The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-05-21 00:00:00

THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. Emperiat Varliament. HOUSE OF LORDS. FRIDAY, MAY 17. The royal assent was given by commission to the bill for re pealing the duty on personal estates, to the excise duties' re peal bill, to the Gravesend and London railway bill, and the cotton duties' reduction bill. The Lord Chancellor, the Mar quis of Lansdowne, and the Duke of Richmond sat as com missioners. The Earl of ABERDEEN rose to move for certain re -turns connected with the wine duties. (We understood the noble earl, who spoke in a very low tone of voice, to sav that he wished to ascertain what had been the effect of the list al terations made by Government in the wine duties.) When that measure was proposed, he had predicted its ill conse quences, and his object was to learn whether those conse quences had hitherto taken place. He therefore moved for an account of the quantity of wine imported during the last five yeprs ending the sth of January, 1833, specifying the several rates, Sze.; together with a return of the amount of duty paid on each description of wine, and an account of the quantity of French, Cape, and other wines remaining in stock. Lord AUKLAND said that he had not the least objection to the production of the returns, but observed that the predictions of the noble earl, with regard to the operation of the measure in question, would, he believed, be found to be entirely errone ous, and that the calculations of his Majesty's government, with regard to the produce derivable from the enacted scale of duties, would be seen to be just. The noble lord added, that public opinion was decidedly in favour of the reduction in the duty on French wines, and that the reduction, considered rnetely in a commercial point of view, had removed impedi ments which had hitherto existed. The Earlof ABERDEEN replied, that though he certainly ap. proved of the act in question as a financial measure, he depre. cited it iu the strongest terms as a measure of politics, acid had, in fact, entered his protest on the journals of the house to that effect. After a few words from Lord ELLENuoaouGH, who concurred in the propriety of the motion, the returns were ordered. The Earl of MEATH presented a petition from the city of Dub lin in favour of the poor-laws for Ireland, most numerously and respectably signed, and which he stated,was of the greatest im portance. The Earl of WICKLOW, in moving . for a return connected with the Irish tithe composition act, wished to know from his Majesty's ministers when the other bills, which they had pro mised as accompaniments to that measure, were to be forth coming ? His object, however, in his present motion, was to aAcettain how far the provisions of the Tithe Composition Act had been carried into effect; and he therefore moved for a re turn of the number of parishes in Ireland in which a composi tion of tithes had been carried into effect through the exercise , of the power to appoint commissioners to fix the amount of com position as provided for by the act of last session. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the subject of the no ble earl's inquiry engaged the attention of government, and he had no doubt the measures alluded to would be shortly pro pounded. To the return he had no objection. After a few words from Lord CARBERRY, the return was or dered. Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from Leeds against the 19th clause of the local jurisdiction act. Petitions for the abolition of slavery were presented by Marquis of Lansdowne, the Duke of Sutherland, the Earl of Rosebery, the Earl of Albemarle, Lord Charlemont, and Lord Suffield; - 3W petitions on this subject were presented by the latter .noble lord. The Duke of WELLINGTON then presented some petitions which prayed for the abolition of slavery, accompanied however with a hope that due regard would be paid, in carrying that •object .into effect, to the interests of those who had property in the West Indies. The noble duke said he fully concurred in the prayer of these petitions, rather than in that of the peti tions presented by the noble Lord (Suffield) ; and his reason was, because it was snore consistent with the resolutions and acts of Parliament that a due regard should be paid not only to the interests of the negroes, but to those of the proprietors of those couratries. The best mode to secure this due regard was to proceed gradually in the work of emancipation. The demand for the abolition of slavery was, he admitted, impera tive. He was convinced that it was impossible to mistake the feeling which pervaded the public mind of this great country with regard to that question, so loudly and generally was it expressed. But it was equally