of opinion that ten hours, and ten hours alone, was the mea sure which ought to be granted. The Secretary of State for the Home Department bad said, that he would not be a party to keeping up the delusion, that the people would re ceive twelve hours' wages for ten hours' work. He knew that the people did helieve that they should receive for ten hours' work twelve hours' wages, and they had many instances in which a reduction of the hours of work had been followed by an increase of wages. He had one instarfceio give. in a letter from a competent autho rity, written to him, and which stated that experience had proved that where the hours of work were reduced wages did not fall in proportion, and the moral condition of the workman would be much improved. Feeling, as he did, that the Bill would give to the people of this country greater recreation and improved moral habits, he should give it his cordial support. Mr. B. ESCOTT (who rose amidst a storm of confusion, noise, and cries of "Divide") said that he rose to move the adjournment of this debate.— (Oh, oh.) He moved it for a good reason. On a former occasion the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had said that he would express his views en the second reading of the Bill, and the Noble Lord had not spoken upon the second reading of that measure.— (Cries of " Yes, yes.") He had not. The Noble Lord had said a few words, but he had not entered upon the principle of the Bill. Neither had he heard the opinion of the Honourable Member for Tamworth, nor the opinion of the Noble Member for Lynn, the straightforward leader of a very large party in that House. —(Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Right Hon. Gentleman the Recorder for Dublin was crying out and interrupting; would it not be better to answer him when he had done? For the reasons he had stated, he moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. SHAW said he would only say one word in answer to the Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken. He believed that the only object of the Hon. Gentleman who had last spoken was to throw every obstacle in the way of the pro gress of the measure. Mr. LABOUCHERE thought that the reasons the Hon. Member had brought before the House why the division should not. be entered iato were very unsatisfactory. tie had often known the }louse to consent to an adjourn ment because some Members were desirous of addressing the House on some important question, and they had not had an opportunity of doing so, but he had never before heard in that House that when a Member was not desirous of addressing the House that the House should adjourn for the purpose of hearing him. His was prepared to give the measure every fair op position in his power; but he could not consent to the course taken by the Honourable Member for Winchester. After two days' discussion, and consi dering that the question had been so often before the House, he did not think they would be justified in adjourning the de Sirb formera tohcp(acEHda, occasion, r h , gwi e e dd a i t r th . hh ) promising havingLt o e Learned np givenee d a 1 e k o m an b p t e l he r de for gpe eosWin chesterne n atme fi withon occasion. He rose to say he had made no engage ment of the kind.—(Hear, hear.) When the Bill was introduced he stated he would not oppose it in that stage, but that he still entertained his previous opinions against the measure, and would in its future progress offer it all the opposition in his power. He had always opposed the principle of the Bill, and retained the same objections to it now, but he had made no promise that he would speak on the present debate.—(Hear, hear.) When the subject had been so long discussed already, and no new arguments intro duced, he thought it would be better for him to remain silent and record his vote against the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said he was still in favour of the Bill, and would now vote in its favour. . Mr. BRIGHT said it would be in the recollection of the House oa that day week, that at the conclusion of his observations he made some remarks on the conduct of the Government in regard to this measure. He wanted some explanation of this conduct, and the Hon. and Learned Member for Winchester appeared to be wanting the same. This was an important discussion, and should not be taken on Wednesday at all, when , for the first four hours so few Members were present, but sbould be taken on some other day, when it could be more fully considered. Ha would second the motion fur adjourn ment The gallery was then cleared for a division, when there ap peared-- For the adjournment Aga;nst it. ,.