The Sun. — London, England, 1840-06-17 00:00:00

EVEN ING EDITION.i and calculated to interfere with the proper religious in struetion of the people. Under the Veto Act the judg ment as to the propriety of a person for the ministerial office was taken out of the hands of the clergy and placed in those d the people, for if the people objected to a pie sentee, by the Veto Act the Presbytery were bound to , reject him ; whereas, by the constitution of the Scottish Church, the Presbytery, and the Presbytery alone, were to be the judges of the qualifications of those who were candidates for holy orders, and the giving this power away from the Presbytery was a betrayal of their trust. They might disguise the attempt as craftily as they liked, but it would appear at last that it was neither more nor less than a taking away the power of rejection from the Presbytery and conferring it on the people. As was said once by an old Presbyterian clergyman to another, who was endear ouring to introduce a new order of clergy, " Bask, busk then as bonnily as you will—dress him as daintily as you like, I see him peeping through all the hours of the nicht," so did he see through this attempt. —(Gteat laughter.) A great deal had been said about the state of agitation in Scotland. He would not deny its existence, but he would say that it was purely a clerical and not a general tumult. With regard to the General Assembly he could say it did not fairly represent tire Church of Scotland. Many of those even who never supported the veto would accept the Bill of the Noble Earl if they dare, but they dared not face the abuse they would have to encounter ; and the Bill was also opposed through party spirit such as he had never seen equalled. Hear.) The lay elders in the Assembly were elected try the Presbyteries, whose feelings they represented, and not these of the people. So far from great excite ment existing, many of the burghs entitled to send represen tatives to the General Assembly had not even taken the trouble to elgej them, and the Town Council of Edin burgh aotuallr refused to elect the Lord Provost to the General Assembly, notwithstanding it was the custom so to do, because he was a supporter of the veto. The prepon th.`rance of the landed interest was also against the veto. lde denied that the many petitions which had been pre sented to the House against the principle of intrusion, properly understood, wore adverse to this Bill, which, he contended, would place the Church of Scotland on its legitimate foundation.— ( Hear, hear.) After a few words from Lord ROSEBERY in en plaoation, Loed MELBOURNE said, that he admitted the abi lity and discretion with which the question before the *louse hat been introduced and discussed by the Noble Lord opposite. He wished to avoid giving any opi nions as to the provisions of the Bill before the House, but he must say that he did not think that this Bill would bring the matter to an amicable conclusion. He did not think it prudent to proceed further with the Bill now before their Lordships. The object he was sure his Noble Friend had in view was to settle the differences between the ecclesiastical and the civil authorities and to produce religious peace ; but their Lordships ought to take care that they did not aggravate the evils they sought to remedy, by taking a step which would not be satisfactory to any party. The Noble Eari had stated that on a for mer occasion he (Viscount Melbourne) had thanked him for introducing the measure. Now what he had thanked the Noble Earl for was for undertaking the measure— ( A laugh)—which was a very different matter. If, how ever, he thought the measure would be conducive to the ends they had in view, no objections that might arise from its having originated on the other side of the House, and no taunts of his own side would prevent his accepting it, and ',nip:Tall that lay in his power to carry it into effect. His Noble Friend stated that he had nunvrous private letters and admonitions in favour of the Bill, but his Noble Friend had political experience enough t know that no thing was to be so little depended upon as these private ictters—(A laugh)—and he could have very little hope ultimately of receiving the support of those parties who now advocated the measure. He feared there was really not in Scotland that general approbation of the measure which his Noble Friend imagined. He believed the speech of the Noble Earl that evening would still less incline the General Assembly to support it. It was un necessary for him to point out the inexpediency of giving their assent to the second reading of a measure which trey eould not believe would carry out the objects they bail in view. The Noble Berl had said, if the measure was rejected, what would they do?—that things could not remain as they were, and that " something must be done." Tnere was no language he av , s more afraid of than that—(Loud laughter)—end he had made up his mind never to promise to do something, until he had de wided what that something was to be. Unless the Bill went to the root of the evil, and was satisfactory to the ,isinds and feelings of the people of Scotland, they could ric'er expect that it would be obeyed in a proper spirit. On these grounds, he should certainly object to the second reading of the Bill. 'the )Jeri of H A DDINGTO N said the Noble Viscount had accoinpiished the object he had in view by making a speech which had really nothing in it. All that could be g Ipased from it was, that the Bill did not appear likely to meet the oljects thephad in view. Time was generally an ingredient in the adjustment of differences. but in the press-et ease it would onlywiden the breacb,and if the Leeis, iature did not step in, the Church might, for all the Noble' Viscount appeared to care, crumble into ruins. The etairns put forward by the General Assembly were such, be believed, as hat.: never before been heard of in any Protestant country. He thetight that his Noble Friend had produced a good and reasonable Bill, and he hoped that he would net consent to adopt any unreasonable suggestion which ea;,eitt militate against its principle, especially when eera:ng from those who were favourable to opinions of an eutire,Y different nature. Lord BROUGHAM would cententhimself with a silent vote en the occasion, pertly for the reasons already stated m gaiest the 13111, and partly from the peculiar position in 'which be was placed i r relation to the subject in common evith his Nebh• Friend cn the Woolsack. lie had been one of those who had taken a part in the proceedings and the judgment of their Lordships on the matter; and, as far as he could collect, the dissensions in which the present cliffiettlties arose had not yet terminated, and night yet lead to a further appeal to their Lordships. Under these eiretnestances, end believing, as he did, that he might be again celled to act judicially in the matter, he thought it advisable that he should then abstain from any observations on the raer:te of the case. With regard to the judgment delivered by their Lordships, he should leave it to tell for itself; bet he could not but observe that that judgment did not, as was pt etended, interfere with the spiritual rights of the clergy. It merely defined what was the law of the land in a certain case. He could not vote for the Bill then leefure the House, as he hardly conceived how anything less than the veto itself could arise out of that Bill. He would not, however, enter into the subject for the reason be had already assigned. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that great misapprehension seemed to prevail in Scotland as to the nature of the judgment of their Lord ships. Nothing could be more unfounded than the assertion that that judgment interfered with the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church. All that had been deeided was that the Presbytery had in a certain case violated the law. There never had been any doubt but that the Court of Scasicn had a jurisdiction over the right of preseeting, but this coulcf not be considered an interfer ence with the spiritual jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Court. On the contrary, it was the Ecclesiastical Court whieh had invaded the civil right of the patron. The No ble Earl said that this was merely a declaratory Bill, and retitle no alteration in the law as it now stood. Then what was the use of the Bill.-4 Hear, hear.) It was impossible to know what weight was due to the opinions alluded to by the Noble Earl until it was known what those opinions were, and what were the questions submitted to those who gave theca. Those who framed the law in 1690 were cer tainly not aware that such was the law of Scotland, or they would never have given themselves the trouble of in troducing such a machinery. The term qualification, it appeared, according to Calvin, alluded to the personal qualifications of literature, life, and conversation. Now if the General Assembly had the power to use the term qualiication in the extended sense now claimed, the Veto Act need not have been passed, as all the objects of that Act might have been obtained by en extended use of the term qualification. He apprehended that the Bill would give Ecclesiastical Courts the power of acting as they pleased—th ;ugh such was not the object, in the fair in terpretation of it, because there were no means of bringing these questions under the control of the Civil Courts. The Earl of ABERDEEN, notwithstanding all he had 'heard from both the Noble Lords, felt bound to defer to the authority he had quoted, and therefore he considered his Bill as a strictly declaratory one. He had always con tended that time Church possessed sufficient power to give all rational effect to their intentions on non-intrusion ; but the reason who the Church' did not do this was the state of excitement now existing on the subject in Scotland, caused, as stated by a rev. gentleman in the General As sembly, by certain passages in the speeches of the two Noble Loris in delivering jugdment, which, however, as they constituted no pert of that judgment, could not be consi dered as any extalse for the violent' proceedings es! that rev. gentleman. His security was that to which the L'On intrusionists object ed—the necessity of assigning reasons for the rejection ;as long that c e w c :s up t o h n e t c h a e se p , ro p c u e b e l d ic: opinion wo u ld f urnish a sugi s ent h ings of the Eccletri astical Courts. Lord BROUG_HAM asked what would be the case if not acceptable to the majority of the parish" were as signed as a reason for rejection ? The Earl of ABERDEEN apprehended that under the provisions of tihe prese n t Bill, such not be eaSertained by the Presbytery. an objecti on cou ld Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, wild their Lordships divided, when the numbers were—. C0ntent5........... Nen- Con twills., 27 Majority —47 The Bill was then read a second time, and their Lord ships adjourned at Eleven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 16. The gallery was opened at Four o'Clock, but thirty. four Members only being present, there was no House. Sir Robert Inglis, whose motion for a grant for Church Exteasion stood first on the paper this evening, arrived at the Members' entrance of the House of Commons about three minutes after the House had adjourned. The Right Honourable Baronet had a huge bundle of papers, petitions, and documents under is arm, and looked extremely cha grined when the announcement was made known to him by Sir Thoma s Acland. After a few compliments of condolence had pessed, the Right Hen. Baronet called a cab, and having deposited himself and his papers therein, drove off. We have talked with an intelligent and obser vant gentleman, who has lately been travelling through Cum berland and Northumberland, and he assures us that there never were in the north of England such heavy crops in the memory of man, In our own county, too, both wheat and oats are abundant and heaahy.