The Sun. — London, England, 1840-12-22 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. in the present lam of patronage could be devised which Dissenters would not oppose. When any new scheme bas. d en s J.: and just principles, 511..111 be provicd, It will be disp.ssilnately con,idercd by them, but cer tainly none of such a character has yet been brought ber.re the public. Finally, upon this subject !—While keenly alive to the evils of intrusion, patronage, and dependence of the Church on the civil power, no enlightened Dis senter can forget, that in con,idering them in relation to the Church of Scotland, he has to judge of what is fitting for an institution that is not a Christian Church simply, but a part of the National Convention. His first wish must be to sea the Church dissevered from the State ; but if their union is to be maintained, he is next to consider wheth , er it is better that the Church, beinz endowed, should be also independent, or should he effectually subordinated to the Civil Power. Of' these alternatives he is constrained to prefer the latter, and, in,leed, his conviction of the unavoidable depend ence on the State, of a Church established by law, i 4 one main reason why he is a Dissenter. Reason farces him to admit that this is the sole condition in which an established religious society Call be kept in harmony with the other department; of the State, and in whisk) the public will can maintain that perfect control over public affairs which is necessary to the peace and prof- parity of society. In thew eircurnstanees, it is certainly astonishing that the High Church Non-Intrusion party could have expected Dissenters to take part in their schemes, and still more astonishing that they should brand them as inconsistent and unprincipled for refusing their aid. It would have bee❑ equally reasonable it the East India Comp Any, in the days of her unbroken monopoly, had, tired of the supervision of the Board of Control, called on all the friends of free trade to unite in assisting them to get rid of Govvrnment interference, an:l, asserting "the intrinsic power" and " independence" of all commer cial cotnpAnies, hail branded, with inconsistency and selfishnesi, all who should not readily contribute to give free course and increased energy to the very evils of which, even under that check, they had so often and so justly complained. * Dissenters are very wiling to assist t'ao3o members of the Eitaldished Church who are seeking deliverance from patronage, intrusion, and ail civil interference with their ecclesiastical proceedings, in the only way consistent with their principles—by joining •.,n in an applica.ion to Parliament, to demand, as time certain, safe, and complete remedy for those evils, the immediate and entire abolition of the connexion be tween Church and State ; but to their present plans they can be no parties. On the contrary, believing them to be, as measures of ecclesiastical reformation, at best useless or trifling, and as innovations on political order, dangerous to the commonwealth, and feeling in the ag4res , ions formerly mentioned, the first fruits.of the ascendancy in the State of the party which promotes them, Dissenters must hold themselves called on to take me tsures for averting all danger, by turning to the best account the influence which, in the present delicately balanced position of parties, they possess. And while Dissenting ciniches cannot take any part in political affairs, it being a principle with all enlightened Dissent ers, that as the governments of tlts world have nothing to do with Christian churches, so they ought to have nothing to ,!.o with the governments of this world, there can be no doubt that, as a class of citizens whose civil rights are already, and may be still more injuriously af fected, Dissenters tiny, like other classes in similar circumstances, combine for sell-defence to protect from invasion such privileges as they have already a legal right to, as well as to make the most of every oppor tunity of securing that, to which, in the words of Locke, they are unquestionably entitled, " Absolute liberty, just and true liberty, equal and impartial liberty." Though separate movements on the part of the citi zens of a free state are not in themselves desirable, and under a rightly-constituted and properly-administered Government—where all classes are treated with equal justice—altogether unnecessary, yet present circum stances seem to make it necessary that the Dissenters of Scotland should adopt some such measure in their oxit defence, and in justice to the great cause of reli gious freedom, of which they have always been the strenuous and consistent supporters. While, therefore, Dissenters willingly admit the value of the aid which they have received from a great ut.ijority of the Liberal electors who are connected with the Established Church, and the satisfaction which they have always felt in co-operating with them for the public benefit ; and while they would regret that any proceed ings on the part of the High Church Whigs, or of a Government which appears so anxious to obtain the favour of that small section, should render it neces sary for them to detach themselves altogether from present alliances, and by forming themselves into a distinct political party, trust entirely to the support of the people at large ; they will not act up to the exigen cies of the present crisis, if they do not, at least, de mand of all candidates for their suffrages, an unreserved assert to certain leading principles which have hitherto united all the different sections of Liberals into one great political party ; and give an honest promise zealously to assist in carrying them into practical effect. These principles are—" That in a free state, there ought to be a perfect equality of civil rights, irrespec tive of religious opinion or profession ;" and " That while the Established Church exists, it should, like all other bodies maintained at the expense of the State, be under public control, and subject to the law of the land as interpreted by the civil courts." Nothing can be more self-evident than the equity and justice of these requirements ; and those candidates who do not view them as great practical principles, to be habitually and steadily acted on, certainly do not deserve the suffrages of Dissenters, or a voice in the Legislature of a free country. The opinions of candidates should likewise be ascertained regarding the practical grievances already referred to, which have been entailed on Dissenters during the last three years ; and no candidate should obtain thi.ir votes who does not condemn these and all similar violations of the principle of equal rights, irre spective of religious opinion, and give a satisfactory assurance that he will endeavour to get these and all similar grievances removed, and to pre vent the same objectionable principles from being acted on in other cases. No true Liberal can refuse 'ibis assent to these conditions, and no Dissenter should svote for any candidate who is not a true Liberal. In following the course thus pointed out, the conduct of the Dissenters would not he the counterpart, but the contrast of that of the High Chuch Non-Intrusion party. Tiled require of their candidates a pledge to support measures which, if generally followed, would ultimately slissolve tic social union, and to act in opposition to the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty ; thus asking pledges which no enlightened and honest Liuersl can give. The D,Sgt'lli.CT2, On the contrary, ask pledges w 11101 no honest Liberal can refuse. It is believed that the most aecura'e and desirable mode of ascertaining the opinions of candidates on the points referred to, will be by the appointment of Com mittees of Dissenters for that special purpose, rather than to trust to genural state merits which may be made by candidates at. public meetings of the electors ; an: (se Board recommend this to be done wherever prac ticable. Shun's( the efFect of following the course of policy now reeoinmended be to weaken, embarrass, or even ilie;olve the present Government, this mischievous con semsence must be traced, not to the constrained inac tion of the Dissenters, (who would willingly ivave such questions altogether, as testing questions), but to the reckless zeal of that section of professed Liberals, who act on Tory principles—the High Church Whigs— who, by bringing forward candidates in the character of " Nou-Intrusion" and " Anti-Patronage," aud " Church- Independence" men, leave to Dissenters, who are op p-used to their views on these points, only the alterna laves of withholding their support, where, in other cir cumstances, it would have been gladly given, or of seeming, to approte of principles and proceedings which they con,cientiously condemn. Any part of the blame which is not fairly chargeable against these High Church Whigs, must be imputed to the short-sighted and ung enerous po li c y o f p ar ti es en j o yi