The Sun. — London, England, 1857-02-11 00:00:00

mealy find its way there. With respect to the decision of disputea which involved doctrinal points—disputes which threatened, he would not say the disruption of the church, :but to disturb its peace and union—he suggested that these unhappy cases should he sent, in the first instance, before a tribunal composed of competent persons to ob tain their opinion on these points, which opinion was not to bind the declaims, but to convey information to the Judicial Committee. Under the present law, also, clergymen who conscientiously separated themselves from the Established Bhurch and performed the service of Protestant dissenters, were liable to be brought before the diocesan within whose diocese they exercised the c ffice of dissenting parsons, and to be dealt with by him in the same way as if hestid belonged to the Established Church. Holy orders were he knew considered to be indelible, but if some provision could be introduced which, without in fringing on the principle of the indelibility, would give relief in this respect to persons who separated from the church, it would be a most wise and tolerant addition to the bill. (Hear, hear.) He thought that common jus tice and expedi ency a l so reqnired that the expense! to which bishops were put in prosecuting violations of ecclesiastical discipline should be made good from Use common fund. He was aware that in one case a right reverend friend (the Bishop of Winchester) had to pay between 5,0001. and 6,0001. as costs, not one farthing of which could he by possibility recover. The inevitable tendency of this was to prevent prelates from per forming their duty in respect to these cases. With regard to the Marriage Bill ho was sorry it did not go farther than it did, though as far as it went it was it, the right direction. To take away from the wife the right of ap pearing in court, o• s -ing heard by counsel, whiLit the husband in seeking for a divorce might be ruining her character, was an injustice as crying and cruel as any that a sated within the whole compass of the world. This should be remedied ; but he hoped the right of action in these cases of criminal conversation would be taken away altogether. Seduction should be treated as a public offence, and not as a private injury. He would cot dwell on the state of the !aw as it affected the property of married women, because he intended to introduce a bill on that subject himself. (Hear.) Lord WENSLEYDALE (who was very indistinctly heard) said that the present was not the proper stage in which one could make np his mind in regard to the de tails of the bill. He was per'ectly aware that some clauses would reqeire further consideration. With re gard to the Testamentary Jurisdiction Bill, it was a great advantage t i have only one court of probate instead of the numerous petty jurisdictions which at present ei isted. It was also a great improvement, and a chief merit of the bill, that no iew officers were to be created, and that no large compensations were to be paid. These were substantial advantages conferred by the bill, and in what-respect it could be amended they would be better able to say when they carne to consider its details. The Bishop of OXFORD said that the bill which his noble and learned friend sketched in the conclusion of his speech, was not on the same subject-matter as the Clergy Discipline Ac! - . The act dealt with persons who bad remained in the church, and it would be batter not to incorporate with that act provisions relating to those who bad left the church, but to deal with the subject in a separate measure. He trusted that the other mea byres that bad been sketched oct would be brought for ward seperate from the Church Discipline Bill. He hoped the Lord Cnaneeilor would well consider the principle of confining the decisions of the Privy Council to the legal part of the question, without any reference to the theo logical. The latter part ought to be left to an ecclesi astical court constituted for the purpose. At present the decisions of the Privy Council Committee had the aspect of spiritual decisions. This ought not to be the case ' • and the addition of more assessors to the court would only increase the evil, for it would be impossible to avoid the imputation that certain bishops had been selected in order to secure a certain decision. Lord CAMPBELL said—ln the case of a question whether a clergyman had in his sermon contravened the doctrines of the Thirty-nine Articles, the whole question would have to be determined by the bishops, and the decision of the Privy Council would be of no effect. The Bishop of OXFORD explained. The doctrine of the church was not to be found in one single article, but to be gathered from a comparison of the whole. The spiritual court would determine the particular doctrine ; the Privy Council would be responsible for the decision. The LORD CHANCELLOR did not think that there would be any greater difficulty in having three or four bishops sitting as assessors than in having them sitting in a court by themselves. They would be appealed to by the Judicial Committee, as the judges were when sum owned to their lordships' house. It should be remem bered that the question to be decided was always a legal question— whether a party had violated the law. He thought the inconvenience would be much less from hav ing the bishops sitting as assessors ; but be would give the suggestion his consideration. With reference to the observations of Lord Brougham, as to the judge of the proposed court, he would remark that the judge would only have one function to perform—to say whether he was satisfied with the verdict, or whether there should be a rehearing. He preferred one of the Vic.-i-Chanci-1- fors as a judge, because he was always io L A common law judge might perform the duty just as wed ; but he was out of town for halt the year. Lord BROUGIIA.M—Why not a vacation judge The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had been a va cation judge, which his noble friend tad not been, and he knew that the time of a vacation judge was most fully occupieif —frequently from 10 o'clock till 6 or 7. He could not admit that b , cause the Vice-Chanceil irs might not be familiar with nisi hriui proceeding- , , there fore they were nr,t fit for this ';ffice. The bills were then read a first time. IMPROVENIENT OF NEW ACTS. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved to refer the second report of the statute law commission to a select committee, in order to consider the propositions in that report for the adoption of means to improve the manner and lengt:tee of current legislation. The statute law commission was one whose duty it was not merely to o noolidate the statute law, but to devise means for ob taining simplicity and uniformity in modern acts. In their second report, presented last year, they expressed the opinion that a great advantage would be derived from a better supervision in the progress of hi 14 through Par-• liament—(hear)—that, in truth, a great portion of the, evils of our statute book arose from the language of acts being unnecesaarily verbose, and that WI; were passed without due consideration of the mode in which the exist ing law affected them, and in which they affected the existing law. That was the case when they were origi nally introduced ; the evil was still more aggravated by Alterations innutnerahle being made in them in their progress through Parliament. The introducer of a bill was often troubled with applications from a variety of parties, and when he found that he could c 'ncidate op position by adopting some new clauses, he was apt to do so, and material alterations not contemplated at the time were made. He proposed that an officer shonld be ap pointed, with a sufficient staff—at least one or txo per sons under him—whose duty it should he to attend to all bill: that were referred to him, and to report exactly w bat the stale of the eels, kg lase was, and how the, proposed alterations weld I aff_ct the existing law. With that ad vantage, me:nbers might :Pore satisfactorily come to a decision whether measures ought or ought not to pass. It would be pre-eminently part let the duty of such officer, aft- r a bill had been Ihroegh committee, to xainine it, and report immediately to the house what had been done by the committee The most discreditable mid takes were made for want of some such supervision. Only in the very last session of Parliament (and be took ',baffle to hirnsslr, for the bill came more less under his o n cognisance) a County C.mrt: Act was passed,which said that the judges should receive the salaries) mentioned in the schedule. They were enumerated in the schedule, and sums set against their names ; but by some over sight, the readies of tso were omitted. The bill passed the other house in tbat form ; and it came back to their lordebips with nil opposite the names of two of the judges ; and as that house had no power to remedy it, questions of money belonging to the House of Corn mons, it pearled in that form. That was a most ridicu lous oversight. Ile knew not how the Treasury had dealt war, those persons, whether they had assumed that they ewe to hare the same salaries as their colleagues or not. (A. laugh.) He was ashamed to say that in the same session an act had been passed for improving the Scotch Bankruptcy Acts, in which certain proceeding s were to he carried on accor d ing t o th e Urns in the ecl elule set forth. But there was no schedule at all. (Hear ) Toe reference, no doubt, had been put in in committee. In 1851 On 1852 an act was passed, which was to come into force on the last day of next Trinity Term. It passed in Trinity Term, so that it referred to Trinity Term in the next year ; and it was necessary to pass another act to set it right. Besides these blunder. , there was a very inconvenient mode of thrusting clauses into bills with which they had no connection whateve. In the 20: ; h G eo . 11 . a b 11 was passe l f or th e b e tt er col lection of the duties upon windows ; and in that act was introduced a clause, "Be it enacted that, w herev , r in any Act of Pa , l amp, t nient.onei, it shall he deemed to include `Vales and Berwick upon-Tweed." Net - long ago, Lord St. Leopards had complained that a certain bill referred to &g -and only, this oil enactment having escaped his atten tion. That was an anomaly that ought to be remedied. At present there was a ma-s of legislation passed every year, of which a very small portion consisted of acts that were to be a pers.anent guide of conduct, the rest con sisting of local and personal acts, acts relating to certain departments of the gov ernment ; an d all thse formed part of the statute-book. According to an observation made by Mr. Coulson, that applied to no less than four fifths of the legislation of the year. Therefore, it was proposed that the bills ghoul I be classed, so that those which were permanent rules of conduct should be sepa rated Irons the rest. These again would be subdivided, according as they releted to England, Ireland, the United Kingdom, or the colonies ; so that our yearly legislation might not be that confused mass which it was now too apt to be. With a view to introduce this amendment he proposed that both Fouses should refer bids to select oehitifittees, empowering those committees to communi, e with each other. The great etject would be to have th 6 'ama officer attached to both houses, so as to reduce th e e two honses. lS" "' and prevent collision - between the trussed that this was a move in the right direction ; and thcugh it might not seem a very important measur e at first, he hoped that, in its imme diate and ultimate operati on, it would lead to the very best results. Lord CAMPBELL db.adra fl.reat pleasure in giving his to the Prof" e emus.. support The state of the bills now passed was most discreditable • other judge; wag a .p g e reat portion of his time and that of l of r the atti n e r t T i a c n t h e t a d r n y c i i g e . to reconcile their contradpi::,;(n)ssa. greatest benefit from the lor being carried into effect. , Formerly he found that bills were frequently c ommitte d to the law officers of the Crown, the judges, and other persons not members of that house, in order to report upor. their legal effect. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUAIIV 11, 1857. This was a sufficient precedent for the measure now pro posed. The motion for the app intment of a sel , ct committee was then agreed to. SECONDARY PUNISHMENTS. Viscount DUNGANNON, who had given notice of a question on this subject, said that after what had passed in the other house on the preceding night, when Sir G. Grey obtained leave to bring in a bill relating to secondary punishments, he would abstain from putting his question, and would reserve any remarks he had to make until the bill was before their lordships. After a few words from the Earl of HARROWBY, the House adjourned at half-past eight o'clock. eight, there was a discussion in this house upon the pro ceedings which had taken place at Frankfort, it was a case of considerableimportance, and was adjourned from day to day. I took some part in the debate, with the view of vindicating the conduct of Austria, and I remember I had occasion frequently to appeal to the treaty of Vienna. I had occasion to refer to a guarantee contained, as I alleged, in the treaty of Vienna, and having been given by England to Prussia with respect to her Saxon provinces. The noble lord, at pre sent the first Minister of the Crown, was then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and had been Secretary for Foreign Affairs for no less a space than 17 sears- On that occasion, when I referred to the guarantee of Great Britain to Pru=ssia in respect to her Saxon provinces, the noble lord unequivocally contradicted me in the face of the house, and said there was no such guarantee in the treaty of Vienna. On that occasion I had the opportunity of reiterating my statement, and mentioning the clause of the treaty in which the guarantee was contained. The noble lord was still in credulous, and requested one of his aides de-camp to go to the library—it was in the old house —and bring him the treaty of Vienna. He found there the guarantee by Great Britain to Prussia of her Saxon provinces in that treaty, and the noble lord, the then Secretary of State—who had been Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs during seven teen years, and whose reputation as a statesman mainly depended on his knowledge of foreign affairs—then became acquainted, for the first time apparently, with that most important undertaking of the BritishO rown. Now, sir, on the first night of the session I hal occasion, in the course of debate, to refer to another fact. I mentioned that there was in existence a guarantee by France to Austria of her Italian provinces : I mentioned also that that guarantee was expressed in a treaty ; and I mentioned further that that treaty was a secret one. The noble lord contradicted me on that occasion, as he had done on the previous one with respect to the guarantee given to Prussia • but I was in a very diff eren t p os iti on th e ot h er n i g h t to that in which I found myself when I received the contradiction of eight years ago. The treaty I then referred to was not printed —it was not published—it could not be sent for to the lib rary of the House of Commons—to vindicate my assertion, or to refute the allegations of the noble lord; and I did not, under those circumstances, consider it respectful to the house to rise after the noble lord and make a busi ness reiteration of the statement I had made. I felt that such a reiteration, under the circumstances, would neither be satisfactory to the house nor to myself. I hal a moral conviction when I made the statement in debate that I was right, and that moral conviction of my cor rectness sustained me under the almost unprecedented contradiction which I received from the lips of the Chief Minister of the Crown. (Hear.) Sir, I received the in formation, which I presumed to communicate to the house that night for its guidance, from a quarter which I felt convinced could' not be mistaken—a quarter which I was confident could not be mistaken. And here I may per haps be permitted to say, though on such a question, I think it quite unnecessary that a member of this house should be called upon for his authority ; but, in conse quence of the peculiar nature of the observation of the noble lord, the house will perhaps allow me to say that I received the information from no French or foreign quar ter, and that if I had not made the visit to Paris, to which the noble lord with much good taste alluded—" Oh, oh," from the Ministerial benches, and " Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—that information would have been equally in my possession. (Hear.) Now I think lam not mis taking the feeling of the house when I say they will agree with me—assuming that the information that I gave was correct, or assuming, which is the same thing as far as my conduct is concerned, that I had, on the faith of the au thority on which I received it, a conviction in my own mind that it was correct—l think the house will agree with me that it was impossible under the circumstances that I could be silent on the point. It was totally oat of the question that if the affairs of Italy were brought under discussion in this house, as they had been brought under discussion at the termination of the last session —it was impossible that if such a debate, for example, had been originated by the noble lord the member for the City of London—and it was a subject which every one expected would have originated with him—l felt that it was impossible that I could listen to a motion on the subject of the affairs of Italy, brought forward by a statesman of the reputation of the member for the City—a motion founded on the proceecings of the Confer ence of Paris, and upon the direct and implied engage ments of the British Government--it was impossible if such a motion were brought forward by the noble lord, or any other hon. member, founded on such authority, and an swered as it was answered last year by the noble lord at the head of the Government, whose answer was then felt to be satisfactory—l am sure the house will agree with me that, being in possession tof such important information, and believing it to be authentic, Icould not, as an honest man, listen to a debate carried on with a suppression of facts which would have totally altered all the arguments and conclusions of the discussion. I felt, then, irons the first moment when I became, o r b e li eve d I had become, possessed of this information, that if the affairs of Italy were again brought under the consideration of the house it would, on my part, become an exemplary duty to make the statement I made to the house on the first night of the session. That statement was well considered. (Hear.) I will not attempt to excuse it by pretending that it was uttered in the heat and hurry of debate. The statement, I repeat, was a well considered, a long considered etette meht, and if it be an erroneous one I am prepared to take all the responsibility of it upon myself. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, there is one point upon which I must ask the in dulgence of the house in order to prevent any misconcep tion. I wish to guard myself against misconception as to the views with which I lock upon such an alleged connec tion between France and Austria as a matter of policy. I wish no one to suppose that in the observations I made on the night of the address it was my intention to offer any opinion on that question adverse to the coarse that had been pursued with regard to Austria. I alleged the cir cumstance I did in vindication—not in reprobation—of Austria ; but I mentioned it to illustrate the conduct of her Majesty's Government as to the general management of our foreign relations. I cannot suppose that there is any gentleman present who can remember with accuracy what I may have expressed in this house with regard to the position which, in my opinion, Austria ought to hold in the great system of Europe; but I may be permitted to I say, in order to avoid any misconception on the subject, that the words I uttered in the house, before the proroga tion, on the noble lord's (J. Remelt's) motion, was the ex pression of an opinion that I have long steadfastly and con stantly entertained—that it is necessary for the highest European interests to maintain the power and authority of Austria. That was the opinion I expressed on the eve of the prorogation, and often and often I bad expressed that opinion before, and even in the debate which I felt it necea cessary to recall to the recollection of the house when I com menced these observations to-night—the debate on Cracow --I was vindicating the position of Austria. If then it be, in my opinion, one of the highest objects of European policy that the power and authority of Austria should be maintained, I will venture to say it is of equal importance to those who are subject to that power; and therefore it was that I said last year that as regards Italy and the Italians it is for their sake of importance that the autho rity of Austria should be powerful and strong, for it is when that authority is questioned, when it is harassed by secret societies or the machinations of foreign governments that the policy of Austria becomes tyrannical and retro grade. (Hear.) It was not, then, with a view to impugn the treaty I alleged to exist that my observations were directed. I wiil say also—for .ea these points there should be no misconception—that I believe the policy which directed that treaty on the part of France was a policy conceived in that wise, that temperate, and that con servative spirit, which has gained for the government of the Emperor of France the respect and confidence of all Europe. (Hear, hear ) France, confident in herglory, in her inexhaustible resources, her pow er , an d th e univer sal reepecteh e h a s o bt a i ne d. (dries ot "Question, question," from the Ministerial tide, replied to by loud cheers from the Opposition.) I assure hon. gentleman that lam speaking to the question. (Hear.) If the house does not wish me to speak I will sit down. (Go on.) I am prepared to make a statement to the house which, I believe, it is for the public interest I should make. I began by saying that I must appeal to the habitual indulgence of the house, and I will not meke the statement I have to make unless I am permitted to put it before the house fully and perfectly. It