— Westmorelanti Gazette. ‘‘ , .Siotmo'Sff,lPPlNG.—The num b er of ships o f all.B4joas- that riass4 the Sound in th e mont h o f April, 1840, eras—.from th e Bailie, 621; from the North Sea, 986—tetal, 1,607; of which 390 were English, viz., 328 from the North Sea, and 67 from the Baltic.— 'Tyne Pilot. BRITISH AND FOREIGN ANTI- SLAVERY CONVENTION. The proceedings commenced under the presidency of J. G. BIRNEY, Esq. J. BACKHOUSE, Esq., and J. Ceewnsoe, Esq., addressed a few observations to the Convention on the order and pro priety of their proceedings, which were given in the most friendly spirit, and received with all that cordial and brotherly feeling which generally marks the discussions of the meeting, and preserves them from those unseemly and stickling disputations which often disturb other large po pular assemblies. The SECRETARY then read the minutes of last meeting, which were confirmed. FRENCH SLAVERY. The SECRETARY having announced that the business of the day would be the discussion of French slavery, pro ceeded to read the credentials of the French delegates. TO THE COMMITTEE OF THE BRITISH AND FO REIGN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF LONDON. The French Society having been informed by you that Delegates from Societies in various parts of the world were about to as semble in the capital of the British Empire, to confer together on the most efficacious means of accomplishing the abolition of slavery, which still bears so heavily on the unfortunate African race in so many countries of the world, are most desirous of as sociating themselves with you in this important work. This Society rejoices at the generous efforts of so many men united together for the hallowed purpose of healing a wound which cupidity keeps open, and which prevents the heathful progress of civilization in so extensive a manner. It will be in vain that the slave trade has been disallowed by the laws of so many of the principal nations of Europe, and that stipulations have been entered into in treaties concluded be tween the great civilised powers, if there still exist countries where the markets are open—where men can be reduced by other men to serve in the capacity of slaves, under the protec tion of the laws—and where the vindication of freedon and the assertion of free labour are treated as a crime. So long as these evils exist humanity will have incessantly to groan under this infamous crime, and society will have to suffer from the demoralization which everywhere accompanies it. Net to speak of the horrible cruelties which attend the clan destine trade, it is impossible that the possessors of slaves can perform the duties imposed upon them by the laws of religion and morality, either towards themselves or their dependents. It is impossible that the complete suppression of the natural and imprescriptible rights which man holds from his Creator, should not affect in its essence the ends of the social compact. Whatever may be the pretended necessities of tropical cul ture, it is impossible to justify the laws, which by the odious abuse of mere force, pretend to maintain an entire race of men under the yoke of servitude. Several generations have passed away since France proclaimed the principles of human liberty in the midst of universal bond age. From the opening of the States General, in 1789, she de clared by the mouth of one of her Ministers that negro slavery could not be maintained. The National Assembly placed freedom and property among the rights of man and of citizenship. We are desirous, therefore, of associating ourselves with you in your efforts against slavery, which is an open outrage against the living principles that lie at the bottom of every French man's heart, and which neither sophistry nor private interest 'sill ever be able to destroy. With a view to this object we beg you to recognise M. Isambert, a Member of the French Legislature, and the Se cretary of our Society ; M. Cordit'r, also a Member of the Chamber of Deputies ; M. de S. Anthoine and M. Alcide Laure, who have readily undertaken the mission. The request that the closing labours of our Parliamentary Session, in which many of our most distinguished Members are engaged, as well as those of the Government Commission, as sembled at this moment for the examination of all the questions relating to colonial slavery, prevent us from rendering this De putation so numerous as we could have wished it to be. (Signed) L'ABORD, P A S SE Y, On behalf of the French Anti-Slavery Society. Paris, at a Sitting of the Society, June 9, 1840. J. TURNBULL, Esq , then rose to bring before the Con vention the subject of French slavery. He said, the sub ject of abolition had been much discussed of late years in France of late years, and had been repeatedly before the French Chambers. In 1839 a Committee had been ap pointeds which recommended a gradual emancipation, on a plan somewhat analogous to that of the English appren ticeship, on the principle of the slave management being vested in the Government, the produce of the slave labour forming a fund, out of which the slaves were to purchase their freedom, by compensating the planters. Under this system the negroes could not be emancipated during the present generation. The King of the French had lately given an audience to Mr. Tredgold, one of the Secretaries of the Convention, and warmly entering into their objects, promised to establish a Colonial Slave Com mission to investigate the subject.—( Hear, and cheers.) Mr. Turnbull then entered into a great variety of minute statistical statements and calculations, of which we cannot give a succinct account, as fie read them from written papers in a very rapid and somewhat i.:distinct tone. The effect was that the emancipation of the French negroes might safely take place, and would probably not long seriously be ob structed when so near the French colonies the succes,ful experiment of our slave emancipation had been exhibited. Dr. BOWRING then introduced the French deputies, who were received with loud cheers. M. D'lsambert and his colleagues, he said, had honourably distinguished them selves in the French Legislature by their efforts on behalf of liberty generally, and also the abolition of slavery in particular.—( Cheers.) There was also here Monsieur Cremicux, a distinguished French barrister, who, though an Israelite, had defended the Protestants of the G.irde from cruel persecution.—( Loud cheers.) Monsieur D'IskNIEERT then rose, and was greeted with the most cordial cheering, which having courteously acknowledged, he proceeded to address the Convention in French, his knowledge of English not being sufficiently correct to enable him to speak it publicly. His speech was exceedingly eloquent. delivered with great warmth and energy, and with a peculiar rapidity and fervid fluency of utterance, which characterizes the French style of ora tory. To those who understood the la-.guage the effect of his eloquence was often striking, and at times his manlier, and look, and tone were so expressive that those not so for tunate seemed almost by intuition to comprehend his mean ing through that universal medium—the language of the heart and feeling. As he finished every passage Dr. Bocering translated it to the Convention. His version, however, had better be given in a collected form. " Our friend (said the Doctor) begun by expressing the embarrassment under which he found himself. He re gretted that the French Abolitionists had not the power of gathering round them such assemblies as these. But their Government was so constituted that it was appre hensive of the outbreak of popular enthusiasm, and, there fore, the consideration of the subject of slavery had been delegated to small bodies, selected by the Government, generally composed of persons of high influence and rank. Hence the friends of abolition had been deprived of many of the means of action possessed in this country. There was one single society of them in France—in Paris—with no provincial branches, so that its power was but slight. Still the Government,had done much for the great cause by the formation of these Committees. He entreated the Convention not to be too hasty in condemning the Go vernment for having done no more. It had been one of the errors of French Governments to undertake too much. Thus, in 1830, the Government tome upon itself not one, but many, momentous questions connected with public liberties, and had, in consequence, to a great degree, failed. Hence the proceedings of the French Govern ment might hear upon this question the appearance of hesitation. But he entreated the British publio to re member, that the French were the first nation that abo lished slavery, and abolished it in their own land.— ( Cheers.) He said it had often been stated in fo reign States that the English bad been actuated by selfish motives in carrying emancipation, and that it was because they found or fancied it to be their own inte rests. If such should be said in the French Legislature, he would tell them that they were mistaken—( Cheers)— that be had found this Convention extendiog their views from West Indian to East Indian slavery, and expanding their generous philanthropy into every part of the world— and in the Chamber of Deputies his voice should not be wanting in their cause.—( Loud cheers.) He had found that when in that Chamber he had mooted the question of slavery, he had been, as; was usually the case, assailed with violent vituperation, and covered with the obloquy and opprobrium of a salaried press.—( Hear, hear, bear.) Notwithstanding this, he and the friends of the negro would persevere, as they had persevered.—(Cheers.) The effect of their representations had already awakened pub lic attention to the subject, and made some progress in ameliorating the condition of the slaves in French colonies.—(Hear, hear.) The reason, he said, why the abolition question had not been so much advanced in France was perhaps the want of some master mind that would devote mighty energies with untiring perse verance to it. There had arisen in the Chambers no Wile berforce—(Cheers)—nor, out of them, no Clarkson.— (Cheers.) Still France had seen men truly zealous in the cause of liberty, and could boast of Condorcet, and Mirabeau, and Lafayette.