The Sun. — London, England, 1840-07-07 00:00:00

EVHNINO EnITION WHALES BY WHOLESALE, TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sta,—A very extensive capture of whales took place on our coast, near the entrance of the harbour, yester day. The circumstances arc these ---A large number of whales were seen sporting in the North Bay, and a good many adventurous fishermen launched their cots, and, being joined by the coastguards and pilots, went in pursuit of them, armed with all sorts of destructive im plements—muskets, scythes, bayonets attached to long Poles, &c. Having got to seaward of the finny flock, they commenced firing at them, and were not long in Coming to close contact, so as to use their bayonets, &c. They wounded a number of them, and, by keeping the water agitated, succeeded in making the unwieldy mon sters sxim to the shore, where, upon the tide receding, they were easily captured, Thirty-six were then taken, and one this morning, varying from ten to thirty feet in length. The people arc actively employed in cutting them to pieces to save the oil. A large number of persons went from this place to vier the scene of action, and see the captives. Yours truly, WexfOrd, June 29. AQUARIUS. ATTEMPTS TO ASSASSINATE ROYALTY. (From the Mirror.) GEORGE THE THIRD. Margaret Nicholson. A madwoman in St. James's Park, as the King was cooling from Buckingham-house to St. James's Palace, August 1786. Died at Bethlehem Hospital on the 11th of May, 1828, after a confinement of 42 years, at the supposed age of nearly 100. Belsham's account runs thus ;—As the King was alighting from his post-chariot, at the garden entrance of St. James's Palace, August 2, 1786, a Roman, de cently dressed, presented a paper to his Majesty ; and while he was receiving it, struck with a concaaled knife at his breast. The King happily avoided the blow by drawing back ; and she was preparing to make a second thrust, when one of the yeomen caught her arm, and .wrenched the weapon from her. The King, with his characteristic humanity, exclaiming, " I am not hurt ; take care of the poor woman ; do not hurt her."* It appeared that this poor maniac had presented a petition ten days before, full of incoherent nonsense ; thi s had probab!y been never read, or the person of the Petitioner would have been secured. The idea of a ju didial process was of course abandoned, and she was consigned to a fit apartment provided for her in Bethle- Lent Hospital. John Smith and George Higgins. October 20, 1795. On the 29th of October, 1795, an attempt was made to assassinate his Majesty, while proceeding to the Lords, to open Parliament. The Earl of Onslow's ac count is this :—" We got down to the narrowest part of the street called St. Margaret's, when, the moment We h a d passed the office of Ordnance, a small ball, either of lead or marble, passed through the window glass on the King's right hand, and out of the other door, the glass of which was down. We all instantly exclaimed, This is a shot !' His Majesty showed, and I am persuaded felt, no alarm ; much less did he f ear." The conduct of the mob at Storey's gate was violent and outragoous in the extreme on his return, and it wa s only by the courage of an Irish gentleman who guarded the King's carriage with his pistols, that they were at all repelled." James Hatfield. May 15,1800. The following account is from Sir Herbert Croft's Pamphlet On the 15th of May, (1800,) during a field-day of the Grenadier battalion of foot-guards, in Hyde Park, While the King was present, a ball from one of the soldiers shot a spectator of the name of Ongley, in the thi g h, at no great distance from his Majesty. The King showed every attention to the wounded gentle man, but ascribed it wholly to some accident. In the evening the Royal Family repaired to the Play, which had been ordered by them at Drury-lane Theatre, as if nothing had happened. When his Majesty entered the house, followed by the Queen and Princesses, while he was bowing to the audience, a large horse-pistol was fired at him by Hat field, from the pit. But the King betrayed no alarm . . . nor discovered any suspicion of his soldiers : though in dragging the assassin over the orchestra, a military waistcoat became visible under his great-coat. His Majesty only stepped to the back of the box, and prevented the Queen from entering, saying, " It was merely a squib, with which they were foolishly diverting themselves : perhaps there might. be another. Hatfield had served his time as a working silver smith, but afterwards enlisted in the Fifteenth Light Dragoons. He served under the Duke of York, and had a deep cut over his eye, and another long scar on his cheek. At Lincelles, he was left three hours among the dead, in a ditch, and was taken prisoner by the French ; he had his arm broken by a shot, and received eight sabre wounds in Ifs head. On being asked what had induced him to attempt the life of the King, he said, " I did not attempt to kill the King : I fired the pistol over the Royal box : I am as good a shot as any man in Ensland ; hut I am weary of life, and wish for death, though not to die by my own hands. I was desirous of r aising an alarm, and hoped the spectators would fall upon me, but they did not. Still I trust my life is forfeited !" Hatfield was subsequently indicted for high treason, but the Jury being satised that lie was of unsound mind, committed him to Bethlehem Hospital, where be died. b lIENRI QUATRE. esi lleS. Agent before the Parliament of Paris. De- comber 13, 1606. With a poniard in his hand, he stopped the King, !'ho was passing along the Pont-Neuf, and shook him b y the neck of his coat : but a?, in his examination, be persisted in saying he only wished to frighten the King, that good Prince insisted upon his being merely shut RS a madman. F rancis Itavaillac. May 17, 1610. Executed May 28, 1610. Tie King, on the above day, was on his way to the puke de Sully. His coach, as he proceeded, turned from the street St. Honore, into that called Feron tlerie, which was then very narrow ; a little eMbarrass- Thent also occurred by the meeting of two carts. Ra ‘'4lll4e, who had followed the coach from the Louvre, Perceiving that it stopped, and no person near it, ad 'aueed to the side of the King. His cloak being wrapt round his arm, concealed the knife in his hand ; and I :,"l'Porting one foot upon the spokes of the wheel, and l i fle othe r on a s t ore , w i t h a d ou bl e - e dged knife, wounded tue Bing a little above the Ileatt, between the third had fourth rib. Henri, feeling himself struck, cued out, "I am wounded !" and, in the same instant, the as rassin perceiving that the point of his knife had been 'topped by a rib,repeated the blow, through whido the King expired. On the 28th of May, 1610, he was put to the tor ture of the brodequin,:t to extort the names of sup 11°3ee accomplices, but without success. At his execution fire was put to his right hand, and bY rel ix hot pincers applied to tear his breast ; afterwards, tervals, melted lead and scalding oil were poured Upon Isis wounds ; he was then drawn by four horses a full hour without being dismembered ; at length t i l ! e People rushing in crowds, threw themselves upon " 41 . and with swords, knives, and sticks, struck and lore his li m b s , f orc i ng th e m from the executioner, and burning them in different parts of the city. Twenty-one other attempts, in addition to the above, f "° l, Place during the earlier period of this great reign ; ,„ these miscreants, or enthusiasts, there were—thir teen hang ; owe having fled, was drawn and quartered in eth,,„ ; tiro condemned to perpetual banishment ; two l uiprisonnel till death ; one beheaded ; and two others Pardoned. In the reign of Henry 111., his predeees tor, James Clement, a Jacobin monk, was stabbA by t .." 