- 282 MAjority against the adjournment -275 The House then divided upon the question, "That the word now' stand part of the question"—when there ap peared— For the word " now" Against it B7 Majority —loB The House then adjourned at ten minutes past Six o'clock. PETITIONS ON PRIVATE BILLS. HOUSE OF CONDIONS (Room 22, before Mr. Examiner SMITH.) UNOPPOSED LIST. In the following unopposed cases the customary formal proofs were completed, and the standing orders complied with : London and South• Western Railway Acts Amendment (Powers to London and South- western Railway Company to raise further capital, and subscribe to various under takings). Ipswich and Bury St. Edmund's Railway (Branch from Ipswich to Woodbridge). Dublin, Dundrum, and Rathfarnham Railway (Extensions to Stephen's-green). St. Mary's in Bathwick (in the city and borough of Bath) Ch - arch Acts Amendment. Leominster Canal Navigation Sale. Blandford and Bruton Railway, from Blandford to join the Wilts, Somerset, and Wey;nouth Railway at Bruton, in the county of Somerset, with powers for the London and South-Western Railway Company to make or purchase, or hire the same. This opposed case was then resumed. At the close of the inquiry, the standing orders were found not to have been complied with in several instances. (Room 23, before Mr. Examiner MAY.) UNOPPOSED In the following unopposed cases the customary formal proofs were completed : York and Newcastle Railway (Pelaw Tyne Dock Branches, &c.) York and Newcastle and Newcastle and Berwick Railways Amalgamation. York and North .Midland Railway (Nottingley Branch). York and North Midland Railway (Harrogate Branch, Bo ro3ghbridge, and Knaresborough Extension). York and North Midland Railway (East Riding Canals Pur chase). Herne Bay and . Canterbury Junction Railway. OPPOSED CASE. Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Branch from Burntisland to Dunfermline Branch ; Deviation and Extension of Dun. fermline Branch ; Branch from the Strathearn Deviation to the Scottish Central Railway; Great North Road Dal: keith Railway Crossing, Dun Cross ing (Strathearn Deviation), and Road C rossin g , a T line butthe his opposed case was gone into, not closed when the Examiner rose. Branch). inquiry had Dunfermline --- LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Feb. 17. (Before the LORD CHIEF JUSTICE.) FOSTER V. IRELAND. This was an action for the recovery of certain sums due for commission for the superintendence of certain buildings at Walworth. Mr. Montague Chambers appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr. Sergeant Byl , s for the defendant. It was shown in evidence that thv plaintiff had been engaged to make plans for two cottages at Wal worth, the amount of the expenditure being restricted to 4001.; but the plaintiff brought in a plan which would involve the spending of more than 6001. On that account !the services of the plaintiff were repudiated, and it wa s now ...... Amomm elik Mir Kr sought to recover the amount for the work actually done. and arrived just in time to accomplish their object. It seemas The defendant had no obje c ti on t o p a y it ; b u t th e d amages that at the very moment the parties ha d been making appli ...- ought to be limited to that point. From the documents submitted to the Court, it appeared that thecharge Railway Hotel, an d 'cation at this court, the father of the other two lads whot el Mrs. Boys bad with her, arrived at the Rai made would give 441. 10s- to the plaintiff. There was a not at commission beyond this for a few pounds, but the whole charge they had been confided, at once removed them Mrs. all relishing the then ' condition of the lady at whos fron 1 amount did notexceed ra. or 61. On these grounds the . her care. Finding herself freed from this encumbrance, Boys sent for a cab, an Learned Sergeant submitted that a verdict should be given for his client. leaving the hotel ; and had it not been for the a Yhe should Loan CHIEF J ' ignorance of her youthful companion as to w! , a d expressed her intention fofetatofonthcee : run- TheITSTICE summed up, and the jury pay the waiters of the establishment, she would ha ve • returned a verdict fur 1941. 