—( Cheers.) One thing he could state, that in France there had never been any legal re cognition or establishment of slavery.-4 Cheers.) It had been permitted, not sanctioned, and introduced only by particular treaties into the colonies. It was as early as 1325 that a monarch of France declared that it ought to be the kingdom of the free—( Cheers)—and it was not until Louis the Thirteenth's reign that slavery obtained organization, under the merchants, who, with the Pretence of colonization, availed themselves of slave services. (Hear, hear.) Even the Code Noire as it was called (the Black Law), established for the slaves certain ameliorations, privileges, and protection —(Hear)—it asserted this great principle, that no disabi lity attached to particular colour, respecting the possession of civil rights.—( Hear, hear. hear.) Slavery was the offspring of arbitrary power. Even before the Revolution, however, it had been struck down in France, and when the liberties of the nation were resuscitated in the National Assembly, Neckar addressed them as follows:—" The time will arrive when you will carry your views further— when you will extend your regards to your Colonies— when you will have compassion on the unfortu- I nate victims o f y our b ar b arous avar i ce t h ere. " —( Ch eers. ) A But what nation was more called upon than France to pro. t n i 0 10 -n t e ? t N h e o a n m a t e i l o i n o r k a n t i e o w n o b f e t t ie h e r c t b o o n d e i r t i i l o s n w o h f i e t h h e w s e l r a c y e i o p s o o p p a u r l a a ...- bl se from the slave trade, and which had produced desola tiozr.and misery in all parts of the globe. What more glo towaro:s all those who en rioue work could she join in than to d extend a friendly band enlightened cops ono distinguished to promote the scrag passiooto t the nation wor ld. g ivenThe of liberty must ii , l ei th b objects. t g s o . a i A of lr e e n ad u y g what higher satisfaction, g reat cause tl e tribunal of nations, be eventually brought before be, than to obt • position,to lranc a e n i d f, s i f h e suchdid what am spin-eminence the importance of her i n the glorious work. But woe I woe gt eater glory could there be, am bition was too great for her capacity. He would now ref to the great impression , which had been produced in not recognize the National Assembly by the few welds which had been ' by the celebrated Lafayette. They were to the lettuce You have declared that all A illowinj effect :—" those who .' who possess a dwelling, who pay the taxes, at c denim iled, at d against whom you can urge none of the incapacities yr] rich are declared by the constitution—that these men can be ciezens. And are not the negroes men ?—( Cheers. ) Ti c question is Concentrated into this. For me, I believe no. doubt can be raised on this point, and it was to proclaim this simple truth that I mounted the tribune." The decl a . retie n e as received with shouts of applause, and produced it pt ofeund impression iu the Assembly.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But unhappily, that revolutionary torrent which soon afterwards succeeded carried away all at tention from the subject. Afterwards, indeed, upon the flag of St. Domingo there was inscribed the words, *. Brave blacks ! the French recognise your rights and your liberties."—(Loud cheers.) After the Peace of Amiens, Buonaparte, who had not then experienced the reverses and adversity which he afterwards endured, re established slavery and the slave-trade; and at that time public opinion was so little represented in any of the bodies nominally called representative, that they made no efforts to control the will of the Sovereign. However, after the fall of Napoleon and his second rise, during the hundred days of his government, one of the acts that dis tinguished him, and probably that which moat honoured him, was his decree abolishing the slave-trade.—( Cheers.) The misery and suffering of the slaves at St. Domingo, and the temporary freedom they enjoyed at Guadeloupe, had much advanced the question. In 1814, during the reign of the Bourbons, a law exceedingly unfavourable to the slaves was passed, prohibiting marriage between the black and white population ; and it was urged, in a mo tion for this absurd legislation, that the marriages be. tween the Moors and the Christians in Spain had degenerated the Spanish blood.—( Hear, and a laugh.) In 1823 and 1824 some progress was made on the ques tion, in consequence of public discussions that took place, and the question was again introduced into the Chambers; but in 1830, in consequence of the last revolution, the slave trade was utterly and formally abolished. He antici pated the abolition of slavery as the necessary consequence ' of that step. They had been menaced with the conse quences of agitating the question, and they were told that if it was mooted in the French Chambers, there would be outbreaks, and violence, and revolutions in the Colonies themselves. But the answer to that might be found in the fact, that the Colonies had never been so tranquil as since the period when the agitation had commenced.— ( Hear, hear.) Of late two very interesting reports had been drawn up on the social condition, and present position, of the slaves. These reports had been laid before the Chambers—one of them had been prepared by M. Ream sat, the present Minister of the Interior, and the other by M. de Toqueville, the auther of Democracy in America. These reports established the principles, the development of which could not but lead eventually to the overthrow of slavery. These reports stated, that although they were not unwilling to consider the question of indemnity, yet they would not recognise the claim to Indemnity as a right— • (Cheers)—or that they could possess any property in man. The principle appeared to him to be already triumphant, and he considered the cause as already gained. Even in the Colonies themselves, public opinion had made a great progress, and General Bertrand, who accompanied Napo leon to St. Helena, and who was himself a great West India proprietor, had informed him that matters could not remain as they were, and that hereafter the great cause must have a victorious issue. No doubt there would be great resistance to such a step in Martinique, but he anti cipated great results from the growing influence of the free black population in Guadeloupe. The deputy now in Paris was sanguine in his anticipation of the final and complete overthrow of slavery. The French Guiana, though they were incapable of offering a long resistance, and although in the island of Bourbon the slave proprietors were very influential, still he did not believe that when the voice of France spoke out, that that voice would not be heard, and that the voice of France, proclaimed by her Legislature, could by any possibility be resisted by her Colonies.—( Loud cheers.) He was very anxious to intro duce to the Convention his friend M. Cremieux, who be longed to a body whose civil rights had been lately recog nized in France, and who were not upon a perfect equality with their Christian brethren.—(Hear, hear.) A Gentleman here rose, and said that Dr. Bowring had omitted one point in M. D'lsambert's address, namely, that in Martinique the free coloured population now go hand in hand with the slaves.—( Hear, and cheers.) Mr. JOSEPH STURGE merely rose to announce to the meeting that the gentleman who had just addressed them was Judree Jeremy, from Ceylon.—( Great cheering.) Mr BENNETT (of Northampton), would suggest that it would be doing much more justice to the addresses of the eminent individuals who had come therefrom France if the matter was translated as they delivered it.—( Cries of " No, no.") He could not help thinking that the effect upon the Convention would be much greater, while at the same time much greater justice would be done to the speeches of these eminent individuals.— (Cries of " No.") The CHAIRNIAN apprehended that it would very much protract the proceedings, but if it was tie wish of the meeting, he could have no objection.—( Cries of " No.") M. CREIIIEUX, the President of the Jewish Consistory o f Paris, then rose and addressed the Convention in French, which was afterwards translated by Dr. Bowring . He said—ln rising to address you, permit me to say, th at Ido not regret that I speak to you in French. The tress !mica-, which Dr. Bowrir , will give you of my address will adorn it with that eloquence which in itself it wants, and, submitted to you by that skilful interpreter, my observations will be more favourably received.— ( Hear, hear, end cheers.) I cannot express to you, Gentlemen, the emotions which I feel at this moment— the most overpowering feelings penetrate my heart, and entirely overcome me. First, I feel the moot profound admiration for those English castoms and manners which have given to the spirit of association sueb irresistible power of proclaiming its objects nobly and in the face of the world—objects the most liberal and most worthy of the enlightened age that has approved and adopted them—a spirit of association, which our laws, I am sorry to say, prohibit, to the sorrow and despair of all those generous men who in France call loudly for the abolition of such re strictive enactments.—( Cheers.) I feel also overpowered by the thought that an Israelite should appear in this as. sembly, where he has been received with so much favour, to demand, with an enthusiasm equal to yours, the aboli tion of slavery. Gentlemen, all liberties are united, and all persecutions hold together. Persecute, and you will make slaves ; proclaim the equality of all, and vuu create citizens.—( Cheers.) It is thus that your O'Connell— ( Loud cheers)—whom we should envy to England, if the L floryof England at this moment was not arwlLY,arnated with that of - France in this great work, in demanding er.mplete equality for Ireland, prcelAimed at the same time the principles of humanity and justice, and has rendered for the future all persecution impossible against men who conquered equality for thernselres.—(Loud cheering.) The Rev. Mr. JOHNSTON rose to order. Reference had been made to the exertions of an Hon. Gentleman in Ire land, which were totally unconnected with the subject of slavery or the slave-trade.--(Cries of " Order.") He understood that it was the wish of the Convention to be always united, and to embrace the whole community of England of all parties—(Loud cries of " Order," " Sit down.") Doctor BowetNo would put it to the Rev. Gentleman, whether, if an observation drooped from a gentleman who was from a foreign country, which was not quite in ac cordance with the feelings of some members of the Con vention, it should be taken hold of.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He would put it to the Rev. Gentleman whether it was desirable to persevere in his observations. The Rev. Mr. JonNsToN several times attempted to ad dress the meeting, but was received with such loud and general cries of " Order," " Down, down," that we could not catch any of his remarks. Mr. O'CONNELL said, if his entreating was of any weight, he wished the meeting would give the Rev. Gentle man a bearing. The Rev. Mr. JOHNSTON was perfectly satisfied with the explanation that had been given. He trusted that no political matters would be discussed in connexion with the subject.