impossible to go into any society whatever, to frequent any public meeting or ceremony, and not to find men of every political persuasion complaining of the premature discussion of the que,ttion. He had that very 'orning beers present at a ceremony at which -he met six officers of the army, who represented themselveS as having suffered total ruin in their West India property in conse •quence of this premature discussion, and yet two of those officers had never owned slaves at all. With the West India colonies he had himself nothing to do, but he could not help thinking, if it were true that the commerce of this country, and the fortunes of private individuals, were endangered, or were to be totally destroyed, by the prdmature adoption of the anea.sure which had been proposed, that his Majesty's ministers would incur an unequalled moral and political responsibility. (Hear.) The noble duke then presented the petitions for the abolition of slavery, with due regard to the property of the colonists, from the inhabitants of the Royal burgh of Fortrose, from the eastern division of the county of Dorset, and three other petitions. Lord SUFFIELD said, that the petitioners who had intrusted him with the numerous petitions which he presented would not consent to compensation, because it seemed to recognize pro perty in man, but in the pra) er of their petitions they pro fessed the greatest readiness to grant any relief to the planter, for any effect produced upon his property by immediate eman cipation. They could not, therefore, be charged with want of liberality. The noble duke, therefore, proceeded on au errone ous assumption, in supposing that the result of immediate emancipation, or the total extinction of slavery, would be the total destruction of colonial property. The Duke of WELLINGTON had not argued upon any theories, and had abstained from offering any opinion of his own upon the proposed measure of slave emancipation. He had how ever, found in a paper which he had read, that the right hon. gentleman the secretary for the Colonies had most ably argued the question, and that he had stated as his opinion that the slaves would not work out their own manumission. STAFFORD BRIBERY BILL. The Earl of RADNOR moved the order of the day for the fur ther consideration of the report on the Stafford Bribery Bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that when he had first heard of the bill he had felt a great objection to it, because he thought it was more calculated to encourage than to prevent bribery, and if the bill had not been much altered up stairs, he should have felt it his duty to have opposed its passing into a law. Evidence had, however, been given before that committee, which had proved in the clearest manner that bribery had to an unparalleled (he hoped) extent prevailed in the borough of Stafford for a great many years, and the committee were unanimously of opinion that the preamble of the bill had been fully proved. Under these circumstances, lie concurred in the propriety of giving the select committee of the House of Commons the powers of indemnifying witnesses, as provided in this bill; which had been also greatly impr o ved in another re spect, namely, that the indemnification should not be extended to the candidates at the last election, He thought it was essen tially necessary that those who had carried on the bribery should not be exempted from the operation of the law. (Hear.) Under all these circumstances he should withdraw his opposi tion to the bill. After a few words from the Earl of Radnor, the report was agreed to, and the bill was ordered to be read a third time to morrow. Adjourned at 10 minutes past 7 o'clock. HOUSE OF COIVINIONC. THURSDAY, MAY 16. The opening of the gallery did not take place to-day until 5 o'clock, in consequence of the ballots upon the Clonmell bo rough election and the Carnarvon borough election having been specially appointed. Mr. RoEnucs wished to take that opportunity to draw the attention of the house and more particularly his Majesty's go vernment, to a placard which was issued, _purporting to come from the Secretary of State for the Home Department, relative to a meeting announced to take place in Coldbath-fields for the purpose of conning a " National Convention." This placard, which was numerously posted upon the walls of the metropolis, bore the signature of no person; and he wished to know from the government if the placard was issued by the Secretary of State; and, if it was, if any objection existed to laying before the house a copy of the information upon which the noble lord (Melbourne) had thought proper to issue that proclamation. The SOLICITOR-GENI?.KAL rose to order. The SPEAKER said, that after the intimation given the hon. member, it rested with himself whether he would proceed with the subject Mr. itoseucx resumed.