4s. 6d. b wad's ceeded in carrying him off. She was seated in the ca _ id, a jewel-case and several small boxes, containing, it w."2 . Z ile , considerable property, beside her, and ready to stot ; Y"'"„_ her '° dear Frederick," as she called him, was left CP ev%.l"i` the bill. He did so, and left the hotel to ask what he shesiliA pay the waiters? She replied five shillings, and this std the youth offered, but it was refused. He re turned to the cab to inform the lady of the circumstance , and the latter' directed him to give the ten shillings or even 1/., so th th s e they might get awa m y but before he had time to settle matter, his parents came up, and by threats ar.d ra . nr i e s succeeded in getting him away. Mrs. Boy s, is th e . . 1 ! terim, sad upon seeing the parents of the lad come tire al .. rected the cabman to drive on 'and she was drive n in cap, No. 870 towards town, but whither no person at the hotel i aware ot. _ —.---.. WESTMINSTER. Captain G. Losack attended at this court to prefer A ce rr , l : plaint against a cab-driver for conduct of the most ruXa,n_ description. The proprietor of 2,813 had been surnmeneamil produce the licensed driver of the cab, which he did; ",,n the latter havieg stated that he had been sudde nl y te t e ill, and had employed what is generally termed bUC _ on the night the .ffence was committed, who had drivert Wil liam Stacey, the man so employed, and erff_ was in attendance, was ordered to stand forward, and 1;7: that it v licensed driver put into the witness-box to prove had entrusted the cab to hie care. t (41 Captain Losack, of the Ist West India Regiment, Oa Qfrti that a little before twelve o'clock on the night of the instant he hired the defendant's cab at the Haywir.: Theatre, and ordered hint to drive to Shattesbury - te rre ?! Pimlico. On arriving at King-street, Westminster, tirf; fendant suddenly stopped at a public- house, and, 'Y. 1 . 0 brutal oat h declared he would not move another inch un'...° the gentleman gave him something to drink. ComPlain7o observed that he appeared to have had enough, and told if he did not go on, he would lodge a complaint against M Defendant, after using two or three more oaths, and ex. ing his determination "to give the gentleman a %lin slammed the cab-door with great violence and motiater the box again. He then drove into Great Georg e-stresO where he caused the wheel of the cab to come i n coli c tact with a stone, put for the protection of a lamp olu and which caused the cab to jerk considerably. On re s ea the park gates he refused to drive through them, and turn, down Princes-street. Complainant told him that he 1" ; going the wrong way, when defendant observed, " Oh, II be d—d, I know the way better than you do," and then PP' ceeded towards Westminster Abbey, where he sudd ea l turned off in the direction of the bridge. Complai l lt several times put his head out of the window, and told 111 ,1 - to stop, and each time that he did so defendant struck /0'" over the hat, and said, "If you don't get in I'll cut your head off." On arriving at Bridge-street, a person to IOW.; complainant called stopped the cab, and then two or th e r, other cabmen came up, and asked defendant what was ,t`i matter, when he informed the bystanders that a fellow ' 4 O got into his cab with a woman, and thatehe would not com e out of it, nor would the fellow pay the fare-Is. 6d. T!, persons then stepped out of the crowd, and inquired w he t defendant was hired? to which he replied in the neg auf : and added, " As soon as I get this woman out, I'll take ic'A up." The cab was at this time in the middle of the 111.8"' with the snow ancle-deep, when complainant, who vtasrai companied by his wife, handed her out, and although be Po not ridden a mile took the advice of some gentlemen Wio, came up, and paid the driver the eighteenpence whi ci ! demanded. .01 1 The defendant, in answer to the charge, said, " I went -„,• the cab to the stand and there some gentlemen gave something to drink. I suppose I must have taken this Pi tleman (Captain Losack) up, but I don't remember it. I think halt of what he has said is false, but