—(Cries of " Order.") Mr. O'CONNELL—AIIow me to return my thanks to the Rev. Gentleman for suggesting to the speakers not to pay me unmerited compliments.—(Great cheering.) Mr. CRESHEUX then resumed as follows:—Gentlemen, I feel great pleasure in joining this Convention, because I am a descendant of those Hebrews who were the first to proclaim the abolition of slavery, and I this day only re peat what the Jews have always admitted in principle. In deed, it is not without interest that I now recal to your recollection that it was the sect of the Essenians which first declared slavery to be a crime, and that it was, to use the expressioe of Josephus, a perpetual cause of pertur bation for the State. Gentlemen, in this assembly this must entitle them to the highest glory, and, I may add, that Jesus Christ himself, considered as a great legislator and moralist, has derived the principles of Christian charity from the mild and pure rules of the sect of the Essenians ; and yet, Gentlemen, these very Jews, who proclaimed the abolition of slavery, who have conferred on Christianity one of its most worthy titles to glory-- these very Jews have themselves, in more recent times, been held as slaves even ;n Christian countries. What emotions must not I experience in coming here to join my voice to those which are raised to demand the abolition of slavery • and permit me, Gentlemen, without digressing from the subject of my discourse, to add that the Jews were the first to abolish human sacrifices, and to turn away with horror from the shedding human blood in their religious ceremonies ; and yet at this moment in the bast, ha those very countries in which their religion, the basis of every other, was first proclaimed, a horrible calumny, resuscitated from the barbarian ages of the west, accuses them of shedding Christian blood as a matter of religious duty, to moisten the unleavened bread of the Passover. It is true, Gentlemen ; and I take the earliest opportunity of acknowledging it, that in this country—civilized England =the nation, the press, the Government, have shown them selves indignant at this base calumny—(Loud cheers)— and I perceive from the approbation which you now mani fest that you repudiate it with the contempt it de serves. Yes, persecution engendered slavery. Yes, all persecutions are akin to one another, and this was well understood by that venerable Bishop Gregoire, who, while he raised his voice in favour of the emancipation of the Blacks, at the same time demanded the emancipation of the Jaws. Well, Gentlemen, is this assembly of Chris tians, here is a Jew who demands for the Blacks the com plete abolition of slavery. His enthusiasm is equal to yours, and his words have been listened to by you with the most truthful sympathy.—(Cheers.) Besides, is there a cause more worthy of public favour ? When God created the first man and woman, after he had laid the foundations of a future society, in these words, " increase and multiply," he said to man, displaying the whole of nature before him, This is thy patrimony, this is thy kingdom—earth, and all its animals, are submitted to thy power. But where do we find that the Creator ha 3 said, Upon this earth which I deliver over to thee two races of men shall exist at the same time, the one absolute and master, because it has a white skin, the other a slave and obedient, because it has a black one. Two classes of the same creature shall be spread over the world, the one shall be called the class of the sppressors, the other the class of the oppressed. All shall possess the same life, and the same breath of life shall animate your bodies, but amor ' e you the one class shall cast public astthe other's fetters, and shell sell their brethren in the markets as brute beasts ?—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, the slavery of man by man is a perpetual crime against huma nity —( Loud cheers.) Cast far from you those absurd accusations which would degrade one part of creation. Persecutors are ever fertile in arguments to give a colour to their oppression.—( Hsar, hear.) The blacks, say they, are of a degraded nature—their degenerate race can never be raised to an equality with us--( Hear, hear) they cannot understand liberty—a maxim as false as it is immoral. It i s s l esery w hi c h d egra d es h uman na ture, because liberty is its law, its patrimony ; instead of keep leg the blacks in a state of degradation, open for them the THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 17, 1840. career which Pcovidence has given to all men ; raise 1 them to an equality with yourselves, and they will know how to preserve their level. Servitude occasions vice—it is not vice that is the cause of servitude. Would you wish an historical example in proof of this? Look at the country of the arts, of civilisation, of letters. Look at Greece.—( Loud cheers.) Oh, how noble, how grand, was she in her sacred times of liberty ! What has she become in a state of servitude? Say, Gentlemen, can you recognise in the Greek slave the descendant of Leonidas or Pericles ?—(Loud cheers.) Abolish slavery, proclaim equality, it is a noble and glorious mission. This glory, this mission, henceforth belongs to the alliance of two great nations, who, long divided by war, are now united in the cause of the civilisation of the world. With what eclat, Gentlemen, will the words of England and of France be received by the nations of the world,!—( Hear) How sublimely have they been already re-echoed from that very continent of America where so many private interests oppose the emancipation of the blacks, and where so many generous hearts attend only to the sacred interests of humanity I See with what transport their representatives unite themselves in this Hall to their brethren of England and Prance I Yes, we shall attain this glorious object by our holy alliance.—(Cheers.) I say not this from vanity, but from a just, and honourable, and proud confidence. It is an incontrovertible truth. To the united will of France and England proclaiming the equality of mankind, who could now resist? The united will of Franee and England, proclaiming the abolition of human slavery, what power could oppose an obstacle ? Here, Gen tlemen, I pause. I will not trespass further on the atten tion you have so kindly extended to me, and I shall ever consider as the happiest day of my existence that in which I have been permitted to give utterance to my sen timents in such an assembly as the pr e s en t. I s h a ll d we ll with delight on the recollection ; from this moment my life will acquire in my own eyes more consistence and more real importance than it has ever hitherto possessed. M. ALCIDE LavRE, a member of the deputation from the French Society, then addressed the Assembly in French, Dr. Bowring, as in the former instances, translating it to the Convention. M. Laure said that after the illustrious orators they had just heard, and whose sentiments and sympathies had been explained to the Con vention with so much talent and int e lli gence b y D r . Bowring, it perhaps might be deemed presumption on his part to be desirous of occupying that place from whence, • for the last two days, so many of the illustrious men, both of Great Britain and America, had addressed th e Con vention. Bat he felt the necessity imposed upon him in the name of the young Magistracy of France, of which he was the organ, of addressing a few words to the Con vention to express the great interest he felt in the ques tion. Yes, the time of the abolition of slavery was at hand.—( Cheers.) The present memorable manifestation of the opinion of the world must at length affect the con science of the governors of that world; and those who had now neither name, nor family, nor nation would be re instated in their name, their family, and their freedom ; and that to the eternal honour of England it would be re corded to the remotest ages of the world, that that great Assembly which had so nobly discussed the important question of slavery, assembled in 1840, in her metropolis --(Loud cheers)—and that the emancipation of the black and coloured races was accomplished in the 19th century, as the work of God, through the progress of ci vilisation. Mr. Justice JEREMY said, that now that the subject of French slavery, or rather of slavery in the West India Colonies, was before the meeting, he proposed _to address a few words to them on the subject ; and from hiving held office for some time in colonies formerly French, he had been closely connected with them, and was perfectly well acquainted with their laws and regulations, and he had no hesitation in saying that every reason which existed for the abolition of slavery in the British dependencies existed in equal force in the colonies of their neighbours.—e Loud cheers.) Mr. Isambert had said thot the code now con tained clauses for the benefit of the negro ; bat this was even an additional argument for the abolition of slavery, because these clauses had almost all been repealed by sub sequent enactments, and those which remained had been rendered of no effect by popular prejudice. It was true the Code Noir allowed of the marriage of whites with blacks, but this enactment had been repealed by popular opinion. Even after the peace of Amiens—after opinions in favour of the rights of the negro had made con siderable progress in France —a clause was inserted by which coloured people were permitted to leave property to the whites, but whites were prohibited from leaving property to coloured people. —( Cheers, and cries of Oh I oh I) The preservation of any distinction of colour, or Of race, or the attempt to bolster up slavery by regulations under pretence of pro ducing any amelioration in it, was vicious and erroneous.— ( Loud cheers.) He knew that, because he had assisted at the introduction of such measures into our own colonies, and had witnessed their utter failure—( Loud cheers.) The manufacturer of sugar in our colonies, in which eman cipation had taken place, was at a low ebb it was true, but why was it so? Because the labouring population found they could be more profitably ,employed in other ways. He would relate to them an instance which had come to his own knowledge, of the effects produced by ernanc;pa tion. He knew a gentleman in England, a slave holder, and a supporter of the system of slavery; but this gentle. man had acuteness to perceive that the system of slavery must eventually give way to public opinion; accordingly lie prepared in time for the change which he knew was inevi table, and seven or eight years ago he went among the agricultural population of this country, and hired steady, industrious labourers, most of whom had certificates of character from the clergyman of the parish in which they resided, and many of whom had obtained prizes from dif. ferent agricultural societies, ho engaged these men as servants for seven years, and sent them out to his estates in the West Indies. He (Mr. Jeremy) bee met hew about ten days ago and asked him the result of his experiment. He replied that now two men did with the plough what it formerly took ten men to do with the hoc. —(Cheers.) This was one of the effects of immediate eau ncipation.