—There never was a more contempti ble meeting, and never was there less occasion for an attack upon the peop!e than in the case to which he alluded. He felt persuaded that no fight would have ensued if the police had not been instructed by the government to make such a merciless at tack upon the comparatively few persons assembled. Itiniaters had given every encouragement to ,political agitation Among this class of persons ; they had indulg e d them in politicalmeet. lugs, where language of the most violent and inflammatory character had been permitted. -(•Hber, hear.) Government had fostered this spirit among the people (hear, hear), and now they turned round on their victims and sent a body of ruffians to beat them down. (Cheers from the opposition.) But he was wrong in using that word—they were po li cemen. (Hear.) If the people had been permitted to assemble and hold their meeting, he would ask what would have been the result ? Why, a few speakers would have addressed the meeting, and they would have quietly dispersed. There had been a great want of caution on the part of ministers. The meeting was not dis tinctly an illegal meetin b ,e, for how did anybody know what was meant by a " National Convention? " (Cries of "Oh, oh! ") He declared he did not know what it meant. He perfectly un derstood the signification of the term in the French language, and as it was made use of in the United States of America, but he believed in the present instance they were only a few mis guided meu who assembled, they knee not for .what—it might have been for the purpose of petitioning Parliament. He be lieved a meeting could not be rendered illegal by a proclama tion from the Home-office. He condemned the total lack of pre cautionary measures ou the part of government, the absence of all notice, and the sudden and unwarr4Fitable rush made upon the people by a police armed with staves. Mr. G. LAMB protested against the proceeding of the hon. member as premature. He (Mr, Roebuck) might think fit to go on launching his allegations agains the government, and indulge in observations not justified fact; he did not say they were for the purpose of influenci the minds of a jury, but for the purpose of . (Cheers, which drowned the con clusion of the hon. member's sentence.) He would not follow the hon. member through the whole of his speech, but proceed to answer the question he had put to His Majesty's government. He had no hesitation in saying the proclamation in question was issued by the Secretary of State for the Home Department; and with regard to the power of government to issue a procla mation declaring any meeting illegal, he would only refer the hon. member to wha t took place with regard to a meeting at White Conduit-house two years ago. The SQLICITOR-GENERAL said, that as an inquest-was sitting at the present moment upon the death of one of his Majesty's subjects, the hon. member for Bath would have done better in abstaining altogether from any observations on the subject He would not now inquire into the legality illegality of the meeting alluded to, as the subject would undelko a strict inves tigation elsewhere; but he protested against the doctrine laid down by the hon. and learned member for Dublin, and enter tained no doubt that, without reading the Riot Act, an illegal meeting. might be legally dispersed. (Hear, hear.) Sir S - . WHALLEY said after the manner in which the people had been treated by the government, he should give notice of a call of the house on the 21st of May, when the subject of the assessed taxes was appointed for discussion. Mr. O'CoNNELL asked whether it were true, as was reported, that on a trial which had lately taken place in the Court of Ex chequer in Ireland, between the Crown and the Primate of Ireland, the Chief Baron had ordered a sum of £378 to be given to the jury. If the fact were true, it was illegal. Lord DUNCANNON explained, that the sum in question had been given to the jury as compensation for. a very long attend ance, the trial having lasted upwards of four months. The ver dict had gone against the Crown, and he thought that he had seine right to complain of the conduct of the judge who pre sided on the occasion, who declared that the suit was a perse cution of the Primate, although when he was the Attorney- General he had advised that prosecutiom. Mr. SHAW thought that the sort of insinuation which the noble lord had thrown out against the learned Chief Baron was poor encouragement for a judge who acted with government. Mr. LEFROY said a few words to the same effect. Mr. D. W. H ARVEY expressed his surprise at hearing a judge spoken of as acting with the government. He had always un derstood that it was the boast of England that judges were inde pendent