demands it and deserves it, and I assure the house that its indulgence will not be misplaced, for I am coming to details sn hich every man will feel ought to command atten tion. Now, I have merely made these observations to guard myself against being supposed, in the remarks I offered on the first night of the session, to have impugned that policy which would maintain the authority of Aus tria, or to have supposed that France was animated in this proceeding— if it took place—by any other motive than its respect aed regard for the general interests of Europe. What I did complain of that night, what I complain of now—and this is most germane to the question before us— is, that if it bo a fact that this treaty exists, and that the steteenent I made was correct, the conduct of her Majesty'e Ministers at the same time was conveying to this house, and to the country, and to Europe an impression that they were pursuing a policy quite contrary to it, and that their course of general policy was entirely adverse to that which this alleged treaty was intended to accomplish. I think it concerns the honour of the house that upon this subject there should be a clear understanding. If it be true that, while this alleged treaty was in existence, we were nego tiating treaties with Sardinia, occasioned by representations of a contrary character, it is import ant that it should be known to the house. Surely it is a circumstance which demands attention, and which is involved in the statement I made and the contradiction I received from the noble lord. What I complained of, and what I complain of still, is this, that the Italian policy was made a stalking-horse by the Government, if the facts I alleged and the statements I made were correct; and I wanted to show to that liberal party in Europe who covered their lack of zeal in domestic affairs by their confidence in the noble lord—l wanted the liberal party in Poland and Hungary clearly to understand that that Italy which they thought was about to be rege nerated by the noble lord was the object of a very different policy, an 1 the subject of a very different treaty, with his knowledge and concurrence. (Hear.) I wish to place be fore the house, without exaggeration, what are exactly the charges involved against me in the contradiction I received from the noble lord. That contradiction involved two points —two distinct allegations. The first allegation of the noble lord was that my statement that there was a treaty, and a secret treaty, in existence by which France gu aran t ee d t o Austria the security of her Italian dominions, was altogether a fiction —that there was no such treaty in existence—that there was not the slightest foundation for it—that it was, t use the noble lord's words, a romance. (Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) That was the first allegation in volved in the contradiction of the noble lord. The second allegation was in the shape of a d er i s i ve hyp o th es i s , f or he said, "If there be such a treaty" (the noble lord having immediately before declared to the house that there was not), "all I can say is that I have not seen it—l have not heard of it—the Government have not heard of it ; and in stead of advising such a treaty, if we had been consulted we should have said to France, Make no arrangement of the kind.'" Those are the two allegations involved in the con tradiction of the noble lord. Nov, as everything depends on accuracy, I will read from the rep or t o f th e noble lord's speech those observations of the noble lord in which those two allegations are stated :—" We come now to Italy, and, in reference to that question, the right hon. gentle man has had access to archives, and has found out treaties of which we never heard. He announces that there is a secret treaty concluded between the French and Austrian f Governments, with the sanction of the Government ss o ions. England, guer a nteeiu g t o A us t r ia her Italian o that we are totally ignorant of it; and, so far f I am bound to say that thi s is the first timeever e heard e n such a treaty; but all I will undertake to say is adVised e s of it. The right h on . ge ntleman may have such a treaty, if we had been co nsulted ro N m ve should have given our advice in an oppositehaving certainly direction. accu rately described the allegations involvedcheers.) 1 will now address is an entire r o manc e ." I ask the house if in l thheavneoblnoet lord's contradi c ti on ? (Opposition that there is no such treaty--that isi a pure „Ate invention, the or must have created that either I have been hoaxer), myself to the first allegation, that t t he whole isaromaneaen—d fact in the heat and fire of debate. (Hear, hear) My state ment is—and I wish the house to do me the honour of attend ing to what lam about to say (here the right hon gentle man assumed a peculiarly slow and solemn tone)—my state ment is ibis : that engagements were negotiated between France and Austria with the main object of guaranteeing on the part of France the security of the Italian dominions of Austria—that these negotiations were brought to a success ful conclusion—that they were expressed in writing—that the form the written instrument assumed was that of a treaty, and of a secret treaty, and that that treaty was executed on the 22d of December, 1854. (Cheers, and counter cheers.) In answer to the first allegation of the noble lord, that there was no treaty whatever in existence—that the whole of my statement on that point was a mere romance—l am here now to re-state what I expressed the other night, and to give the very d de of the instrument, the form of the instrument, and the object of the instrument. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I come to the second allegation contained in the contradiction I received from the noble lord—an allegation whichthe house perfectly remembers was uttered in a spirit of derision ; but I will give the advantage to the noble lord of taking it as having been said with becoming gravity. That allegation was : " If there be such a treaty I have not seen it, her Majesty's Government have not seen it ; and if they had been applied to they would have recommended that such an arrangement should not be made." Sir, I have in possession evidence— irresistible evidence to my mind—which proves to me that throughout the negotiation of this treaty, which I declare exists—this treaty of 22d December, 1854, by which the secu rity of the Italian dominions of Austria is guaranteed by France—that throughout the whole of the negotiations for obtaining this secret treaty, her Majesty's Government was privy to them from the first—(loud cheers from the Opposition members)—that the substance of it received their approbation and concurrence—l will add, their cordial concurrence; and that they were formally advised previous to the execution of the treaty. Now, the house will at least agree that, so far, I have not avoided the issue—that so far I have placed the very pith and marrow of the noble lord's contradiction before the house, and that the two allegations that contradiction con tains I have met. But, Sir, I have some further statement to make on this subject. I have to state to the house now that not only was the treaty executed on Dec. 22, 1854, with the cognisance of her Majesty's Government, but that it was largely and extensively acted upon—that, in consequence of this secret treaty, Austria withdrew a large portion of her troops from Italy ; that, in conseqUence of Aastria's with drawal of a large portion of her troops from Italy, the Italian Governments throughout that peninsula became alarmed, and that Austria obtained from the French Government permis sion confidentially to communicate to the Italian Governments in order to "tranquillise them" (I believe the very words used on the occasion), "to tranquillise them"—Austria obtained permission from the French Government confidentially to corn ronnicate the fart . I would upon that point make even a fur ther statement, and that is, that the fact that Austria obtained that permission and communicated the existence of the secret treaty to the Italian Governments was known to her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) Sir, the noble lord has said that I have " had access to archives and found out treaties of which we never heard." I will refer now to archives of which the noble lord has heard. I will refer to the ar chives of that office over which he so long presided—and I tell the noble lord that if he will give me the correspondence iug evidence— what thatl do m not gh t believe possibly au without reserve from the archives in Downing-street, of the 1854, and January, 1855, transactions that took plice during the months of December, bold passages, t say l think thatl I w c o o u could d wi i) i ll f e h rh e eeci w un i : es t ?. tea:: to s or t y— m ae elucidateiyn f o n b rs t to a hm i n o er punrovdoe,rtaekveeryto asserted. The house will, I hope, at least now admit that I have not avoided coming tittle of a :te l t w l iii ha b ve e to a direct issue with the noble lord. (Cheer;) The noble lord the other night, when this question was under di scuss i on, thought fit to treat thi s grave subject, as is his custom, in a spirit and in tone of alevity. I cannot say that I admired at the Ville the tone the noble ear, lord adopted—(hea r, h 1 , and laughter)—because if there were any foundation for what I stated it required at the least, I think, the attention of the Minithe other hand, ; but if, on it were an • inconsiderate statement still more a state ment invented for the occasion—it is not in a tone of ri bald ridicule that it ought to have been answered—(oh, oh, and laughter from the Ministerial benches, and cheers from the Oppositi#4—nut rather in a tone of warm and over whelming indignation. (Hear.) But how stands the ease with regard to myself if, on so grave a matter, I made an in considerate statement My character as a politician would be damaged or destroyed ; but if I had invented a statement of the kind, it was not my character as a politician that would have been at stake, but m c haracter as a member of society itself. (Cheers.) Sir, I have sat in this house now 20 years, and duri ng th at time I have laboured assiduously to obtain the good opinion and respect of the house. These are to me dearer than all worldly possessions. lam conscious that I have occasionally addressed the house ineffi ciently—sometime; perhaps, with indiscretion—but this I know, that I have always treated them with candour. Whether the noble lord in his answer to me the other night treated us in the same spirit, I care not to inquire. (Hear.) Viscoant PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman in introducing the observations he has just made, and in claim ing, as a right, the attention of the house, said that the ques tion at issue involved his character for judgment, and it might be his character for honour. Now, sir, I beg leave to call to the recollection of the house that nothing I then said or insinuated could in any way whatever justify the right hon. gentleman in conceiving that any question concerning honour was involved. I did not accuse the right hon. gentleman of in venting the statement which he made on that occasion—but what I did accuse him of was an excess of credulity —(a laugh) —having been induced to believe an assertion made without foundation or in accordance with facts. (Hear, hear.) There fore I can only say that I should very much regret if the right hon. gentleman should herbalsr in his mind any notion that there was anything in what I said that at all brought in question that honour which I am quite sure no man possesses in a,higher degree than himself. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman finds fault with use for not being angry—(laughter) —he complains that I treat him with too much good humour —(more laughter)—that what he is pleased to call, in lan guage which, as he talks of good taste, I shall not too closely examine —(hear, hear, and a laugh)—" ribald ridicule." Un fortunately, it generally happens that these who make them selves ridiculous arc the last people in the world to observe it, and it is therefore only natural that they should abuse others for what is really occasioned by their own conduct. (Laughter.) Now the right hon. gentleman has stated very accurately one part of the contradiction which he says I gave to his statement, but he has omitted some very important portions of it. Now I beg to recall the attention of the house to what the charge was —for he held it out distinctly as a charge which the right hon. gentleman was bringing against her Majesty's Government, and of which the allegations were by him considered the evidence. The right hon. gentleman did not make it a charge against her Majesty's Government that they were anxious to maintain the power and position of Austria, for, says the right bon, gentleman in the last debate we had at the close of the last session, among the principles of foreign policy proclaimed by the party of which he is the leader in this house, was that the great leading alliances of England should be the alliance with Russia, the alliance with Austria, and the alliance with the United States. I had occasion to point out to the right hon. gentleman then that he had omitted by accident to mention that power, viz., France, with which we were . bound in the most intimate alliance, and for the most important objects. But that being his opinion, that the alliance with Austria was sound policy, he could not aver in the abstract that it was a breach of duty on the part of her Majesty's Government to be a party to measures tending to secure the integrity of the Austrian dominions. (Hear.) And to-night he has fairly stated that he considers the maintenance of Austria, not only north of the Alps, but south of the Alps also, in undiminished power, as essential to the interests of Europe. (Hear.) What then was the right h on . gentleman's charge ? It was thi s , He said, although you, the British Government, are profess ing great interest for the Italians, you profess to sympathise with their feelings of aversion to a foreign yoke, you say you wish to encourage Italian nationalities ; yet while you do this openly, on the one hand, on tho other hand you a r e se cretly instigating an d e ncouraging the French Government in giving a • guarantee, which, so far as the possessions of Austria go, is wholly at variance with the sympathy yo the objects you say you wish to promote. In answer to that charge, I stated that which I nth repeat—that, to the best knowledge and belief, ere is no treaty between of ley France and Austria guaranteeing the Italian possessions of Austria. (Cheers.) Nor has the right hon. gentleman brought forward any pr oof that there is. (Hear, hear.) Ho has not made any explanation, or stated any grounds on which he made the assertion. Therefore the statement rests now, as it did on the previous evening, upon the hearsay evidence of somebody or other whose name the right hon. gentleman has not me ntioned. (Hear, hear.) The right loran gentleman has talked about good taste. Of course every man is the best judge of the degree of latitude which should be given to him, and in regard to the checks he may impose upon himself. But it appears to me that if a pers on is told engagement contracted between . two other par of a " secret enga he would not take upon himself the • • ordinary cases ties, in he t liberty of making such se cret engagement public without consent of some one at lea st of the p arties concerned. ( eat, hear.) This matter re minds me of a peculiarity I rememb er in our late honoured friend Mr. Hume, who used constantly to ask us to lay before the hoaso the details of the application o T of the secret service money. (Hear , hear , and a laugh.) 1 me I must say that secrecy and publicat ion are not very easily reconcilable. (Hear, and a laugh.) But tho right h to divulge these lgen tleman says a sense of public duty compelled him in his these secret transactions, not that the case which, the view, would constitute that necessity, viz., the debate on arisen—but in anticipation of what mi g ht affairs of Italy, had to tell the come at some future time, he thought it necessary to have house of these secret transactions, which he alleges d OwerS. taken place between two great and indepen ntiorna p n,s dis. That is a matter entirely for the right hon. was this : That ernion. What I stated the other evening w treaty as the we did not believe in the existence of any such heard of it, right hon. gentleman spoke of; that we neverhad seen it, and and that unless the right hon. gentleman we had not had un less he had had access to archives to which ele that the b r f access—unless that was the case, it was my right hon. gentleman had been imposed on by erroneous in formation in some quarter or other. I have now to say that the only foundatio n fo r the statement of the right hon. gen f the war with tleman is this—that in the early part o ' R uss i a , when some hoe° was entertained that Austria would into her forces to those of the allies, she entered have joined known to the two communication with Fran ce , which wa s a powers • the object of Austria being to ascertain whether, if , she joined he r forces wi th those of the allies in the war in the east--(hear)—France would undertake that no disadvantage Italian province. s h ou ld be taken of' the opportunity to disturb her fthe statement (Hear.) That is the only foundation or statement of the right hon. gentleman. It is perfectly true, as the right hon. gentleman has mentioned, that in Decem ber,Bs4—and as there ar e some g entlemen in the house, who 1 are not now in the Government, who were members of the Govornm ent a t that time, they can correct me, if my statements are erroneous as to what Passed when they were in office— that as it was at that tine hoped that Austria would join de fensively and offensively with France and England in the war against Russia, and that the armies would in that case come into col lision w ith those of Russia , she wished to know, supposing that Bessie, should—which as a belligerent power she might do, and acting en the rights of a belligerent power sh e bad a right to do—attempt to instigate any insur rection in Italy, with the view of distracting the attention of Austria, what course the French Government would take. The French Government assured Austria that they would not encourage any risings or disturbances in Italy ; and, more over' that if the Austrian armies joined with those of France and England in the war, and disturbances broke out in Italy, the French forces in Italy (which were but small in number) would act with those of Austria as far their limited sphere extended, for the protection, not of the Austrian possessions, but of the general state of the territorial possessions of the powers of Europe, This arrangement was u ndoubtedly know n to the English Government—(cheersfrom the OPP : sition)—and a very proper arrangement it was, for it would have been inconsistsut with the proposed alliance if any other course had been taken, and that arrangement was certainly put into the shape of a conventi on w hich the right ho n . gen tleman says was signed in December, 1854. I can only say that information reached us• yesterday, by which we are assured that it never was si— geed. (H e ar.) But tha t conven tion is as different from the treaty which the right hon. gen tleman says was ente re d i n t o as t wo thi n gs can be. Between that convention and such a guarantee as the right hon. gen tleman has spoken of, th ere i s , a s the right hou • gentleman, as well as I, must have read in a French periodical, an abyss, and an imPaslable gulf. What I donied the other evening, aid what I do still deny, is, that there is any treaty in exis tence by which France guaranteed the possession of her Italian provinces to Austria. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) I am inclined to believe that the information we have received is correct, and that the convention was not signed. It was a temporary conventiou—(hear, hear)—and was only to have continued in force while the war continued. (Hear.) But it never was signed, and why ?—(hear, hear)—because it was founded on the assumption that Austria would join Eng land and France in active operations against Russia. (Hear, hear.) Austria never did join England and France in active operations against Russia ; it was her policy to remain neutral—(hear, hear)—and lam inclined to believe that the information we have received is more cor rect than that of the right hon. gentleman, and that the con vention, which was limited in its terms, limited in its opera tion, and limited in its effect, was never signed. (Hear, hear.) No doubt but that the intentions which were declared in the convention would have been carried out if the circumstances to which it applied had arisen; but it is a perversion of terms to say that it contained a guarantee by France to Aus tria of the possession of her Italian provinces. (Hear, hear.) The right bon. gentleman has repeated the assertion he made the other evening. I can only repeat my denial. I beg the right hon. gentleman's pardon for not having been angry the other night—(laughter)—and I am sorry that I cannot even muster up any indignation now—(" hear, hear," and laugh ter) —and if he will allow me to treat this subject in a manner which is not likely to give offence to any man, I must throw myself on his indulgence for not speaking with more indigna tion. My object is to vindicate the Government from a charge of bad faith and deceitfulness towards the people of Italy, in having instigated that which he calls a treaty. And here again I must say that we were charged with having instigated a treaty the other night; but LIJW the right hon. gentleman says we only agreed to it. I trust I have now vindicated the Government from the charge brought against them; and hav ing said so much, I will not further trespass on the house. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) The subject then dropped. THE INCOME TAX, the Major o f R P E a E r l D i a m r e o u s e t to ( 1 8 move t .a, r o e . s o 2 l 0 u ) t i o o n ' o n , a i T o l s i a a t p w r h o e v r i e s a o s , which, by its technical construction, would inflict in a time of peace a second year of fall war income tax upon the loyal but heavily burdened subjects of her Majesty, this house is of opinion that the provisions of the said act should cease and determine from the 6th day of April next." The hon. gentleman was proceeding to state the circumstances under which he brought forward the motion, his doing so being, as ho said, the result of a pledge which he had given to certain persons whom he mentioned, when The SPEAKER inquired whether the hon. gentleman in tended to conclude with his motion, as otherwise he was out of order in continuing his observations ? Major REED said, thenhe would conclude with his motion, though he should not press it to a division. After some fur ther brief remarks, in the course of which he quoted an ex tract from a speech of Mr. W. Cowper, during his recent elec tion at Hertford, to the effect that that right hon. gentleman never supposed the war income tax would be continued this year—he concluded by saying that it was but fair to give the Chancellor of the Exchequer the grace he required Juntil after he had made his financial statement, and therefore he should withdraw his motion. Tho motion was accordingly withdrawn. INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS. Sir S. NORTHCOTE obtained leave to bring in a bill to make better provision for the care and education of vagrant, destitute, and disorderly children, and for the extension of industrial schools. SALE OF BEER. On the motion of Mr. HARDY, tho house resolved itself into a committee of the whole house to consider the acts relating to the sale of beer; Mr. FITZROY in the chair. Mr. HARDY then moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the laws relating to the general sale of beer by retail, and to regulate certain places of public resort, refreshment, and entertainment. The hon. and learned member observed that the question of the sale of beer had been dealt with by Parliament on several occasions, and that every attempt had only served to bring the law into disgrace, and make it cala mitous, instead of beneficial, to the people. The first act on the subject was passed in the Ist year of the reign of William IV., and it gave to every person the opportunity of obtaining a license from the Excise on the payment of two guineas. By the sth William IV. an attempt was made to remedy the in conveniences which had ariseuunder the former act by fixing the annual value of the houses to be licensed at 101., and requiring certificates of character. That act failed in its effect; and by the 3d and 4th Viet., the rating was raised to 151. in towns con taining 10,000 inhabitants, and a proportionate amount was fixed upon for houses in similar places. Tho provisions of that act did not accomplish the object for which it was passed. In 1534 a committee was appointed to consider the evils arising from drunkenness, and that committee made certain strong recommendations which were not carried out. Then came Lord Harrowby's committee, in the year 1849-50, and before that committee evidence was given showing that beer-shops had not tended to the comfort and advantage of the working population, but on the contrary that their com forts and morals had been seriously, not improved, but im paired by the existence of such establishments A committee of the House of Commons, which sat in 1853-54, reported that the beer-shop system had proved to be a failure. Nothing had been done on the report beyond raising of a controversy with respect to Sunday drinking —a subject with which he did not intend to deal in the bill which he was about to ask leave to introduce. (Hoar, hear.) At the present time there were in England 40,0011 beer-shops and 89,000 public-houses, In Manchester 1 house in 35 was devoted to the sale of beer and spirituous liquors, and in Leeds the proportion was 1 in 45. In these towns, therefore, every facility was given for drunkenness, and secluded districts were so far removed from the surveillance of the police that crime of every kind was concocted in beer-shops almost without the risk of detection. (Hear, hear.) There were no statistics with respect to the increase of drunkenness which could be relied upon, but every man who paid attention to the habits of the peasantry must be aware that in consequence of their frequenting beer houses their wives and children were frequently driven to the workhouse, and he believed there was scarcely an instance of destitution which had not arisen from indulgence in drun kenness. Although there had been a great diminution in crime generally, an immense increase had taken place in crimes of violence nurtured by drunkenness. From 1846 to 1852 the number of such crimes was 1,951, whilst from 1851 to 1855 the number had increased to 2,377 —about 21 per cent. He believed that a great num• ber of the beer-shops were well conducted, particu larly in the metropolis ; but it has been proved before com mittees that the beer-shops throughout the country had been harbours for thieves and places for the reception and disposal of stolen goods, and for the arrangement of robberies, bur glaries, and other serious offences. It was a remarkable fact, that although beer-shops had been in existence for the last 26 years, no attempt had been made to place them on the same footing as licensed public-houses. Many complaints had been made respecting the partiality shown by magistrates ; but, he believed that, generally speaking, those complaints had come from parties whose applications had been rejected, and that the publicans generally were well contented with the present system. Although some magistrates might have acted improperly, he believed that the gentlemen of England had done their duty in this respect, and he trusted that for the future they would perform it more strictly and efficiently. There was a considerable difference between the proportion of convictions in the cases of public-houses and beer-shops, showing that the magisterial license had operated much more beneficially than the Excise license. Now, what was the fit ting remedy for the existing state of things ? The first remedy which had been suggested was that every person in the coun try, on paying a large sum for a license, should receive it, and that magistrates should be absolutely compelled to grant such a license. Another remedy whichhad been proposed was that licenses should be granted at a high price, but that only a certain number should be granted within a given area, or ac cording to the amount of population. The third proposition was that which passed under the name of the Maine Law. (A laugh.) With respect to the firstplan, it appeared. to him that the license would be so high that the trade could not be made remunerative. The second plan, he believed, could not be carried into effect, because populations were so differently located with regard to area, that it would be impossible to lay down a definite line. It certainly was not his intention to propose the adoption of the Maine law. He was not pre pared to give up the use of either wine or beer, and therefore could not consent to become any party to an organised hypocrisy, which would attempt to force such a measure on the poorer classes. (Hear, hear.) The Maine law could not be carried out until hon. members arrived at such a state of purity and abstinence from liquors as would enable them to deal with the question properly ; and when that should be the case, there would be no need of any compulsory law on the subject. A great reformation iu this respect had taken place among the higher classes. Formerly there was scarcely a German prince who did not go drunk to bed every night— (laughter)—and too many of the higher classes followed their example. He believed that tie alteration which had taken place in the habits of the upper classes would spread to the lower, and that the time would arrive when the latter would enjoy themselves moderately, and drunkenness would bo abolished. He now camejto the provisions of the bill which he intended to submit to the house. He proposed to respect vested interests, and that when licenses had been given they should remain on the same footing until these 41,000 beer houses should change hands, or their licenses should be with. drawn. He also proposed that licenses for beer-shops should be granted by the magistrates at the same sessions at which public-house licenses were granted ; and that, in addition to the general annual licensing meeting, the magistrates should hold a certain number of special sessions for licensing beer shops. He further proposed that notice of any intended application should be given to the superintendent police officer of the district or division twenty-one days before the session, such notice to contain a copy of the application and certificates of character, and all such materials as might be necessary to enable the magistrates to arrive at a correct decision. Under the present system no beer-shop keeper was liable to forfeit his license before a third conviction such conviction to be notified to the Excise. Before the committee of 1853-4 several magistrates stated that they had been in the habit of sending such information to the Excise ; but the chief of the Excise, Mr. Wood, informed the com mittee that he could r.ot recal to mind the reception of any such notice. But what showed the anomalous state of the law was this fact--The magistrates in some instances had deprived public-house keepers of their licenses for notorious offences, and these men had immediately obtained licenses from the Excise and kept their houses open. (Hear.) Th at state of things ought not to be endured, and therefore he pro posed to place both descriptions of houses under the same jurisdiction. He also proposed to carr y ont the principle of what was generally called the " Tippling Act," by enacting that no person selling beer by retail to be drunk on the pre mises should be able to recover for beer drunk on the pre mises unless he sued within one week. It was his intention to make the bill applicable to another class of persons. In the report of the committee of 1853-4 a recommendation was that all co ffee-houses should be placed under the super vision of the police. n given co the metropolis the ko o p ere of coffee houses were forbidden to harbour bad characters, but the police had no autho rit y to enter such hou ses to ascertain whether bad characters were harboured or not. Ifs did not propose to touch coffee-shops, temperance hotels, shell-fish description, s hops, and places of that • p on, which were kept open during the day time ; but he proposed to giv e th e police a superv i s i o n over all thosehouses which were kept opou be' tween nine at night and four in the morning, It was to such places as these that bad characters resorted after they were public-houses, and iu many eases they had not when the expelled from the least difficulty in obtaining illicit spirits. In fact, superintendent of police at Wolverhampton, in 1854, `ve n t bito one of these coffee-houses and cawlleifaltfor some gin, he l was he required.t old not the least difficulty in procuring gin was handed to him in a eoffe,e_ cup that Th i l and he f the police came in, all ho had to do i w s;a h s at to put some milk to it, and they would not discover (Laughter.) He prop o -sh coffeeops should pay sed that these he Was drink( a small license —that the keepers of theses houses should be the placed under the police—that • supervision posed upon them of should be im penalties bouring disorder]for the sale of spirits, for har y characters He further proposed to i , and for permitting gambling, persons who might ref2lpose a fine on drunken and d isorderly do so, or who might .e to leave such luuses when desired to He believed this bill' fouud drinking there at unlawful hours. trusted that to be a step in the right direction at the house give , and deration, would it a full and mature consi- Mr. E. BALL seconded pledging himself to the the motion, without, however, details of _the measure. P 4. ob served that he 'would not thei cute into any premature discussion of the provisions of the NH, as one!