The Sun. — London, England, 1840-05-20 00:00:00

.EVENING _EDITION. directions to the Committee appointed by Treasury Mi- would rather see the Catholic Emancipation Bill repealed, mute to include within their Report a new line which has I for then, though C a th o li c M em b ers cou ld not b e returne d been discovered between Carlisle and Lancaster, by to Parliament, they would have (with the assistance of the which a portion of two lines, called the Kendal and Lune honest forty-shilling freeholders) the power to return Li lines, will be united, giving the town of Kendal the ad- i beral Protestants, who would regard the interests of their vantage of the railway passing near it, and probably lessen- common country, as they did before, with no vision jeun ing the expense between Lancaster and Carlisle. diced by religious or political prejudices—e Hear, hear) — MEDICAL COMMITTEE, but with a noble emulation to serve their country, without Mr. FRENCH inquired of the Hon. Member for Brid- the paltry distinction made between Catholic and Protest port, whether he would have any objection to name the ant. The Bill would virtually repeal the Relief Bill ; it day on which be would move for the appointment to re- would do more than that, it would take away from the Ro port on the medical evidence taken in 1834? n - an Catholics the property which had been conveyed to Mr. - WARBURTON could not give an answer to the them by the Constitution, without restoring to them question without notice.—( A laugh.) the purchase money.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Did the CHURCH EXTENSION. Noble Lord think that, by that means, he would Mr. HUM-E had yesterday asked the Hon. Member maintain the stability of the Established Church ? Did for the University of Oxford, what would be the terms of he mean to do so by the means of perpetual aggression? his motion relative to a grant of public money for Church The Established Church—be spoke numerically—was an gxtension. He hoped that motion would not be brought insignificant minority. The Roman Catholics of Ireland en without an answer being given to that question. was a great majority, which had wonderfully increased Major CHETWYND moved for a return of the name within a few years in wealth, intelligence, and determi of the master of the free grammar school at Sutton Cold- nation. Did the Noble Lord think that such a minority field is the county of Warwick, the date of his appoint.. could exist in perpetual aggression against such amajority ? meat, tlie gross amount of rents received in each year, The Noble Lord, in his desire to attack the liberties of from the day of his appointment to the Ist day of January the Irish people, only looked progressively. The Noble 1840, arising from the school, lands, houses, and other Lord did not take a retrospective view of the circumstances property ; the name of the person receiving the same; a under which those liberties were achieved. He did not statement of the exact amount in each year, separately, of compare the condition of Ireland when those liberties were the sum or sums expended in repairs, and upon what pre- first attempted to be maintained, and the present condition anises, the names of the persons occupying the said pre- of the people of Ireland when he despoiled them of them. wises, the amount of loss by bad tenants, and the dates and If the Bill passed, it would shake the very fabric of s o . years of such losses and all other incidental expenses paid defy in Ireland ; it would scatter the seeds of discord is out of the trust in each year separately ; the exact amount every hamlet and every town ; it would brief at which the property occupied by the master has been the demagogue ; it would, perhaps, convert the rated to the poor, and the description of such property ; and patriot into the traitor ; it would justify the language of the exact amount in each year actually paid t o or rece i v ed by sedition on the principle of right and justice, and it would the master of the said school as salary, exclusive of the • make man y a man exclaim in those spirit-stirring before -mentioned payments; also, the number of scholars words, the truth contained in them rendering them still ha each separate year, distinguishing those who were more dangerous-- . Nos neque imperium neque divitas boarders in his house and those admitted on the founda- petimus , sed libertatem quam nemo bonus nisi caeca anima , tit)°, and the number at the present time in the school. simul omittet."—( Cheers.) Sir E. SUGDEN objected to such motions, which he Mr. J. YOUNG said, having the honour to represent thought only tended to vex and harass parties, without any a very large constituency, he swished to give his support public good being derived from the returns. to a measure, against which every species of abuse had Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, but no di- . been disseminated, but the simple provisions of which vision took place, the motion having been withdrawn. were directed to remedying great an d acknowledged WAYS AND MEANS. abuses.—( Hear, hear.) The Revisingsßarrister for Ca- On the 'notion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX- van, in 1832, had stated that the fraud and perjury were chequer, the Report of the Committee en Ways and revolting beyond measure at elections. Men who would Means was ordered to be brought up. shrink from falsehood in ordinary circumstances were in- Mr. HE:MIES did not mean to offer any objection to duced by the influence of political associates, to sour :;gross the reception of the Report, but he hoped it would not perjury in the revision rooms. It was monstrous to bear preclude bins from offering any observations lie had to • the Liberal party so crying out about the danger of this make on a future occasion. course, when they possessed an immense numerical ma- Mr. HUME begged to ask when the Chancellor of the jority in three out of the four Irish provinces ; and when, Exchequer meant to afford the Heuse an o!:.portunity of for the last ten years, the whole course of British legisla discussing hi; resolutions ? Lion had been directed in accordance with their views.— The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, the Secretary for the on Friday next. Colonies, had made last night a very forcible speech on The Report was then received, and a Bill ordered to the principle that the franchise ought to be liberally con- be brought in founded on the resolutions. strued.—( Hear, hear.) But the Noble Lord could not REGISTRATION OF VOTERS ( IRELAND) AD- defend fraudulent and fictitious votes— ( Hear)—and JOURNED DEBATE. such alone would bs affected by this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Order cf the Day for resuming the adjourned de- Mr. V. STUART said he was not oppose.: to an bats on the Registration of Voters (Ireland) Bill having amendment of the re g istr a ti on , b u t it mus t not b e b y cur been read, I 1 tailing the franchise—( Hear, hear.) He had a strong Petitions were presented by Mr. Clive and Mr. Lem, objection to the Bill on principle. He considered it the in favour of the Bill; end against it by the O'Connor Don, fundamental principle of the Constitution, that the gene- Mr. W. S. O'Brien, and Mr. Hum sal feelings of the country should be truly represented in Mr. DILLON BROWNE said i'hat be wished to offer that House—(lmm, hear)—and by persons duly returned a few ohiereations on this important qu es ti o n, lie T e l t it by bona fide majorities of the constituencies-_( Hear, hear) an imperative duty which he could not neglect ee Tepee- —and he much feared the effect of the Bill would be to renting one of the largest communities in Irelaiel, to repu- destroy the due and full representation of the people.-- diate in the strongest terrne the measure now hefo ,e the ( hear, hear.) He believed this would be the more ha consideration of Parliament, which ought to he culled a portant, as the Irish people were rapidly improving in in nseasure for the disfranehisemen: of Ireland. He • fete it as telligence.—( Hear, hear.) The root of the present evil duty devolved on hi e) a s representing a large coternueity, was to be found in the very words of the I -ish Ref: rm for so pernicious were the tendencies of the Bill that in Act—( Hear, hear)—and arose from the difficulties atteud proportion as th e a rea of any country was extensive was et ant on the beneficial interest question.—( Hear, hear.) more fatally affected by it. He seldom took the liberty For his own part, he had every wish that no man should be of intruding on the time of the Howe, thee which put upon the registry who had not a perfect right t o b e he considered ought to be so valuable, knowing that that there ; but he thought that to those who had the right, which he abstained from doing would be more efficiently every facility ought to be given for its exercise. Ev er y and agreeably performed by others. But on this present elect ,r ought to look upon the franchise as a trust from hie occasion he thought that no Irishman who could raise hie country, and instead of locking upon it with apathy, to be voice should be silent, whatever might be his capacity, as • desirous of ex erc i s i ng i t h onoura bl y an d manfully far the the peril in which his country W 23 placed called the burn- good of his country.—( Hear, hear.) bled abilities into action. Indeed, no man ?iced fear to Mr. WILLIAM RO CH E opposed the motion for the address the Heuse for the virtu 7 'as cause in e..!•,ich he to as I Committee. He had himself presented a great number of embaideeti, and the undisguised and palpable injury which petitions against the Bill, and he concurred with hi s con. was entieevoarel to be done hie eoutitre wood suopiy stituente, and with those ecntlernsn who. on that side of him title tirat elo,Ttence, ar,d simple end natural argu. the Heuse, had coedernned the Bill ; and he was deter ! ments which rasuit from the advocacy of justice and truth. i enined to o pp ose i t i n every stage , an d upon every clause. —( Hater, he ar .) H e h ope d that du:i ng t h e course o f the 1 He denied that there w a s a tith e o'the chicanery in Ireland debate, or during the prottresa of the Bill, that every Irish 1 chat existed in Engl an d.—( H ea r. he a r.) h the promot e rs Liberal Member `could boa heard in opposition, f ir ;hough td' this sc h eme were s i ncere , w hy did t h ey throw their lithe might be the effect of persuasier, on H e n. Gentlemen s Meld over the boroughs of Cambridge and Ludlow.— oppesite, yet it would produce the result that, if the ( Hear, bear.) In his mind there was no mode of arriving al:ensure passed they would ward (Ares long as possible, so a: purity in the exercise of the franc -ise, or of putting an e:rest a calamity Iron their countr:e, and would prove how and to intimidation, but by the Ballot.—(dear, hear. ' If much the public mind in Ireland was excited, rind skit a 'hie measure was salutary and necessary, why was it not dangerous in s p eetanee t h e measure hid Assumed.— ( Near.) i , made n general ore, instead of intimating to the people of For when humble individuals like himself I s ft their natural i! Irelsnd, that although such a measure dared not be intro - retirement., and assumed in the proceedings of that House duccd into England, they must digest it.—(Hear.) It tOu! prominent part of debaters, there could not but he 1V.19 impossib:e teat it should fail to exasperate them.— .i eaen f rom it a deduction, which was as true as it Witt; ' (Hear, hear.) It was a mcatare without one redeeming r.o•tlinie„, and as it wes important, and which might be aptly zeature frost beginning to end, and he would co-operate tilt:sere:ea by a metapher familiar to all, that the strswa to the utmost in the endeavour to defeat it. would not be reieed to the surface had the waters not beets Sir GEORGE SINCL AIR, in spite of the argu. disturbed,—(.Hear.) lie ceneislered the Bill as erneataro ' ments, or he should rather say, is mercy to the speakers the most nggresteve upon the rnglus of Irishruea, which against the Lid introduced by his Noble Friend, he was had been intronaseed for a leng lepse of time, nearly- disposed to estimate its advantages to Ireland the more in iacataive of a century. For since the system of proportion to the bitterness of the opposition.