ng the c onti deuce of Government, in endeavouring, by exciting . hopes which cannot he realized, to secure the very doubt ful and precarious advantage of the support of a sec tion of the Conservative party entertaining similar opinions on ecclesiastical matters with the High Church Whigs, hut who, in all questions of civil policy, are the irreconcileable enemies of every thing truly liberal. During their brief and uncertain season of adhesion the Liberal cause—if they should t.:Tr be induced to to profess their attachment to it—thi s section would drive as hard a bargain as passible--seeking favour as the price of support—which could only be gained a t the ex pense of losing the unwilling, u npurchaseable services' of a body of men who support the present Government solely because they believe them to be the friends of freedom, and who can never become either trouble some or dangerous to a Government which does justice and fears not, inasmuch as they neither are, nor desire to be, a privileged class, and are prevented by t h e i r conscientious convictions equally from seeking less or receiving more from any Government than what every dutiful subject is entitled to do nand from every Go vernment—" the things which ere just and equal." • For the above quotation, and the ,übsta;,ce of several other arguments and illustration?, the is are indebted to an able pamphlet, rectntly published by 0 1 , (..)f their . oar, number,—.'. What ought the Dissrnters of Scotland to do in the present crisis? By John Brown, D D." ATTZNI PT TO POISON.-3001. RE WA RD.-- On Saturday large placards were posted in various parts of the metropolis, offering a reward of 3001. for the appre hension and conviction of the party or parties who, on the 10th of November last, sent a M arcel by the Eapress Not tingham coach, from the Belle Sauvage, Ludgate-hill, addressed to Mr. Hitching, an inhabitant of that place, and which contained a plum loaf, impregnated with a large quantity of arsenic. 1001. has been offered by Govern ment, 501. by Mr. Hi tc hi ns , and I") 0/. by friends of that ‘iten :l e rnan at:N - 0447.k, raised by public subscription, mak in all .h. cunt- of 3001. The placard further states 'het, skills.: more thci one person be imp:icated in the ‘. l rans i e ticn4 , efforts wih be made to obtain a free pardon for the party confessing, so as to insure the conviction of his confederates. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF TIM; DAY. • (From the Morning Chronicle.) The Quarterly Review for December, 1840, just published, contains a long article on our fo reign policy, in which Lord Palmerston is in one part eery inefficiently attacked, and in another very ably defended. To follow the Reviewer through his animadversions on his Lordship's policy with regard to Spain, Portugal, Belgium, &c., would be a very unpro fitable task. He can safely afford to treat attacks on his Spanish, Portuguese, and Belgian policy with indif fcrence. It may be admitted that his Lordship's usual sagacity was in fault when he patronized Mr. Ur quhar, and theßeviewcr makes the most of the circum stance, while he at the same time treats the aspersions of ''itssrs, Attwood, Doubleday, Cardo, and Co. against his private character as foul calumnies ; o'userving that he is a kind and improving landlord, and that no one who knows any thing about him would doubt his personal honour. We pass on to the Eastern question. And here we are called on to notice a no . , elty in political discus sion, a defence of Russia. The Reviewer denies that Russia contemplates the occupation of Constantinople. It is well known," lie says, " that Catbariae the Great —a great woman is always a very wicked or a very foolish one, and generally both—had set her heart on extending her dominions to Constantinople, and making it the central scat of her empire—a silly project, which would have ruined St. Peteraburgh, and injured Moscow, and in evitably have produced the division and destruction of the vast empire which it was meant to consolidate ; and we incline to believe, in spite of all the routine specials. tioras and declamations of the journalists and pamphleteers of Europe—that the successors of Catharine, and their wise and prudent Ministers, have been long verging towards the same or.iaion as to Constantinople and the Tu. kish province that surround it. Nor does the noto rious and admitted anxiety of the successive administra tioas of Russia to extend themselves first to the Black and Caspian Seas, and subsequently along them, invalidate this hypothesis : all the great rivers of central Russia—the aster it's of the empire—run to the Black and the Caspian Sea=; and without a sate and secure entrance and erit for its wants and its productions, that large poraion of the globe—that greatest and most important part of the Rue sum empire—must necessarily remain in a state of isolated barbarism. «e hag our readers to recollect that the waters on which Moscow itself stands fall ultimately into—the Black Sea ? No, not even into the Black Sea ! but—into the CaTian ; and can any one be so prejudiced as to deny that it was the natural right, nay, tl..e bounden duty, of Russia, to secure for the vast regions washed by these maguifieent waters a free passage to the great high ways of mankind ? Let us be fair ; let us be ra tional. Can any man in his senses contemplate a state of things in this island of Britain, in which, after the introduction of civilization and commerce, a bar barous tribe of Trinobantes, possessing the mouth of the Thames, should have had the power of closing that great estuary, against the interior of England? 'Who ob jected to the American acquisition of the mouths of the Missi,sippi? Who can reasonably complain that Russia feels the game want, and adopts the same principle ? Rus sia, if she has common sense, and the instinct of her own security, ought not to desire the possession of Constanti nople. She approached it in the war of I 529, and she had a fair belligerent right to do so ; but not less, we believe, from her own moderation than from the general feeling of the Powers of Europe to preserve as long as possible the integrity of the Turkish empire, her victorious advance was arrested by the Treaty of Adrianople, and the Mussulman was left, and is now maintained—like Switzerland—an im potent but plausible stop gap against more formidable can didates for his commanding position." The occupation of the country at the moutlas of her rivers may have been all very natural, but the Reviewer, in his instance of the Mississippi, forgets that there is a difference between acquisition by purchase and acqui sition by conquest. The doctrine that the mouths of rivers may be taken by those who possess their sources would bt , very convenient for inland States. In another part of the article the Reviewer adverts to the jealousy entertained of Russia by the rest of Europe. " For our own part," he says, " unpopular as it may be, we hesitate not to say that we have little fear of Russia— she is a great Power, but she is not so great as she appears. lier limbs arc too large for her muscles ; and we believe that she would be weaker, and less formidable, if she were so ill advised as to possess herself of Constantinople, than she is at this hour. She is already unwieldy; any con- siderable increase of territory would render her unmanage able. For her own sake, then, as well as for that of the rest of Europe, it is desirable to maintain the Sultan at Coustantinople; and as the Sultan's empire is not so much one of territory as of religion, his power can be maintained only by preserving to him the supremacy of the adjacent Mabornetan world." The Reviewer strenuously defends Lord Palmer ston's conduct throughout the whole of the proceedings with the French Government. It would have been in• suiting. to France, he argues, if the Four Powers, after having prepared the Treaty,had treated her in this way : " You have been no party to the reasonings, discussions, mutual concessions, and amicable explanations, of which it is the result ; but we are about to sign it ; and we have sent for you to ask you—will you now sign it without alteration or delay—yes or no?" But there were other reasons. " Could they (the Four Powers) be ignorant of M. Thiers's secret communications with Mehemet Ali ? Of his busy anxiety and unscrupulous eff,rts to defeat the ob ject of the Four Powers ? Was it not clear that the suc cess of the treaty would mainly depend on the celerity of its execution; and that prudence and humanity both re quired that Mehemet Ali should have as little opportunity as possible of making his resistance more desperate a nd calamitous? What would have been thought of the com mon sense, the sincerity of the Allies, if they had commu nicated to France an hour before it was necessary infor mation which she would have instantly conveyed to Mehe met Ali, and of which she would no doubt have availed herseli in every possible way towards defeating the object