of the Crown. (Hear.) The fact which had been alluded to was, as he understood, this—that the judge entered into a contract with the jury, before they delivered their verdict, that they should receive 31 guineas each. If any fault could be found with Lord Duncannon, it was that he had not moved to set aside the verdict, which was evidently a corrupt one. Mr. O'CONNELL then moved for various papers explanatory of the transaction, amongst which was a copy of the order of the judge, directing five guineas each to jour Jurymen who were not sworn. Mr. C. FERGUSON thought that the opinion given by the Chief Baron, when Attorney-General, should also be laid before the house. The case appeared to be one which required close in vestigation. The motion was agreed to. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice, that he would on Thursday next move for a copy of the opinion of the Chief Baron, when Attorn ey-Geueral, with the case laid before him upon which it was founded. INSURANCE ON FARMING STOCK. Sir It. PEEL requested that the hon. member for Lincoln shire (Mr. H. Handley) would postpone his motion, which stood next upon the paper, in order that the motion of the hon. mem ber for Oldham might be brought on. Lord ALTHORP said that he believed he could state that. which would render it unnecessary for the hon. member for Lincoln shire to bring forward his motion for leave to bring in "a bill to repeal so much of the act passed 9 George IV. for regulating the payment of certain duties on insurances from loss or damage by lire as related to live and dead farming stock, with a view to re duce the said duties thereon." He had looked at the amount of the duty derived from insurances upon farming stock, and he had no hesitation in saying that he could repeal it entirely. (Hear, hear.) POLAND: Mr. C. FERGUSON gave notice, that on the 13th of .lune he would submit a motion relative to Poland. SIR R. PEEL. Mr. COBBF.TT, after thanking the hon. members who had given way to him, said that he would introduce his motion with out either preface or profession. He would first read the reso lution which he intended to submit, from which the house might gather its tendency, after which he would submit such observa tions as he considered necessary, in order to endeavour to pre vail on the house, though he feared that would be a difficult task, to adopt it. The hon. member then read the resolution, which concluded with the pledging the house to present a loyal and dutiful address to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to dismiss the said right hon. Sir Robert Peel trona his Majesty's most hon. privy council. (Laughter.) The SPEAKER wished to know whether the document just read was the hon. member's speech or a motion ? If his speech, it could not. be received, because written; and it could not be called either a motion or a resolution. Mr. Cowin-I'l%—h is a resolution, beginning " Resolved that," &c. &c., to the end. (A laugh.) What was there to laugh at ? Is it because the resolution is of great moment to the people ? The gruauult was sure the house could not sanction the in sertion on its journals of an elaborate series of arguments—in fact, a pamphlet expression of the hon. member's peculiar views of a public question.—(Hear.) Mr. COBBETT.—The house may insert the resolution on its journals or not, just as it thinks fit. The public will judge whether it ought to do so or otherwise. He brought it forward because he conceived somebody or other should be responsible, that is, punishable,—for the infliction of a great public wrong, and Sir B. Peel, as the instrument, should be punished for the mischiefs produced by his currency bill of 181.9. He did not impute bad motives to the right hon. baronet, but good inten tion was no excuse for public injury, and the less so in Sir R. Peel's case, as he was over and over warned as to the mischiev ous results of his proceedings. When the people were injured they naturally looked for redress to their—so called--representa tives; if that house refused them that redress, it might happen that they might elect a house of their own that would not re fuse them. It might be that he should not have a majority in favour of his motion. Well, if he voted in a minority, it would be some consolation to him that Lord Althorp, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Ellice, three ministers, would also be found in the minority,—that is, if consistency and public honour, and common honesty, were not altogether a farce. Lord Althorp had twenty times in that house said they were in con sequence of Peel's bill paying in sterling gold a debt con traetedain a depreciated paper currency. Sir 'J. Graham had got credit for a compilation—for it was only a compilation, and, even as such, a poor thing after all—in