—( Hear.) legislitiag greivaeces for that country, (which the lie believed the effect of the Bill would be to improve the .Noble Lora wished to reaew), wan repudi ate d— mora li ty and to raise the independence of the people of since penal laws b ecame uufashionable —sinc e the first Ireland.—( Cheers and laughter.) It was only following exeieessioa was granted to the Reinen Catholic, there, up the spirit of the Catholic Emancipation Bill.—( Cheers ie-r1 been no attempt so aggressive of public Weeny as: and laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") It would emanci -1 that now made upon his liberties—( Hear).—since time i pate ehe peasants from their thraldom to the priests— Catholic first obtained a footing unan the soil, as times (Loud cheers and laughter)—and from the threats of advanced the Legislature effected pronressive improve- the demagogue—(Cheers and laughter)—by whom they meats in his coedition, and elthoneh those improeemente , were driven to reg:ste.r when they had no right, and to vote `:ally arrived, still there war no ntternot made like that when they had no freedom—(Cheers and cries of " Oh, to attack existiag privileges, to despoil ' the Roman Ca- -, oli")—hy when: they were left no alternative between de- thelic, without hi 3 consent, of all control ever the ma- 4 grmlation at the hustings, and appalling denunciations chinert• of legislation.—(Hear.) He thought that if' the . 1 from the altar.—(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") Constitution of the country had a rinht to do so, it was i They were enthralled by a faction, which would think it a dangerous for a Parliament, constituted as the present ' greater offence for a qualified elector to vote for West and was, to attempt it ; for a Parliament, evidently elected as H am il ton , t h an to vote b y per j ury f or O'C onnell and h`. was by c orru p t means, had no right to meddle with Hutton.—(Hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) The whole 1 the constituency of Ireland. Was not the exercise of constituency was aggrieved, and every bona fide elector Lad power and property to divert the franchise from its pro- a right to complain when any person was admitted to the per inclination an ev id ence o f t h e corrupt means by which registry who had no right to be there.—( Hear.) The that Paranament was elected ? Was cot the endeavour appeal to the Judges was necessary upon disputed claims, to separate the conscience from 11:0 vote a striking evie. because the Assistant-Barristers who were aspiring to the deuce of tho fact? Were not ice folios beneath which Bench themaelvss—(Laughter)—knew that they had ro that table greened detailing fictitious votes, intimidation, chance of promotion but by an unswerving deference to end corruption, a striking evid ence o f t h e f eet ? Were not one int erest . —(Ch eers and " Oh, oh !") With r es p ec t t o the R e p orts o f t h e Cambridge and Ludlow Mection Corn- the term of the registry, it appeared to him clear that a mittees conclusive of this aseumption, that th e House wan man w ou ld h ave greater i n d ucement to commit crime if he eleeted by corrupt means ?—( Flea:- ) And cereeinly the co u ld, e nj o y the fruits of it for eight years, than if he could great purity of that Howe might be well assume d frogs enjoy them only for one.—( Hear.) Ministers introduced the proceediege en a late occasion, when, in it s Con- measures to remedy some of the evils to which this Bill eervative zeal it forgot the ordinary courtesies of so. piety applied, but abandoned them as if they saw they were de end hurried cut a new writ creative of new bribery and stroying the support which kept them in office.—(Tory corruption,—( Hear.) Therefore he thought that aHe use cheers.) His Noble Friend who introduced the Bill ought s') constituted need fear imminent dange r in meddle age to be rewarded with a piece of plate by those who professed siisib,,the exi st i ng lib ert i es of the people. They mu et to desire the independence of the people of' Ireland— reeeeeet that the governed bad their rights a E (Great laughter)—instead of being called a scorpion.— wall as the geverning, and that i n th e cove.. (Renewed laughter.) It was not to be wondered at that nant between the m there were conditions which i the Learned Member for Dublin tock that term up so it was dangerous for either party to violate. Tho Bill quickly, as he had so often winced from the scorpion's sting. .before the House went to disfranchise the people of Ire- —( Laughter.) It was said that the number of voters in iend.—( Hear, hear.) Th a t was distinctly proved by Ireland w a s too fe w , b u t was i t fi tt i ng that they should be Hen. Gentlemen who h a d preceded him, and especially increased by brib er y an d su b ornat i on —b y f raud and intim . - tbe Hon. Hamlet who op ene d the debate, in a speech i dation ?...-{ Hear.) This was as much a British as an Irish luminous, temperate, and eloquent..—( Fleas-,) He had 1 question.-(Tory cheers, responded t o f rom t h e Lib eral proved distinctly t h at t h ere was no danger of the great / benches.) Ireland was quiet merely because the popular evil anticipated by the Hon. Gentlemen opposite—the •' party had all their own way, and the distribution of pa swamping of the hona fide voters by the fictitious voter's. I tronage. The Hon. Member for Dublin app eare d to h ave dale had prov e d th at t h e const i tuencies of Ireland we: e erected a sort of political P a pistry ; and it was unpar d on _ miserably small in comparison to the census of the country. able for any Irish Member to differ from him. If any unfor- He had given some details which were clear and indite tunate Irish gentleman ventured to think and act for him ;atable, and he (Mr. B.) would add one to the number, self, the Hon. and Learned Member's decree issued, ":Off La the county which he (Mr. B.) had the honour to repre- •• with his head, so much for Brabazon l"—( Shouts of laugh sent, there were 400,000 inhabitants and only 1,600 ter.) He wondered when Irish gentlemen would shake off electors,..-4 Hear, hear.) As to fictitious voters, the that ignominious bondage. Her Majesty's Ministers were best test was after a general election, in the consideration reduced to the same state of abject dependence on the of the number of petitions forwarded to Parliament, and Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. But that Hon. the result of those petitions. Netwithstanding the Spot- - end Learned Gentleman had ceased to be his own inter tihwoode conspiracy, how little evidence was there of fie- i prefer, and that office had devolved on the Noble Lord the titious voters o pnd wherever that evidence existed, they i Secretary for the Colonies.—( Hear, h e ar.) Th e H on. had tho se fi ct i t i ous voters ranked on tire side of Con- 4ad Learned Gentleman scented to have received a servatiem. The Liberal party had almost invariably sue- Is tter of license from the Government to do and say eieded. Th ey h a d the Dublin, Westmeath, Longford, tv: 'iatever he pleased.—( Hear. ) He cam e f orwar d i n r • lee, Toughen, Carlo w , and other election petitions • Ir .land, and contended fora clistnembermentof the empi re , on the ot h er s id e there had been only one or two in-' an d Lord Melbourne, when asked wh e th er h e was aware stances o f suceess— ( Hear, hear, tear. ) On e of the agit a ti on go i ng on f or t h e R epea l o f the Union, got Of those, the Kinsale e l ect i on petition, in whi c h ul . w ith unseasona bl e j ocu l arity , an d made l i ght of the a Committe e of the House admitted fictitious voters, ed dole matter. He (Sir George Sinclair) questioned whe contrary t o t h e op i nion of the Judges.—( Hear.) Th e d e- t h, o• her Majesty's Government would venture to come Glared object of the Bill w of England and Ireland, to provide for the admission and to aesirni!ate the registrations for ward and express their disapprobation of those pro of fictitious voters on the registr y, n, lee, lings; but they were conniving at them if they shrank by annual revision. But wu That was to be lone i 'reel condemning them.—( Cheers. He had been r e. present Bill e Annihilation." was the covert design of the f scared that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman wore a re sieion, under the circumstances, - pie in th Ireland, meant nothing r. For annual nevi_ p, tAI bottom No doubt that was a very appropriato else. The poverty of the peo oru blew of the catimatioe in which he held that question. the law's delays, the uncertainty'of t ‘ h' etylranny of landlords, —( Laughter.) If he could only secure a smooth passage sat: is of obstacles which the unfortunate earnt had to en- fey pilgrima ge in search aw, and the thou- ace ohs file Channel, and secure a safe reception, there were connter in his weary ramie annual revision little less than totalo the franchise, ad ( Tress - things that would give him so much pleasure as to a speech to a mixed multitude at the Corn (Mar, hear.) And then the unfortunate anaihilati"n•— Ea change, where more than one side of' the question eejoys h e rig ht for six months, for if there w, P as esse ant only wa 3 never heard.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He could made them th e assistant barrister in September a he appeal not • sa y that be could conclude with the p eroration about cot, a admitted to the right of voti ng t ill the subte could gri 'en hills, fertile valleys, or meandering streams ; but he Reich, and then he only enjoyed it for six months, q w u h e e n n t -we old say to them, .. How grossly have your understand %rain his qualification was questioned at the annual revision, ing s been insulted—how wantonly have your feelings been Why did not the Noble Lord introduce an explicit Bill rlt ited_--how genera ll y h ave your h opes b een disap declaratory o f hi s rea l o bj ect, w hi c h is an increase of the i-'la ,ta d I Mr, O'Connell tells you that he is trying an qualification of the Irish voter ? Why did he not boldly ; 1 - 7 ti -117:eat it is an experiment upon your patience and attack the franchise and not introduce a cruel and hype- . „ et 4,.1 mni'xYp• Park and Was to tell you that he would go to critical Bill of that kind, which pursued the unhappy pea- . a , a ,en impostor jump Ni ever the moon, you would say he I sent With the slow and stead . ; pace of the wolf, till, exhausted, a • a tuoch pro3pee . t e l f a O'Connell knows that he has just 1 he was obliged to yield up all political vitality.—( Haar.) 0 tl: ,err ,':'lest, from firstca t r o ryi l ng his measures—he has no That Bill sacr ifi c e, or but to keep fis h the pre was admirably illustrative of the political history sse t .M.'netry, at Say of the Noble Lord. Ai •.e, or at any price. Again, (Nettof importance to miner ,lieis un rivalled in the histrieni e art, is 4 s for the sake • b great Ile one day feast objects of perplexi scattering the seeds of I i le' at neverpocl,. another fasting at La Trappe ; one his natural petulancy amid the machinery of Go- 1 to e t: k h e •4; hand in hand with the Jews yernment ( for , and the next the contending ' hum blest • have a bone • mg parties in Ireland wouiu 1 i avee.k ,oo . o with the eesuits.—(Leud ta ll ish_ for contention in ever 1• • if all his great objects were • o crea.ing y c a.ne of his Bill), i -ter.) eccomplished, your angry feelings and d' order and simplicity should Acuities, where the greatest prevail • in ori j nyn rents would not be more, nor your privations l cis traducing in your presence hi C o nse rvat ive ess. a synonerne for the Inill, and , fact Stanley was Then I • H • 'nf Co 's op- ress i ng cud perpieijah was the notice of claimant, bar- ponent sin the . (.use .he mmons, bringing foi ward charges speeches of the Noble Lord. as fan epigram of one of the 1 against them, vs hi" in the walls of Parliament he never sett the Protsetant Clerg • obl. le aould ask why were 1, LiSenth2. l'h" Til , fl ee ,. a _ net concluded by saying, My Why were they not obl,;3:11 obliged to serve that notice .'