of the treaty ?" The Reviewer very properly ridicules the idea broached by the French that England wishes to establish herself' in Egypt. " England has no more desire for Egypt than she has for Switzerland or Piedmont; she wishes for good roads through them all, with a sufficient local police, and she does not care a fig in whose hands they are, al says ex cepting France, who longs for Egypt, with the avowed object of injuring her." With respect to the threats of France, he observes— "lt is not safe in private life, and still less amongst nations, to accustom unreasonable and hot-tempered people to feel that they can obtain whatever they happen to wish for, by flying into a passion. England has shown —we trust to the sath,faction of Europe—assuredly to the approbation of her own conscience—how well we can keep our temper under severe provocation ; but for the tu:ure quiet of our lives, we must endeavour to convince our irascible neighbours, that wanton provocations and appeals ab irate, as M. de Valmy calls them, are not the erodes by which anything can be obtained from us ; and that honour, as well as policy, will be best consulted by civillcr manners and a more friendly spirit—of both at which we have given, and trust we shall continue to give, a laudable example." We are assured that the Conservatives will never at tack their adversaries through the public interests, nor attempt to embarass them ore questions on which they have supported a national and rational policy. We are told that the hopes of the Conservatives point to acti vity at the registry and in the Corporations. But we are allowed a curious peep into the Conservative It seems the fear of the party now is. that they will sonn have to fight for the Reform Bill against the Whigs. " They will prepare themselves against the Agitation of new Reform B;i1s, which will be produced when their adversaries shall have found that the old ones shall have failed In answer Meir piratic pur poses." That we should leave lived to see the day when the Tories view the Reform Bill is a fortress of corruption within which they may entrench themselves! (From the Times.) The disclosures made in Dr. Stuve's published de fence of the Hanoverian Magistrates are of a nature to excite sorrow End indignation in all right-thinking men. It is not alone that the prosecution of the Magistrates for high treason and sedition on grounds so flimsy as those assigned by the Hanoverian Government, must excite sympathy for the accused and scorn for the accusers, it is not this alone which has in duced ue to denounce the policy laid bare by Dr. Stuve. No, it is the unworthy practices which, in car rying out that policy, men of rank and responsibility are proved to have resorted to, this it is which renders it peculiarly our duty (not alone as public journalists, but also as having, on more than one occasion, exposed the farcical attempts at political agitation in Hanover) to declare, that among no class of public men in free England can such practices fled sympathy or tole ration. When, on the accession of the present King of Hanover, he was assailed by the hirelings of a venal coalition in England, we, is common with all reflecting men, despised the cry thus raised. We knew it to be a vulgar and ignorant cry, directed in reality not against the King of Hanover, but against that powerful and ministry-controlling party of Conser vatives with whom the Duke of Cumberland had voted as a Peer of Parliament. We afterwards made our selves acquainted with the state of public opinion in the provinces composing the kingdom of Hanover, and with the nature of those political measures called the constitution of 1819. and the constitution of 1833. The result of our inquiries was the certainty that there was no disaffection in the great body of the rlanoverian people ; that, on the contrary, this peopl e is pre-eminently loyal and attached to the per , sou and family of their Sovereign, and that between theconstituti o n of 1819 and 1833 the people of Ilanoser would never have been at the trouble of 'g ivin g an opinion, they being thoroughly convinced that the pressure under which they labour will never be relieved by : a t i o t n a g ti u n e g -f l e a n w c y e e " rs in vvi ` :l n ( a ii t s i c o l n a a im l palaver." l a v i er eh ." No doubt a few conviction, but we are speaking of the conviction en the minds of the people generally ; and in proof of the truth •f our representation we appeal to the state of political feeling in Hanover ever since the first Provi sional Assembly of the States av , a f a or cal t l h e e d s in ort lB o l f 4 r . ari l i n a - . t invariably sh own it se lf', aen t difference, sitting a s a n y o s c . c o r n t h e a m s p cons tituencies having often declined sending a paid Member to an Assembly whose deliberations and deci sions they regarded as utterly unimportant. Thus sensible of the real situation and feeling of the country, we, when ever occasion seemed to require it, contradicted the noisy THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 22.1810. misrepresentations of those who is the English press, for their own paltry purpoms, spoke of the King of Hanover as a ruthless despot, and of a revolutio❑ in Hanover as impending and inevitable. We knew that by so doing the wrath of Whig-Radicalism would fall upon us, that the " most forcible feebles" would assail U 3 as abettors of tyranny. That pop-gun artillery we were quite prepared to encounter, without investing ourselves in unusual armour. But what we could not then have done, and cannot now do, is to give a moment's coun tenance to proceedings such as are brought home to M. von Schele, as Cabinet Minister, and General During as private Secretary to the King of Hanover. 'The unhappy Minister may be left to the very sufficient vexation inseparable from the luckless prosecution into which he has plunged himself beyond the possibility of decent extrication. But General During having no such very grave matters to occupy him, being in fact an amateur performer on the stage of Hanoverian politics— doing dirty work for the love of the thing—this gallant officer may be reasonably supposed to have sufficient leisure for answering one or two simple questions. These are questions which every well wisher of his Royal master both in Hanover and in England must spontaneously put, after a perusal of the damning evidence detailed in Dr. Stuve's defence. General During will by every such man be asked how he can reconcile it with big official character of private se cretary to the King —or, if he disclaim this secretary ship, with his private character as a gentleman and an officer, honoured by the priva:e friendship of the King,—he will, we say, be asked how he can reconcile with such a character the conduct proved against him by his own admission ? This conduct is thus al luded to by Dr. Stuve. After commenting on the impertinent freaks of a person named Vassmer, v.'ho persecuted the King's tradesmen with a threatening canvass, under the avowed plea that he came from General During, the learned defender says—" But General During on his part also claims the honour of having originally discovered means which may perhaps be very tit for a party man, and to be em ployed with good success by his household servants, but which are certainly not peculiarly suited to the relations in which a Get man Sovereign stands towards the citizens of his town of residence. Genera! During goes even further than the menial Vassmer, for he threatens directly II ith the displeasure of the King.' Can a greater disc: vice be done to the King than such an employment of his Majesty's name ? That a poor time-server like Viissmet should have gone blun deringly to work for the mere purpose of establishing a fussy importance, is not unnatural to one in his me nial situation. But that a General in the King's ser vice, and honoured by the King's confidence, should have compromised the Royal name in so fl,tgrant a mAn ner, is undoubtedly the very worst generalship conceiv able, to say nothing of the political immorality of the proceding, As we observed in a former article, that the King knew nothing of the threats employed against the Court tradesmen, is clear kern the fact that when Wagner, the hat-manufacturer, declared his deter . mination not only to give up the King's custom, bu to abandon the country, rather than be persecuted into a dishonest vote, General During sent " Corporal" Vassrner to say that the case was not so serious, and that matters would take a more favourable turn. The plain English of this is, that that the busy-bodies, high and low, were in dismay. They had misused the King's name, as Falstaff misused the King's press, " damnably," and in dread of discovery they deprecated the wrath of the hatter, who being one of the principal tradesmen in the town, and a man of known integrity, could not have given up business, house, and home, on such provocation without creating a ferment in the community. We