80 who were near the King at the time he assitssi mated him. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. Ankerstrotn. March 16, 1792. At a masquerade the King was surrounded by se- Feral persons in masques, one of whom (Ankerstrotn), tf'' , (l a pistol at his hack, and lodged the contents in . 13 body. O n the 28th of March, a mortification was found to have taken place, and Gustavus expired on the following day. Pi • LOUIS PIIILIPPE. each], Morey, Pepin, Bescher, lloireau, with the in fernal machine. July 28, 1835. The first three were executed at the guillotine, February 19, 1836. Piesehi, the chief mover of this plot, was born at ' l urato, in Corsica, and bad been a soldier under Na ll(Ikon in the Russian campaign. The infernal maehin, § consisted o f 25 gun-barrels, and were so placed tha t j'eir contents commanded a range of twenty-five feet ip length of the King's cortege, and ten feet in height. 11 e confessed on his trial that his sole intent was the ""truction of the King and his sons. Among those Whom its explosion destroyed was Marshal Mortier. • Aikin's Annals of George ill., vol. i., p. 369. a t He then, according to the account of a g entleman 1 •bo was present, returned to the box, advanced to the front, and with folded arms, and a look of great dignity, said, Now fire I" Silent, but intense admiration, burst into t oeitmations which shook the theatre. t The brodequin was a strong wooden box, made in the recu t of a boot, just big enough to contain both the legs of the criminal, which being put therein, a wooden wedge 1 ° 4 4 thee driven with a mallet between his knees ; and after tutt was Weed through, a second wedge, and then a third, IA larger sizes, was applied in tile same manner. S Tim Infernal Machine is no ne w invention ; for, in " 6 ancient artillery, machines, consisting of mar) , musket harrel.l placed on tbe same stock, were known, and called the name of orgues. The .1,(4 Pz .;x G az elle, under date of Constanti tie. June 10, asserts that Redshid Pacha had for some time "t'l a secret understanding with the French Government, and 411 ibet4sniance with that of Austria had gained a complete Yietory ever those of England and Russia. The result ex- I le cted (ram this intrigue would be the arrangement of the 4 1us.erel of the Sultan and Mehemet Ali without foreign inter vention. SPIRIT of . the PUBLIC JOURNAL S FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. (From the Globe,) _ The Tories triumph in the equal division of parties in the present Parliament, and,afrect to anticipate a large and stable majority for their party on a change. There is something„ however, in the present posture of that party which belies this anticipation. A party which is really ready to seize on the reins of power, and really confident of strength in the country sufficient to hold them, seldom allows itself to betray serious internal divisions just on the eve of fruition if the sweets of office. The demoralization of the Tory forces (to speak in a military sense)—the lamentable lack of subordination and discipline—do not seem to indicate hopes of conquest and spoil. It has been said of the British army, by the highest authority, that they can neither bear defeat nor victory—and we should say of the Tories, if their present anticipations were to be viewed as sincere, that they cannot even bear the prospect of victory and restored ascendancy. It would seem to revive hair ancient spirit ; which is the same spirit that caused their fall. They are no longer the tame and obsequious followers of the chief of Tam worth, whose guidance they accepted, as a dire nece sity, in their adverse aZairs. They force the Right Hon. Baronet to follow even an Inglis and his Tail, in unresisting silence, if, in ill-suppressed sullen ness.. In the Lords, a Hardwicke, whose mighty mind was crewhile content to expatiate in the stores of pitch and tar, timber and hemp, in the dock-yards, assumes to carry out the Canadian policy of the Duke of Wel lington, and to second his views of establishing horse, foot, and artillery as the permanent estates of the realm in those malcontent provinces. Thus the authority of the cautious leader of Opposition is set at nought in both Houses, and Sir Robert Peel is reduced to the role of Sancho Panza to Lord Stanley. The party prefer Quixotic rashness to calm frigid sacrifice of their hopes. (From the Standard.) At the beginning of last week a rumour that Ministers were about to prorogue and then dissolve Parliament, obtained some little credit, more however in remote places than in town. The truth we believe to be that the rumour bad its origin in a ministerial threat designe to " whip up" for the debate on Lord Stanley's Bill, ant as a ministerial threat it could only deceive the ver3 ignorant. Ministers have not the most distant notion of dissolving Parliament—for what should they dissolve it?—to place themselves in a minority of 150, which will certainly be their condition unless the Con servative leaders shall commit some grand mistake. There will unquestionably be a dissolution next year, but not until after the revolution of two or three quarter days, and, therefore, we advise all our Conservative readers to be prepared for it. The liquidation of all taxes due in April, before the 20th of this month, must not be forgotten. The dissolution will, according to the best calculation, take place at about a month before the usual time of assembling Parliament, but not earlier. This will bring in the next registry, which all Conser vatives must consider in time. (From the Courier.) When in only one Roman Catholic county of Ireland more murders and homicides are committed in a year than in the whole of the Protestant counties of Ireland and the Teutonic counties of England in two, three, or more years, it is a precious piece of impudence to boast of the virtuous effects of a Popish education regulated by Popish priests. The Protestants of both countries are taught from their earliest youth to revere and obey the commandments of God in their unmutilated form, and from their catechism they learn the divine precept to love their neighbours as themselves, doing unto others as they would be done by. Is this the instruction super intended by the professors at Maynooth ? On the con trary, setting aside the vices and obscenities which form a part of the systematic course of studies of the candi dates for the priesthood, do not their class-books teach that heretics (no