. Ihiobhe Friend , id brine Ing forward this measure, has acted fen? He suflposed ti f e . y htaodesnvr their Christian name Fs ' fee , les s ) v and faithfully towards his country.—(oe, o n , he vials of Oa - Cott there was no neceseity for a Oreemoard"yofChhrishian virtu( e an d e h en . , S. ) The.de_magnon.icsiue,hmo ay priests incur may t threaten i '''. oneme. No, the of was that of u t s e'r Cbrist'esr, der upon hi s ; r " t ",',','l' (ilea., hear, from Mr. O'Couna any di ffi culty in the way of one party, en d t, onto to throve a ith the ‘'• '' ' as a' n's " s " established an imperishable claim ueo 1 little az possible the other. For his part he emharr.srs a l ll)--/ na • tee e ase -!a and the gratitude of all w' It ' o see Catholic Emancipation rep ealed than see 7hould rinhor the res i) ,, n , slue 2 6m:ration, f, and maintain the pre ried ; fcr wallet the franchise he ' d been granted b- fe' ill ear. nes on „d oes :to .'store the tits... . i , thins —(Cheers from the to the L'oman Cieholie, that Bill 'eel aeja , irliar n: 2 nt Min once or our national els:1.0 • the epportutity of lasing admitted to U. It •• Y Iron' h" C'd' .servativee.) nie; o )—The assassin's knife I was, as Mr, i ' Lea-less once said, showing him a desirable situatio •* ' I .4r. O'CONNELL (SnOC: f y . ,, ~, o' inion upon this Bill, n is R I Lord CHARLES RUSsiessL S ii I , i'tv building, and taking am ay the ladder by which he : opposed to the views of directly At iris vote would n was . • ies t ould ..scar],—,'llear, hear.) The reeasure Would n en ' had introduced this measure.— , Noble Lord who t•troe the Liberal consl;:uency, and place all the pe • ' th o b j ectio n to the Bill was, Ayer le (J leer , bear.) His principle the bands of the C.,n.iervatives.—glear , hear) lie , ati •t the considered it a most monstrous measure. It pre. t EVENING EDITION„ THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 20, 1840. ferred the amendment of the Irish register, while it must necessarily be a measure to cripple and control the frau chise.—(Hear, hear.) He would not demean himself by imputing motives to the Noble Lord—his chivalrous con duct and boldness in debate were sufficient to in duce him to think be had no other motives but those he professed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But he must be allowed, at the same time, by the common usages of party warfare, to declare his own opinions, and to say that he thought the Noble Lord was mistaken, and, unfortunately, blind. Looking to the whole scope and tendency of the Noble Lord's conduct, he thought it unfortunate that a Bill of this kind shonld have originated with him.—(Hear, and cheers.) The Bill was professedly a Bill to chasten and correct the Irish register —to purge it of all doubtful and fictitious votes. There fore it was avowedly a Bill to diminish the constituency as it at present stood, and he had no doubt there were some Gentlemen who would be glad to deprive the Irish of the hard won and hard earned right of Catholic emancipation. It was certain, that if they passed the Bill then before the House, they would be lighting a torch which would spread itself over the entire country, and which would ulti mately tend to the repeal of the Union between the two countries.—( Hear, hear.) Mr, H. GRATTAN congratulated the Noble Lord who bad just sat down upon the sentiments which he had expressed. The people of England did not know what they owed to the family of Russell, and the people of Ire land would never forget it. He regretted to have heard the extraordinary and lamentable exhibition that had pre ceeded the speech of the Noble Lord. He had often heard of plays in that House, but he had never before heard of a farce.—( A laugh.) He believed the Hon: Baronet (Sir G. Sinclair) and himself had spent some portion of the earlier part of their lives together, and in the heydey of youth the Hon. Baronet was certainly so much of a patriot as to carry the speeches of Charles James Fox in his pocket, and was in the habit of repeating cxracts from them. Sir G. SINCLAIR (emphatically)—" No, no, (Great laughter.) Mr. GRATTAN—In the main he was pretty certain that the Hon. Baronet was a patriot. Therefore it was that he was surprised at the want of good feeling, good taste, and, he might add, good sense—( Great laughter)-- which characterised the speech of the Hon. Baronet, and for which qualities the part of the country from which the Hon. Baronet came was distinguished. The people of Scotland were kind and just, but in the speech of the Hon. Baronet there was neither kindness nor justice.—( Hear, hear.) One passage of the Hon. Baronet's speech implied that the Bills thrown to the Irish people by the Govern ment were mere garbage. Sir GEO. SINCLAIR—No, no. Mr. GRATTAN—That was the very picture of the Irish Baronet, who had drawn largely upon Claude Lorraine.—(Great laughter.) Another passage was where the priests were represented as threateni,g with the knife of the assassin. He must say, that when a Member presumed to make a charge of that sort, against persons who were hound by their oaths to pre serve the public peace, he must say that it was one of the most audacious things he had ever heard uttered in that House. Nay, more, he would add, that in olden times, an Hon. Member making such a declaration would have been stomped, and his words taken down. He pardoned the Hon. Baronet, however, for the words were not his own — they had been put into his mouth by another Hon. I3aronet, rho had obtained some notoriety from the malignant ca lumnies which he had circulated against the Irish people. He would be ashamed to produce to the House the ca lumnies of the Hon. Baronet's coadjutor, but although they m ght be insulted by the legislation of that party, they would not be insulted by the language. The Irish had passed over many injuries that they would not, and they (meat not, to forget. The Hon. Baronet had made an assertion with regard to the Rev. Mr. Maguire, which to his (Mr. Grattan's) knowledge was un founded.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He had asserted that Mr. Maguire had stated that he would have 200,001 tee totallers to oppose Lord Stanley's Bill. Now he (Mr. Grattan) never permitted improper language to be used in his preserce ; and if such a statement had been made, be would most decidedly have opposed it.—( Hear, hear.) If the present Bill passed into a law, that would probaMy be the last time when he would have the honour to address them, fir he would never consent to sit in a House which would pass such a measure. lion. Members might rest satisfied that the Bill was levelled not only against the Irish, but against the English people. The Bill am ob jectionable, because it was dishonest, hypocritical, and would lead to interminable law litigation and confusion. It had been said that a great debt of perjury existed under the present system of registration in Ireland, but if that were so, why were not the party prosecuted ? If an Irishman came to reside in England, he could register his vote without any expense or trouble, but if he attempted to do so at home, his title-deeds were ransacked, and be was pat to the greatest inconvenience and expense. In fact, every facility was afforded for the elec tion cf voters in England. In the list of elec tors for Surrey, the Honourable Member opposite would find that the stand. house at Epsom race-course— a licuse not larger then the room in which they were assembled—gave the right of voting to twelve persons as joint -tenants. Now, that could not be done iu Ireland. lie had no objection to its being done in England, and he hoped they had all voted for the Hon. Member. Mr. KM BL E—lt is not in my division.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Mr. GRAT'rAN was sorry for it, for he was sure, if it was, they would have all voted for the Hon. Member. (Hear.) lie could assure the House that the people of 'lreland were alarmed and excited on the proposed Bill. The Noble Lord had declared once that the Irish Reform Act only required a beneficial interest of 101. in his lease, without calling on him to show that the solvent tenant could pay more.—( Hear, hear.) Would the Noble Lord be hound by that declaration ?—(Hear.) It was easy for the Noble Lord to smile.—(Laughter.) It was ridi culous to expose himself in the insanity of a laugh.— ( Laughter.) Mr. Grattan went on lo say that be had never abandoned his friends—he had never betrayed his colleagues as some had—he would stand by the 10/. voters to the last,--( Cheers.) A great deal had been raid about the repeal of the Union ; nothing could so promote the cause of repeal more than dealing with Ireland differently from England. —( Hear.) The Noble Lord had in one of his speeches contended for justice and equality to Ire land—how, after that, could he hold up this Bill—how could he look any Irishman in the face ?—(Laughter.) The Noble Lord had heard of the man who had lived all his life in an iron mask—surely he must lire in a brazen mask.—( Hear, and laughter.) The Hon. Member pro ceeded to declare that this Bill would violate the principle of equality between England and Ireland, and it would therefore secure the most strenuous opposition of the Irish people.—( Cheers.) Lord POWERSCOURT said he would not advert to the mild and modest demeanour of the Hon. Member who had just sat down, for it was always very remarkable in him.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The brilliant, and to his mind convincing, speech of the Noble Lord (Stanley) had most triumphantly vin seated this Bill, and as the opi nions of Irish landowals had been called for he would explicitly declare that they believed the Bill would tend to the security of property and the peace of the country.— (Cheers.) Equal justice was clamoured for to Ireland, yet this Bill was opposed, which went to assimilate the registrations of Ireland to that of England.—(" No, no," and cheers.) This showed the selfish nature of the boasted patriotism of the Learned Member for Dublin, and the shameless nature of the agitation with which he was wont to cast dust in the eyes of his countrymen.— (Hear, hear.) Fraud and perjury were unblushingly ex hibited in the elections of Ireland.—( Hear, and " No.") He had forty-six cases before him, in which every particu lar was stated.--_(" Read.") S ome h a d come un d er h i s own notice.—(" Name.") The Noble Lord gave the name of one. One of the chief merits of the Bill was that it would indeed be a scorpion-sting to the Learned Member for Dublin and his minions, by doing away with those fraudulent votes which supported them.—( Cheers. ) Mr. C. WOOD said it was with great regret that after the best consideration he could give to this measure, and to the arguments which had been offered on the present and on the former occasion, he found himself unable to come to the conclusion that the House ought not to go into Committee on,. this Bill.—(Tory cheers.) It was with great regret We - found himself obliged to differ from those persons with whom he had heretofore acted as to the course which they followed with respect to this Bill.— ( Cheers.) He hoped that the difference would not be of long duration.—(Hear, hear.) The greater part of the arguments against the motion were directed against the passing of the Bill, and if the question was that the Bill should pass in its present state, he would, unhesitatingly, give his vote against it. There were some restrictions in it to which he could never give his con sent—(Hear, and cheers)—and he could never agree to any Bill which would impose a restriction in the le gitimate registry.—(Great cheers from the Opposition.) But the question before the House was not whether this Bill should pass.—( Hear, hear.) Great and ac knowledged evils existed in Ireland. which no one on either side of the House denied.