repeat, that the fear which the Gal lant General and his varlet evinced on this occasion sufficiently shows that their proceedings were unautho rized—that they had no right to menace the King's tradesmen, and that if complaint had been immediately made to his Majesty, the probability is they would have found that they had kindled so tierce a fire only to roast them selves,. Some of the circumstances attending what the magistrates rightly enough term a torturing canvass are truly comical. It being once understood that in the capital General During had thought it not undignified to employ the means of which we have spoken for the purpose of procuring votes, the provincial function aries took the hint, and deemed no restraint necessary in their endeavours to deserve well of General During. One of the most original of these provincial actors is a person named Cropp, a bailiff. We pass over his elec tioneering harangues, such as " I will break my neck but you shall vote! I will shoot myself dead but you shall vote I I will take the Sacrament on it ! I will never take the sacrament again if you do not vote ! I call God to witness ! By my soul's salva tion ! By the Redeemer's wounds you must vote," &c. But what is really worthy cf notice, as a new mods of extorting undue influence at elections, is Mr. Cropp's canvass of a voter named Schulz. This lstter is passionately fond of music, and Cropp, clasping him round the neck, reminded him of a duct which they had played together on the fiddle, where upon the musical enthusiast burst into tears, and was Cropp-ed of his vote before he well knew for whom he gave it ! This, with the case of the Court chimney sweper, who voted black was white "to save his sub sistence," would, in a caricaturing country, have tickled the fancy of some "H. B. ;" for few groups could be more amusing than the Gallant General standing with refulgent epaulets between a disconsolate chimney sweep voting to keep his brushes and shovels in activity on the one side, and Cropp squeezing a vote out of a dreamy fiddler on the other. In Hanover, however, caricatures era not permitted ; but as read ing is there, though not encouraged, still in fashion among the privileged classes, we would recom mend the Minister von Schele, General von During, and the rest, to turn to the works of Burke, and to give their hest attention to the following passage in the " Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Dis contents':— " The pleasant part of the story is, that these King's friends are only known to their Sovereign by kissing his hand for the offices, pensions, and grants into which they have deceived his benignity. May no storm ever come which will put the firmness of their attachment to the proof, and which in the midst of confusions, and terrors, and sufferings, may demonstrate the eternal difference be tween a true and severe friend to the Monarchy, and a slippery sycophant of the Court." The gentlemen who have done their utmost to com promise the King in Hanover may deny the applica bility of the passage. Let them in future prove that it is inapplicable, and we shall be glad to admit the fact . (From the Morning Post.) We regret to state that our letters from various parts of Germany are aln.ost unanimous in expressing the opinion that a general war is inevitable in the spring. These opinions arise from the ariniug of all the contingents et the Germanic Confederation, and from the strengthening of the garrisons and fortifica tions. It may be said that the calling out of it .the con tineents are only precautionary measures .; but ne vertheless, the fact that the impression of the universal conflagration we hav e alluded to gains ground. Much will depend on the position of th e French Cabinet. If the present Ministry can continue its 'career of Parlia mentary successes, and by preserving peace make head against convu stop at home, there will be no reason to despair of the future : but the conduct of a factious opposition, by pushing the armaments of France to the war footing, may produce disastrous results. We have, however, every confidence in the talent and firmness of the existing Government in France, and it is to be hoped that their patriotic endeavours may be crowned with renewed triumphs. (From the Morning Herald.) Mr. Gibson, according to the Ministerial Journals, is winning " golden opinions" in Manchester. It' the Manchester constituency have a fancy to be represented by the rejected of Ipswich and Cambridge, they must indulge it. De gustibus non est dispulandusn is a maxim applicable to them, as well as to Mr. Gibson himself, when he, with amusing naivete, declared that he " re joiced in the name of rat." It may be doubted, how ever, that any real rat of spirit, with four legs and an undocked tail, would reciprocate the compliment, and rejoice in being called " a Gibson." Another thing may also be doubted, and that is, that the ex-candidate for Ipswich and Cambridge is the favourite which the Ministerial Journals say he is with the electoral body of Manchester. With the mere Whigs no doubt lie is the favourite, for the Whig Government start him ; but we should think there is sufficient in telligence in the great mass of the electors of Manchester, to see the slavish Whig beneath the flimsy mask of independence which Mr. Gibson a!- sullies, and sufficient of real independence of princi ple to reject a Government candidate, who dares not hoist the Government colours. Mr. Gibson was a flaming Conservative about two years ago, and is now a Whig-Radical. His change was too sudden. The leap from one side of the House to the other—from the cold latitude of opposition to the genial sunshine of the treasury benches—was too quick to be accounted for on the slow process of mental conversion. A soldier who deserts his colours in battle, and in the midst of the conflict goes over to the enemy, might as well be called a convert, and not a deserter, as a gentleman who, by "jumping Jim Crow" in the House of Commons, causes rio less surprise to his party than of joy to the adverse one. We must, then, either believe that Mr. Gibson, when he came in for Ipswich originally under Con servative colours (and he could not have got in under any other), meditated joining the ministerial ranks a:. a future opportunity ; or if' he really believed the prin ciples which gained him the s uff rages o f the electors, that he became impatient of the unrewarded labours of opposition, ananti eager for a neare r contact with those whose position in the State enabled them to remu nerate with places and honours th e se rvices of their adherents. There is still one other way of accounting for Mr. Gibson's desertion of his p ar t y at a mos t critical moment of the parliamentary . campai gn . He may be a person who has no fixedness of opinion, and so may be as sincere an advocate of one side of a ques ti o n one day, as of the opposite side on the next, L et t hi s view be taken of it, and what does it say for his understanding \\' hat does it say for the reliability, if we may be al lowed so to call it, of hii political character ? If a want of fixed principles or settled opinions caused him to turn short upon tl:e Conservative constituency of Ipswich, may not the samc cause operate to produce dis:lppoint meat to the Whig-Radical electors. f Manchester, if they should succeed in carrying him into Parlia ment, which is indeed very unlikely. An, evening ministerial paper in connection with certain lau dations of Mr. Gibson, which would alone prove that he really stands on the Government interest, says, " We are much mistaken if something like a new description of politicians do not ere long assume a prominent position in this country. The public are fairly tired of the voices' Latin of mere party interests." Here is an attempt to induce the electors of Man chester to believe that Mr. Gibson :s really and truly a man of independent principles —a man who stands equally clear of both the great parties in the State, and who is prepared to act from independent motives only. Now the Manchester Radicals must be the greatest gulls in the world to believe anything of the sort. If he really came forward on independent principles, his cause would not be so warmly espoused as it is by the Ministerial Press. The same game touching " independence of principle" was attempted to be played off at Ipswich, after NI r. Gibson had deserted to the Whigs, and yet the whole Government interest, hacked by that of Mr. requisitions a himself,antagonist, was put Whigin rn, though in vain. So it w a a ° s at Cambridge to u afterwards.rreor hisi)e e rr tu There Government exercised all its influence. There every devoted Whig put his shoulder to the wheel to secure the success of this " independent" man. The mask is too transparent —it can deceive nobody who has the most ordinary de gree of intelligence and observation. But what is meant by " a new description of politicians ?" Are apostates, or what are vulgarly called " rats" —a name