—( Loud cheers.) Before emancipation took place the advocates of it had acknowledged, had foreseen, had foretold, that one of its immediate effects would be the diminution of the sugar cultivation in the Colonies. And why was this? Why, before the eman cipation took place, how was the working population of the West Indies composed ? One half of them consisted of women; and if these persons were fit for freedom, they never, of course, would permit women to be employed in the labours of the field.—( Loud cheers.) The old system moreover was one of complete monopoly. Sugar was cul tivated there for exportation ; but shoes, c h a i rs , t a bl es , every household article, was obtained from house. This monopoly was now done away with. The negroes could go now where they thought it most for their advantage to purchase the articles they stood in need of. Although the exportation of the produce hadeliminished, everythi ng th at conduced to the interest , well - being, and comfort of the people had increased. That produce al one w hi c h was t h e result of coercion had diminished.—( Cheers.) He begged to bear his humble testimony to the efforts of M. Isam bert. Never could he forget the effect produced by the able and eloquent,addresses of M. Isambert. All that could be said on the subject had been said by him.— (Loud cheers.) It was only d e li cac y, h e was conv i nce d, being a distinguished member of a French Court of Judi cature, which had prevented M. Isambert from stating to the Convention, that while in England the name of Gran ville bharpo was looked up to with veneration, as that of the first man who had proved that slavery could not co exist with the British laws, forty or fifty years before that the French Courts of Judicature had established the same fact with regard to France. A negro had arrived in Paris in 1712; he applied to the Courts of Law as to his right of freedom, and the Courts of France, after solemn deliberation, affirmed the right which he claimed.—( Loud cheers ) He would not further occupy their time—each speaker was very properly limited as to time.—( Cries of " Go on, go on.") All . he could do was to state the re sults of his own experience, therefore it might have been thought that a day or two ago, when they were discussing the question of the state of slavery in India and Ceyl on , h e I oug ht to h ave taken a part in that discussion ; but as he was ' officially employed in that part of the world, the first duty he owed was that of fidelity to those who employed him, and as all his information on that subject had been obtained from official sources, he felt himself prevented from entering on the subject, but they knew well that his hopes and his wishes were with them. Mr. Cremieux, an Israelite, had addressed them, who yet had proved himself a Christian in every word that he had uttered, and in every 1 sentiment he had expressed, distinguished as he was by his liberality and his splendid philanthropy.—(Loud cheers.) In him they had heard the author of some of the most splendid specimens of oratory of m o de rn ti mes . — ( L ou d cheers.) His friend Mr. O'Connell, if he would permit him so to call him, had said that the question of the eman cipation of the Israelites was the only occasion on which every Catholic Member of the House of Commons had voted together. Every Catholic Member of that House bad voted for Israelitish Emancipation. — (Loud cheers.) The result of oppression always was, and always would be, to engender by reaction a spirit of humanity and freedom in the oppressed. A Jew was there that day esp o u s i ng th e cause of negro freedom, and the Catholics had espoused and supported the cause of Jewish Emancipation, and th e y had himself there, a firm and good Protestant , supporting and maintaining the cause of liberty of every sect, colou r , and nation.—( Loud cheers.) The ROY. W. KNIBB, Missionary to Jamaica, then rose, and was received with loud cheers. H e said he did of not intend, on the present occasion, to go into a discussion the glorious results of negro emancipatio n, but. he could not forbear requesting permission to tresp ass a short time . on the time of the Convention to confirm the statement they had heard from the distinguished gentleman who had just sat down, that the diminution of the supply of sugar was not to be at all connected with the want of prosperity in the island.—( Hear, hear.) The fact was, one cause of that diminution was the withdrawal of females from the cultivation of sugar, and one of the charges properl y brought against the Missionaries, and also against Sir i Lionel Smith, was, that they had used theirnfluence in bringing about that desirable result, and he never should forget the magna n i m i t y o f Sir Lienel's reply , which was worthy of record in l e tters of gold—for when re q uested b y the Secretary of th e Col o nies to answer these charges, he said, " I p re f erre d t h e di c tates of humanity. to the i policy of short-sighted planters."—( Cheers.) And they preferr e d th ese di ctates too. —( Hear, hear.) But if the Convention supposed the prosperity of Jamaica depended on the hogsheads of sugar she shipped to England, they entirely mi stoo k t h e matter. O ne fact in connexion with that di m i nut i on of supply was, t h a t of one denomination alone 1,000 black persons had become freeholders.— ( Loud cheers.) And if they could but abrogate that iniquitous law, which it was his intention, on a future occas i on to bring b e f ore them, in a ) few )ears these p ersons wou ld b e in the enjoyment of the , elective franchise ; and this would be so much extended, that they would have the power of returning black men, who were fully able and determinately willing to take care of themselves. —e Cheers.) The highest expectation the most sanguine of the human race could have formed of emancipation, was unknown—a back beggar was never seen — a peen- had b een more than roarzed. Vograecy broker's shop did not exist—the treadmills had turned ! rusty, and the j,.ils been whitewashed —( Cheers.) There i had been on th e p art o f t h e peasantr y an almost universal willingness to labour, when they were remunerated for it; ' but black men thought they had as much right to labour s i for themselves as for others.—( Hear, hear.) The CHAIRMAN here rose and said, he felt it his duty to state to the meeting, that the further discussion of this sub ject would be a departure from the course of proceedure which had been agreed to by the Convention.—( Hear.) The Rev. W. KNIBB continued... He did not intend to occupy two minutes longer. He had taken the opportu nity lest but few persons should be present when his own turn came, and because he should have been sorry a state ment so likely to do good should want confirmation.— ( Hear, hear.) He would only state one fact more. The negroes found they could employ themselves more profita bly than in the cultivation of sugar, and one of his own congregation had undertaken the repairing of the roads. Instead of one shilling, many of them were now earning twelve shillings per day,—(Cheers.) Mr. O'CoNNELL then rose and said, the kind indulgence he had experienced yesterday was an imperative reason why he should trespass as shortly on the attention of the Convention as the duty he had to perform would permit. His purpose in rising was to propose that it should be re ferred to a Committee to consider the proper form of an address to the French Government and the French na tion, on the subject of Negro Slavery. The Learned and distinguished Gentleman on his left had told them the condition of the negro was greatly ameliorated in the French West India colonies, and that there remained be hind only ore thing—the emancipation of the negro. He (Mr. O'Connell) thought that " one thing" was a rather considerable one—(Cheers)—and that if they could get that they might easily forgive all the rest.—( Hear, hear.) He had also told them that the French Government had framed the most salutary regulations respecting the treat ment of the negroes, and there was a fable of sEsop which showed what that amounted to : for when the wolves were appointed protectors of the lambs, although the most salu tary rules were framed, the wolves eat them.—(Hear, hear.) And this must really be the case with all regula tions put into the hands of slave-holders. It was employ ing two-legged wolves to take care of lambs.—( Cheers. ) He was not a little pleased with the speech of his Friend the Learned Judge who sat next him. He was proud to say they were friends of some years standing, and had been made so by the sympathy they bore to the same sacred cause of human liberty.—(Great cheering.) His Learned Friend had only done the Catho!ic Members of the House of Commons justice, when he had told them they were once unanimous. He (Mr. O'Connell) was sorry to be necessitated to say only once.—( Hear, hear.) But he was proud of the cause of that unanimity, which was in their vote for the emancipation of the Hebrews. He thought also he was doing the House of Commons but justice to say that if the Hebrews had urgently pressed the measure of their own emancipation, it would have been given to them by the House of Commons by overwhelm ing majorities, and he thought the Noble Lords (as they called them) in another place would find themselves em barrassed by repeated refusals to confirm the opinion of the House of Commons. He thought it was the apathy of the Hebrew people in England that kept them in the in ferior station in which in point of law they were, rather than any disposition of the Legislature to deprive them of the unalienable right of British subjects to a perfect equa lity in the eye of the law.—(Cheers.) His lion. and Learned Friend had adverted to the horrible murder at Damascus, and the calumnies on the Jewish people in consequence of that murder. A horrid murder certainly it was ; but it was horrible to think that persecution should have the effect of calumniating the innocent Jews, as those who were still capable of participating in a sacrifice of blood.—( Hear, hear.) But could the people of England believe th: se calumnies? If they looked to history they would find that a hundred times over the English people had believed such calumnies.—( Hear, hear ) He was glad to hear his Hon. and Learned Friend express his in tention of going to Damascus to investigate the subject. He could say on behalf of the Bi itish Government that they had done all they could to obtain justice for the Jews, but an atrocious murder was committed ; and the worst consequence of the persecution of the innocent Jews was that in the mean time the real murderer had escaped.— ( Hear, hear.) It was not foreign to their purpose to speak of this subject, for wherever humanity was outraged there were sufferers whom that Convention should succour and encourage.—(Cheers.) Ile returned cheerfully to the subject before them. The French colonies required one great thing—the emancipation of the negroes; every thing else was idle and nuostory.