which he repeated, what wiser men had proved before him, that the nation was taxed some 30 per cent. by the return to cash payments, and Mr. Ellice had carried his opposition to the bill, when in its progress through that house, so far as to propose that the standard should, in justice to the people of England, be re duced. Those gentlemen, therefore, could not but assent to a resolution which echoed their own sentiments, and no honest member could refuse to support a resolution which would prove a wholesome lessen of warning to all self-opiniated, half in formed people, imposing upon ministers. Zhe hon. member then proceeded to show that the bill of 1819 had reduced the price of corn some 50 per cent.; the , price of wool from 28.11 d. to 9d. per lb.; and British iron from £5 to £2 15s. per ton : and so with respect to other commodities, But its mischievous conse quences extended to the colonies; and indeed to the commercial world, and had proved particularly injurious to the West Indian property. To be sure Mr.Atanley.told 'them the other evening that the-depressed condition of that property was wholly owing So "over production." Well, he thought that greatest of all ab surdities lay in the grave of its parent—Lord Liverpool. Over production !—the.thing was a contradiction in terms. The poor of Ireland were perishing of famine by thousands and thousands in 1825, while her produce, her grain and her cattle, and her pigs, were being exported from all her ports to England.— Over production ! this is their fine political economy, and their Ricardo lectures, which would teach the people that the more bread .a.nd beef they raised the worse they -would be off. He should like to see the right hon. secretary expounding his obso lete absurdity to those pretty girls with whom he and the right hon. gentlemen were so intimate some years ago in Preston (a laugh), and who had the bad taste to prefer him (Mr. Cobbett) to the right hon. gentleman, and, indeed, to treat the right hon. gentleman rather naughtily, considering that he was young, if not killing handsome. (Cries of " Oh, oh !") These gentle nymphs the right hon. gentleman would find now the mothers of families, in spite of tie beautiful Malthusian ch ec k s yst e m, and about this hour (six o'clock) sipping their tea—but, alas ! without sugar. (Hear.) He should like to witness the answer he would receive if he told them that sugar was dear, because the West India interest had grown too much. (" Hear,' and a laugh.) They would teach him a lesson on over production, of which he would hardly covet a repetition. (Laughter.) It was not over production of sugar unuer which the West India inte rest laboured, but an under production of money, the conse quence of their currency doings of 1819. He had discharged his duty in bringing this matter before the house and the country ; and he should now place his resolution upon the jour nals, being convinced that it was not contrary to parliamentary forms; and that it was consistent with right and justice.— (Hear.) He then formally moved his resolution. Mr. FIELDEN (Oldham) seconded the resolution. The first part of the resolution was then put from the chair. Sir R. PEEL rose amidst loud cheering from all sides of the house. He said that out of respect for the house, he would treat this motion as if it had been made by some member of great weight and influence in the house (cheers), who in his conscience believed that he was discharging a public duty, which imperatively required of him to ask of the house to in flict upon him (Sir R. Peel) the greatest disgrace which could be inflicted upon a public man, by addressing his Majesty to dismiss him from his council.—(Cheers.) Out of respect to the house, he would so treat it, but he owned that he could not but express his surprise at this motion, coming as it did from one who only a few evenings ago had said of him, that, comparing him with others who h ad - taken part in the same proceedings, he was spotless as an angel.—(Cheers and laughter.) That after such an admission the hon. member should have selected him for punishment, rather than Mr. Ricardo or Mr. Huskis son, and others who had been advocates of the same system, was, he owned, somewhat surprising; but the honourable member saw him, perhaps, as the only one on whom he could immediately turn , _ and he selected him as his victim.—(Cheers.) Had he (Sir R. Peel) nothing to complain of in the fact that a charge of this vague nature had been held over him for two months (cheers) ; that for charges which had never until now been defined, and for acts spread over a period of six years, he was now to be dismissed his Majesty's council?