exception as to Sovereigns) may be law fully put to death? And as to heretical Sovereigns, that they may be lawfully deposed! With such a bigoted edu cation so widely different from that which is received by the Roman Catholic Clergyman who has studied either in England or on the Continent, we cannot wonder that Maynooth-taught priests, who spring from the lowest classes of the people, should be practising the enormi ties which have been proved against them—that they are foremost among the traitorous agitators, and that they are sighing for the establishment of an Inquisition. [This is sad stuff. If religion were to be charged with the crimes of its professors, what a deplorable figure the Church of England would cut at the present moment !] COMMERCE IN AFIeGHANISTAN• It must gratify every Englishman to learn, that the effect of our triumphs in Affghanistaa is not limited to the mere establishment of respect for the military qualities of our soldiery and the skill of our diploma tists. Confidence in our moral integrity, and a tho rough conviction of the security of property in all places, whithersoever our power may extend, has, we under stand, given a wonderful stimulus to commerce in Aff ghanistan —thus, as it were, identifying British influence with the happiness and prosperity of the people, and raising up a formidable moral harrier against northern schemes and encroachments. Nor is the benefit of our protection confined entirely to the traders of the country. Our own manufactures are finding a new channel .of consumption, to the entire supercession of the wretched Russian wares, with which the Aflghans have hitherto been obliged to put up, and there can be no doubt that in proportion as the facilities of navigation on the Indus arc improved, and the security in the passes and on the desert established, the imports from Bombay and the North-west Provinces will very materially augment, and tell with prodigious effect upon the revenues of the Government. The following is an extract from a late letter from Candahar, conveying the gratifying informa tion we have referred to : " Since our arrival here, the whole town has changed ;ts appearance, and shops are being opened daily in every corner. The commerce of the country also has increased greatly, and there are Kafilas (caravans) ar , riving constantly from Bokhara, Herat, Cabool, Bom bay, Cashmere, and Peshawar, with merchandise of all kinds, particularly clothes, shawls, and silk soojarecs beautifully worked, and Herat carpets of' all kinds, sonic so well made that they feel like velvet. All the chintzes, cloths, broad cloths, &c., now come from Bombay, and merchants are continually going backwards and for wards. When we first arrived, nearly every thing was of Russian manufacture, but th,': marka now appears to be altogether supplied with English goods. The country is quite settled for miles around Candahar, and we can go to acy distance with the greatest safety. And this is written within a twelvemonth of our ar rival! What tale shall we able to tell five years hence, when the whole country from Shikarpore to the 'Endo() Khosh has fallen under our sway (for of course we re gard Shah Soojah as a mere puppet)—when the All% ghan soldier has bent himself to Btitish discipline, as a compensation for the hitherto unknown luxury of regular pay,—when the merchant is exempted from the rapa cious tax of the Beloochee and the Ghilzie, and the villager tills his land, gathers his fruit, and tends his cattle, undisturbed by predatory vi.,itations, the exac tions of the soi-disant " Government," and the tributary black mail demanded by the nearest ruffian who has a horde at his back.—Calculla Englishman, May 5. We understand that Mis. Stewart APKenzie, the lady of the Governor of Ceylon, is on her way home. NA PO LEON.—ooioliel Napier, in his history of the war in the Peninsula says—" Napoleon, the greatest man of whom history makes mention,—Napoleon, the most wonderful commander, the most sagacious politician, the most profound statesman—lost by arms Poland, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and France. Fortune, that name for the un known combinations of infinite power, was wanting to him, and without her aid the designs of man are as 'Abides on a troubled ocean." . . BEES.—A fortnight ago, we mentioned, as a remarkable circumstance, that Mr. Rayne, of Flats House, near 11i4lop Auckland, had a hive of bees which had produced three swarms between the 30th of May and the 10th of June. But we have since been informed of another still more extraordinary fact. Joseph Hunter, Esq., of Beech Grove, near Chester-le- street, has in his possession a hive which, incredible as it may appear, has this season cast four times within twenty days ! Durham Chronicle. THE NNEATIIER.—For the last week or ten. days we have had frequent and copious showers, with occasional glimpses of sunshine, but more frequently accompanied by cool easterly winds. The crops in the neighbourhood, however, present a most satisfa.t.tory appearance ; wheat and barley are almost universally in ear, while the potatoes and 'thrill' s have sprung up healthy and vigorous. The hay crop is rather light, owing to the drought in the spring ; a considerable portion of it is cut, and dry weather and sunshine are earnestly to be de sired for the completion of that important operation and bring ing to maturity the various crops. THE EFFECT OF HABIT.—A d;ner-out in a certain gay city in the land of cakes, had a recess of a couple of days in one week from his gastronomic labours. "Do you know," said he to a friend, " that I went to bed sober two nights last week, and felt very little the worse for it !" AN OLD DANCER !—We go to a ball. Mercy upon us ! Is this what vie call dancing? A mall of thirty years of age, and with legs as thick as a gate-port, stands up in the middle of the room, and gapes, and fumbles with his gloves, looking all the time as if he was burning his grandmother. At a given signal, the unwieldly animal puts himself into motion; he throws out his arms, crouches upon his shou . .ders, and. without moving a muscle of his face, kicks out Isis legs, to the manifest risk of the bystanders, and goes back to his place puff ing and blowing like an otter, after a half-hour's burst. h this da•.cing? Shades of the filial and paternal Vestris! can this be a specimen of the art which gives elasticity to the most inert conformation, which sets the blood glowing with a warm and genial flow, and makes beauty float before our ravished i sense s, stealing our admiration by the gracefulness of each new mo tion, till at last our soul thrills to each warn i ng movement, and dissolves into ecst ac y and love ! — Blttchwo oc e s Mayaz ue. HOW TO GROW TA LL.