—(Opposition cheers.) A great number of voters, totally fictitious, stood upon the registry, from which there was no mode of remov ing them, and every one who had spoken on that (the Ministerial) side of the House, professed himself anxious to remedy the evil.—( Hear.) Several measures to remove it had been proposcd,when the Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire having ascertained that it was not the intention of her Majesty's Ministers to propose another measure in the course of this Session, obtained leave to bring in the present Bill. Now, after baying sanctioned the principle of that Bill upon the second read ing, the House was now called upon to reject the motion for going into Committee. That was a conclusion to which he could not conscientiously come.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) The first objection against it was, that it contained no provision for determining the beneficial inte rests of the 10/. voter. Nx.v, on more occasions than one, he had concurred with his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies in proposing eneoures for the registration which contained no provision for determining the fran chise.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) His Noble Friend himself had proposed one Bill for the registration and another for the franchise, which showed clearly that the tw3 subjects need not necessarily be mixed up in the one Bill. lie was ready to vote with his Nob!e Friend for a Bill which would settle the beneficial interests in the franchise. He was afraid that he must admit that the in- terpretntion put upon the beneficial interest by the Judges in Ireland was according to law and reason—( Cheers from the Tory benches)—hut he must say that it was according to the framers of the Reform 13i11.—(Great clieerinv.) The test in th, Raman Catholic Emancipa• tins 13111, viz., the rent whieli a solvent tenant would pay, was a clear te*t The Reform Bill was brought in with that provision ; and unless the ohject was to increase the franchise, he was not able to give any assignable ieuon why those words were omitted.__( Opposition cheers.) When the proposal was made in the flouse of Lords to throw out those words by which the Judges were to decide as to the beneficial interrsts, it was that those words would have the effect of narrowing the franchise. He was ready to admit that those words threw opcA the door to fraud and perjury, and it might be considered whe ther it was possible to introduce a clause which would give them a mare undefined meaning; but he would not admit that the omission of such a clause in a Bill for the regis tration was a ground for refusing to go into Committee upon that Bill. In comparing th Bill of the Noble Lord opposite with the Bill which had been brought forward on his (the Liberal) side of the House, he was compelled to admit that their main provisions were the same.— (Cheers from the Opposition.) The similarity was, at least, sufficient to show that the prejudice which had been raised against the present Bill was unjust, and that it could not be said that the Bill was solely aimed at the de struction of the Irish constituency. —(Tory cheers.) If he was told that this Bill would destroy the Liberal codstituency in Ireland, he must believe that the Hon. Member for Limerick, and the Hon. Member for Waterford, the latter of whom was now a Lord of the Treasury, had introduced Bills to destroy their own con stituencies. He must believe that the Law Officers of the Crown in Ireland introduced measures for a similar pur pose. He did not believe that they could be so igno rant or so inattentive to their own interests.—(Cheers and laughter.) Therefore he did not believe that this Bill originated in:the astute ingenuity of the Noble Lord op posite with no other object than to destroy the Liberal constituency of Ireland.—( Tory cheers.) That there were objectionable clauses in the Bill he admitted, but he thought they were no more than were commonly altered in Committee. The difficulties with respect to distance could be altered in Committee —the objections taken as to costs could be removed so far as they were tenable. But be did not understand the objection to giving costs in cases of frivolous claims. But whatever was vexatious in those clauses might be removed in the Committee. With respect to the appeal to the Judges, it was difficult to give an opinion, It had been the law since the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Bill, and although it was not introduced in the last Bill proposed by Government for the amendment of the registration, Mr. Woulfe stated that it would be even better than the measure which he introduced.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) The last objection was to the annual registration. Now bethought that where so much pains were taken in the first instance, to ascertain the validity of the claim, and that no person should be placed unduly on the registry, there ought to be some protection to the voter, and whatever objections were to be made ought to be objections that had occurred since the registry, and not before. Those provisions were con stantly made in Bills, and by those clauses not only would the Bill be assimilated to those that had been introduced, but would not be inconsistent with that Bill which his Noble Friend (Lord John Russell) had stated the other night he intended to introduce for the English constituencies.—( Hear, hear, hoar.) Every argument appeared to him in favour of going into Com mittee upon the Bill, and the only arguments that had been urged were against its passing in its present shape. He knew that he might be open to objection that, not withstanding he entertained those opinions, he had voted against the second reading. At the time of voting against the second reading he had not carefully inquired into the provisions of the Bill.—( Hear, bear.) When he came down to the House his Noble Friend the Secretary for Ireland told him he intended to vote against the Bill. He bad the greatest confidence in the Noble Lord's Adminis tration—his Administration had been no less honourable to him than beneficial to Ireland, and without inquiring in to the matter be admitted he did vote against the second reading, but being called on to reverse a previous decision, he thought it behoved every Member of the House, as well as himself, carefully to consider the ground on which he should give his vote.—( Hear, hear.) The consideration he had given to the subject left no doubt on his mind as to the course he ought to pursue.— ( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down he must say that, in voting for goin g into Committee, he did so utt er ly uncom mitted as to the vote be should give upon any of the clauses. He would go into Committee with a fixed deter mination to vote against any clause that might appear re strictive of the right of franchise in Ireland. The prin ciples he professed, and upon which he had always acted, would lead him to an extension and not to a restriction of the franchise, but of this he felt assured, that if the House did not go into Committee, a !age minority would sup port his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies in making such alterations as would carry out his general views on the subject of the franchise, and in which he en tirely concurred. In whatever shape the Bill might come out of the Committee, it would remain for con sideration bow they should vote on the third reading, and if it then appeared that any clauses of a restrictive nature were in the Bill. be should vote against the third reading, and would be ready to pay the greatest deference to the opinions of Irish Alern hers and the wishes of the Irish people. He could not be insensible to the opinions which the Irish people had ex pressed as to the passing of the measure in its present shape, ant he must have: more confidence in his own judgment hcfore he would be willing to force on the people of Ire lrnd a Bill that was in their opinion prejudicial to their interests. Mr. MORGAN JOHN O'CONNELL had listened with great regret to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, and he would ask that Hon. Gen tleman and those who intended to vote for the Bill to con sider this Bill the case of their own constituents. He very much doubted if the Bill was applicable in 'Jellies, the Hoe. Member would have dealt with it with so much courtesy. He would ask English Gentlemen whether their constituents would have submitted to a Bill of such wholesale disfranchisement ?—(" Hear," and cheering.) Then he supposed the costa were a mere trifle—a thing not worthy of striking out of the Bill. Be it so. May be it was a new principle of disfranchisement. To what part of the country should it be applied first? That where the franchise was already miserably limited, as com pared with England and Scotland.—( Hear, hear.) He had no faith in their intention in coming forward and ap plying this measure first to Ireland. There they first practised all their experiments of restrictions to be im posed. He wished, instead of doing so, they would there make the first experiments of benefit to be granted.— ( Cheers.) The Noble Lord the Member for Bath spoke much of the English Gentlemen who represented Ireland, but the Noble Lord had forgotten the glass-houses on his own side. He brought forward the old worn-out cry of delusion on the public mind. Was there ever a greater delusion than to talk of this Bill as an assimilation to England.—( Hear, bear.) It was an assimilation of everything they were desirous of getting: rid of, but left all the difficulties of the old system just as they were.— ( Hear, hear.) Then there was another delusion at tempted to be practised with regard to the pledge given by the Noble Lord, to assimilate the law, which was only given if the English system should he found less expensive and less burdensome, and to serve the object in view. —( Cheers.) Hi s i ntent i on was to try a system te in both for measurecountries, the common be ne fi t o f b ot h . and from th e exper i ence o f each produce a Cheers.) Some Hon. Me m b ers oppos i te cheered him, but no English Member did so. He doubted if this measure had been brought in by the Hon. Member for Liverpool th even his popularity would ensure it a favourable reception. They dared not extend such a Bill to England, and they knew it—(Cheers)—and to those who talked to them in that manner—those whe talked of the repeal of the Union— did they cry out against thos e w h o w i s h e d to see the do mestic Parliament of Ireland restored ?—( Hear. hear.) The Noble Lord (Stanley) came to Ireland in 1830 ; the Repeal cry was then a faint one.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord governed Ireland until 1833, but in that time it had risen to such a height that Ireland re quired, according to the opinion of Hon. Gentlemen, a Coercion Bill. The Noble Lord had produced many cases ; but no matter what they were, by their misrepre sentations they only gave strength to the repeal feeling, and, be was afraid, to a feeling something beyond repeal, which no other course could possibly give. The Hon. Member for the University of Dublin had also quoted cases, and he ( Mr. M. J. O'Connell) would read a short extract In 1838 a Committee sat on these subjects, and not a single case of the nature alluded to was produced before the Committee.—(Cheers.) It was from the evidence of Mr. Thomas Courtenay, now the prospective Secretary of the embryo Junior Carlton Club. He produced a lease made by A. Lefroy to one Cunningham—the leases had all the same covenants—and one of them was giving the landlord the power of determining the lease on giving six months notice of his desire to do so.—(Cheers.) No ejectment was served on that man, but one was served on a person named Byrne, who held a similar lease. One Thomas Byrne voted against his landlord, and witness was asked if this was the person on whom the notice was served, and the answer was—l take it to be so. And then in an swer to question 12,903, witness stated the covenants were introduced for the protection of the tenantry that they might have an excuse to those who urged them to vote against the wishes of the landlords and their own wishes,— These were then righteous men who turned up their eyes with horror at Popery, and priestcraft.