which Mr. Gibson himself adopts—are they a new race of politi cians ? So far from it, that they may be said to be "of the years beyond the flood." The first apostate certainly flourished before Adam, and is the same whom Dr. Johnson called " the first Whig." His vanity and ambi tion were much greater than the power which he fancied he possesaed—and, therefore, he fell from glory to per dition. That race of politicians is, therefore, not new —some in that line have been great, and others very small—but the race is both old and numerous. We can hardly think it pessible that the great majority of the electors of Manchester would hesitate for a moment 'o prefer the claims of a distinguished soldier, and a inan also possessing great talents for civil life—we mean Sir George Murray—to a person of the preten sions of Mr. Gibson, who talks of " independence" while wearing the livery of the Whigs, and says, as a claim on the confidence of the electors, that he " re joices in the name of rat." We cannot believe that Manchester is so Gibsonized es the Government papers represent it to be, and will not believe it unless the fact shall appear under the hand and seal of the re turning officer. (From the Morning Advertiser.) Our readers will join with us in congratulations that the news from the Canadas continues to give the most favourable assurance not only of the eventual, but of the early success of the recent policy of the Govern ment towards these hitherto distracted colonies. Lord Sydenham pursues his quiet course of discreet yet un tiring effort. The provincial papers, barren on those t o pi c s which interest the home country, and yet more barren, fortunately, in the accounts of disturbance and rumours of disturbance, indicate every now and then in their advertisements and other official an nouncements, acts of practical utility, by which a Government must sooner or later win its way to the hearts of the people. Of all the measures which his Lordship has propounded in the Special Council, where his authority may be expected to prevail, none can be named which ti•e most patriotic and sagacious states manship needs to shrink (torn ; while, on the other hand, they show the practical man evai.ing himself of his high powers to realise the utmost that the circum stances admit of, and teaching the Canadians in what direction to look for the amelioration of the condition of their fine country. Among the measures of which the late accounts speak—(and our private correspondence in terms of st ong approbation)—are the Municipal Corpo rations of Qeebec and Moutreal ; the District Councils for the country places, whereby Lower Canada is put on footing similar to that of the Upper Province ; the Judicature Bills, by which cheap justice is brought home to the people by local Courts, and by circuits of these Courts within narrow limits ; and, not the least of all, a registry ordinance, for the registry of transactions, not only in connection with landed property, but in other cases affecting the permanent interests of families and of creditors : by which measure a world of litigation will be got rid of, and property hitherto often unsaleable from latent claims, will now acquire a marketable value, indispensable in a country where the greatest part of capital is land—land that can only be brought into cultivation by the judicious advancement of mo neyed capital to assist the early efforts of the land owning emigrant. In Upper Canada land is as free as money : a man can easily obtain money ; and, if dis tressed, is not tied, Prometheus-like, to the soil, for want of a purchaser to release him from his burden. He sells ; and, having sold, moves off to another quar ter, all the wiser aed better for the experience he has learnt ; and, upon his first misfortunes, like bankrupts elsewhere, usually builds a more prosperous future. But, in praising this law—which we in vain struggle for in the old country, we are forgetting our topic— the general prosperity which is now opening upon the Canadas—the improved tone, and, we may add, the improved notions of the public there. It is impos sible not to attribute this to the admirable policy of the present Secretary of State for the Colonies, so ad mirably carried into effect by 'the present Governor- General. From this it is worth while to extract the moral—that if we would govern our colonies, we must send out men fit for the task —men who do not require to be swaddled in dispatches— an d to be forbidden to move till they have orders from home. Lord Syden harn's late visit to Nova Scotia showed to what an useful account the agency of such a man could be turned. His very presence almost seemed to change the aspect of affairs, which, however, was accomplished the governm e n t of a s t n t es • nbytan no versed otherine rsetl magic the details of government as well as in its pare( • • We look forward with some interest, but with out apprehension, to the first meeting of the first United Parliament of the United Province. We believe that the same success which has attended the past career of Lord Sydenham as Governor-General will mark his future course in that caps iity, because his familiarity with Parliamentary and Ministerial affairs—his know 'edge of the practical legislation of this country, of which the last few years must have given him great cape rieoce at home—and above all, his peculiar conversance with trade and finance, which is unrivalled even in this country, give hint the e vac i ty to meet the very practi cal aspirations of the homespun colonists, whose ,:ous arc in the bread -soil-butter concerns of life, and who, after all, look at the theories of Govern ment chiefly in connexion with the chances or the promises they afford with regard to such concerns. The miracle of Lord denham's very peculiar and unexpected success is to be solved by his fitness to answer their wishes in these matters, so far as they can be answered, and by the very warns and prompt coeti dence which the people—of all denominations of poli tical or religious creed—awarded to him, as soon as they found hint well-purposed, honest, and hearty ; and with,Att the humbug that has first made and then mar red too many of his predecessors, who were compelled to hid e their own incompetence, or their own want of efficient authority by a system of temporary delusion. It would be absurd to entertain the notion that the great experiment of which the Union Act was but the programme, is without risk of failure ; but we think that the mast confident assurance may bit indulged in that it will prove successful, if time past cours , , of the present Canadian policy is to he regarded as any gua rantee of the future. PUSEYISM. TO THE EDITOR OF TIIE SUN. Stu—Believi ng th at ma ny anxious inquirers after the truth as it is in Jesus may occasionally, and perhaps re gularly read your truly indepecdent journal, I beg ng anyre sp.ccttully. to offer a word of caution regarding a defence of 1 "Tsai by a Correspondent wh o si gns himself an Anglo-Cath o li c . All ow me to remark in passing, that prefixing term its beforemeaning,thus Catholic, t s n such ation a az s i i Rumen in g, a s i or Anglo, destroys t piece . we re, what is intended to be universa l, which erro r ixists also i n t h e t i t l e o f t h e dominant Church of this country. If the it Oxford Tracts f or the Times" (t he mouth pi of Puseyism) are examined with a sing le Cr, t hey will be found to attack the ver y f oun dations of the Go s p e l and because more subtle and ingenious than Irvin gism or open Popery, they are on that ac count . i more dangerous. I consider that the true Puseyite s a compound of the Pharisee, the Papist, and the Jes u i t . U nacqua i n ted with the "perfect law of liberty," of which we are promised that vvlio , :oevcr looketh into and continueth therein shall be blessed i(:s reli g i on (James I. 25) the Puseyite is unwilling that others .'"1.1 In this respect b e d i fferent from himself', arid he nur in a mass of Jewish forms and , ninnies, and mystifi S p irit es that which the of Cio:.l reveals to the sincere * believer, vtliereas at the cruel - ce,re lixion of our S,iviouf, the veil of the temple was rent in twain from the top to the hotto.n,--it was a mi -1 " 1 " 3 and very significant inti mation that the Mocaie law, i nc l u di ng, of course. types and ceremo nies, was fulfilled ; and I b e lieve that any attempt, IA bether by Papist, Pusevite, State-Churchman, or Dissenter, to interrupt the sweet su nplicity, grace, truth, and h eaven l y c h a racter of Christianity, as in culcated and practised by our Savi our and his Apos tles, may be traced to Satan through the mazes of either ignorance or wickedness. I remain, Sir, your's, &c. Ludlow, Dec. 20, 1840. OBSERVER. The friends and admirers of the Rev. H. Mel ville, Chaplain of the Tower, and Lecturer of Camden Chapel, Camberwell, will be pleasA to hear that his health has been so much improved by the able advice of Dr. Mortimer, of flaslar, that he has