—At the battle of Ita tisbon one of my comrades was dreadfully wounded b y a cantion• ball, which hit him precisely on th e muscular p ar t on which it is custolnary to sit. The sur g eon cut, and carved, and pared away not less than four or five pounds of flesh ; in short, the whole was gone—the whole moon, to use the expression o f th e Vicomte de Jodelet. Now, before that wound, this officer w:.s five feet high at most; after his curl he measured six. Peolle did not know him again. He had to tell his name to all his former acquaintance ; for, not only had he grown so ronch taller, but he had filed out in proi,ortion. Few men are so tall and stout as he became. I give this recipe for the bencEt of all those who wish to improve their stature, and I guarantee its efficacy. Besides, it is not difficult of execution ; aca . non-ball, duly applied, is sure to do the job.—Nnpier's tar" Life. IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T. ROUSE OF LORDS, JULY 6. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool- sack at Five &Clock. The Marquis of WESTMEATII presented a poti- Lion from an individual, complaining of the conduct of the Poor-law Commissioners in Ireland. Lord DENMAN presented petitions from Ashbur ton, Nottingham, and other places, against the Chimney Sweepers' Act. On the motion of the Duke of RICHMOND, the House went into Committee on the Drainage of Settled Estates Bill. The Marquis of SALISBURY suggested that tl:e Bill should be referred to a Select Committee. Lord PO wrm AN concurred in the suggestion. After a few words from the Duke of RICHMOND, the House resumed, and the Bill was referred to a Select Committee. CHIMNEY-SWEEPERS BILL. The Marquis of NORMA NBY, after presenting some petitions in its favour, moved the second readieg of the Chimney-Sweepers Bill. He thought the num ber of petitions presented on the subject showed that there was a great and general feeling of sympathy ex cited respecting it, but he preferred, instead of glowing appeals to their Lordships humanity, to address them as practical men, and to show them the practical advan tage that would result from this measure. He thought the best evidence that could be adduced on this sub ject was that of the propriet ors o f I ns urance Compa nies, who were universally most urgent for the passing of this measure, and, as he had been informed, had sub scribed 1001. towards its furtherance. The next evi dence he would allude to was that of the 'winders, as evidenced by the statement of Mr. Cubitt, the head of their profession. The next evidence in its favour was, that it had passed the other House of Parlia ment without a dissentient voice, and without altera tion.—( Hear, hear.) He would not trouble their Lordships with many cases of suffering which had oc curred under the present system, but it would be necessary to refer to a few, that they might have a perfect view of its evils. The Noble Marquis then stated several cases, instancing the great cruelty which had been suffered by children of very youthful years in various parts of the kingdom. Under these circum stances lie thought their Lordships could not hesitate to pass a Bill which sought to remedy these abuses. At the present period of the Session. to refer this Bill to a Select Committee would be equivalent to its rejection. He h a d no p ar ty wishes in urging this measure. He was simply urg ing the cause of the helpless ; and he did trust their Lordships would concur in passing this Bill, and thus relieve a portion of our fellow-creatures from a degrading and cruel system, which robbed childhood and youth of its health and buoyancy, and either con signed it to an early grave, or to the evils and suf ferings of a premature old age.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of HADDINGTON was ready to ac knowledge the evils of the present system, of which the Noble Marquis had complained, and he would be most anxious to adopt the Bill if he thought they could do so with security to their private houses. He be lieved, however, there was room for doubt on that subject, and he therefore wished that their Lordships might not sanction the Bill without further inquiry. When the Bill would be read a second time lie would move that it be referred to a Select Committee. The Bishop of EXETER thought that further in quiry would only prove the evils of the present system. Earl DE GREY was persuaded that the subject bad already been sufficiently inquired into. It should be remembered that those chimneys which could not be cleaned by machinery were those in which boys were exposed to the greatest danger. The Earl of SEGRAVE objected to the Bill be cause he was persuaded that machinery could not be applied to the sweeping of chimneys in many old houses. . The Bishop of LONDON gave his support to the Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW believed that, if the Bill were passed, it would endanger some of the finest houses in the country. He could not consent to the passing of the Bill without further evidence on the sub ject. He should, therefore, oppose the second reading, but if the suggestion were not adapted, he should move that it should not come into operation till the end of 1841. The Duke of BEAUFORT concurred with the Noble Earl who had preceded him, although like him, he felt the difficulty of opposing a measure which had been introduced for purposes of humanity. The Noble Duke then presented a petition from Bristol against the Bill with 3,000 signatures. After a few words in explanation from the Marquis of NottmaNhY and the Earl of Wtext.ow, The Duke of SUTHERLAND, as a member of the Committee which had sat on the subject some years ago, wished to express his conviction of the abs'enee of any necessity for further inquiry. He had himself several houses, either in the town or in the country, which he found it necessary to alter in order that their chimneys could be swept by machinery, but he had found it very easy to effect those alterations. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said if this Bill were passed the next thing, their Lordships would have to do would be to release children from employ ment in our manufactories and other places, where they were fully as much exposed to hardships as in ascending chimneys. He thought the Bill would create great dis content in various classes of the community. The Duke of RICHMOND recommended the Bill being referred to the Standing Orders Committee. Lord WYNFORD had inquired among the In surance Offices, and found that generally they were in favour of the measure, but he concurred with the Noble Duke in thinking their Lordships should have more evidence to this effect before a Committee. The Earl of HADDINGTON suggested the Bill should be read a second time, and afterwards referred to a Select Committee, without counsel being heard. After a few words from the Earl of DEVON, the Bill was then read a second time. On the question that the Bill should be referred to a Select Committee, The Earl of HA RE WOOD thought that further in. quiry should take place. The Earl of HA RD WICK E concurred in the suggestion. After a short conversation, in which the Duke of BEAUFORT and Lord WicKtow took part, their Lordships divided, when there appeared— Contents for a Select Committee Non-Contents Majority —l4 The Bill was then referred to a Select Committee. The Earl of HA DDINGTON then moved that all Pe titions on the Bill shoull be referred to the Select Corn. mittce._Agrecd to. ADMIRALTY COURT BILL. The Admiralty Court Judge's Salary Bill