I was tipsy' know." bsi Mr. BRODERIP observed, that of all the cases that 0 ever come within the experience of a magistrate, this : i d one of the most ruffianly. All the answer, if answer it A , be termed, made to it was, that the defendant was inttia cated; but that was no justification, for if it was to be PLI so, no person would for a moment be safe. He should I; that he but ill discharged his duty to the public if, s d neglected to mark his sense of the series of cffences he 0,4, committed—namely, demanding considerably more than Jill fare—his extremely abusive and offensive conduct-o d t is wanton assault upon the gentleman. As a punishm en ro• this case, and as a warning to others, he should, for the Po tection of the c,mmunity, commit defendant for six f ie to hard labour in the House of Correction. BOSTON, STAMFORD, and BIRO: INGEIAM RAILWAY (SFAMFORD AND WI" BECLI LINE). of The ordinary half-yearly meeting of _the shareholitens, this company was held iesterday — at their offices, N° Sag Abingdon- street, Westminster. Thomas Macaulay, president of the board of director; in the chair. After the usual preliminaries, ho t The CHAIRMAN said that, although so short s time t he elapsed since the last meeting of the company, yet 1 - 7 b y r d present was a regular half-yearly meeting, the Secretor,' thought it nght to make a report. sr The SECRETARY then read the report, from which it 6, peared that the shares had been reduced from three to ono and that the directors had made a call of I/. 14; a shar i e j, 6 6o also stated that all the Bills alluded to in the report had 41 86 read a first time, and that the balance of assets was '" 6s. Bd., the sum stated at the last meeting. TOO The CHAIRMAN said it would not be necessary to any lengthened observations. It could not be supposeo_',..m. since the last meeting the directors had-much to municate. The directors were carefully superinten_oeieT the progress of the Bills laid before, the last ,% p etl ing. The latter part of the 'business trien`etp in the advertisement was a subject for the special ,„ eir t he ing that would take place after the conclusion °•- present meeting. Considerable advances had been troilfl fo r wards the capital of the company, though the Pe r " . .. 1 30 the payment of such, had not arrived,* and there W°- „ doubt that the requisite capital' would be supplied by g e r ; tlemen who knew the value of B,re per cent. certain, end st d per cent. in perpetuity.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Pearson ha d given his most valuable services to the company as a super: intendent, for which they proposed to allow him 4001.11i annum, only 2001. per annum of which would come Ot i ` ; „ r the poAets of the company. He would conclude by the adoption of the report in the usual form. Mr. GRIFFIN seconded the motion. Mr. LEACHMAN proposed as an amendment that tilt: salary of the secretary should be increased from 1501 * 3501. per annum. Hare d After some discussion the amendment was altered cons! into a'resolution, to the effect that the meetinget it inexpedient to increase the allowance of 1,00 01 r annum for any salary to the managing director. This amendment was negatived. 46 4 The original resolution was then put and carried by A majority. This terminated the business of the half-yearly steetin o t A special meeting was then held to confirm the agre, 13 , 1 , 0 .0 entered into with the directors of the Great 1 0 ~,'„„t o r Railway Company by the directors of the Bel to Stamford, and Birmingham Railway Compaq . 0 0 sell and lease their line, • with the exterollot to the former company, which had already been Or li :AO at a general meeting of the shareholders, and also to the following Billa, viz.:— A •,.mittr Bill to empower the Boston, Stamford, and Bi— to o ham Railway Company to make a railway from the Woe and Peterborough Railway, at or near Peterborough, t° fl d Stamford and Wisbech line of the Boston, Stanifortkil ol Birmingham Railway, in the parish of Thorney and I Fe Ely A . 11 0 Bill to empower the Boston, Stamford, and Birnlingbibe Railway Company to make a Branch Railway from .