proceeded to Rome for the winter. THE FINANCES OF FRANCE. (From the Quotidienne ) Too much light cannot be thrown on the financial situa tion of the country. This situation is besides so serious that we know not bow to recur to it often enough. It is only a few days since that M. Humann presented ua three consecutive accounts, demanding on account a that which is on the point of expiring a supplementary sum of 192,000,000 f. In order that the public may better appreciate this new demand, we will glue a summary statement of the expenses chargeable on the budget of 18 , 10, and it will be seen by the figures, which we shall give in the plainest manner, that the deficit can only '3e covered by enormous loans : Millions Francs. Budget voted by the Chan:tiers Sup,Acmentary credits voted by special law Extraordinary Public Works brought from 72 mil- lions to Credit: last demanded Tot:-.1 Expenses of 1840 The ordinary Revenues for the same time being only 1,155 Tl:ere %ill Le a. deficit of 260 The reserve of the Sinking Fund must not be calculated on as revenue, as it ought to be appropriated in a far dif ferent way from what it has been for several years past. The statement of 1841 is represented by the following 81M3 - Budget voted by the Chamber Various supplementary credits already voted, as well as arrears of interest and pensions Extraordinary public works 57 Fortifications of Paris according to the last demand of Marshal Soult 35 Expenses at different strong posts Credits just demanded 206 1,542 That is to say, one milliard five hundred and forty-two millions of francs. Allowing for the ordinary revenues of 1841 the sum of 1,155.000,000, there is clearly shown a deficit of 387,000,000, and for the two accounts together a total of 647,000,000, and not of 524,000,000, as M. Hamann at A rst thought, and as he stated in the account of the financial situation of the country, directed against his predecessors in office. It is well, however, to re mark hero, that the statement of 1841, which he places to the account of the Cabinet of the Ist of March, and which is heavier than that of 1340, belongs to him ex clusively. Establishing, then, the correctness of the figures of 647 000,000, we will ask the Ministry what are its ways a:di means to provide 'or this excess in the expenditure of the two years? The following are the proposed plans of M. llnmann to cover the supplementary credits de manded in the sitting of the Chamber of the 7th of December:— 1. A surplus of about 8,000,000 f. on the excise of 1839. 2. An excess in the receipts of 34 000,000 f., which is hoped for in the year 1840. This latter sum, however, disappears as we have ;Arcady put down the receipts of the year at 1,155,000.00 )f, ; we have done the same with a reduction of 17,000,000 f. on the budget of extraordinary works 3. The reserve funds of the sinking fund, from which on the 31st of December 106,000,000 f. may be drawn. On this latter proposed resource we would make a re. mark or two which will go far to remove it from the ac count. The reserve will, at the end of 1840, amount to about 265,000,000 f. ; but the expense of the extraordinary budgets having been, during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840, more than 300,000,000 f., there remains a deficit of 35,000,0001 instead of a disposable sum of 106,000,000 f. The resources, therefore, which arc calculated upon to cover the supplemental-) credit of 1840, are completely illusory, and the report of the Committee charged to ex amine into the project of law will certainly discover the correctneFs of our statement. To do this it is only nc cebsary to have an exact account rendered of the sums ex pended in extraordinary public works during the four }ears which arc about expiring. Ia the second 13,11, where M. Humann asks for 200,000,000 f. of supplementary credits for 1841, and the Nlmister of War 35,000,000 f., the same resources are men- tioned to cover the expenses, and when supplementary cre dits for 1t342 come to be asked for, whirls there is little doubt will happen, it is more than probable that the ~am.! ways and means will be again brought forward. We can not conceive how any Minister can dare seriously to ad vance such calculations front the tribune. . . Admitting, however, for a moment the reality of the re sources pointed out by M. Humann, they form a total of 130,000,000 f. Ac the deficit already shown on the tiv(ei years, 1840 a❑d 1841, is 647, these more than problematical resources will still leave a blank of more than 500 : 000,000: But once again we repeat, there is not an obole available, and recourse must be had to other means to provide -the G 47 millions, which an insufficiency in the receipts will leave to the charge of the budgets of 1840 and 1841. The first expedient which will be had recourse to will be issue of treasury bonds, which will be negotiated on oner-' 4 , ous T erms, and at a long date, from the impossibility of providing for their payment. The Session, therefore, is not likely to pass over without the Minister of Finance bringing forward a i'roject of a loan, for this is definitively the ,nly means of closing the gulf which has been opened for the last two years. We will not speak or. the future prospects of France in a financial point of view ; we dare not even think of them, for the further we advance the more do the ordinary re sources of the nation become insufficient. Forests are sold, and the sinking fund disposed of, a guarantee and pledge which no consideration should cause to be taken from the creditors of the State; and in spite of all this the treasury is pennyless, and the country getting in debt. All the calculations we have brought forward are taken from the official bcuments themselves, and no one will contest them. As to our prognostications, they have been con stantly realised for the last ten years, and when we have given a calculation in opposition to that set forth by the Ministers, events have always confirmed the exactness of our statement, and the inexactness and phantasmagorical character of the Minister. In this instance, again, it will 1 - ,e seen that the resources pointed out by the Minister of Finance exist only on paper, and that in the end a loan, and perhaps fresh taxes, must be resorted to, to remove the financial embarrassment of the country. Third Class Passengers are not booked through to or from London. *.* First and Second Class Carriages are attached to all the Trains. Third Class Passengers may be conveyed from London to Leeds in the day, by a Train leaving London at Seven a.m., and Derby, at Six p an. ; and from Leeds to London in the same time, by the Fifteen Minutes past Seven a.m. from Leeds. —Gentlemen's Carriages and Horses conveyed over the Lon don and Birmingham Railway by these Trains are taken at a cheaper rate. Passengers by the Half-past Nine a.m. Down Train from Derby, will be conveyed direct to Manchester. Parcels, &e. are conveyed by all the Trains, and are received at all the principal Coach Offices in the Kingdom. Carriage Trucks and Horse Boxes are kept at all the prin cipal Stations ; but to prevent disappointment, it is desirable that Notice be given the (lay previous to their being required. Post Horses are always in readiness on the Arrival of the Trains at the Derby and Leeds Stations. Time is allowed at Derby for Refreshment. By Order. H. PATTESON, Secretary. Office, Warnford-court, Thrugmorton.street. ST. JEAN D'ACRE. The following is a copy of several general orders ',- sued upon Lieutenant-Colonel Walker assuming the command of the British troops ashore after the capture of Acre : " St. Jan D'Acre, Nov. $, 1840. " GENERAL OkDERS. " No. 1. " With the concurrence of the Commander-in-Chief of her Majesty's ships and vessels serving in the Mediterra nean, the command of the British troops in Acre will be insumed by Lieutenant-Colonel Walker, of the Royal Marines. " No. 2 " Lieutenant M'Callum. Royal Marines, is, from this date, appointed Town-Adjutant (upon Turkish pay); hut, Ls the duties assigned to Lint are for the most part in con nexien with the detachment of Marines left in the place, Lieutenant• Colonel Walker will be pleased to take the requisite steps for placing this officer on his returns for victualling. " No. 3. " Lieutenant Colonel Walker will report himself to his Excellency the Pacha of Acre, and will from time to time communicate to his Highness all orders that he may rec:•ive which bear upon or ati,ct the general duties of the service; and to enable the Lieutenant-Colonel fully to comply with the provisions of this order, a Turkish officer, edue.ited at Woolwich, is especially attached to his person. " No. 4. In the z nil and intelligence of Lieutenant- Colonel W a lker Sir Cnarles Smith has the utmost c-mtidence, and I e considers himself fortunate in having an officer of the Lieutenant-Colonel's experience in whom to repose the important tiust. " C. F. SMITH, &c." ITALY. A correspondent at Rome states that Cardinal Gambe rini has demurred