• opportunities would be afforded him of statin g , . °Pi nions on the subject. There could be no doubt that dritßk en ness was a fertile source of crime. But the whole que:stio.n was, how the commission of crime could be prevented. (Hear, hear.) The committee of 1853-4 took a great deal of evidence on the licensing system and the system on which beer-houses were founded, and the conclusion at which they arrived was, that the distinction between public-houses and beer-houses should be done away with. The committee, however, did not arrive at the same conclusion with respect to the hands in which the licensing power should be placed; and before the second reading of the bill he thought the hon. and learned gentleman ought to turn his attention to that part of the report. As great interest would be felt by the country iu the measure now under consideration, not only as ono of morality, but as one affecting the vast amount of property now embarked in the beer trade, he thought ample time ought to be allowed for a full consideration of the sub ject. (Hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON was exceedingly glad that the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Hardy) had undertaken to deal with the subject, but he thought it was one which ought to have been taken up by the Government. (Hear.) Mr. WILKINSON said it was a mistake to impose restric tions on those who were sober, because some persons got aunk. _ _ After a few words frem Mr. Lowe, Mr. Crossley, Ir. Ewart, and Mr. Brown, Leave was given to bring in the bill. CONTRACTS FOR PUBLIC DEPARTMENTS. On the motion of Colonel DUN E, the select committee to inquire into the principle adopted for making contracts for the supply of the public departments, and the effect which the present system has upon the expenditure of public mo ney, was re-appointed. ECCLESIASTICAL CORPORATIONS. - - - - The Marquis of BLANDFORD obtained leave to bring in a bill further to provide for the in ode of securing and paying fixed incomes to ecclesiastical corporations, aggregate and sole. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. There was a very full attendance of members, owing, probably, to the expected explanation between Mr. Disraeli and Lord Palmerston on tho " secret treaty." NEW MENIBERS - Sir R. BETHELL, her Majesty's Attorney-General, took the oaths and his seat for Aylesbury ; and Mr. LANGWORMY taok the oaths and his seat for Salford. The fallowing private bills were read a second time : Bathgate, Airdrie, and Coatbridge Railway ; Birken head Docks (Construction) ; Birkenhead Docks (Ma nagement) ; Bi r k en head, Lancashire, and Coesbire Junction Railway ; Blackburn Railway ; Brigh ton, Rove, and Preston Constant Service Water ; Carlisle and Ilawick Railway ; Chester Water; G.rnwall Railway ; Dumbarton Water, &C. ; East Kent Railway (Extension to Dover) ; Ely Tidal Harbour and R.Lilway ; Exeter and Exmouth Rail way ; Glasgow City and Suburban Gas; Glasgow Gas; Great Southern and Western Extension Railway ; Great Yarmouth Britannia Pier ; Inverness and Nairn Railway ; Kidegrove Market ; Lancaster and Carlisle, and Ingleton Railway ; Leslie Railway ; Lewes and Uckfitla Railway ; London and South Western Railway Acts Amendment; Mersey Conservancy and Docks ; New River Company ; Newry, War renpoint, and Rostrevor Railway ; North Eas tern Railway (Capital) ; Oldham, Ashton-under- Lyne, and Guide Bridge Junction Railways ; Pee bles Railway; Portsmouth Water; Price's Patent Candle Company ; South Devon Railway ; South Durham and Lancashire Union Railway ; Stratford-upon-Avon Gas; Sundrrland Gis ; Taff Vale Railway ; Tweed River Fisheries ; Victoria (London) Docks ; Watchet Har bour; Watchet Harbour Trust ; Waterford and Tramore Railway; Wearmouth Bridge, Ferries, and Approaches; West Somerset Mineral Railway ; Whitehaven, Cleator, and Egreinont Railway; Whitehaven and Furness Junc tion Railway. INCOME TAX. Numerous petitions were again presented against the preser.taisesiment of the property and income tax. On the motion of Mr. MOFFATr the following re turn was granted, showing the number of persons charged to the income tax for the years ended the sth day of April, 1855 and 1856, under Schedule (D) ; dis tinguishing the number charged in each of the following classes, viz.—under 1001. a-year ; 1001. dnd under 1501 a-year ; 1501. a-year and and-r 2001. ; 2001. and under 3001. ; 3001. and under 4001. ; 4001. and under 5001. ; 5001. and under 600/. ; 6001. and under 7001 ; 7001. and under 8001. ; 800/. and under 900/. ; 9001. and under 1,0001. ; 1,0001. and under 2,0001. ; 2,0001. and under 3,0001. ; 3,0001. and under 4,0001. ; 4,0001. and under 5,0001. ; 5,0001. and under 10,0001. ; 10,0001. and under 50,000/. ; 50,0001. and upwards ; and the amounts of tax received from each class : Similar re turn, under Schedule (E), to 5,0001. a-year and upwards : return showing the net amount of property and income tax for the same years, classed under the several sche dules (in con inuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. , of session 1856). And similar return for Ireland. THE NAVY. Captain SCOBELL gave notice that on Tuesday, the 17th inst., he should move for a select committee rela tive to navy promotions. THE EXTENSION OF THE FRA.NCHISE. Sir J. WALMSL EY gave notice that he should, on Tuesday, the 24th, move for a select committee to con• eider the =tension of the franchise. DIPLOMATIC SALARIES. Mr. WISE gave notice that on Tuesday, the 24th, he should move for the repeal of the act of Parliament granting 180,000/. for diplomatic sahries and pensions. LEGAL EDUCATION. Mr. KEATING asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Government, in the present session, to intro duce any measure founded upon the recommendation of the Commissioners appointed to consider the subject of legal education Sir G. GREY said that nothing had as yet been done with respect to it. It rested with the Lord Chancellor. GOODS' WARRANTS. Mr. GREGSON asked the Vice-President of the Board of Trade whether, in consequence of the doubts thrown by the Courts of Law upon the validity of ad vances on the hypothecation of goods or warrants, it was his intention to introouce any bill upon the subject during the present session 1_ _ _ Mi. - LOWE said it would not be difficult to introduce a bia to secure the legitimate trader. As soon as the Government knew how to meet the wishes of all classes of the mercantile world on the question, they would in troduce a bill. PROTAS SHOALS. Maj )r SIBTHORP asked the Vice-President of the Beard of Trade, whether any steps were being taken by the Government towards the diminution of risk to ship ping, by the erection of a lighthouse on the reef known as the Protas Shoal , , in the China Sea ? Mr. LOWE taid steps were being taken for the pur pose asked, but the difficulty was to obtain the neces sary funds. It must be done by a toll, which he thought would act as a deft,reotial duty on the English shipping. DESTITUTE SOLDIERS' WIVES AND CHILDREN. Sir J. TYRRELL asked what steps were being taken to relieve 250 wives and 350 children of soldiers in a state of starvation outside the garrison at Colchester ? Mr. F. PEEL said that he had male inquiries at the Horse Guards, but nothing wa4 known of it. He would make further inquiries upon the subject. THE CRIMEAN COMMISSIONERS. Mr. J. E WART asked the First 12,rd of the Treasury whether it was the intention of the Governrneut to make any recognition of the services of Sir J. M l Neill and Col. Tulloch in the Crimea ? (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON said that these gentlemen were employed in the Crimea on inquiries of an im portant nature, bearing on the state and condition of the army tht-re, and they had performed those duties to the satisfaction of her Majesty, and to their own credit. (near, hear.) It was not the intention of the Govern ment to step out of the ordinary way and ask the Crown to give these gentlemen additional honours. Mr. LAYARD asked if it were trite that before C4l Tulloch went to the East be was promised promotion, and that since junior officers had been put over his head Lord PALMERSTON said that he was no t aware . . - •• •• %.1 that Col. Tul.och had been protniFed promoti on . • A number of officers of the same rank between him and th.- top of the list, who had Neel, active service and greatly distisguiBhed themselves, had been promoted, and he thought it would not have been fair to them to have put him over their heads. (Hear ) CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS PREVENTION ACT. Mr. H. BERKELEY asked the First Lord of the Treasury when he intended to move for a select commit tee to inquire into tha operation of the " C ,rt upt Prac• tices at Elections Preventio❑ Act." (Laughter.) Lord PA.LMEII.STON said that he wool! take the opportunity of doing so ou au early day. ARMY ESTIMATES. Sir C. WOOD gave notice that on Monday next the army estimates would be entered into. JOINT-STOCK BANKS. In reply to a question, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he did not intend to move a second committee for Joint- Stock Banks, but woul I state the course he intended to adopt on an early day. THE SECRET TREATY.