„ ( 1 Stamford and Wisbech line of the Boston, Stamford, ;0-4 Birmingham Railway, at Wisbech, to Wisbech Harbour , to construct certain works at Wisbech Harbour. Wit A Bill to empower the Boston, Stamford, and Dirrnintiv Railway Company to make a Railway from Wished' to ":" 0 . ton Bridge, with a Branch to Sutton St. Mary, and W prove the Harbour at Sutton Bridge. di? The agreement and the Bills were confirmed without sent or discussion. t.•ifi° Thanks were then voted to the Chairman and t.• rectors.—The meeting then separated. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —TEAS AT WHOLESALE X ,ore ' s 6, ,'", 0 0 No. 2, BuCKLERSBUItY, CHEAPSIDEO—FaMiIieS consumption is large, and study economy, will d er i t i. considerable advantage at this establi s hment. one," „ eli form price is affixed, by which the purchaser of ¢ 5 " pound can obtain it on the same terms as the trade. Black Tea 2s. Bd., 35., 3s. 4d, 3s. 8d ,4s 4s. 4( 1 ., 55 ' Green 3s. 4d., 3s. Bd., 45., 4s. 4d., 55., 65., 75. sj, Coffee 9d., Md.. is., is 2d., Is. 4d., is. 6d. , 15* 0 Onelmaund sent tree to any part 4.f towp. Orders fro the cOutitry forwarded the s ame day ; an d when :14 quantity' is for 61b. weight (tea only), the carrisPe o , paid to any part of EngIand.—MANSELL an d wholesale tea dealers, 2, Bucklersbury, Cheapside. Dispatches werel . 4 ceived 3esterday at the Co looll/0' office from the Governor of the Mauritius, and also fr ° the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope. Ettr i The Bishop of Toronto had an interview with Grey yesterday, Mr. James Field had also an We' view with his Lordship at tho Colonial-office. Wo lP [ A DVE R TIMM E T —A DisEasED KNEE.---__ A DESFUL CURE BY HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND PILLS.—John NT, y es aged 19, of Kinnegs, parish of Longhall , near Armagh , was 50,,0 with a pain in his knee, which la.ted fur t hre e months, and i" • commenced to swell ; six months afterwards, it broke out into dreadful wound, and discharged tor 'twelvemonths, although e yed remedy was used that medical men could devise, both at tit!, county inert and local dispensary, yet no appearance of presented itself; untiLhis father purchased SOME of Holloway's P i : and Ointment, which soon effected a sound cure. NO mounds, sac', or ulcers, however long standing, can resist the proper use of tl l line medicines. Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway establishment, 244, Strand, London. MR7IIB. On the 10th inst., the wife of John Potter, E sq .. so licitor, w ...—.wilt of a son. Oa the 12th inst., at Greenwich, the wif e o f F. L. Wallace, 251.94 of a son. On the 14th inst., at Porchester-terrace, the wife of Ildro und D. Bourdilion, Esq., of a daughter. Arne tt, On the 14th inst., at Cheltenham, the wife of the Rey. 0. So of a son. the lady er* On the 14th inst., at Canonbury-square, Islington, Guedalla, Esq., of a son. ~... of SO NO On the 14th inst., in Orchard-street, Chichester, the H.... , Henty, Esq., of a daughter. T hteckl l,olll On the 15th inst., in Albemarle - street , Mrs. R. u . of a son irloiri ts On the 15th inst., at Tooting-common. the lady of P . r Tr- Di to Esq., of a son. _, 8 req. , On the 15th inst., at Hastings, the lady of W. B. AJDP , Captain sth Dragoon Guards, of a daughter. a Art h On the I6th inst., at Hyde park-gardens, the Hon- Mr s ' Kinnaird, of a son. On the 16th inst., in Russell-square, Mrs. G. CloNle s -•"*"...°11. MARRIED. va s lind i On the 7th of October, at Meerut, In the East Indies, -- 1 0 . Helena Angelo, fourth daughter of Lieutenant - Colonel John - - orn pier Of the 3d Regiment Bengal Cavalry, to Captain Joh n Aborcr of the Bengal Horse Artillery. DIED. On the 21st ult., at Nice, Letitia Sarah, only Major-General Sewell. MO D Of the late On the 24th ult. , m at Tottenham, Sarah, relict o of Huffam, aged 73. Esq" Sheriff On the 6th inst., at Leamington, Andrew Murray, eet Aberdeenshire. , l eting daughter of th e Ist° On the pith inst., at Pelham-place, Bromptol l , El lin° daughter of the late W. Webb, Esq. aged 36. LL.. O f On the 16th inst., at Doctors'-commons, J. DaubonY, Esq" w ife - On the 16th inst., at Union-place, Lambeth-road , Je nne "' Willi am Sawter, Esq. 4,. .ft den% the 111 ' On the 16th inst., at Gloucester-road, Hyde-Par"*. - . 1. fent sen of Edward Morris, Esq INO* II !; Lont4en: erinten And ifablistied by WEIRDO YOUN. „, g n.. 'strand. Printer, at the Sun ftico. No. 11t. ettrane, in the 1— to of th° say" , in the County of Middlesex. T Druary 18, 1847. • `Y• r