—( Cheers.) Let them eman cipate, and they would do all. Without it, if they did every thing else, they would do nothing. lie would now just advert to the situation of these colonies, with respect to the slave population. He would first take Martinique. It was quite true, as had been stated, that the negroes there were emancipated during the French Revolution ; but it was rather on account of the absence of power to restrain their freedom than from any legal recognition of it. Buonaparte, after the treaty of Amiens sent a large force to the West Indies to reconquer slavery, and compel the free to ba enslaved again. There was a mighty charm in these military names, but he ( Mr. O'Connell) could not help protesting against the praise of those who waded through slaughter to a bad eminence. Such men might swell the military glory of their country, hut, in his opinion, they were the greatest enemies of civilization.—( Cheers.) He mentioned the conquest of Martinique only to state this fact. The negroes being freemen, were unwilling again to submit to slavery, and, as freemen should do, they defended themselves to the last. When about 500 only survived, these retreated to a mountain fort, which they defended uetil a French battalion had made a breach, and when they entered, the negroes blew up themselves and the battalion. —(hear, hear.) This showed they were quite safe in leaving to the negroes the protection of their own liberty. And another fact, that of 1,000 freeholders mentioned by Mr. Knibb, also proved that they were much better when left to themselves than by any regulations we could pos sibly make.—( Hear, hear.) Then, said Mr. O'Connell, let America tremble in her iniquity when these facts come before her, for they are men the million and a half she holds in slavery._( Cheers.) In Martinique there were, in 1837, 26,346 males, 39,666 females ; yet the number of marriages in that year was only fifteen. The numhcr of births was 2,303. These were dire ful facts for a Christian assembly to listen to. The number o deaths was 2,592. Many of them knew that in Europe the population increased about 15 per cent. every ten years; in Ireland SI ; but in this place there was a decrease of 289. Thus all those who in a proper state of society would have been born and brought up, in the West Indies were murdered in the womb, or strangled in the birth.—( Hear, hear.) In Guadeloupe the number of males in the same year was 45,606, of females 48,985 ; of marriages 19 ; of births 1,857; and of deaths 1,883, being a decrease of 26. In Cayenne or Guiana the number of males was 8,523; of females 7,617 ; of marriages 43 ; of births 297 ; and of deaths 628, being a decrease of 331. In Bourbon the number of males was 43,763; of females 24,432 ; of marriages none ; of births 1,001 ; of deaths 2,359, being a decrease of 1,358. Being on the whole of these colonies a total of males 134,238; of females 120,700 ; of marriages 77 ; of births 5,458 ; of deaths 7,462 ; and of decrease in population of 2,004.—( Hear.) The French nation were a great nation—great in arts and arms, in science and in literature. The French people were naturally a proud people—we perhaps thought them a little vain also—( Laughter)—but they had much to be proud of.—( Hear.) Ile wished to place these facts in the presence of the French people—to show them these de tails—to show them the disgrace of continuing this system, and to call on and conjure them in the name of that passion for glory which they cherished to excess, and still more in the name of human nature and humanity, to terminate a system that produced abominations so disgraceful to a civilized people.—(Loud cheering.) He would not trespass much lon,ger on their time, but he could not help remarking that the increase of the free population in these colonies in one year was 835; and this was still more remarkable, because there was not a child of a black woman in that increase ; and this showed what the increase would really be, were all in a state of freedom, in the numbers of human beings enjoying life and liberty—of heirs to the same eternal redemption, who might do honour to mankind, and to the glory of God.— ( Hear, hear.) Here was a picture. Look on this side of it and on that, as it was now exhibited, in the face of Europe, by Mr. Knibb, when speaking of the effects of emancipation in Jamaica. Did they hear that only half the population laboured now—that women do not labour now ? Who was it protected t hem from the toils of labour, which the women of this country, from poverty, were obliged to submit to, in order that they might purchase food ? Look, said Mr. O'Connell, at the emancipated negro man. He scorned to let his wife or sister or daughter work—(Cheers)—thus reading a lesson to white men and to civilized Europe. He works himself, but leaves his wife at home, and thinks the female sex de graded by such occupations. Glory be to the character of the emancipated slave.—( Cheers.) Oh, let France hear of this fact—no crime has followed emancipation, no riot, ' no disturbance. The pen of calumny itself has not dared to charge them with a single outrage. The lash was scarcely dry with gore from the bleeding back of the negro, when he was emancipated. Did he take it up and say, " My day is come, and now you shall endure what you have inflicted ?"—(Cheers.) No. He cast a gene rous and Christian oblivion over the crimes of white men, and stood emancipated, respecting the female sex, and with his soul free from the slightest taint of blood. —(Loud cheering.) It was most consolatory to them even to him, the humblest of them all, to witness this re sult. What had they not been threatened with? Oh (it was said) don't emancipate the negro—he will violate our wives and daughters, and slaughter ourselves; we shall not be able to walk safely in the streets, or sleep se surely in our beds. But it was now only that they slept in safety. He challenged the enemies of negro emanci pation to point out to him a single instance of outrage. The imports of Jamaica were equal now to what they were previous to emancipation. What, then, was the excuse for France in continuing slavery ?—(llear, hear.) Let her listen to this, Did it not prove that the French planter would be as safe as the English --that there would be no insurrection, no outrage—that property would be safe, as it now was, if she granted emancipation to her slaves ? (Cheers.) He said this not from any selfish motive. The consequence of emancipation was greater comfort to the negro and greater security to the planter.—( Hear, hear.) He wished that we had more sugar, but sweet as it was, it was sweeter still to reflect that if the negro did not make sugar for another it was because he made something better for himself ; but though this country required a greater supply, they would not consent to take that supply from the slave owner or to be the consumers of slave produce. — (Cheers.) It would be a monstrous anomaly if they did. We should have given twenty millions for the purpose of eneouraei g other m i screants in the slave trade. It cou ld not be done. ' —( Hear, hear.) But this was the proper me. ment for France to act. Let her emancipate her negroes and then we would take French grown sugar. It would open another market for the produce of their colonie s the moment they emancipated their slaves. But so long as they sowed injustice they must reap its bitter fruit, though th e morn'-'nt they took the position of justice and humanity they would participate in its blessings.—( Hear.) Ile had not intended to have trespassed so long; upon their time, having risen simply to bring before them the state of sla very in the French Colonies. He thought that if they culd but convince France they had made out their ca se, she would speedily join them and co-operate in tho cause of humanity, and thus they would have gained are other great and mighty nation to assist the cause. The slave trade never could be abolished so long as slavery existed—(cheers)—human cupidity would break through every law--they would abolish the slave trade not by corr.binations among themselves, by excluding one and taking in another, but by combinations of nations, such as France. It was this alone which could abolish the horrid trade of the miscreants of Cuba and Brazil, and of the greater monsters—the American slave-dealers. All these would sink into their native nothingness, before the com bined majesty of the British and French nations, uniting in the great names of humanity, and combining for the libe ration of thehuman race.—( Loud cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman concluded by moving the following re solution :—" That an address from this Convention be transmitted to the French people, earnestly impressing upon them the impolicy of any longer tolerating the exist ence of slavery in their Colonies ; and that the following gentlemen form a Committee to prepare such address— M. Isambert, Messrs. Alexander, Turnbull, Josia Foster, and Dr. Bowring, with the mover and seconder " Mr. TURNBUII said, with reference to the diminution in the population in the colonies which had been alluded to, he throught it right to state that several thousands had made their escape since the passing of the Act of emanci pation into St. Lucia and other :glands. Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD said he deeply regretted circum stances had prevented his being among them before that day, and still more that be was not present when the subject of French slavery was introduced, as he should have been happy to have compared notes with importance to friend, Mr. Turnbull, on a subj e ct o f such to the cause of humanity, and the welfare of thousands of our fellow-creatures. Although he had no doubt his friend was generally correct in the picture he had drawn, he felt compelled to differ from him in a remark he had just offered, as to the cause of the decrease in the popu lation in the French West Indian Colonies. It was true a number of slaves from the French colonies had found their way to the British colonies, but not so many as would appear by the statement of his excellent friend. So far as he had been able to collect the numbers, there could not be more than 2,000 French slaves who had escaped to our colonies, though probably another thou sand had perished on the way.