was read a third time and passed, on the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOIt. TIMBER SHIPS BILL. Viscount DUNCANNON postponed the further con sideration of this Bill for a few days. CANADA. On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON cer tain returns were ordered relative to Canada. IRISII MUNICIPAL BILL. - - - - Their Lordships then went into Committee on the Irish Mnnicipal Bill. The pistponed clauses were agreed to with a few verbal amendments. Lord WY NFOR D then rose to move an amendment to Schedule A, the effect of which was to exclude tle Corporation of Dublin (rent the. operation of the Bill. lie was most anxious that justice should be done to Ire land, but that could not be the case, unless Dublin was allowed to enjoy the same privileges under the Irish Mu nicipal Bill that the city of London did under the English Municipal Bill. Property of very considerable value was possessed by the Corporation of Dublin, which had been grunted to them for a given purpose, and those who gave that prol•.erty to that Corporation would sooner have seen it sunk in the sea than that it slviuld e-o into the hands of those who now claimed it. If their Lordships were to divert that property from the pu'poses intended by the original donors, all he could say was that they would be adopting a course which would shake the foundation and security of all property.—( Hear, hear.) He would unLesitatingly assert that even the charge of improper conduct on the part of the Corporation, with re spect to that property, would not justify the adoption of the course proposed by the present Bill; but the Cor poratioe of Dublin had never committed any act which rendered them unworthy of the trust reposed in them, notwithstanding all that had been said to the contrary. He believed, if they passed the Bill in its present shape, that the connection between tlii; country and Ireland would soon cease, because under its provisions Dublin would become a Catholic Corporation ; and in proof of that he need only advert to what had taken place in Tuam, the Corporation of which had been made free, and imme diately upon that being done, they turned out the whole of the Protestants. The Noble Lord concluded by moving that Dublin ,hould be excluded from the provisions of the Bill. The Marquis of NORM ANB Y opposed the amend ment of the Noble and Learned Lord. Ple 1. .1 made a novel proposition, but he (th• Mai (pis of Nominal) must confess that he could see nothing novel in the speech with which be had introduced it. With respect to what the Noble Lord had said about London and Dublin, he must recollect that the Corporation of London ha'! undergone a reformation in the time of George 1, which the Corpora don of Dublin had not.—( Hear, hear.) Ile for ono would be satisfied that justice would be done to Ireland, if Dublin was only treated as Bristol and London had been. The Noble Lord had said that the ground on which the Bill had been introduced was, that it as said that Corpora tions bad misapplied their funds. He could assure the Noble Lord that no such grounds solely had actuated the promoters of the Bill. That was but a very small part of the ground on which the Bill was founded, though he felt bound to admit that the course pursued by the Corporation of Dublin with respect to the Pipe Water Rate was a mal versation of the funds; because he could never consider that they were justified in voting to themselves at orie period 1,5001., and at another 2,500/. a year.—(Hear, bear.) With respect to what the Noble Lord had said with reference to Tuam, he did not see how it would be possibly to have a Protestant Corporation the re, consider ing the great number of Catholics there. In conclusion he would say if their Lordships wanted to show favour to one of the most exclusive and unpopular Corporations in Ireland they would vote for the motion of the Noble and THE SUN, LONDON. TUESDAY LeArned Lord ; if thu did not they would, by a larg3 ma jority, refuse to accede to the motion. _ _ _ The Earl of CARBERRY supported the moticn of the Noble and Learned Lord, believing that the object of the Bill was to transfer the Corporation of Dublin from the hands of the Protestants into those of the Catholics. The Earl of \V IC K LOW could not support the pro position of the Noble and Learned Lord. It was evident that Dublin had been . the great object in view, upon the introduction of the Bill ; and as he had hitherto voted in favour of the measure, and had heard no arguments which had convinced him that lie was in error in doing so; to be consistent he must vote against the Noble Lord's motion, He thought the principle of the Bill good, as it was to transfer a power from a body, and give it to the people.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that in the present day corporations were of no use what ever.—( Hear)—and of this he was confident, that the only effectual mode of governing Ireland was to give her institutions similar to those that existed in this country.— (Hear, hear.) He, for one, would never give his sanction to any measure that was not based upon that principle. The Marquis of W E ST 19 E ATH supported the amend ment. He could not admit the argument that because the Bill had been introduced several times it therefore ought to be adopted. It was saying, in effect, that men became wiser by posthumous information.—(Laughter.) The Commission of Corporation Inquiry was of no use but to provide for the Commissioners, and there had not been one of those who had not been provided for by death or otherwise.—( Laughter.) The Government had never read a word of the evidence in the case of the corporation of Dublin, but attempted to confiscate the property of that corporation, and only to gratify the party, by the assistance of which her Maj es ty' s Mi n i sters kept forcible possession of the Government.—(Hear, and laughter.) Ile had read both the reports on the Dublin corporation, and he would answer for it there was not any proof of any de linquency that would induce their Lordships to hang a dog.---(Great laughter.) The object of the Bill was to stultify Parliament. Several years ago Par liament abolished the assessed taxes in Ireland, upon the ground that they did not pay the expense of collection. But was it not stultifying Parliament to ask them now to give the Radical corporation of Dublin the power of tax ing the people of Dublin to the amount of 40,0001. ? lie called on their Lordships to hear his warning voice, and not to throw themselves into an abyss which they could not fathom.