—(Cheers.) When the Hon. Baronet (Sir George Sinclair) made his next prepared impromptu speech in the House, and placed his hat upon'the table, and looked very frequently into it in the course of his speech, so much so, that they looked at it until they realised the conception of the poet— And still they gazed, and still the wonder grew, That one small hat should carry all he knew • and when th e H un . M em b er, ta lk e d o f p er j ury an d subor nation of perjury, he hoped the Hon. Member would not direct his attention to those only who sat on that (the Mi nisterial) side of the House. The evident object of the Bill was to limit the franchise in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Had they forgotten the memorable letter of the Secretary of the Cork Conservative Association. That Gentleman bore the appropriate name of Nettles; and it would seem that nettles cou ld st i ng as we ll as sco rpions in Ire land. —(oh, oh I and cheers.) The gentleman in ques tion admitted th at t h e on ly c hance of the Conservative • party in the c ounty C or k, l a y in the landlords preventing their tenants from vot i ng . He would now call on the and to act House to deal with t h e measure as it merite d, towards Ireland as t h ey wou ld have done towards England. If they did so, they wou ld d o mu ch to restore go od feeling between differentg between the two co un t r i es ; b u t if they pursue course, they should att r ib u t e to themselves the crime and misery which would follow.—( Cheers. ) Colonel CONOLLY commenced by observing that Hon. Members frequently a ll u d e d to the dissensions which butwhich prevailed between l a ndl or d s an d tenants in Ireland, ' he had said over and over again, that those dissen. sions arose from the intervention of agitators, for their who obliged the landlords to exercise their rightsthe own protection—( Hear, hear) —and prevent te nant from submitting to that tyranny and intimidation with whi c h b e was co nstantly overborne •—( Hear, hear.) The) should not therefore condemn the landlords, who • r6nical were obliged to act in their own defence.—(lronical cheers.) No measure, he believed, ever discussed in the as that which was douse, was so grossly misrepresented thin under discussion. The p eop l e of Ireland were m e sure, while its - ' nd to carry cut told that it was a disfranchising 11 only object was to assist the voter, was said that the honestly the law.—(Bear, hear.) It proposed Bill leould limit the real constituency of Ireland, but it might as well be said that the prevention of the cir- He would ciliation of base coin limited the c urrency. i Bill tee same call on the House to extend by the —.• and systemScot to Ireland as that already enjoyed by England be allowed Scot land. Let not the Hon. Member for Dublin had been ot career property in the Irish constituencies, as_h l eci been the case on a former occasion in the county of Ki - ' dare. Let not the voice of the gentry of Ireland be stifled by the importation of strangers, as had happened in the county of Carlsw, in which propertywas unrepresented and in which everything might ha said to be carries: .seainst the good sense of the commuits.—( Cries of " Divide.") He was well aware of the result of the wholesale system of manufacturing voters in Ireland, and he would not consent to follo at the intepretation of the franchise which had been given by one or two of the Judges in opposi tion to the other ten, and by 3arristers who had been made for the purpose of promoting agitation and sup porting a feeble and erroneous Administration. He denied that Ireland was hostile to the Bill of the Noble Lord. From every part of the county which he had the honour to represent, petitions had been presented in its favour, and for those reasons he should give the measure his decided support. Mr. PIGOT and Lord Howick rose together, but al though there were loud calls for the Noble Lord he gave way. The Hon. and Learned Member said, if any doubt existed be fore the speech of the Hon. and Gallant Member who had just sat down, as to what was the real object of the Bill, that speech would read the House a moral upon the lesson it presented.— ( Hear.) It was in complete accordance with what had fallen from the Noble Lord the author of the Bill when moving its second reading, and it did appear to be the design of those who supported the Bill that it should be made the instrument of ac complishing those purposes to which the Hon. Member who had just sat down had adverted. He was not surprised at the sense of hostility which had been expressed against the measure in Ireland, and he believed that the speeches and arguments which had been urged since the se cond reading of the Bill, would furnish sufficient grounds to many who had supported that motion to Tote against its further progress. He (Mr. Pigot) objected to it, because it contained the principle to which the Hon. Member for Halifax had adverted, and for that very reason it was that he would never consent to the passing ofthe measure. It proposed, under the name of re-registration,which was in fact re-investigation, again and again to subject the voter to the proof of the same facts that had been already proved before the same party, until he was wearied out in the useless and expensive straggle. That was the vice which induced him (Mr. Pig gott) to oppose the measure—that was the vice which had in duced him to oppose it on the second reading ; and it was that vice which would justify every man who entertained the same opinions, to take every possible means which well regulated and properly conducted opposition in that House could afford him of preventing the passing of the Bill into law.— (Hear, hear.) The term annual registratioa had been ban died about from one party to the other as if it admitted of the most varied meaning. The Noble Lord said that the Bill of Mr. O'Loghlin provided for annual registration, and so did his measure—that Mr. O'Loghlin's Bill gave a double ap peal, and so did his. He begged to tell the Noble Lord that these words as referred to the two Bills had perfectly distinct meanings, and that to use them in the same sense was a mere fallacio verborum, a mere quibbling argument.—( Hear, hear. ) He (Mr. Pinot) was perfectly ready to admit the existence of defects in the present mode of registration, and that they re quired amendment. The Noble Lord also referred to the sub ject of certificates, and he (Mr. Pigot) was perfectly ready to introduce a measure to remove the objections which at present existed as to certificates.—( Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) The Noble Lord would recollect that the measure of 1829 was that on which the subject of certificates was first proposed, in order to establish at all times the identity of the party. In England the vot er ma d e no a ff i d av i t, w hil e i n Ire land he could take no step for the establishment of his franchise, without an oath, and these affidavits were entered in the records of the country, and ondorced upon the copy of the certificate ; and might be afterwards produced in evidence against him in the House of Commons. He admitted that abuses might have existed, and he was ready to sanction the introduction of a measure to put an end to them.—(Hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord (J. Russell) had last night stated that such a measure was in contemplation, but it was right that the whole should come before Parliament together, so that its provisions might be fully considered. The object of the measure to be introduced by the Noble Secretary for the Colonies was to remedy the very defects complained of.—(lronical cheers from the Opposition.) This Bill, however, of the Noble Lord's opposite would act, not to strike off the poll fraudulent and fictitious votes, but tc. bring the voters again and again before the examining tribunal, and to carry them from Court to Court, through decision after decision.—( Hear.) What reason could be assigned for such repeated re-investigation of the franchise ?—( Hear, hear.) What description of pro perty—what other kind of right—was subject to such reitesated scrutiny 2—( Hear.) This was not revision, it was re-investi gation, with a view to destruction and disfranchisement.— ( Hear, hear.) That was the vice of the measure ; and there fore it was he (the Solicitor-General for Ireland) must oppose it. He again asked, what could be the object of such repeated re-investigations? He would look to ali tha analogies of other institutions. When a case, which might decide a question of 20,0001. or 100,000 1, had been settled in the Court of Chan cery, on the rehearing or on the appeal, was new evidence per mitted ? Certainly not. Did the Court of Queen's Bench, in reviewing a case, let in fresh evidence ? No. On what ground was this principle based? On the prevention of all temptation to fraudulent concoction of evidence to meet the exigencies of a case. The pretext of this Bill was to prevent fraud and perjury, yet it gave those repeated re-investigations which were specially awarded in institutions affecting life, liberty, and property—to preclude the getting up of evidence to slit the purposes of parties, and the necessities discovered, or the defects found out, in the progress of the case.—(Hear, hear.) On this principle, too, witnessss were in Chancery not examinable if they had seen or heard the previous evidence. The object evidently was to prevent collusion and fraud; what a door for which the Noble Lord's Bill, with its repeated investigations, opened !—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, indeed, at one time was partly sen sible of opening such a door.— [Thu Hon. and Learned Gen tleman here quoted a passage from a speech of Lord Stanley's to that effect, which was received with loud cheers.] Now he (Mr. Pigot) supported the Bill to be brought in by his Noble Friend, the Secretary for the Colonies, therefore he objected to this Bill of the Noble Lord.—( Loud ironical cheers from the Opposition.) The vestir , the appeal in the Judge of Assize, appeared to be hi g hly Ajectionable.—(Hear, hear.) He feared that the appeal would be to create suspicion and dis trust of the administration of justice in Ireland.—( Hear. ) He would here recall the attention of the House to the cir cumstance, that the Learned Member for Coleraine, in animadverting on what he thought the erroneous opinions of some of the Irish Judges on a disputed point of election law, could not avoid mentioning, in harsh terms, one or two by name. He should not now vindicate the character of Baron Richards from the attacks of the lion. and Learned Member for Coleraine—( Cheers)—he should not now detail his career at the bar, or allude to his eminence on the Bench. He would not condescend to defend that eminent and upright Judge against the attacks of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cole raine. —(Loud cheers.) But if, in the course of that debate, in merely discussing the subject of that Bill even in the House of Commons, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had found it impossible to restrain his feelings—(Loud cheers)—what, he would ask, must be the result if they established in every town in Ireland in which the Judge should appear to exercise the functions of his office, s Court of a political character—(Loud cheers)—in which individuals should have constantly to appear to litigate the claim to the franchise, in which in dividuals would constantly be complaining of unfair deci sions, and of political bias ? What must be the effect of the establishment of such a Court in a country like Ireland?