-4 Hear, hear.) But they would observe this number covered a long period of time—it must be between fifteen or twenty years. The statement that had been referred to abundantly proved the melancholy fact that, notwithstanding the imputed consideration for French slaves since 1830, and the frequent increase of their numbers, diminution was rapidly going on. He would allude to another fact, namely, the increase in the slave trade. There was evidence to prove that a con.. siderable number was introduced in 1828, and had been subsequently, so that he ventured to assert that the num ber introduced sluing the last ten years mere than com pensated for the decrease in the population that had been referred to. He would also bag leave to correct a little error of Mr. O'Connell, with reference to the slaves of Martinique. whom he said had never enjoyed freedom before they passed from the dominion of France to Great Britain ; but they had previously emancipated Guadeloupe, and St. Domingo had emancipated herself. A great deal had been said with reference to the mildness of the Code Noir. In some points it was favourable to the slave, but on the whole it was a horrible and bloody code. It gave excessive power to the planters. There was no executive principle in connection with it, and no person dared to carry out the few principles in it that were favourable to the slaves. Every year there was the most distressing accounts of the sufferings of the French population, which equalled the sufferings of the slaves in the British Colonies, at the worst period of slavery. Into this subject, how ever, he would not enter further at present. There was one point, however, to which he wished to call the atten tion of those of the French nation who were p,e sent at the Convention. It was with respect to the scheme of emancipation which a pp eare d t o h ave gained favour in the eyes of the French people, on which, as an English abolitionist, he felt it his duty to put the brand of condemnation.—( Hear, he ar ,) Th a t sc h eme did not recognize the principle of immediate and entire emancipa tion ; but there was another point of it to which he gave his most unqualified condeamation—namely, that which re lated to compensation.—( Hear, hear.) He regretted much to find that it was proposed to give the colonies compensa tion for the liberation of the slaves, but he most solemnly protested against the one feature of it—namely, that the slave population were to be called on t o bear either the whole or part of this expence. Forbid it, humanity ! forbid it, justice I—forbid it, the glory and honour of the French nation !—(Cheers.) Whatever was done with the question of compensation, let not the negro pay a single sous for it,—( Hear.) He asked for the French slave that which they had demanded for their own—com plete, immediate, and unconditional emancipation He demanded it for the sake of humanity, of the principles of natural justice, and, above all, for the sake of those principles which they all more or less recognised—the principles of their holy religion.—(Cheers.) He had greet pleasure in seconding the resolution. In answer to a question from a Delegate, Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD rose again, and explained his state ment that St. Domingo had emancipated herself. llav ing obtained their liberty, they had taken up arms in de fence of it, and had not originally intended to transfer their allegiance to the British Crown, which they were, however, compelled by the force of circumstances to do. He wished it to be understood that he did not for a moment apologise for the use of force, for he was persuaded; there was no power so effective as moral power.—(Cheers.) Mr. L'INSTANT, a native of Hayti, who had resided for the last two years in Paris, then addressed the Con vention in French. His address was subsequently translated by Dr. Bowring. He said that he wished to lay before the Convention a short account of the causes which led to the freedom of Hayti. At the commence ment of the French Revolution, in 1789, the rights of man were proclaimed. The free coloured population of St. Domingo, which at that time was not known by the namo of Hayti, demanded an equal participation in those rights. This tree refused them. He would not now enter into a minute detail of the efforts of the colonists to render their claims abortive; suffice it to say that the collisions consequent upon them frequently produced scenes of blood shed. A man whose name would be ever held in respect, Ogee, went to Paris for the purpose of erul .ca . vouring to obtain for them their rights. All th . -, nists, however, opposed his efforts to obtain them their liberty. He was refused what h e sough for, and on hi s the return the colonists seized him and racked him on the wheel. This act of oppression raised a spirit among the people of colour that nothing could extinguish, and the law of liberty broke out. During the course of this war the colonists had made arrangements to deliver the island into the hands of the English, because by their as sistance they hoped to be enabled to continue the system of slavery. But the coloured men and the blacks assem bled together and drove out the English, and preserved the island as part of the French dominions. At that time Toussaint L'Ouverture, the greatest black man who had ever appeared, governed the island, and never had the co lony been so happy or so prosperous as under his govern ment, At that time Napoleon Bonaparte, forgetful of the principles by which he had risen, sent out a navy and a fleet to reduce the inhabitants again to slavery. The negroes took arms to repel slavery, and not to escape the domination of the mother Country, which they had no de sire whatever to throw off. Dessalines then arose ; he con ferred on the men of colour the rights of land-owners and of citizenship, and introduced such laws as the times re quired. Dessalines gave them a country, and proclaimed liberty and the republic. Petion succeeded him, and in 1825 France, despairing of reducing Hayti to subjection, and actuated by the liberal views and principles she then entertained, acknowledged their independence. His principal object in addressing the Convention was to show that the Haytians had taken arms by the necessity imposed upon them of repelling force by force, and not for any purposes of rebellion, and that all that had occurred was solely owing to the attempt of the French empire to de prive them of the liberty which they had before enjoyed. M.; D'ISAMBERT, for the honour of his country, was de sirous that the French people should not be confounded with the French Government of that period. In 1789 the French nation had proclaimed the liberty of the blacks, and had sent out directions to the Governor of Guade loupe, Guiana, and the other colonies, to adopt measures for the regula! ion of that liberty. Napoleon, however, notwithstanding the resistance of the French people, who were always opposed to the St. Domingo expedition, se duced by his desire of imitating the example and the faults of England, attempted the conquest of St. Do mingo, and in the attempt sacrificed one of the finest armies France had ever possessed—the army which had effected the conquest of Italy. France protested against this expedition, and by way of making reparations for the wrongs which her Government had committed since the Restoration, she bad settled a pension on the widew and children of Toussaint L'Ouverture.—(Cheers.) Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD said it was a fact which should not be lost sight of in connection with Hayti. that while the French Government had recognised its independence, Great Bri tain at that moment had not done so.--(" Shame.") Mr. TJRNBULL—We have a Consul-General there. Mr. SCUOLEFIELD was aware there was a representative of that kind, but at the present moment we were engaged in a treaty of commerce, and until this was ratified by both powers, their independence could not be said to be recog nised by this country. Indeed, Lord Palmerston had ad mitted that such was the case, and explained it by saying that England had entered into a secret treaty with France not to recognise its independence till France should think fit.—( Hear, hear. ) Colonel MILLER said the only excuse of the American Government for not recogni s i ng t h e i n d ependence of Hayti was, thatif they did so they should have a black Ambassador at Washington.—( Hear, hear. ) The resolution was then put to the meeting and carried unanimously. The Convention re-assembled at Four o'Clock, Mr. BIRNEY Chairman. SLAVERY IN THE COLONIES OF HOLLAND AND SWEDEN. Mr. G. W. ALEXANDER—LittIe was known in England of the state, the prospects, or the amount of slavery in the Dutch colonies; it was only known, and that not to all, that slavery existed to a considerable amount in one colony, Surinam, and that it existed in a peculiarly severe manner. The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society determined to obtain information upon the subject, and within the last three months they had deputed him and Mr. James Whitehorn to proceed to Holland for that purpose. They laboured under considerable difficulties, because, in the first place, they were unacquainted with the language of the people amongst whom they were to make inquiries ; and those persons were very little, if at all, acquainted with the subject upon which they wished to obta.in infr mation, and the subject itself created very little interest. Their first stay was in the city of Amsterdam; there they had considerable difficulty in obtaining information even of the number of slaves in the Dutch colonies, but, by the kindness and assistance of the only friend resident in Hol land, they arrived at something like a close approximation to the truth at last. They were informed that the pro bable number of slaves in Surinam was about 50,000 ; but from more recent information, N upon which he had every reason to rely, they amounted to 60,000 or 70,000. o doubt the truth was known to the Dutch Government, and he trusted some of their friends would arrive at the Peal truth. It was still more difficult to obtain the number EVENING EDITION. of those in slavery in the other West India colonies of Hol land, but it was probable the whole number might be from 100,000 to 120,000. it was a most intei,,ting inquiry to enter upon to know what were the actual circumstances of that large slave population ; upon that point he was obliged to confine himself to that in the island of Surinam. One of the most striking circumstances respecting that colony was that it was generally understood that the average decrease of the slave population was not less than five per cent. per a ,, num.—(Hear.) A very small portion of that decrease might be attributed to running away, but from good autho rity be was assured that it was an extremely small portion ; neither could the colonists say that the slave trade had been recently abolished there. He found from inquiries that ten years ago the number of male and female slaves was very nearly equal, as also those of younger years, and they remained so. The immense decrease was to be mainly attributed to the essential murderous nature of the system pursued in the slave cultivation of sugar, and par ticularly during the crop season.--( Hear, hear.) The excessive labour during that period was of such a nature that no human being could endure it without shorten ing his existence.