—(Hear, and a laugh.) He would vote for the motion of his Noble Friend. The Earl of G L ENG ALL supported and defended the corporation of Dublin from the. charges of delinquency alleged by the Noble Marquis opposite. lie opposed the original clause on different grounds from those which be had heard from other Noble Lords—he opposed it on the ground that it would trans!er the funds of the corporation to the amount of 50,0001. to the Repealers, who were equally the enemies of England and Ireland—( Hear.) The Repeal Society and the Ribbon Society were now organized and in full force; and it was on account of that state of society be was at corporation e t were placed under integrity of the empire could not long be maintained. There bad b een i n f orm er times societies of Irish patriots, to clau se udcr the ; for if disposal the of f fu those nds of men, tije which, like the United Irish Society, led to insurrection and civil war. And he maintained that the present Re peal Society was identical in its objects with that of the United Irishmen. The United Irishmen proposed only to require a full representation of the people in Parliament, end that was certainly not more than the Repealers de manded. (The Noble Lord then quoted from the letters of Roman Catholic priests and others to the Repeal Society, some violent and menacing statements, and strong decla rations of the writers " having three or four hundred thousand men at their command," who were ready to rescue Ireland from the oppressive tyranny of England.) There was one feature in the present state of society in Ireland, which would render the measure destructive—that was the fierce political character of the young priests educated in Maynooth, who would be the actual nominators of the Town Councillors of the city of Dublin and the other corporations. He would ask, in this plan, whether the Government were not Repealers themselves ?—( Hear.) 110 asked for information, for he heard the Vice.. Presi dent of the Board of Trade declare himself a Repealer in two l years ago, at the time of He heard much of the the a I C I e o l u e r e t t - i h o o n u ..4 se orif ear,C lonbtenaerl.l,) desire of the Government to assimilate the laws and insti tutions of the two countries. They did so, however, only when it suited the ,purpose of their party in Ireland. But why did they not assimilate the registration of the two countries by passing Lord Stanley's Bill ?—( Hear, hear.) If they gases him that Bill, he would say pass your Corporation Bill when you like. He did not care even for Dublin.—( A laugh.) For the sake of the re spectability and prosperity, as much as for the reasons lie Duke sa id as a that speech the against speech had alleged, he entreated thei r L or d s hi ps to adopt the amendment. iiepu k of WELLINGTON , r of his Noble Friend (Lord Glengall) was the whole Bill. But although he was from the first of opinion that it would be better to have no corporations at all in Ireland, he would leave the responsibility of the consequences which might follow to those who had under taken to prevent them. He would now confine himself to the anundment of hia Noble Friend. After the Bill had been five years before the House, the corporation of Dublin had thought proper to petition the House, and they were heard by Counsel at the bar of the House. But it must be admitted that, however able the speeches of Counsel, they were not borne out by the evidence which had been laid before their Lordships. He would be very sorry to see the people of Dublin subjected to the govern ment of such a corporation as might be created by this . Bill; and he hoped their Lordships would attend closely t 3 the enactments of the Bill to prevent the mischiefs which he apprehended it was capsble of producing. But he entreated their Lordships in the present state of the question to vote against the amendment of his Noble Friend, at the same time, so to model the powers to be given by this Bill to the tyranical democracy, to which the Noble Lords opposite were responsible ; he for one would vote against the amendment, and go on with the rest of the Bill, with the hope of sending it back to the other House as pei feet as he could. The Bishop, of EXETER wished to do justice Ap,lnc r , land, in the persenof:an IriShm,au.. It w as with deep,re. t ; T •ef . l ) 6 . . had heard the Noble Duke. The Lcarned:Cen tlenan who appeared at the bar on behalf of the city of Dublin had not only done himself great honour, but had dolio the country great service by his admirable speech. With respect to the toast of the " Glorious, Pious, and Immortid Memory," of which so much had been said, ho must remind their Lordships that tho toast went no farther than the solemn service of the Established Church, on the sth of November. He was glad that the Noble Mar quis (Normanby) had avowed that the Bill would transfer .he government of the Corporation from an exclusive Protestant to an exclusive Popish party, as that would ensure the failure of the Bill. The Noble Duke could not on such a view of the Bill vete for the third reading, nor could their Lordships support it after the declaration of the Noble Earl (Wicklow), who said that it must be passed in consequence of its giving in Ireland, as another Bill bad given in England, the management of the Coiporatious to a democratic constituency. With these views he most heartily said Content to the motion of his No:3le and Learned Friend. The Duke of WELLINGTON made a few observa tions in explanation, which were inaudible in the gallery. The Marquis of 14 AN SDO WNE opposed the motion of the Noble and Learned Lind. They had been told that the atly C o n o e r p e o o r u at l d i on m o a f D ke u a b n l y i n complaint had tiot d;me any act of which now, in proof that the contietry was the fact, he would refer to the evidence of Alderman Beresford, who h a d b ee n a member of the Corporation for more than thi r ty y ea rs. lie said, in first place, that he found that the boundaries had been diminished—that property had been lost de ough the neglect of the Corporation.—( Hear, heor, hear.) fie found also leases in perpetuity, reserving a nominal rent, that they were in possession of leases of which they could give no account, and that upon the whole their estates did not appear to be well managed for the last fifty years. Such was the statement of Mr. Alderman Beresford, and those statements were supported by three other Aldermen. Such then was the virtuous Corporation which had employed Learned Counsel to prove to their Lordships that they have done nothing wrong, and to ex press their wonder at the charges that had been brought against them.—( [hear, hear.) He thought this Bill was calculated to do much good in Ireland, and he had little fear of its working well with respect to Dublin.— ( Hear.) Wi!li reference to that city, he had the greatest objection to its being omitted from that Bill, as he then& - a very strong case had beets made out against the Corpo ration of Dublin. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY supported the motion. Ile believed if Dublin was excluded from the Bill, that individual who directed the Councils of her Majesty's Government . would not allo w i t to pass in an other place.—( Hoar, hear. ) Lord W YNFO RD replied. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House di_ vidcd, when there appeared— tshfeorortiiigeh;lennidomtio;................ 3827 The effect of the decision is to retain Dublin in the NCooNinilt:ijCnootrsilittfy:flotr the original .. m0ti0n,..... 