— (Loud cheers.) He would not enter into details at that late hour, of the effect likely to be produced by such a change. There was no analogy between the present system and the one proposed by the Bill of the Noble Lord. The object of the Right Hon. Baronet in giving the appeal to the Judges was the protection of the franchise. The Right Hon. Baronet had introduced two Bills, which were each a part of one great measure. The one was for Catholic Emancipation—the other was for the dis franchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders; by that measure no less than 190,000 persons had been disfranchised. The Right Hon. Baronet had said that that measure was a stringent one, and that he would gi ve th e i nvest i gat i on of those cases to the Assistant-Barrist ers , who were nominated by the Crown— but he felt that there might be some hardship in giving the de cision to the Assistant-Barristers without appeal, and therefore he had given an appeal to the Judges as to the law, and to the Jury as to the fact.—(Hear, hear.) This had been given by way of protection to the franchise, and what had been the effect? Why up to 18.36 the number of appeals to the Judges had not amounted to seven hundred—but the object of the Noble Lord was that these appeals should be brought year after year by thousands before the Judges.—(Cheers.) He would not de tain the House at that late hour by stating any farther argu ments, but being satisfied that the Bill of the Noble Lord was not calculated to remedy the evils of the registration system of Ireland, which he did not attempt to deny—(Cheers) —and being moreover of opinion that it would be impossible to model that Bill in Committee so as to produce those objects, he should certainly vote against it. —( Loud cheers.) Lord HOWICK would not have spoken at all after the great length to which the debate hail run, had he not felt him self under the painful necessity of voting against those with whom he usually acted in that House.—(Loud Tory cheers.) Under these circumstances he felt it impossible to give his vete without explaining the grounds on which he felt himself called on to do so, more particularly after the speech of the Gallant Colonel opposite, as although he should vote in this division with that Gallant Gentleman, he should do so with totally different objects, and on totally different principles. —(Cheers.) He had voted, much against his feelings, against the second reading of the Bill. He admitted he had given that vote with great reluctance, although he agreed with his Noble Friend, the Secretary for the Colonies, that the Bill in its pre sent state ought not to pass. Ho was the more concerned at differing from his friends on the present occasion, because he nas always anxious to support the Government of which his Noble Friend was the organ in that House, more particularly on questions of Irish policy, especially as long as his Noble Friend, the Member for Yorkshire, was connected with the Irish Government, as he had the greatest confidence in that Noble Lord, and also in his Noble Friend, Lord Ebrington.— (Cheers.) Agreeing, as he did, that the Bill, in its present state, ought not to pass, he thought he had not gone beyond that sacrifice of personal opinion to others which every Member of Parliament must make who wished to obtain a great object in voting for the second reading, although he then entertained the opinion, and had expressed it to some Members of the Government, that the Government was pursu ing a most impolitic course, in opposing the second rea'iing of the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) But they were now called upon to express an opinion upon totally different grounds. Not only were they called upon to say that this Bill should not go into Committee, but they were called upon to reverse a decision to which the House had previously come.—(Loud Tory cheers. Now it was extremely inconvenient, to say the least of it, for that House to reverse a vote which it had shortly before come to. That it might sometimes happen that in a thin House a vote might be come to, which, on a more numerous attendance of Members, it might be necessary to set aside, or that some times, as was the case with the Malt-tax, a decision might be come to in a fuller Mouse, which, on mose mature deliberation and fuller discussion, it might be desirable to reverse, he would not deny. But ne ith er was the case on the present question. —(Cheers.) The subject had been discussed in a full Hociuse, and the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland, the Solitor- General for Ireland, and many other Gentlemen, had ex pressed with great ability and acuteness the objections which they had to urge against the Bill. It could not, therefore, be said that the House had been taken by surprise in the decision which they had come to, and that decision ought not to be lightly set aside, because it was impossible that that House could reverse a vote to which they had come only a few days before, without suffering in public estimation. It would be making a confession either of want of due consideration in the performance of their duty, or of great fickleness, either of which would be calculated to lower the House in the eyes of the country ; and he would say that at all times, more particularly in the present, the House could not afford to take a course which would have the effect of lowering them in public opi nion, or of diminishing the confidence and respect which was entertained for them. If he was right in contending that the House had no right to reYerse a decision which they had lately adopted, unless grounds of great public inconvenience should arise from their adhering to their previous decision, he w ou ld ask wh a t amount of pubhc inconvenience could arise in the pre sent case ; and after the argument of s llon. Friend that all the objections t o thi s Bill NI ere again hi st its details and not its principles, he had listened with great anxiety to the Hon. Solicitor -General for Irelind, in hopes of learning how it was intend e d t o meet that argument. But what had the Hon. and Learned Gentleman said? He had not objected to the principle—h 2 had not said that the present state of the regi s . tration in Ireland was satisfactory—he had not denied the evils which existed —all Le had stated was, that it was l.is intention to introduce a measure to remedy those evils.—(Cheers.) B ut he (Lord Howick) could not help alluding to what was said by his Noble Friend opposite, last night, that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had somewhat late in the day undertaken that task, , . . a - el he cool.? not feel any great confidence diet that 1: was brought in at that period of the Session—a Bill which, if he understood that Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman pro perly, was not yet in existence, in framing the provisions of which he was at that hour occupied—he could not hope, looking at the state of parties, that it was possible for it to be passed that Session.—(Loud cheers.) The next objection made by the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman to the Bill was that an annual revision was the principle of the Bill ; and immediately he entered into an argument in which he attempted to draw the difference between an annual revision and a renewed investi gation of the vote. He (Lord H.) entirely agreed with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that a renewed investigation would be a crying evil, but, he would ask, was that the prin ciple of the Bill ?—( Hear, and Tory cheers.) Undoubtedly as the clause at present stood—(Ministerial cheers)—it pro vided for renewed investigation—(Cheers) —b u t it did not re quire the acuteness or the learning of the Hon. and Learned Gentlemen to draw up an amendment consisting of three lines, entirely to remedy that evil.—(Cheers.) He had not had a professional education, but he had no do u bt th at i n as many lines he could bring the Bill into strict conformity with the principle laid down by his Noble Friend, the Secretary for the Colonies. But so little was that the principle of the Bill, as had been well remarked by his Hon. Friend near him (Mr. Wood), that his Noble Friend opposite, (Lord Stanley) had stated that he had himself deliberated whether there should be re newed investigation or an annual revision. The decision which would be come to in Committee, would not be that of his Noble Friend, but of the House—(Cheers)—and he begged to call the attention of the House to the temperate and able speech of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Drogheda, of last night, wherein they were told that even the Tory party of Drogheda, although acting upon a misunderstanding of the Bill in support ing it, would be the first to oppose it, if an annual inves tigation were the principle of the Bill. He could not but help thinking that when in Committee a very large number of Members on both sides of the House would support this prin ciple, that when a man's vote was once scrutinized it should not be liable to scrutiny again, except upon some new ob jection that had arisen subsequently. He had no doubt that an amendment of that kind would be supported from either side of the House, and it would remove the most serious objec tion to the Bill.—( Hear.) He could not help saying that he could not attach any great respect to those voters that refused to un dergo some degree of trouble and sacrifice of time, in order to establish his vote in one instance. ['here were other objections to the Bill, but they were all of the same character in detail. Some objected to the appeal to the Judges. Upon that subject there was much to be said on both sides, but in Committee it might be possible to select some tribunal which would better attain the object.—(Cheers.) As one Member who had had the misfortune to sit upon an Irish Election Committee, he would say that justice to Ireland required that some Court of Appeal should be created-( Hear, hear, hear)—for Gentle men who voted against the opening of the registry, well knew that in doing so they were maintaining those upon the registry who had got there by an abuse of the law, while, on the other hind, if they did open the registry, they were throwing the representation into the hands of those who had the longest purse.—(Cheers.) That was a great evil, which would be corrected by the Bill of his Noble Friend. The subject had been so largely debated, that at that late Lour of the night he would not enter into details. —(Cheers.) He would only observe, that the only two pro visions rested upon by the Solicitor-General for Ireland, had already been shown to be objections not of principle but of de tail. But there was one other subject connected with the debate, upon which he must take the liberty of offering som e remarks. He could not think it was contended fur by those who sat on his (the Ministerial) side of the House; but undoubtedly lan guage had been held which might be considered to bear the meaning that they were not to support the Bill, because a sub stantial tribunal—one which would rigidly search and scruti nise the register, would narrow the franchise in Ireland. He repeated, that he could not believe that it was the intention of any Hon. Gentleman on his side of the House to contend for that principle ; but if not, what was the use of making those comparisons between the relative number of voters and population between the counties in Ireland and England. Ile was not going to point out the obvious diffe rence between the state of Ireland and England, but he would merely state that so long as there was any property qualifica tion whatever, no county in Ireland would ever compare as to the number of voters—could even approach to the most wealthy and industrious county of England. No man in the House would regret more deeply than himself the diminution of the number of voters in Ireland. He ap pealed for the truth of that assertion to his conduct in office and out of office. He adhered to the opinion which he had expressed when the Irish Church Bill was under discussion, and he would say that nothing could give him greater pain than that the representation of Ireland should fall into the hands of persons who were opposed to the great majority of the people.—(Hear, hear.) That was a misfortune which he would use every means of averting.