—(Hear, hear.) Another circum stance was the treatment suffered by the females while placed in a situation which required the utmost attention, and to the large number of children who died in early youth, doubtless from the want of that care which a mother only could supply. He regretted that they had been unable to obtain information respecting the means used for coercion in the coiony, for no doubt they would do much towards hastening the abolition of slavery if they could have an exact account of all puroshments, such as used to be kept in the English Colonies. It was, how ever, known that the whip was used to both males and females, and he was informed that no slave in the colony was allowed to wear shoes; he only mentioned that in order to show the state of degradation in which the slave was kept. Lately there had been some ameliorations made in his condition. They were no longer to be sepa rated fro:n those whom they considered as their wives. But with respect to marriage it was hardly known—it would be sufficient for him to say that in 1830, in a slave population of 50,000, there were only two marriages— there was no legal marriage for slaves in the colony, it was. not recognized. Then with regard to instruction, very little had been done—at least, if any it was very little, and as regarded religious instruction—there had been a Moravian mission established for a long period, but for 40 years after they were allowed to establish themselves they lied no opportunity of seeing a negro ; they were not allowed to visit one of the estates. At the end of 100 years they had made some progress, but it was very little,, for then they wore allowed to visit only 14 out of .500 , plantations. Lately there had been established at the Hague a Society for preaching the Gospel amongst the slaves, and that Society had access to 100 plantations; but to them they had only access monthly, and then groat difficulties were thrown in their way with respect to their seeing the negro. Thus very little had been done for the population. In the Society to which he had alluded at the Hague, he was sorry to say there were some proceed ings to which he could not lend his sanction. Amongst; their preachers they had 18 slaves, many of themselves belonged to the colony, and were proprietors of slaves; and he was afraid that very little would be done to carry their object into effect, and all other Ministers of religion were prohibited from visiting the island. The people in Holland, especially in Amsterdam, were very far from being in a satisfactory state in re spect to the abolition question. He had met with a very few instances of cordial support in a populations exceeding 200,000. He was most sorry to say also that on the part of some ministers of religion there had been a most striking unwillingness to take any part in. the good work. It was true the subject was perfectly new, and let them hope that when it became better known and more studied their consciences would tell them what• their duty was. The next place they visited was Ut recht, and in that city he only saw one gentleman wl took any interest in the question—that gentleman raaa Professor Ackerdykes, and he indeed took a lively in terest in the matter, He then went to Leyden,, and. among the few he saw there, he was most happy t o say there was no difference of opinion whatever as to what their duty was with respect to the abolition of. slavery, and he begged to mention with every respect the name of Professor Tiedemann. They then procoeded to the Hague, and there, through the uniform kindness of a fe sv ministers of religion, he had an. opportunity of meet ing about thirty persons of distinction, to whom he had explained the principles and objects of the Society, an d i he fully believed that considerable good had been don's. They then went to Rotterdam, and there found seine very zealous friends of the cause of abolition. They con sisted of the Episcopal Minister, the Independent. Mi nister, and two Scotch Ministers. Through their instrumentality a meeting was held, which was nuanarously attended. He addressed the meeting, and pointed out to them the very beneficial results which had followed the abolition of slavery in the English Colonies. After the meeting the junior Scotch minister said he was very sorry the proceedings were over, because he would have had. much pleasure in proposing to form a society in connections with the British and Foreign Abolition Society of Londora. He (Mr. Alexander) said if they wished to form a Co at" mittee it was not then too late. A Committee 0'5.4 in stantly formed and the work begun. He had hesod e quently from Holland since his visit, and the gesieral im pression on his mind was that the subject of slavery had made considerable progress—that it would roceive the at tention of the people of Holland, with a view to its. -aboli tion. At the same time be did not conceal irosn him.sr If that great doubts existed as to the prope.etr of intynediato emancipation ; and he was extremely anxious 'that the public mind in Holland should p b e e r e fe n e lS t c:t e en g ed reoant I, t v h o e )k s , ub s . Sect. Still he looked at r,s i a h ,kia a dn t ,d la .a hope, doubte had a dnt to withstanding all he had all n'"dd T That w a s hh s a v gd rlo e s e many would be raised up to, had been the case in En say in regard to Hells Wand. The Society were anxious to extend their inquiri.es into the slave system as related to S eden, 'Vi t 'ain a few weeks Holland k- • after returning from that the Diet was ; then sitting, and thal its sittings occurred once in five years, be thought than . that was a good opp or t un it y fur carrying out the objects of the S oc i e ty, an d immediately se t out for Stockholm. Very little Lad been known with respect to the slaves supposed to be held under Sweden. It had generally been supposed that they amounted to between 8,000 and 9,000. On inquiring in Stockholm, he was in formed that the general belief was that they amounted ter from 2,000 to 3,000; but many people in Stockholm be lieved that there were no slaves at all in Bartholomew's Island ; however, before he left, he had good reason to 'oe lieve that the numbers wero between 800 and 900. Of course, his statement showed that the question h'sd ex cited very little attention in Sweden ; but upon his in forming them of the objects of their Society, a great deal of what he might call English 'feeling was immediately excited with reference to slavery. He was present at the formation of an Anti- Slavery Society, and he had the positive promise of Professor -- thatthe question should imme diately be brought before the Diet, and he had very good reason to believe that the Crown Prince was decidedly favourable to their cause, so also was the Archbishop of Sweden. There was, however, one peculiarity about the island, for although nominally belonging to Sweden, it ' ,501 the actual property of the King. The Diet, therefore, had no power in the matter, but, no doubt, if they were heartily engaged in the cause, and if' they were willing to promote any plan for carrying out the principle of abolition, —no doubt that would have great effect upon the King's mind. The Convention would readily apprehend that he had but very little information to give as to the condition of the slave, but, as in all other cases, they were exceedingly neglected. He could not boast much of his efforts, but still his humble opinion was, that those visits abroad hadi been of very great good to the cause of abolition. He believed that the period was fast approaching when slavery would cease throughout the world. The exertions of the abolitionists would be crowned with success, assisted as their cause had been by the glorious abolition of slavery in England.—( Hear, hear, hear.) A slave-holder told hire that formerly they were afraid of the blacks, but now they were afraid of the whites, and good reason they would have. Believing that the blessing of God would continue to rest upon their labours, he could not join in the despondency expressed by some of their members. He firmly believed that the period was fast hastening whets slavery would cease, and an immense amount of human happiness be the result. Then pure morality, and that religion in which they all believed, which was the root and foundation of their proceedings, should be no longer tar nished by the stain of cruel and inhuman slavery, which for centuries had disgraced Hear, hear.) J. Win rattousE, Esq., of Bristol, said he would not have troubled the Convention, had his respected colleague not seemed to have forgot one or two points. No such re lationship subsisted amongst the slaves in Surinam as marriage created—it was not recognised by law at all. The Moravians had been there 100 years, but during that century they had not been permitted to teach one single negro to read. The greatest difficulties were thrown its their way, and during the whole 100 years not a sing l ,o slave had been converted.—(Hear, hear.) They nrast not blame the ministers but the masters. One thing was most important—from forty to fifty of the plantatio. as in Surinam belonged to Englishmen resident in this c They had a h o ld th en upon f orty or fifty persons • 0 entry na Eng land who were slave-holders. Let them • bring pu blic opinion to bear upon them, and they would act • ple cue ally He hoped as there had and at once.—(H ear, h ear.) H been already an address to the people of France s the Con vention would also agree to one to the people 'a! Holland. Mr. SCALES said it was important that the Convention should know that the gentleman who had itsst sat down was formerly a resident in Jamaica, and a slave-holder. He believed it was a fact, that instead v.f platting into his own pocket the compensation money fr,r those w ho were in bondage, he gave it to those who bad been slaves. Mr. Hoorsaam wished to know whether the slaves in the Dutch colonies had any of them obtained their manu mission, and whether there were in those colonies any free persons of colour? Mr. ALEXANDER said that there were free persons of colour there, but with regard to the manumission he could not speak. Captain Moortsom, R. N., of Birmingham, then rose to propose the next resolution, which was as follo w s : " That a Committ ee b e appo i nted to prepare a report(), the present state of slavery in the Dutch colonies, togotbe r with an address to the people of Holland upon the duty and advantages of seeking its immediate abolition." Com mittee to prepare the address—G. W. Alexander, nscl. ; the Rev. John Keep ; and James Whitehorne, Esq.. That resolution bad grown out of the one that b.ad been moved by Mr. Alexander, and it appeared also to connect itself with what had been put in the printed pap :rs before the members of the Convention as part of the business which had called them together. He was not aware whether it had been decided to take up these things in• detail as the subjects to which they applied occurred, cr' to take them as they had been put down ; but presuming that the resolution was all right, he had only to move it. At the same time, he thought it right to draw the atten tion of the Convention to that with which it connected it self in the proposed scheme of the business of the Con vention, in the 4th Scrics—" International. Free Govern ments, endeavouring to influence others that tolerate either slavery or the slave trade." Supposing that sub.. jest would he before the meeting, and that an opportunity would be afforded of connecting the subject of the resoln- tiA Chi( laim and sev alai ......( s e (, the ma Ye