47 schedule. The Report (as we understood) was then ordered to be received on Friday, and their Lordships adjourned at Ealf past Eleven o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, juzr The SPEAKER took the chair at fou r O ' clock. WEAVER CHURCHES BILL. Sir T. EGEItTON moved the readin g of the Or der of the Day for the adjourned debate upon thi s Bill. Mr. J. JERVIS thel moved the introducti on of a clause, the object of which was.to add to the body of the Trustees, which at present consists of 103 per sons, ten practical men, to be selected from those persons who pay oineteea-twentieths of the funds from which the tolls were paid. There would be no objection to admit ten of these gentlem en, who a t the same time that they would control th e management of th e trusts, on account of the small proportion of their num b ers , would be able to make important comm un i cat i ons and suggestions to the others. Mr. T. EGER'FON o pposed the motio n . I t was wholly unprecedented to alter the whole con stitution of so im portant a trust, by the introduction of ac'auee on the third reading of a bill for Building Churches on the river Weaver. Mr. G. WILBRAHAM supported the clause, and agreed with the Hon. and Learned Member for Chester, that it would be of great advantage to the trust to have ten practical men admitted to share in the manage- went. Mr. TIIORNELY supported the cl ause, an d sa id , that the trust ees of the Live rpool . D oc k s had failed to give satisfaction to the pulik: , from a s i m il ar want o f men amongst them interzsted to the trade. Mr. CRESSAA ELL opposed the clause, and said, that there was no analogy letween the Weaver Trust, and the Liverpool Docks T rust. t Mr. E. J. STANLEY said that it had been clearly JULY 7. 1840 established before the Committee on this Bill, that the trustees did not expend sufficient money on the im provement of the navigation—they having only in view to have as large a surplus as possible. The trade had completely established that case ; and he thought it would be only just and fair to agree to this clause, which would in no way affect the principle of the Bill. The complaints against the trustees or the river Weaver applied very much to the trustees of the docks. In both cases it was desirable to admit per sons interested in the trade, to some share in the management of the trusts. The House then divided, when the numbers were— For the clause Against it l4O Majority ag 'inst the clause -6il On the re-admission of strangers to the Gellert', we found Mr. WILBRA ANI me% ing a clause, for the pur pose of subjecting the trustees to the Poor-rates. The SPEAKER intimated that the clause could not be submitted to the House at that stage of the Bill with out notice, whereupon the clause was withdrawn, as was also, on the same ground, an amendment which Mr. Stanley was about to propose. On the question that the Bill do pass, Lord R. G It OSVE NO It said, that although he did not hope that any thing which he could say would pre vail upon the House to reject the Bill, yet he could not allow it to pass without entering his protest against it. He did so on two grounds, that it would alienate the property of the trusts in question from the purposes for which they were created, and that it. would give to the Established Church a new endowment of property to which it had no claim.—( Hear, hear.) The effect of the Bid would be to tax, in a new form, the people of all religious de nominations for the benefit of the Established Church. If it passed, the trustees of other navigations, and other docks, would come to Parliament for leave to apply their surplus income to the building and endowing churches, by which the tolls would be diverted from the important objects for which they were origi ginally intended. The majority of the population in the district which would be affected by this Ball did not be long to the Established Church ; and on the same principle, the trustees of public works in Ireland, where the majority of the people were Roman Catholic, would come to ask for leave to apply their income to the pur poses of the Established Church.—( Hear, hear.) It was not his intention to divide the House, and he would now trouble it no further than by protesting against the Bill. Sir C. LEMON, though he admitted the .object of the Bill to be good, thought it went in so roundabout a way to work, that it would be much better that it should be thrown nut, in order to afford an opportunity of bringing in another and more perfect Bill. For these reasons he should vote against the passing of the Bill. Mr. HOBHOUSE protested against the 13111, be cause, in the first instance, it purposed a breach of trust ; and, secondly, because it devoted funds raised for secu lar to ecclesiastical purposes. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared, For the passing of the Bill Against it 93 Majority in farour of the Bill -88 The Bill then passed. MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY. On the motion of Mr. W. EVANS the Midland Counties Railway Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that he should to morrow move for leave to bring in a Bill to suspend the proceedings at law of the Governor and Company of the Apothecaries Hall Dublin. Mr. E. TEN NE NT brought up the Report of the Com..nittee on the Copyright of D:signs. NEW WRIT FOR EAST CUMBERLAND. On the motion of Mr E. J. Stanley, a new writ was ordered to issue for East Cumberland, in the room of Major Aglionby, deceased. SUDBURY ELECTION. The SPEAKER informed the House that be had received a notice from Mr. G. Tomline, stat ing that it was not his intention to defend his eloction or return for the borough of Sudbury. INDIAN ARMY. The RIGUIT HON. GENTLEMAN also informed the House that he had received a letter from the Earl of Auck land, the Governor-General of India, in answer to the vote of thanks ordered by the House to the Governor- General and the army in India. In that letter the Noble Earl expressed his grateful acknowledgements for the thanks voted to himself and the British troops in India. CANAL COMPANIES. Sir JAMES GRAHAM wished to ask the Hon. Member for Lancaster a few questions respecting a Bill which had been introduced by him for enabling Canal Companies generally to become carriers of goods.— ( Hear.) He wished to ask whether it was his intention at that late period of the Ses sion to proceed with the important Bill, and whether he intended to introduce a motion for an in quiry before he forced the Bill through Parliament, and lastly, whether he had well considered whether it was t ) be treated as a public or a private Bill. Mr. GREENE begged: to state that it was his intention to forward, as rapidly as he could. that Bill through Parliament, because he conceived that in the present state of competition between railroads and canal companies it would be im possible for the latter to carry on their business, unless they had the power of carrying goods. With re -pect to the second question, he feared that if the Bill :was referred tog Committee, it would be impossible peo.letutte•thp Bill, _ with ;Any chance of success, and :lifsidesvvisnsiderob/cLinformattou ; ,b a d been already ob. lamed on the subject4,widOreSpect to the, third question, he:had no doubt whatever , but that it was a public Bill, at it affected -all:Canal-Acts throughout the kingdoin • while it did not repeal any of their clauses, but merely enabled them to become carriers. CHINA. Sir It. PEEL begged to ask the Noble Lord, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, a opestioa or two with respect to our relations with the Chinese and the Government of China. Since he had last put a question to the Noble Lord the Order in Council had appared in the Gazette. He had understood from the Noble Lord, that its not being published was a mere inad vertence. In looking over the various instances in which orders in Council had been passed, iLuthorising the detention and holding in custody of ships and cargoes ; in every instance since 1792, the Orders in Council, authoriSinz such detention, ha(.