—( Hear.) But it was not because he wished to see the franchise enlarged, according to the intentions of those who framed the Reform Bill, rather than narrowed, according to the interpretation which he feared must legally be put upon the words of that Act —( Hear, hear.) He believed that in all civilized countries it was acknowledged to be the most important principle that the law should be maintained, and he thought that misgovernment would not be so fatal a thing if it was not for its effects in injuring the character of those who suffered under it so far that they come to think that all means of evading the law, or setting it aside, were justifiable. He thought that the mode in which the law had been administered in Ireland had diminished the respect for the sanctity of an oath in the minds of people of both sides.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Divide.") The only answer which had been made to the charge of per jury on the other side was, " that you are as bad as we are." —( Cries of " Divide," and " Order, order.") He had no doubt that those evils werechargeable upon both sides, and he was only anxious that some measure should be adopted to remedy them. The measure of his Noble Friend might have the effect of still more narrowing the constituency, which he would regret—but he would not risk the future welfare of Ireland for the sake of preserving the present constituency.— ( Hear, hear) He would not keep up the present imper fect system for the sake of returning the present popular representatives. He would greatly deprecate that the senti ments of the people should be bo rne d own b y a sma l l m i nority. But let not the House, for the sake of temporary convenience, sacrifice a great principle of truth and justice.—(Cheers.) Let them take a fair and manly course, and although, perhaps, in the first instance they might be defeated, success and triumph would ultimately be theirs.—( Hear, hear.) It was his convic tion that the present mode of registration had a tendency to demoralise the people, and he was impressed with the necessity ol some remedy. He was of opinion that the House ought not to concur in the amendment, but ought to allow the Bill to be fairly discussed in the Committee. Mr. GISBORNE rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, di vide." He assured the House that he had very little disposi tion to debate this subject after the discussion which it had already undergone. But it had been said to him, by many upon that ( the Liberal) side of the House, that he ought to say something, as it had happened that on two or three occasions he had been alluded to by Gentlemen on the opposite side. He had been ask , d why he, as an alien to Ireland, should represent an Irish constituency. And he had been asked whether he did not think it fit that the resident gentry should represent Ireland ? Now to that he answered, yes,—( Cheers.) But he asked had they an indefeasible right to represent the people if they did not represent their feelings and inte rests?- (Cheers.) If the resident gentry represented the feel ings and interests of the people, he would have had no chance when lie stood against his opponent.--( Cheers.) If that had been the case, he would not have had to stand before a Com mittee of the House for seventy-two days, with an array of the majority of the Magistrates of the county against him.— ( Cheers, and a laugh.) He would not have troubled the House at all on the present occasion if he had not been forced to it; and he shouid merely state his reasons for voting against the Committee. It was nothing to tell him that the provisions of the Bill were to be found in Bills which had been been brought in for the purpose of amending the present system. He objected most strongly to annual revision. There were many Gentlemen on the other side of the House whose talents he admired, and who no doubt were in expectation of having a seat on the bench, but to whom, as an elector, he should be sorry to submit to their decision his right of voting. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL felt as highly for the cha racter of that House as any man in it, and he was as desirous that its character for consistency should stand high in the coun try as the Noble Lord the Member for Northumberland could wish, but he thought its character for consistency would be best maintained by the House not going into Committee.— ( Cheers.) The clauses of the Bill to which the Noble Lord had referred were a fair sample of the whole, and the principle of the Bill might be collected from those clauses, which principle was to offer opposition to the establishment of the elective franchise. —( Hear, hear.) The country had been waiting for some time in the expectation of measures which would carry the Reform Bill into more perfect eff ec t, b u t t h e H ouse was now asked to go into Committee for the purpose of seeing how much they could cripple it.—(Cheers.) He firmly believed that when the true character of the Bill was understood in the country, that the greatest disapprobation and regret would be felt that the House should show such a disposition to tamper with the Reform Bill.—( Hear, hear.) If they went into Committee spun it, they would be engaged in a conflict upon each of the clauses, as to whether those clauses should be so framed as to carry into effect the original object and tendency of the Bill, namely, to impose difficulties'on the elective franchise. It had been said objections had merely been made to the details of the Bill. He knew not how to discover the principle except by examining its details—( Hear, hear)—and from the general tendency, scope, and object of the Bill, he inferred the principle of it ; and he must say, that any man who did not mean to impair the efficiency of the Reform Bill, could not consistently go into Committee upon it.—( Cheers.) It had been said that until this debate no complaints were heard of the annual regis tration. It was extraordinary that so different a state of things should exist in the same country. He had heard no thing but complaints of the unnecessary annoyance and con stant vexation and trouble imposed on electors by the annual registration.—( Cries of" Hear, hear," and cheer s .) Th e county had bee n ex p ec ti ng measures om ie Government.— ( Hear, hear, from Mr. Hume, and loud cheers on the Opposi tion bench( s.) The country had been desirous to have measures from the Government—( Continued cheering )—and except for Hon. Gentlemen opposite, some measure would have been carried.--(lronical cheers.) Some Bills had been prepared.--(Laughter.) He had been afraid that at that hour he would have been tedious, but he would be agreably dis appointed if he contributed to Honourable Gentlemen's amusement. This Bill was curious. The Noble Lord had stated that he had prepared his Bill upon the mcdel of a Bill of the Houournble and Learned Member for Dublin, That Bill went up to the House of Lords, hut was rejected with very little ceremony. The Earl of Wicklow then stated that the present system worked admirably. —(Laughter, ate! cries of " Hear, hear.") He believed that no Hon. Member doubted that nothing prevented the Bill being presented and carried forward but the distinct enderstandine that any Bill which did not i mpa i r t h e eff i ciency of the Reforra m ßill would not be suffered to pass into a law—(Cheers)—and he much feared the Noble Lord's Bill would have no recommendation to that House unless it was supposed to have that effect.-- (Hear.) It was true, therefore, they ought to go into Com mittee and make alterations, but the effect would be the same unless they altered the principle of the Bill. It was curious that this Bill could have no chance of meeting the concurrence of the House, and that now they had to decide whether they would ge into Committee and maintain the conflict—whether the Reform Bill should be impaired or not under the form of an amended registration. Their arguments had been misrepresented by the other side. It was said while they admitted the evils they de sired to perpetuate them, and that the Government had no de sire to amend them, because they would not do so at the ex pense of impairing the Reform Bill.—(Loud cheering.) Was there any one who would come forward and propose the repeal of the Reform Bill ? No one had the courage to do that, but they were quite prepared to diminish its efficiency by amendments.—(Cheers.) What this country had to fear was, that the party who considered themselves to have lost power by ..he Reform Bill, should seek by amendments to im pair its efficiency. He asked if it was not admitted there was a difficulty in establishing the right of voting in England ? If so, what would be the effect of a measure that increased that difficulty? An Hon. Gentleman asked would any man pro pose to adopt such a measure in England ? He repeated the question. When the Reform Bill passed, they had no in i oczl by which to frame their system of registration. In Ireland th . , arrangement was adopted, but it was stated by Noble Lord that it was not to be permle t nt ssho b u u k t i that, if the experiment was successf.rl here, _ _ say to the be applied to Ireland. With great respect he would .rys nowl Noble Lord, that what had failed in England, he . a t seeking to apply to Ireland, and to aPIY aggrava tion.—(Cheers.) If, therefore, the act it w wasitthhagtnt'haeywanted to assildiat, lee of the 'wo couniries, teey would be scarcely thanked for it ; but the truth was, that it was no such thing.—( Cheers.) They would give to 'reined the most de fective part of the English system, an d no more, as would be found by any one who would examine the clauses of the Bill. The Honourable and Learned Member then enumerated the several clauses of the Bill, as illustrating his statement. He would suppose that the Revising-Barrister had the power of removing from one place to another ; but it appeared to him that the power of making objections generally to the voters_ must produce considerable inconvenience, by the necessity bef of their attending the Barrister's Court, and that power would much increased if the Barrister had the power of adjournme nt from one place to another. Whoever considered the mat tet, attentively must see, that if every vote was open to objection year after year, it must be attended with considerable expen se and inconvenienc e . Th e 501. freeholders, who could bette.. afford the expense, were exempted from these inconveniences . To add to the obj ec ti ona bl e character of the regulation, the same conflict might be found necessary year after year, until the poor and i n dependent elector was pletely wearied out in the struggle.—(Hear, hear.) Hon. Gentleman asked did they object to purify the Registry list? By no means. But let them take care that in doing that they did not exclude many bona fide votes, because every objection that could b e u rge d aga i ns t fictitious votes might. n urged against go o d vo t es . Wh a t, h e wou ld ask, was the obj ecte of registration ? They could not concede Universal Suffrage, and therefore they had the elective franchise, which pre is o m o. a test, which it was conceived might safely be relied all,Property a as a test , e was st . itperhaps as the imperfect.be s t h t at was c lvde very ye insecuredevised, but afterbte... sides, and was no guarantee of the qualification of the P, 3 •FI who might be deemed eligible to exercise the elective franchise. The Learned Gentleman proceeded to say that he did not think the Government had taken the most proper course on the Bill before them, and for other measures. He thought that the Government should have sent up good Bills to the House Lords, and left to them the responsibility of rejecting them' He did not by that mean any di sres p ect to th e H o use of 'Ar e : . , —(lronical cheers from the Oppositio n benches.) Having called the attention of the House t o w h a t h e thought was objec tionable in the Bill of the Nobl e L or d, an d, b e li ev i n g that if tl? t 1 went into Committee the conflict would still be one of prin ciple, he should vote for the a men d men t o f th e Hon. Baron et the Member for Drogheda. j o u A r i n r e . d H t o UtbMisEdaty (Wednesday).henmovedthat the debate should b e ad- Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but were soma re admitted, when we heard Sir R. PEEL saying he w on d ere d t h e adjournment o f the earlier debate should be m o v e d w h en , for se v eral hours in the part of the evening, th e House was very thin.