exchanging his functions of Minister of the Interior for those of Prefect of the Papal Signature, and tt,at his Holiness is much disappointed at this obstacle in th- new Ministerial arrangements. The Queen Dowager of S.i; dinia has returned to Rome, and has had an inter view of the Pope. Her Majesty is having extensive exca vations carried on at her own expense at Tusculum, in search cf antiquities. The Roman Official Almanack, recently published, affords the followinu b information relative to the Papal Se e, and the Roman Catholic Hierarchy : " The present Pope Gregory XVI. stands 258th on the list of the possessors of St. Peter's Chair. His Holi ness was bet n on the 18th of September, 1755, elected on the 21st of February, 1831, and invested with the tiara four days afterwards. Among the present Cardinals nine were created by Pius VII., twelve by Leo XII., and thirty-one by his present Holiness, without reck oning six more in pctlo. Pius VIII. created but very few cardinals, and all of them are dead. Most of the present cardinals have been elevated within the last ten years. Fckty-two or forty-four have died during the present pontificate.. Of the living Cardinals fifty are Italians, of whom thirty ere subjects of the States of the Church, nine of Sardinia, four of the Two Sicilies, and four of Lom. biriy. Only six arc not lialians. The Pope and C a rdinals Mai and Mezzofanti are men of celebrity in literature. There are only two princely families who have members in the Sacred College, the Gius tiniani and the Barbcrini. The oldest of the Cardinals is 85, the youngest 39. There are only nineteen Car dinals under 60 years of age. Of the sixteen stew hishopricF created by Gregory XVI. the greater part are in America, some in Sicily and Sardinia, and one at Algi..rs. It W:43 not until this year that Vicars Apostolic reettved their missions. There are three in England, one at Gibraltar, one in Sweden, four in Holland, two in Ger many, four in Turkey, eleven in China, four in Africa, two in Amerier, three in the East Indies, and three in Oeeania, of whom one is in Australia. The Asiatic mis sions are fc.r the most part filled by Frenchmen. The nunciates of the first rank at Park Madrid, and Lisbon are vacant, that at Vienna alone is filled. Among those of the second rank, Munich and Florence are vacant, but those of Naples, Lucerne, and Turin are occupied." M. de Chateaubriand has arrived at Milan, on his return from Rome. WINDSOR, MONDAY EVENING. —From the nature of the instructions which have just been received at the Castle, it appears to be more than probable that the christening of the Princess Royal will take place shortly after the meeting of Parliament. The precise time will mainly depend upon the convenience of the King of the Belgians, who has signified his intention, as one of the sponsors, to be present at the ceremony, if possible. NEW NAVAL NOVEL; 7; ilititrliady, at all the Libraries, in 3 vols., E NAVAL SURGEON, -p; , By the Author •f • ►'.Cavencf'ish," " The Flying Dutchman," See :.z-iiiinfy.Coibur% Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. be had at all the Libraries. SIR T.-DICK LAUDER'S NEW WORK. ltiftella4Tin 3 vols. past Svc). with Engravings, by Phiz, LEGENDARY ~ VALES OF THE HIGHLANDS. By SIR THOMAS DICK L RUDER, Bart. These volumes eontain the best tales of the north countries which we have looked into for a long period."—Athenaeum. " Nothing since the days of Scot , has been written on the Highland scenery, clstoms, character, and s uperstitions, which can at all be comparod to these volumes for truth and effect." —Weekly Chronicle. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. ELEGANT CHRISTMAS PRESENT. Now ready, Second Edition, in 1 vol. post Svo , 10 s. 6 d. bo und, T E AI? T of NEEDLEWORK, From the Earliest Ages, EDITED BY THE COUNTESS OF WILTON. "An admirable volume. It should be possessed by every ady."—Times. A charming volume. We congratulate our fair comstry women on this valuable addition to their Libraries."—Herald. " Every British lady will become the reader of this valuable :ittle work."—Messenger. Henry Colburr, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. A CHRISTMAS PRESENT, 9R _NEW YEAR'S GIFT Now ready, in 12mo, TALES OF A GRANDMOTHER. By Mrs. A. C. CARMICHAEL. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. UI'S MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA having AUTHORISED and GUA RANTEED several DISTRIBUTIONS of MONEY DIVIDENDS, which (though they are NO LOTTERIES) )tfer many possibilities of obtaining LARGE FORTUNES. HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH, Are now SELLING BONDS for the said DIST 11.1 BU noNs. Persons desirous to purchase for the next Distribution, may re ceive, PREVIOUS to giving any or der, the PROSACTUS ind PARTICULARS, upon addressing WITHOUT DE LAY, a line to HEINE, BROTHERS, at HAMBURGPI. THE NEXT DISTRIBUTION, managed and guaranteed the Austrian Government, contains TWENTY-FIVE THOUSAND TWO HUNDRED DIVIDENDS, Amounting to £954,888, The Dividends being £15,000 £6OO £7O 0 £37 10 7,500 300 50 0 37 0 3,800 200 42 0 36 0 1,800 150 41) 10 35 0 1,200 100 39 0 - • - THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN. NDER the MANAGEMENT of MADAME VESTRF. THIS EVENING, DEC. 22 Will be repeated Shakspere's MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM. Theseus, Mr. Cooper ; Quince, Mr. Bartley ; Bottom, Mr. Harley ; Flute, Mr. Keeley ; Snout, Mr. Meadows ; Snug, Mr. F. Matthews ; Hermia, Mrs. Nisbett ; Oberon, Madame Vestris ; Titania, Mrs. W. Lacy ; Puck, Miss Marshall; First Fairy, Miss Rainforth. After whico, the New Farce, in One Act, entitled BROTHER BEN. Commodore Catlass, Mr. Bartiey ; Benjamin Bowles, Mr. Charles Mathews; Mr. S huffieton, Mr. Harley; Dorothy, C. Jones. To conclude with A COMIC SCENE between Mr. CHARLES MATHEWS and Mr. KEELEY, entitled TWO IN THE MORNING. To-morrJw, The Midsummer Night's Dream, with Brother Ben, and Two in the Morning. The NEW GRAND CHRISTMAS PANTOMIME will be produced on Saturday Dec. 26, entitled THE CASTLE OF OTRANTO; OR, HARLEQUIN AND THE GIANT HELMET. Doors to be opened at balf-past Six—the performances to .! , )Inmence at Seven o'Clock. THEATRE ROYAL DRURY-LANE. ELIASON begs leave most respectfully to announce that the above Theatre is now OPEN EVERY EVENING with the Grand Musical Entertainments, entitled THE CONCERTS D'HIVER. Conductor, Mr. ELIASON (his first appearance this Season). Leader, Mons. NADAUD. PROGRAMME FOR THIS F VENING, DEC. 22. PART FIRST. Grand Overture in D.—Romberg. Valses—Vieteria Alexandrina—Labitzki. Overture—Oberon —Weber. Quadrille—Krakoviak— Solos on the Cornet a Fist‘ , ns, Flute, and Flageolet by Herr Koenig, Herr Frisch, and Monsieur Colinet. New Overture—Ebers:tein—Raper. New Solo., Cornet a Pistons—Herr Koenig—Musard. Grand ,Fantasia—Fureeit's Frost Scene—Solo Oboe, Mons. 13arret ; Solo Ophieleide, Mons. Frospere ; Solo Horn, Mr. Jarrett ; solo Trombone, Mons. Dantonet. PART SECOND. Grand Selection from Luorezia Borgia—arranged by Coote. Quadrille—Le Gothique, with Solos for Violin, Flute, Flageo let, Clarinet, and Cornet a Pistons—Musard. Duo Concertante from Il Pirati, Violin and Violoncello, Messrs. De Loifre and Pilet. Valses—Tanz Recepte— Strauss. Overture— Guillaume Tell—Rossini. Quadrille—Victoria, with Solos—Musard. Tarantella from Bellphegor—Roche Albert. Prices of Admission :—To the Promenade, Is. ; Dress Circle, 2s. 6d. ; Upper Boxes, le. 6d PRINCESS' THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET. "this splendid Theatre is OPEN EVER Y EVENING with PROMENADE CONCERTS, Under the Direction of Mr. WILLY. In addition to the Solo Performers who have already ap peared at these Concerts, Mr. Willy has great pleasure in an nouncing that he has made arrangements with M. Delabarre , (Oboe), of the Academic Royale, Paris ; M. de Folly, (Pic colo); and M. Baumann, (Bassoon). THIS EVENING, DEC. 22.—PROGRAMME. PART FIRST. OVerture—ZaubPrflote—Mozarte. Quadrille—Falstaff. Waltz—Themis Strahlen. Overture--La Dame Blanche—Boildieu. Solo on the Horn by Mr. Hardy. M erbeer. Grand Selection from Les Huguenots-- Y PART SECOND. Overture—Tampa. Quadrille—Les Danois. Duet from Andromico, Cornet a Pistons, by Messrs. Maefar- lane and Keightley. Waltz—Hymen Fier Kiang. Les Bouquet des Dames, or Musical Wreath—Strauss. Promenade, Is—Dress Circle, 2s.—Upper Boxes, Is. 6d. Private Boxes, IL Is. and 10s. 6d. each, may be had at the Box-office, and of Mr. Mitchell, Old Bond-street. .rture from "—Th Binning ham. b. m. Derby 3 15A.M.1 'MaiL 6 45 10 30 OP. M Loudon. h:m. 3 P.M. 6 OA at 9 3) h. In. 3 39A m 1 *6 0 '9 30 Or NI 3 45 Sheffiell h. In. 5 -I 7A.M. 11 0 5 15p.M 5"O st 0 6 15 OA. M. Mail' 3 lsn v. Leeds. York, !I e 0 110 15 *6 0 8 OA.>l *3 0 111 •:3 OP.M. i• 6 0 0 19 30 1,,: 15 UP TRAINS. h. in. Ih. in. 7 5e.11.1 7 1 R0P.31. 2 15p )1 5 0 5 45 7 0 ,745 .6 6 Bis ko 0 SUNDAY TRAINS. 3a, A.y , 5 47A.M.1 7 ' A.M.! 74'2 A . 9 SOA.M. 10 15 12 °noon 5 15P. M. 7 Or. x. 7 45P. M , 8 15 10 0 Departure from Arrival at 1 ., ~.