--MR. DISRAELI'S EXPLANATION. Mr. DISRAELI--I have to request the indulgent per mission of the house, although I take precedence of no— Mr. T. DUNCOUBE—I beg the right hon. member's pardon. lam extremely sorry to interrupt the right hon. gentleman, but from what fell from him yesterday, and the intimation he gave that he was going to bring forward a subject of great importance, I infer that he is not about to enter into mere personal explanations respecting his re cent statement, and the contradiction of the noble lord at the head of the Government. Now, sir, in asking the in dulgence of the house to go beyond the usage of the house —although I am far from thinking there should not be every indulgence granted—l wish to come to this under standing. lam of course ignorant whether the right hon. gentleman is about to state that he was imposed on in Paris, or that the contradiction of the noble lord was in accurate, bat if he is going beyond this, if he is going into the general question, I hope there will be an understanding, so that other honourable members may be at liberty to make remarks on what may fall either from the right hon. gentleman or the noble lord, without their being stopped by the forms, their being no question before the house. Sir. J. PAKINGTON—I rise on the point of form. I think the house will feel that my right bon. friend was about to take the course which is always permitted in matters of personal interest, and seeing that my right hon. friend is desirous of doing so, and the noble lord is ready to reply, I would suggest that the usual course for the homes would be to hear the explanations, and then decide whether the discussion should be prolonged. Mr. DISRAELI—When the accuracy of a statement made by a member of this house has been impugned with out any qualification, it has always been the courteous custom of this house to permit tho member to make such statement as he may think necessary to vindicate his accu racy —perhaps his honour. It is in that spirit that I am abort to proceed to-night, and if any gentleman calls me to urger I shall understand that the permission is not ac corded. If it be accorded I trust that the permission will be fairly and liberally construed, and the house may be as- t sured that I shall not make any observation I do not think necessary to clear up the point in dispute. And I cannot help feeling tha t I am inte r p re ti ng t h e general opinion of the house when, in recalling the circumstances that led to this appeal, I express my belief th a t an a tt empt on my part to answer the contradiction of the noble lord is nei ther impertinent nor unnecessary. I will therefore assume fno gentleman rises to call me to order, that the house will grant me that indulgence, which on many other occa sions they have granted to hon. members on both sides of the house. I remember some years ago, I think it may be , STATUTE LAW. Lord PALMERSTON moved for a select committee to con,- sider so much of the second report of the statute law com missioners as relates to the proposition therein made for the adoption of means to improve the manner and language of current legislation, and to report their opinion thereupon to the house. Nothing, he said, could be of more importance than this subject. Everybody who had-turned his attention to the framing and language of the statute law must have seen what confusion frequently arose from the diversity of construction, from oversights, and from conflicting enact ments ou laws that were passed at different times. He re membered, as an instance of this, that a bill some years ago was brought into the house in which, by oversight, the gram matical construction of one of the clauses went to provide far the case in which Good Friday should fall ou a Sunday. (Laughter.) Besides these ridiculous results there was a want of precision in the language of our statutes, and a waist of sufficient care in providing that harmony should be preserved between bills brought in and laws in existence. And, indeed, when they considered the method in which bills passed in that house, it was very natural. A bill was brought in fre quently by an independent member with such assistance as he might he able to command, or a bill was brought in by Government, who employed an officer, whose time was very much engaged. Neither of these framers of bills was able to give sufficient attention to the language, or to examine all existing laws, to sec that the bill did not conflict with those laws ; that, iu short, the hill should be an improvement, and should not lead to confusion. Well, the bill was brought in, and in debate amendments were suggested which were after wards carried out in committee. One member had a particu lar case in mind for which he wished to provide, and he pro po,ied a clause. The mover of the bill, taken on a sudden, finding that to accept this clause would smooth the passage of the bill, without, perhaps, having the opportunity or the means of ascertaining exactly the bearing of the clause on the other parts of the bill, or on existing laws, adopted it. The bill passed that house, and in the other house amendments were made in the same way, and additional clauses were inserted, without sufficient opportunity or time to ascertain their bear ing, and the result was frequently that a bill came down, passed into the law, and the next session another bill had to be brought in to alter it, as was the case lately in reference to a bill for the collection of rates in the metropolis. A great advantage, therefore, would arise if sone proper officer were appointed, who should be servant to the two Houses of Par liament in regard to these matters, who should, when a bill was referred to him, examine the legal effect of it, its opera tion on existing laws, whether it repealed or altered existing laws, whether it left in existence laws on the same subject wholly or partially repealed—in short, to report to the Houses of Parliament the effect of the bill, both as to its ope ration and also as to its language and construction. A great improvement might no doubt be made in the phraseology of our statutes. (Hear, hear.) A great many superfluous words were frequently used. Lawyers, in order to prevent mistakes —ex abundanti cautela—very often caused mistakes. He therefore thought it would be a very desirable thing that a committee should be appointed to take this report into consideration, lie was bound to say that the authors of the second report had shown by their example how it was possible for able men to have clear ideas on the subjects referred to them, and to express these clear ideas in the most perfect and lucid manner. Though gentlemen might think that reading a report on law amendment was not an agreeable oc cupation, yet he could assure th em th a t any one who read b T report would have great pleasure in reading it. Sir G. GREY ob C t ° ai li n The motion was agreed to. N ed T l Y eav C e O t N o S b T i A in E g LE in S a . the appointment bill to facilitate of chief constables for adjoiningcounties, and and to confirm appointments of chief constables in certain eases. Upon the motion oßf M ANKS OF ISSUE. GLYN, returns were ordered of any banks, b e i ng b an k s of issue previously to the passing of the act 7th and Bth of Victoria, chap. 32, which had ceased to issue their notes, and the amount of circulation of such banks respectively ; of the amount of Bank of England notes issued under order in Council, according to the provisions of the act 7th and Bth of Victoria, chap. 32, for replacing the amount of circulation thus withdrawn, and up to what date ; and of the banks of issue, if any, - which had ceased to issue their own notes, and the amount of circulation of such banks respectively since tho date of the above issue of Bank of Eng land notes (in continuation of a former return). The Select Committee on Rating of Minos was appointed, consisting of Mr. Kendall, Mr. Michael Williams, Mr. Deedes, Mr. George Cavendish, Mr. Child, Mr. Bouverie, Mr. Hut chins, Mr. Philipps, Colonel Pennant, Mr. Ridley, Viscount Monck, Mr. Spooner, Mr. Huss e y Vi v i an, M r, Li ttleton, Mr. Hume, Mr. Henry Herbert, and Mr. Colvilo. • The house adjourned at half-past eight. MR. JOHN MACG.REGOR, M.P., AND TilE ELECTORS OF GLASGOIV. On the 30th December last a meeting was held, in the Second Ward, Glasgow, for the pu.rp )se of taking into consideration the present condition of the representation of the city, in relation to Mr. Macgregor and his share in connection with the Royal British Bank, whe❑ the following letter was agreed upon, and forthwith despatched to its des tination : "23, Monteiti.-row, Glvgow, Dec. 31, 1856. " Dear Sir, At a meeting of a few of your supporters o last calling evening, a p u b f i o i o r the purpose nodi discussing Municipal th W e a p r rt baldd pr h i e e l ty f meeting of the district, to take into consideration th e position in with the Royal British Bank have placed you with th e community of Glasgow, it was deem e d by th ere present more respectful to you to let you know that such an intention existed, in the hope that your reply might save thenecessity of any such meeting b e i ng h e ld . ~ In a hasty note written by y ou some m i me ago, you promised to give an explanation of your share in thesis occurrences. We think if you were fully aware of the opprobrium that is daily heaped upon the electors of Glasgow, your sense of justice would induce you no longer to delay giving such r xplanation, or of adopting, such other alternative as would free the citizens of Glas gow from those reflections, which are both painful and discreditable. " You are aware that the electors of the Second Ward have always given you a generous and hearty support, and we do not think it unfit or uncourteous in them to ask such txplauation, or course, as above indicated. No unfriendly or unkind feeling was manifested by any one present, but a necessity was felt that you should now take some steps to set yourself right with the electors generally, but more especially with those who have hi therto generously supported you. With this view they have desired me, in their name, to send this communica tion. —I am, i tc., (Signed) " WILLIAM RAE, " Representative in the Council from the Second Municipal Ward." To the ab ove l etter no answer bas been received. THE GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY. At a meeting of the Geographical Society, held last night, some interesting communications were made re specting that portion of Persia where warlike operations are now being carried on, and where they will probably be extended should the war continue. The proceedings com menced with the reading of a pacer from Gen. Monteith, which described the position of Busbire and the surround ing country. Bushire itself is scantilysupplied with water, nor can a goodsupply be obtained at a less distance than 2 miles. Al ag the shores, for a distance varying from 10 to 30 miles, there is a tract of low arid land at the foot of the mountains, which rise immediately from it Those mountains present a formidable appearance, but GeLeral Monteith is of opinion they are not so impracticable for an army as they appear to be, as there are several passes through which artillery might be transported without much difficulty. The height of the highest passes is computed to be about 5,000 feet. Gen. Monteith stated that the mountain tribes are warlike and friendly to the English, and, being in a great degree independent of Persia, he believes that they would join our standard. At the conclusion of Gen. Monteith 's paper, Sir 11. llA.wuNsox spoke at considerable length in illustration of the anciei,t history, the pbysic i a t l ,f g er e ri l i g tni r g. :: phy, and the productiveness of the country. in the commencement, to Respire, where the he l3 said troops first came in collision with the Persians, it was o ne o f the most interesting spots to the antiqua rian i n th e whole of Asia. Thu ruins of a Temple had been disc overe d there, one of the bricks fromhich he exhibited to th e meeting that bad beenbuilt in the time of Sennacherib and numerous interestinge inscrip tions in th e cuneiform character had be n found there. He stated th at in those ancient times the Persian Gulf who inhabited and the Red Sea were both knJwn _by rn t e h n e same charac. teristic name, derived from the red described its general their shores. After sketching the n l r i n istory of the country to the present time, Sir H. Rawleinn. s tern shore the land is ex. appearance. All along the north w of the Gulf there is a ceedingly arid, but on the foot of the n ountains. large extent of the mosttbfeaerrtile country in the world, ex tehsling to Schuza, alluvial depositions This fertile tract has be n e e n h ' teohrmaerde by y rought down by the E fro e m phr t a h t e en m an o d untai n ns n ,_ other rivers, and being met by a pre there is an advance of land into valent north-east e mile iu forty years. If the war the sea at the rate of this portion of the country would in all should continue, of by oeunrenaprimediesw, i a t s h it ad vantage. - probability be taken po s ses si o n very acce ssible, mistaken notion to suppose that the wasanad capaole of being English intended to enter Persia by crossing the moue- taw range t o the east el Ludlire, which %r LE, RAW, linson considered more impracticable than General Monteith appeared to do, and would, he said, present most formidable barrier if held by a warlike enemy. He spoke highly of the Persian soldiers, but the officers were, he said, most incompetent, as they were princi psaFy appointed from the menials in the s ervice of the sh,Ah's ministers and favourities. _ . My. LAYARD having been requested by the President to znai,.