—(Hear, hear' ) The subject was quite exhausted.—(Hear.) vote Lord J. RUSSELL—AII I can say i s that I s hall against adjournment.—( Hear.) net Mr. O'CONNELL—It i s true as the Right Hon. Ba r said, the House was very thin fo r some time, but many Merehe spoke, and several remained anxious to speak.—( Go on, IP en ' ) I really must press the adjournment. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the Adjournment 127 Against it Majority On our entrance, we found Lord INGESTRIE saying he wanted to know from the t Noble Lord the Sec re t ary f or th e C o l on i es haw l ong the 51ste of moving a dj ournmen t s was to l ast ? If it was to go e° he gave notice that he would prevent any of the Government ee siness from going on at other times. Lord J. RUSSELL—Th e N o bl e L ord asks me h o w long til l° ved system is to go on, a n d c h ooses to presume that those who me • the adjournments are acting under my control.—( Hear, hea t r“ I shall tell the N o bl e L or d that i f those who ha d made Id motions of adjour nmen t were a l ways under my con t r ol I svou. have take n care th a t d ur i ng the last Session we w ould not s have so repeated a dj ournments moved upon a Bill whi ch v : a introduced by an i n fl uent i a l member of the Government, the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was a course taken to ob struct a Bill introduced and supported by the Governrnent,tooauk. it seems that parties, nit very different from those wh,°, , that course, had taken the same means to oppose the Bill Lord duced by the Noble Lord. I beg to state to the I beg that I was no party to that motion—( Loud cheers.) state, Sir, that I do not approve of them, but having been able to prevent such motions being made with respect to . 1 1"; moved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and supported spa the whole Government, the Noble Lord has no right--( Le cheers)—to accuse me of permitting those motions o f a ejou e rn o_ ": ment by those who I have no doubt are acting under &vs Noble Lord what is right.—(Cheers and counter cheers.) T he t Lord will, of course, act as he pleases with respe,e, Noble to to the public business brought forward by Government, but finding no reason to admire h th e i conduct which th e N o bl e Lord di sa pproves I s O be see stronger reaso ns t o di sapprove of h i s conduct in `fast strutting all public b us i ness, for which he has g i v en n°2 l reason, although founded upon an attack and all impuretr.o.o upon me which i s ent i re l y gratuitous upon the part of the Na gle Lord, and in suppo r t o f w hi c h h e has not a tittle of proof to give, and which ought not to have been brought forward by him without his having some pl aus ibl e reason on which to supp ort it.—(Loud cheers.) HUNIE having moved the adjournment of the H e r:f he begged to say that he had consulted no one as to his lino to conduct, and that the Noble L or d oppos i te h a d as m uch to. t with it as the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies. Lord INGESTRIE begged leave to say that he had era :in tended to cast the slightest i m p u t at i on upon the Nob'.e Lo t !, What he wished to say was, th a t the party who had supe o rt7 b.e the adjournment were the h a bit ua l supporters o f t h e B Lord; and it appeared to him that the most valuable privileget of the minority—(The remainder of the sentence was I ° s amidst loud cries of " Oh, oh," and laughter.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, an d the II"" divided, when there appeared-- For the Amendment 9l Against it Majority... ............ —284 On our return to the galle es r c y ttio: s i_ v ine e l f ,HL o e u eoan n un d .d beenhsAl sentimentsr throughout .UAE u o p m n o n o s h t t i h s a e n legs. x su io b 7 r i e s i o m e r s b t opportunity i said d f o h s e t e a s t h . i 0 ed. Go on.") he et begged e h d ou te r— m , L e au th g a h t te t r h , e a d n e d bat e e on h t e in n u e e w d e a r d i j e e s u o rm f Lord STANLEY thought it was really time for the House tthoeciornmsiodsetrysaelruiaobulselyptroivsixisehgaetsl.eig(tLh,:hed they might ) be T di h sp er o e sed wa t: permit the carrying the abuse of that which was in itself one d. no one more ready than he was to admit that there were °L a e' lions when some unreasonable proposition might be upon the Hou se , an d at a late hour by an overwhelm in g jority ; and th en , i n his opinion, the ( - Aver of moving constant adjournme n t s was valuable, and at that time only was it justi fiable.—( H ear .) I t must be clear to every Hon. that if any oae M em b er, who was determined Gentleman that question should no t b e debated, an d who had lisd the power fr om fi ve i n the afternoon to two i n th e morning to state his opi n i ons to t h e House, and who had neg lected to avail himself of that opportunity, it would be absolutely imp's' sible that they could conduct the business of the country."- OTI• (Cheers.) Really h e s h ou ld h ave thought t h a t the 1 -1 and Lear ne d G ent l eman h ad come from Dublin b urn ing with the resentment against him (Lord Stanley) and his Bill, and. he should have thought that when he had met him face to face he would have taken the earliest opportunity—(Much cheering) of redeeming the pledge he had made in Dublin, that b e woul reiterate those ch arges t o hi s face—(Renewed cheering)--and moreover, that at all events he would have had the honesty of purpose to do so, when, according to the rules of the House, he (Lord St an l ey ) would have been enabled to answer his objections. He (Lord Stanley) had waived the advantage he had a right to claim ; but he did not expect that the He n ' and Learned Memb er , a f ter two nights had been consumed by the House in debating the question over again—the matter having already occupied two nights' continuous debating' oa the second reading_he did not think that, in the close of the second night of the second discussion of the same question, th e Hon. and L earne d M em b er never having made an attempt t° rise, he would have met him by repeated motions of adjournmen i t i t Could such conduct lead to anything but the stoppage of whew public bu s i ness ? Th at must follow as a matter of course, ashe''' motions were made for the adjournment of the House in such a ' manner He well knew that a minority persistinein those motions had the power to do so, hut if they did, they prevented , th e i whole bu s i ness o f t h e country from being carried on, and f. they exercised their privilege upon all occasions, they stood I ' l the way of f ree pu bli c discussion in that House—(Cheer s)-- and they must be subject to the imputation which the c ountry would cast upon them if they resorted to those expedients in order to put off the evil day, when the Home would declare imperatively that the Bill ought to ,o -o on.—(Loud cheers.) i f really placed every Gentleman who had charge of a 131 in a position of the greatest difficulty, which both sides of the House must feel. There was no doubt that this qeestion was one in which it was necessary to have the speedy of the deepest importance, and of the most vital interest, and the House. It was not one in which he ought to be conlYe l c, led to ask leave to bring on at intervals of a week, at °hi 4- time the arguments used for or against the Bill would h th e faded from the minds both of Members of that House ant's er country. Again, on the other hand, he felt the delie'seg the situation in which he was placed, in being compellea ale' Hon. Members who had notices on the books to waive thet° in his favour, but in justice to the question he would he pelted to do so if the debate was to be driven off to • anoliu day ; but what a hardship was inflicted upon those M embe rs Their next sitting would be on Wednesday, which was only day on which Members not connected with the; Geyer'', decision or merit had an opportunity of bringing forward 111 „, e i a .. sures in which they were interested. ALi H en- l o r able and Learned Member opposite sto d first to-morrow with a motion, which he and ° l r e ' other Ho noura bl e M em b ers thought of corrsidera bl e many occasions—it he did not obtain preced portance—( Hear, hear)—and which had bee. a postponee it was difficult for any one to say when, durinc;the present ict, sion, he could bring forward his Bill again it', .he were to L ie t so that the adjourned debate mi n rig"' a eonoe 0 that the next sitting • b 'd , esi es, what security b- d the flouse n? the debate • would not be again ad' till env y ron jouvr,ed to _,, en that With great respect for the Gentlemen ho had sP that the night at an early period of the evening, lee should say advanced from debate did not appear to him to have beet much b , be' between 5 o'clock and 10 or half-past 10. At 8 o'clee" lieved there were no th e more than about 45 Members 1 ow , House, and the greet difficulty that lbe felt to-mo rr wou d 14 , 09 8 would be to keep the debate dive, and, to prevent the . h i e h frem being counted out duriees the fatal hours occur between the hours of live and nine. I t "u t thus be impossible to fix any limitswhich within t h e deba ee could he terminated, and the nee th at y could have no aseura 1 1 the it would be closed on this day (Wednesday). u n der a but to appeal to the courtesy of Hon. Gentlemen who had ince to-mora,oos: circumstances, however, he felt that he had no alternative. ,4 for the day, to allow his ( Lord Stanley's) Bill, if the d e bate wee" adjourned, to take precedence on that evening. He would arix, motel! the favour of the Gentlemen who had notices for to and he believed there were about twelve of them. In doing so, however, he knew that he was taking a course which could: only be justified by the extraordinary circumstances in which they were placed, —( Cheers. ) e was Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD said, that, so far as h _ concerned in the remarks of the Noble Lord, he felt that tn position in which the question was placed left him but one course n otic , to pursue, and that was, that if other Hon. Gentlemen Pe: 0 polled thei r mo ti ons h e wou ld f o ll ow t h e examp l e .—(Cheer There were, however, particular circumstances in his case, for the same thi ng h a d occurre d on a former occas i o n. He e_ l e e gretted that, however, the les s , b ecause th e inconvenience arose from a fair debate, and he could not but feel that it arose from a feeling to which he would n ever b e a par ty. His T e e '', sure was not a party one, but had b een supported many Hon. Members on the other side of the House ; while gel. riding be against the Bill of the Noble L or d, w hi c h he hoped he would soon have the opportunity of doing, he should not have recourse to any unfair proceedings, and he was ready to accede to the revest of the Noble Lord. Sir C GREY in the name of those who had voted for the adjournment of the Debate, protested aga i ns t h av ing factious m otives imputed to them. --(Hear, h ear .) H e h a d voted for the adjournment, not f or th e purpose of defeating the measur e, but to give Hon. Members who intend speaking, an opportu nity of expressing their opinions. —(Loud cries of" Oh ! oh and great confusion, which rendered the conclusion of the Hoc. Gentleman's speech inaudible. ) (ii the question being put, strangers were ordered to with draw preparatory to anothe r division, when Mr. H A WES said h e hoped it was net intended to divide. as the Noble Lord had got precedence for to-morrow. He thought the debate oueht to he adjourned as the Hon. anti Learned Member for Dublin wished to speak, and the 11 oes- Member for Kilkenny had said that other Hon. Members si ere 1