—(Cheers.) Up to this night he was not told of the particular nature of the charges to be urged against him. He was not told whether it was for corrupt conduct. To-night, indeed, the hon. member disavowed any imputation of any corrupt motive on his (Sir It. Peel's) part. He was good enough to omit all charge of corruption; he merely attributed his conduct to his ignorance; but for that g ross ignorance he would have him dismissed from his Majesty's Privy Council.—(Cheers.) But would it not have been fair and candid of the hon. member to have commu nicated to him something of the particulars of the indictment which he thus preferred against him for acts done so far back as 1819? It was enough to have the charge made for conduct se far back and spread over so many years, without the injus tice of denying to him, up to the hour when they were brought forward, some intimation of their precise nature.—Had the hon. member any good design in pointing him (Sir R. Peel) out? Let the house see how, within the last month, the hon. member, addressing himself in a capacity different from that of a member of parliament to the labouring classes—to the physical strength of the country—avowed doctrines which he could not now deny, and with which he (Sir R. Peel) now charged him. On the 6th of April, 1833, the hon. member addressed the industrious classes on the subject of what he denominated "defence associ ations," the object of which was "to obtain, in reference to the direct taxes, an accurate list of the names and places of residence of all the great landowners in each county; to ascertain, as nearly as possible, when each of them came to his estate ; and whether he got it by purchase, heirship, or bequest; and also to ascertain the probable worth of it.,' That a man talking as the hon. member did that night of liberty, should recommend the intolerable tyranny of a sort of commission, formed to inquire and speculate on the amount of property possessed by individuals throughout the country, with a view to ulterior measures, was indeed extraordinary. (Hear, hear.) The association was "to cause to be printed, at a very cheap rate, a true pedigree of every great landowner, showing how much of the public money he or any of his relations have received, not omitting his prede cesiors for three or four generations; showing how he came by his estate, and . particularly showing that men, women, or chil dren appertaining to him are, or have been, on the pension or sAsecure list, and cause a sufficient number of these papers to be circulated amongst the industrious classes in his own imme diate neighbourhood, so that we may all know one another well." (Cheers.) . "This," continued the hon. member "is the sort of commission' that is wanted, and I would call it the reckoning commission, for it is absolutely necessary that we begin to make up our accounts and to have them ready. It would be a sad thing for us to be taken by surprise. When we all know one another well, we shall easily arrange matters quietly, we shall easily come to an equitable adjustment." What was the justice—what was the fairness—what was the courage of adopting a course and throwing out recommendations, the effect of which was to drive men to desperation? (Cheers.) The hon. member could have no object but one connected with the accomplishment of that end which now led him, looking to public confusion, or "equitable adjustment," to bring forward the present motion in order to point him (Sir R. Peel) out in reference to this "reckoning commission." God forbid that the hon. member's speculations on the prospect of " public confusion" should be realized. He laboured under no apprehension that they would. He felt confident, whatever might be the political diflerences that divided public men, that all who were possessed of property would unite in its defence and put down such, attempts. (Great cheering.) Not only would it be the greatest calamity, but a calamity ten-fold greater than had ever happened to this country, because accompanied by the greatest disgrace, to live under the domination of such instruments as these. (General and long-continued cheer ing.) "Come the eleventh plague, rather than this should be; Come sink us rather in the sea. Come rather pestilence, and reap us down ; Come God's sword rather than our own. Let rather Roman come again, Or Saxon, Norman, or the Dane: In all the bonds we ever bore, . We grieved, we sighed, we wept; we never blushed before." But (continued the right hon. baronet) blush we shall, and must, if we submit to this domination; and I for one, believ ing as I do, when I read these comments of the hon. mem ber and consider his present motion, that I have been selected as an object of attack either for the purpose of producing some abatement of resistance to intimidation, or with a view to in duce submission to those who threaten us,—l, for one, never shall have to reproach myself with