—r- Birming -., .1 Hull. Yo.k. Leeds. Sheffield Derby. ham. ' London. 6 _ _ _ _ . laa.m 7 45a.m. 10 15a.m. 5 45e. m. —I 6 • OA.N. .7 15 8 45 II 15 2 OP.m. 645 -- 18 45 0 ::0 '0 45 12 45e.Nr, 430 S 0 11 0 11 45 1 151 , .m. 145 113 .11 15 _ _ •2 301.. m. 4 0 630 -- 4 iP m •4'5 6 0 8 0 10 45 Mail 4 -,5P.m. 1 6 0 e4O 8 0 10 0 1— 1 5 301. v. Mail Mail I SUNDAY TRAINS. 7 0A.m.1.7 45A.m 9 15A.m 11 45a.m. 7 15P.m •1 Ilr.m 2 30e.m 5 Or.m. 7 45r,m. -- 4 OP.NI *445 6 0 8 C 10 45 Mail -- -- .5 0 630 9 0 -- 4 45e.m. 6 0 640 8 0 10 0 -- , 5 30a.m. 4 45r.m. \rail • Tr .ains to wl hich Thi .d Class arriage; are at ta, FARES. London to Derby. Sheffield. Leeds. York. lot Class... 1 14 0 2 5 0 212 0 215 0 218 0 2d Class... 1 3 0 110 0 115 0 117 6 119 6 3d Class... 0 15 0 018 6 1 1 0 Arrival at _EVEN LNG ED ITION.q ORDERS FOR THE CHINA SUN," NOW PUBLISHING, AND WHICH WILL BE KEPT ON SALE FOR SOME TIME,) May be given to all News-agents, or sent direct to the Sun Office, 112, Straml, London, where prompt attention will be paid to each communi cation its tie order it is received, and the Paper Hull. I duly forwarded. h. ul. 9 20A. m. Parties sending Orders should mita their Ad dresses distinctly, to prevent mistake. On f o rmer occasions several letters had been received with- out either Name or Address. The Price of the CHINA SUN is only SIXPENCE, which can be sent by post FREE. ----- N.13.—N0 EXTRA Charge to Regular Sub' scribers. THE GOLDEN SUN Was published to commemorate her most Gracious MAJESTY'S CORONATION ; but the' Penny Postage, which now facilitates the sea' ing of letters, was not then in existence. Look ing forward to an event of great national in terest, which Queen VICTORIA has 110 W HAPPILY realised, we reserved a few copies Of THE GOLDEN - CORONATION SUN , Which can be sent by post free to all parts of the Empire. Price SIXPENCE. Sun Office, 112, Strand, London, Nov. 28, 1840. nrtitOV 4 ,, __WISH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TODI--- • atter a. Mormng T.) xnntutes after I. I Evening ...... ni"" The üblieation of : e Evening Edit isn of log 3.1.1 14 twin. meneed a minutes after ZK ' e ee. t Tr.7 . ya •,^ . 44 , fp, zb i e ‘,,,1141. LONDON: TUESDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1840. In the few observations we made yesterday ou the democratic principle, we took no notice o f any scheme of representation, a subject which is at pre.. sent much agitated in almost every part of the Collin. try. It seems to be taken for granted on be all ableb that representation, which is des cribed to a: . • discovery of modern times, is the essential and proper way of bringing the democratic priinciple into action. Not to controvert that received prin.' • ciple we will merely remark that in the only country in which it has been in any degree for a consider' able period successfully acted on—England, it is t° this time avowedly most defective, and was tie, better than a mockery before the Reform Act was -passed while in the only country in which it has befin fairlY carried out—the United States , i t has been so short a time in operation, that it is impossible to decide positively as to its effect. Und oubtedl y England has been one of the most prosperous, and has be come one of the most powerful of nations ; and un doubtedly the United States, where the principle has been more fully developed than in England, h ag been more prosperous,_ _and in a few short years has become more powerful in comps rison than England itself. These two examples suf fice to prove that the representative is far sup" rior to the despotic principle, but they seem ill sufficient to establish, beyond all controversy,' the assertion that representation is the proper me thud of bringing the democratic principle into ac.ion• The experience of the United States has been yet too short, and that of England too imperfect,. to warrant a general conclusion of such infinite.: im portance to all posterity. It seems good ratl3er to raise doubts on such questions, for all c lasseft Tories, Whigs, and Radicals, are too mach in clined to take their own principles as irrefratibl e • and to enforce them, even with violence, befwie the truth is fully established. '. But, assuming that representation is tlae true principle —the noble discovery of modern • times , which is to make the trusted few invariably resolv e and act for the benefit of the trusting many- - as it is the practical principle on which our Gove .nnirrent is formed, and on which improvements will be founded, the problem for present solution is ihov, it can best be carried into effect. Our system, before the B eform Act was passed, had become untie arable, arid had in fact brought the Government to s still stand. Our system, since the Reform; .pct , has completely put the bulk of the popula.ciort out of the pale of the Constitution; and will, at no Os tant day, bring on a stoppage of the machine, sit ni tar to that which ended in the Reform Act. 1 111 classes of Reformers, and indeed of all refer ting men, are well convinced that the present sys tent can neither insure the prosperity of society nor 1 , gig command the obedience of the people. That it must be altered there seems no doubt, thou tgh there is much doubt as to what the altetat ion should be. - - The American writer quoted by the Times I 11 1 ) it down that " all men have f rom nature eq /nal rights, which in the social state arc not relinquis: but held in abeyance." We recognize no distinct k between society and a state of nature—societr: which exists in some form o r other wherever mac is known being his state of nature ; and the civilize .t 1 or extended society of England is as much a st-A to of nature as the rude barbarism and contraca ed society of New Zealand. We do not agree with he American, therefore, in saying that rights are hel abeyance. The development o f societ y d .tve lopes new rights and new duties, and inst cad of circumscribing or hampering man, enlarges ltio faculties and his powers, and gives him a gre i command over the material world. Man gives tr,'P no rights in forming society ;he acquires rights ni 1 powers, which is the reason for forming it,; though h the select few with whom the Times is enamo,ured having usurped great power over their fello ev Met in Europe, have put into circulation the theory t.lO l man gives up rights to become a member of soci( by way of making the oppressed and enslaved c. Vn" tented with slavery. The American writer I tats borrowed this theory from Europe, without relict :v . ing on its consequences, and we cannot re-borrow from him to make it the basis of improved repr g- sentation. The principle seems to us rather to be Government is established for the good of t ,he whole community, of which one man is as cspr .bles of judging as another ; and, therefore, prima f scier every man has an equal right to take part "in It.. He acquires the right, not from possessing p•papertlr but simply from being a man, and being s 'member' of the league or union which establishes Goverw ment. As long as he is a member of the society Vie: property, his liberty, his security, his indristry,m B affected by the decrees of the Government, and t' fore he is entitled to a voice in making then' society has its origin in a voluntary agr cement on the part of all the individuals first fornt• Ong -r4 =;.:T11 - 13 Pri ve a. Power rileasun Measurc every ma s ' be eonstitu beinff. fc his asst affairs i civic of It is the pr;► Sexes ; a 2XClUdet from ma and thei eluded, depe nth. eases Os husbam: require t repres While it d efend, acts of Inachine to their Then knd lunl Manage helpless Voice in . --- I n chow. Xceptio b eing a lernmen of that i Pers on s t hat no t iOrlai ai 14 a , vo 4 44 h( % hare is htticulz t heir po That pc t eems tc betw een '6 hay them. th e abs t khieve presum e t t he C h ' l ouseho I° 4l dis th ey N et l ets th at of t f or NORTH MIDLAND RAILWAY. ALTERATION 01.' TRAINS. The Public are respectfully informed that on and after MON DAY, the :28th of DECEMBER, 1840, the TRAINS of this COMPANY, in connexion with those of the London and Birmingham, Birmingham and Derby, Midland Counties, York and North Midland, and Hull and Selby, will START and ARRIVE according to tha following 'fables, until fur ther notice : DEPARTURE and ARRIVAL of TRAINS BETWEEN HULL, YORK, LEEDS, SHEFFIELD, DERBY, BIR MINGHAM, and LONDON. DOWN TRAINS. MR. AINSWORTH'S NEW ROMANCE. THE SUNDAY TIMES PROPRIETORS beg to announce that they have entered into an En gagement with W. H. AINSWORTH, Esq., Author of " Rookwood," " Crichton," " Jack Sheppard , " ' " Tower of London," &c., for the Exclusive Publication of his new His torical Romance, entitled OLD SAINT PAUL'S, To be completed in Fifty-two Weekly Numbers, the first of 111 Ch will appear in the columns of that Journal on SUN DAY, January 3, 1841. Orders received by all Newsvenders. Price Sixpence. Pi inted and published by J. K. 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