-e some observati ons on t h e su bj ec t , h e en t er t a ined the mee,:ing with an interesting illustrative account of bi g personal adventures in the co un t r y on th e n orth of the Gulf of Persia, and a mong the mountain tribes, w i t h whom he spent many months, having obtained the friendship of one of the chiefs. He de scribed these people as a superior class of men, though somewhat given to thieving, an d i n hi s long intercourse with them they manifested great friendship for the English nation. The country along the western shores of the aulf is inhabited by Arabs, who, on one oc casion, flooded tie country by cutting through the banks of the river; and Mr. Layard gave a very amusing ac count of his being obliged to construct a raft to float himself down the stream, and of his having fortunately floated into a palace built across a calial, where he was sumptuously entertained for many weeks; the whole adventure reseLqbling a tale in "The Arabian Nighi,s. Before the close of the proceedings Sir Henry Raw linson was calved .upon to explain the position of Herat, which he did very g,.aphically, and observed that it would be impossible to reach Herat by the Persian Gulf ; but there would not be inue`i difficulty in taking it by a Bri tish force marching from India. It would be impossible, however, for a British force to hold it without deporting all the present inhabitants of the country. Sir Henry Rawlinson stated that Herat never belonged to Persii ; and it might, in fact, be more correctly stated that Per sia belonged to Herat. The country around it is one of the most fruitful in Asia, and could maintain a large army for many mouths. The meeting then adjourned till the 23d inst. Country Markets. LIVERPOOL-FED. 10. The corn exchange this morning had a full attendance of millers and dealers, who were buyers on reduced terms. Holders of good wheat and flour, however, were indisposed to concede much, if at all, and the business done at the close was called id per bushel decline on white wheat, but none on good fresh red. Goad brands of flour were no lower, and uncertain qualities were difficult to move at variable prices. Indian corn was not in so much request tO-deYr and it was hard to support prices. Oats and, oatmeal fair sale at late rates. Barley dull and lower. Beans And peas both firm, but sales are only made in retail. HIILL—FEs. 10. To-day we had a moderate supply of farmers' wheat In fair condition, and which met free sale at fully the current rates of last market day. For foreign a very slow sale ia• deed. B.rley neglected. Other spring corn unaltered. Linseed firm at last week's pr ices ; but cakes, owing to tb• weather. recede 5s to lOs per ton. Bones scarce, and much inquired for. Wheat, English, red 56 to 581 Ditto white 6O to 63 Dantzic and Konigs- Peas, grey and black to • Linseild, Black Sea... 68 to 70 Ditto Petersburgh 56 to 67 berg _ 65 to 70; romeranianandllam. I Ditto Riga and Arch angel _ 48 to 54 burgh Danish, Holstein, and Memel Friesland 54 to 58 Per Tots Russian and Odessa 58 to 63 Lins.c., Hull 0109 to 111121 6 1 _ . Oats, English Ditto Danish Ditto Friesland Ditto Russian 27 to 30 1 Rtzpe cakes —s Od to 130 s 05 Barley, malting Ditto grinding 35 to 38 Ditto foreign Beans Ditto foreign Peas, white and yel. 40 to 42:F1our, per brl. 351 381 LEEDS, FEB. 10. We have a tolerable show of wheat, the condition gene rally is very bad ; there is a rather improved feeling in the trade for good dry qualities, but the rates of Friday' cannot be exceeded, and inferior sorts are still difficult to place. Barley slow, prices unaltered. Beans inquired for. Other articles as before. Average prices of grain —Wheat, 55s 2d ; barley, 4 6 s Sd ; oats, 25s Od ; beans, 41s ; peas, —s Od rye, —s. d. LOCAL SHARE MARKBTE. LIVERPOOL, FEE. 10. STOCK EXCHANGE. The market is steady, at a slight improvement in quotations. Blackburn, 821—Caledonian, 311 g—Eastern Counties, 9l—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 97 7;—London, Brighton, and South Coast, 108--London and North Western, 1061 li—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 341—Midland, 82j—North Eastern, Berwick, 211 1 a —South Eastern 22a I—Dutch Rhenish, par—Grail Trunk of Canada, 12g. BIRMINGHAM, FEE. 10. STOCK EXCHANGE.—Business was slack in this market to-day, but prices are firm. Great Weatern Birminghso Guaranteed Stock closed at 76 76j—London and North Westerns, 1061 i—Midlands, 824 ; and South gtafforde, 9i. MANCHESTER, FEB. 10. STOOK EXCHANGE.—There was a firm business, at 111 P proved prices. Manchester Fire Assurance, 7a p.—Leedil. 97i—Shetfield, 34i Midland, 821—Dover, 24—York Capital Stock, 30i—Great Western, 67i—East Lancashire, 24—London Stock, 1 063—Lancashire Inentanoo, Par -- Lancaster and Carlisle, 69. LEEDS-FEB. 10. - --- STOOK EXOHANGE.—MidIand. 82I—Leeds and Yorkshire Insurance, 34 Lancashire and Yorkshire, 961—Notth Eastern (Leeds), No. 1, 11.65. 3d. p. GOITBSE OF EXCH.A.NGE.—YZEHEZDA,T. ~msterdam...... •• • .... 11 15 , Gibraltar ......• •• •• •• •• 4° ~, Ditto, three months .. 11 18 ; Leghorn .. ...... .....• Sw Rotterdam ...... • • .... 11 181 4 Genoa .... ..... • ...... 25 67)5 xntwerp •• •• •• •• ••••• • 25 35 Milan ...... •••••• • • •• Brussels ......... 25 35 I Venice.. 43s ilamburgn • • • • .• •• •1( Naples •••• .• • ....... • ...... . ... •.. • 13 7 iltona —•• • • .......... Palermo .. •• .... 129% Paris •• •• •• • • ....• • • .... 25 22% Messina .. • ... 130 Ditto, three months .. 25 62% Lisbon .... . • ...• 51X • Marseilles ....... •• •••• 25 62% Oporto ...... ........ • • ilk( Rourdeaux ~ —.• . • ... Rio Janeiro...... ...... BerlinFrankfort-onVne •• .. 1194 Buenos Ayres.... •••• •• ' ................ New Y0rk,641 days' sight .." . PetersburgP riesto.... .... .... .... .... Vienna.........• •• .... 10 30 Philadelphia •• • ... Madiid ..........., .... 49 ~, 10 37 %2 ., ratan or BuLLiox, rim os. Cadiz .... p F o o rt re ug ign ai G Go old la i e n o ß in ar s £ O 3 1 0 7 : • •v• ••• •—• 4c Mexican Dollars 0 0 0 Barcelona .......... ~ —..' New Dollars OO 0 Seville.... •• •• ....... Silver in bars OO 0 [ADVENT'S/IMT.] SIGHT AND HEART NQ— SpECTACLNO, POWE RFUL TELNSCIPIa, O FERA , RAC; AND PENSPECTIVI G LessEs.—Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, opticians. 39, Alba marle-street, Piccadilly. Observe—opposite the York note/ . (W.) By k er M a j esty ' s Royal Letters Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvements in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Racecourse, Opera, and Per. spective Glasses, to know the distances. These telescopes, possess such ext raor di nary powers that some three and a.ba! l inches, with an ex t ra eye - p i ece, will show di s ti nct l y Jupiter moons, Saturn's ring, and ;he double stare. With the same telescope can be seen a person's countenance three miles and half distant, and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers accordingly.--The Royal Exhibition, 1851. Valuable, newly-invented, very mall, powerful waistcoat-pocket glass, the size sf a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known 1i miles distant ; they answer every purpose on the race-course, and at the opera houses, country scenery, and ships are clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles. They aro invaluable for shooting, deer -stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. Operg• race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful power. Newly-constrzsted Spectacle Lenses of the great' est transparent power. The valuable advantage derived from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired iM preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are enabled to employ their sight at the most minute °ca. pation—can see with these lenses of a much less magnify tug power—and they do not require the frequent changes to the dangerous effects of further powerful a ss istance. Persons can be suit e d at the most remote part of the world, by sending one of the glasses out of their spectacles in letter, and stating the distance from the eyes they can read small newspaper print with it; and those who have not made use of spectacles by stating their age. Deaf' nese. New Discovery. The Organic Vibrator, an ex traordinary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness, entirely different from'all others, to surpass any thing of the kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as tue skin, is not per° oeptible ; it enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at churels and at public assemblies ; the unpleasant sensation of Singing noises in the ears is entirely removed ; and it affords all assistance that possibly could be desired.-39, Albemarle. street, Piccadilly- Observe—out:melte the York Hotel. lif.) BIRTHS. • of ♦ SON. On the 9th inst., at Croydon, Surrey, the wife of Fred. Lambert, Esq. On the Bth inst., at Cavendish-place, Manchester, the wife of Samuel Crompton, Esq. OP A DAUGHTER. On the 9th inst., at 4, St. Mark's-square, Regent's-park• Mrs. Alexander S. Petrie. On the 9th inst., at 69, H amilton -terrace, St. John's• wood, the wife of F. P. Ward, Esq. MARRIED. On tho 10th inst., at St. James's, Paddington, the Rev. Dr. John Muohleise n Arnold, Chaplain of St. Mary's Hog' pital, to Maria, d aug h ter of Thomas Workman, EN., o' 10, Inverness-road, Bayswater. Gii the 27th Sept. last, at Sydney, N.S.W., George B. Esq., o f C amberwell, Surrey. Mrs. E slYaTialabcuer,yf.Lonodnodno,nt,owEidliozwa J o a f ti t e h , e e l ld at e e st E d d e w u a g r b a : Salisbury, E te v r a o n f s , D I E D. On the 9th inst. R L 1 d Elul Charlton , ~ enry ong au s, •, Blackheath. On the , tl2 inst a t H t Mr. Meek aged •, avan , J ohn B u , 72. On the 9t h inst., at Fareham, Hants, the Rev. i ii r ta• Thresher, aged 59. On the 9th inst., at 11, Grove-end-r oa d, St. John's' wood, Adolph Leopold Pfeil, Esq., g w aed 73. On th e B th inst , at Sherringham, Norfolk, the II"' Charlott e Upcher;idow of the late Abbot trpcher, Dig" and eldest daughter of the late Lord Berners. .1. On the Bth hist , at Lower Broughton, Manchester, K. B. P. Kinsman . , of the Bank of England, eldest son of the late J. K. Kinsman, Commander R.N., aged 49. late On the Bth inst., at Alton, Martha, relict of the Mr. John Dyer, aged 35. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOITIWP of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Zevoy, in the °mo i l of I f itidleik•zb Weclatotia, bkruary 11, lart