having furthered the ulterior objects of the party in question by showing . any symptoms of intimidation or submission. (General cheering, which conti imed for several minutes.) Mr. CORBETT rose to reply amidst groans and murmurs, from all parts of the house, during the continuance of which, throughout the hon. member's address, little or nothing of what he said could be heard in the gallery. The house might feel mortification in hearing . him, but it ought to have experis enced greater mortification in eating its own words on the malt tax. ("Oh, oh! ") If the house would not hear him in reply to some parts of the speech of the right hon. baronet, it would stand in a light which he did not wish to describe. (Murmurs, groans, and bootings.) If he experienced interruptions such as these, he must describe the house as the m o s t u n jus t assem bly in the world. (" Oh, oh, oh !") The right hon. baronet's speech contained no defence of his currency measures, it was made up, nine-tenths of it, of garbled extracts, unfairly taken from his (hlr.Cobbett's) books, and of vulgar abuse. (Groans, and loud cries of "Order.") The SPEAKER said that the hon. member had made use of expressions which no gentleman in that house was entitled to use. lie was most disorderly, and owed it to the house to apo logize fer those expressions. Mr. CORBETT.— 'Then, Sir, I mast readily apologize to the house." (Laughter.) The hon. member, after a considerable interval, filled up by noises of every description, was heard to say that if Lord Althorp would only take off the hop, malt, soap, and house and window duties, he might set at defiance all fears of public confusion. (Laughter.) However, for his own part, he would much rather public confusion than see the peo ple of this country trampled under foot, and knocked on the head, as they had been within a few days. (" Hear," groans, and loud cries of " Divide," "Withdraw," amidst which the bun. member sat down.) [Sir R. quitted the house at Colabett's speech, amidst loud cheercj The house divided : Noes ....................... On our AM r y e au t i Lord ALTHOBP on his legs. His Lo aware of any precedent for the course vt upon the house to pursue; but never uornriiy.to.a:g7ha.ei;i•gsta.l.lM:r; ******************** in -tily knowledge has a personal attack b walls upon such grounds, or supported 11 cheers.‘ I feel, therefore, that it is unn house, being confident that the feeling man will respond to mine, and agree to jia th oru e eArsisnr r .a e ac s ls o o. lution which has been moved minutes." (Tremendous cheers.) seconded, wishn a ri E t e T h rawt would t a uh i l d ed p t p h r u a o that te ei he et d it on u tha n s d e e shouldrss p to e o a d ir_h t rte h veci nosy gip, he done; whether such a motion as tos serted ip noble o l lord d t h em couldin minutes---before s put, he fobreefotrhee they the a be r b o e c a eu e o _ e i d y i The SPEAKER said that the proceedilsittLaes. he b went on, were regularly inserted on th l ace lord wished the proceedings that had takol d o f on the minutes, and the only way to V,° t hear move that they should be expunged. (ri ea b e fore Mr. COBBETT.—Were they to expung e proceedings ? Web The SPEAKER said, that anything which pleased to move, if duly seconded, must g° logs of the house, and the only question would be fit and decent in justice to th, taken place should be suffered to reraul ings ? (Great cheering.) The house then divided : ** For the motion .............. .4 Against it ..... ....... Majority." The result was hailed with loud cheers. On the motion of Lord G. LENNOX, leal e "0 in a bill to alter the law of settlement as f el prenticeship to the sea service. SABBATH OBSERVANCE al l ' The SPEAKER having called on Sir baronet.rose and said, that he feared at night it would be impossible to obtain a the motion which he had to make, for the 1 , Lord's-day Observance Bill. (Cries of in the hands of the house, and he would if the house wished it, to a more conven e go on.") Sir R. INGLIS said that it was scarcel subject could be properly debated at that st They could not commence such a debate o'cl Sick. (Cries of "Go on, it go on.") Sir A. AGNEW said that it was the 0 that he should go on with his motion, be (" Go on, i go on.") If, however, the house he would, for the convenience of the has (Several voices.—" To this day six months' The SPEAKER.—" To when ?" „, n asf Sir A. AGNEW.—To—(cries of "To Friday se'nnight. . Mr. WARBURTON moved as an amendments reading of this bill h'e postponed to la (Cheers. On a division of the house the numbers vie r 4 For the second reading........... Against it ........................... ". Majority against the bill ........ The bill is therefore lost. The announcement of the division Was cheers. The other orders of the day were then house adjourned at three o'clock. FRIDAY. The Speaker took the chair at a quarter The Gravesend Pier Bill, the Thames ral private bills, were forwarded one stage. Mr. F. O'CONNOR ,crave three notices for last of which was to the following effect: -- absence of ministers from the house during petitions is an insult to the Commons, ail' people of England." The hon. member n't dress the house, when The SPEAKER told him such a course was Mr. Alderman THOMPSON presented a pr owners, merchants, and traders, of the port plaining of the continuance of the embargo and setting forth the injuries occasioned to n i country by the orders which had been issued subject. The petitioners and the country that the restrictions were to be of a ten l l 3 ; , they complained that they had now been period of more than six months, to the incise trade carried on between this country and th‘ The hon. member also presented a petition: for the emancipation of the Jews, a petitiood wainers' Ward for the abolition of slavery, the mariners of Sunderland, complaining 0 ' i upon the merchant-seamen of that port excln s tenance of the Royal Hospital at GreenW l justice that this industrious and praiseworth be the only persons taxed in the whole of ti• for the support of an establishment the be n ' themselves could never enjoy. Mr. VERNON presented a petition from thr against slavery. against slavery. left the chair at 3 o'clock. The Speaker resumed the chair at five o , c LIMERICK ELECTION. Sir T. FREEMANTLE brought up the re e election committee, which declared that I.7st were duly elected, and that the petition ana l not frivolous. COLERAINE ELECTION. Mr. HARDY brought up the report of the committee, declaring that Sir J. Beresford , elected, and that Mr. Alderman Co eland' Mr. GaoTE resented a petition Trom for the reduction of expenditure and the and window tax; and another from the ' Holborn, complaining of the great increase that parish. OFFICERS OF THE AE!11. Colonel EVANS rose to call the attention Secretary at War to a subject of much iniP' , recent contest, a statement appeared in the eorting to be a declaration of the then Secr e ffect e that the person filling that o ffi ce had t" he , ing at his pleasure any officer in his Maje st i c that another statement had appeared correct' certain extent. It was well known that the ported the public proceedings in this gre l formed that task with surprising accuracy at the period of a contested election, when much excited, the press, or at least a portico! ob' scrupulous as to.the mode of effecting the in view. He was therefore bound toprese, the warmth of partisanship that the original but even in the corrected statement the asst power on the part of the Secretary at War to from the army, without any reference to the the act proceeded, was not distinctly discla l t bo the house would agree with him in thinkiq rse l portant to the interests of a large body of per of election, and to the privileges of tliat bons( ascertained whether the Secretary at War power. He had not brought this subject fc tious feeling, but merely in order to gis' e opportunity of explaining whether an o °'', mission under the Crown was liable for all) . which might arise in a political contest, to b e service by the Secretary at War. Mr. ELLICE said he had no hesitation 0 11 1 6 should unfortunately occur in which it be remove an officer on half-pay, it would u re Secretary at War to take the King's plea s and he would be responsible for the decisionoa the records in the War-office, and if it , r e „ tion to the hon. and gallant member to k°° O 1 inform him that lie had not found a ces e gel removed from half-pay except for some " moral character. t hat Colonel EVANS.—Am I to und e rstand ;!lt which I alluded is not vested in the Secret, Mr. ELLICE wished not to be mi s unders o was this—that if in the opinion of th e geve rl` on nary to advise the Crown to remove an ° r a t effect would be tendered by th e Secreta • would be responsible for the act. Colonel EVANS still- 'thought the answe r sc to his question. 1 Lord ALTHORP said that the answer 1114eY of 'fiend was simply this,—that it was the "" fosi4rt.enßottTfeme e ptt . : l ; 4 N asked ' 4 : o „rP°itit a se( s ' e ld it at t c, L all o s rt e t r i e ni ta e r: ask ed wAT . eit whethe 'tell:ince, wit! w ß F ra etropoli V,ePlied ~,Its ace( -as asto 'erlikent she ' 4 L 1 13 . 0 tau t s hi e lu ti e; 'Paned hi week the c°llcillltur:l.3't'.l:4s:kst!ictl:7:eomPvtaavvri,,lle.v2:efaleereg,certellle'rf; .......... act ? Put ta lc 1 s motion 4 4 , sai. vb i c h I 3 g i , • e °l a cot Jlordshi . ... t q : 3 3 Z,feer:;:fillie0:8:1:6;13, a my f,et ;,Pico N ,,,,, n y bi .c e t: :le ~4 : ili g o t e : t A i ild: II: i d : s . a 0 re e west R fl eece -%. 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