`. been unifmtnly published in the Gazette. lie had only referred to that, that it might not be drawn into a precedent. The Noble Lord hail stated, that it was an inadvertence, and he would say 113 more on that p )int, further than that the inadvertence might not be established as a precedent. The gene ral rule was, that in such cases official notification was given in the Gazelle. Ile wished now to ask the Noble Lord what were the present relations with the Government of China, and he put that question on account of the nature of the Order in Council which had just been published. It authorises the detention and holding in custody of vessels, ships, and cargoes, belonging to the Emperor of China or his subjects, or other parties, natives of China. To that he apprehended no question would arise, and in that case the Order in Council was not tantamount to a declaration of hostilities.—( Hear, hear.) It was merely an equivocal state, the character of which might be afterwards stamped upon it by sub sequent events. For instance, if peace en sued, it would he a condition of peace, or if afterwards a declaratioa of hostilities ensued, that ce claration would have a retroactive operation, and that equivocal state might be converted into a state of warfare. But the Order in Council that had been issued was not a simple Order in Council authorising the detention of vessels, and it appeared to him (Sir 8.. Peep to be depart ing from the usage which had been hitherto—at least ordinarily, although he would not say without exception —pursued. That Order in Council, in the first place, authorised the detention and holding in custody of vessels without condition, but in the second place that same Order in Council contained a conditional order for the forcible seizure and forfeiture of ships and cargoes. It was dependent on a contingency, namely, that the Emperor of China should thereafter make full reparation and satisfaction to her Majesty. The Order in Council also contained an unconditional order —an order without qualification or condition—to the Courts of Admiralty in all parts of the world to proceed to deal judicially with the ves sels and cargoes so seized. What he wished to know from the Noble Lord was, whether the nature of that 0. der in Council, it being not merely an order for detention and holding in custody, but also a con ditional order for forcible seizure and adjudication by the Courts of Admiralty, made any difference what ever in our relations with China? whether we were still in that equivocal state between peace and w.;.r, the character of which might be impressed on it by subsequent events, or whether the Noble Lord consi dered we were in a state of hostility with China ? Lord PALMEItSTON certainly did consider that the nature of that Order in Council determined the nature of our existing relations with China. If the Right Hon. aaronet asked what these relations were, he would state, that as far as the operations of the expedition which had proceeded to the China seas were concerned, it was impossible, from time and distance, to state what effect that expedition might have produced upon our relations with China. What the relations of the two countries might be as arising out of hostilities that had already taken place was known, of course, to all the world. In the first place, be begged to state that the Order in Council was in te Gazelle on the very evening the Right Hon ourable Baronet had asked the question. It was quite true, as the Right Hon. Baronet had stated, that that Order in Council, or these Orders in Council, ra ther, went further in regard to provision than had been i usual in cases of that sort ; but the necessity of doing so arose from the peculiarity o f t h e question itself; and from the distance between this country and the power with respect to which the Order in Council was to apply. If they had had to proceed iu revard to a country within reasonable reach of Eng land, they might in the first place have ordered simple reprisa's and detention for safe custody as a means of operating morally on the Government; and they might postpone till they saw the result that, the Order in Council for constituting Courts of Admiralty to judge and condemn ships. The Right Honourable Baronet would see it would not have been possible to have done that in the first instance. For instance, suppose that a certain number of vessels were detained on the coast of China, yet the satisfaction offered by the Emperor of China was sufficient, no harm could arise ; but sup pose, on the contrary, that the Government of China refused to give satisfaction, and hostilities of a more decided character were to take place, in that case the ships Which had been detained for safe custody would become prizes of war, and sub jects of adjudication ; and if they had. neglected to empower the Courts of Vice-Admiralty in India to take cognizance of such matters, they would have been obliged to have waited to receive notice of the events, and of the failure to settle affairs by negociation, and then more time would be lost—generally from eight to ten months before orders from home arrived out there, and great inconvenience would have arisen. Therefore it was that in this case they gave a contingent power to the Courts of VC3.- . Admiralty, not to adjudicate upon all ships which were detained, but such ships as were sent before them by the detaining officer. Sir R. PEEL was not entitled to enter into any arguments upon the question, but the relations of this country with Foreign nations was a most important one to our merchants, and it was necessary that they should have every possible information upon such a subject. He understood the purport of the answer of the Noble Lord to be, that although the Orders in Council were different from former orders, still they in no respect altered the position of our relations with China any more than had they been simple Orders in Council. Lord PALMERSTO N.—Yes. Sir R. PEEL—The next question he had to ask was, when a vessel was seized and sent to a Coui t, it would depend upon whether or no the Emperor of China gave satisfactory explanations, it would he adjudicated upon ; and if so, upon what authority the question would be determined. Was thtre any legal authority, any power given to any one to say whether the repara tion offered was sufficient or not ? Lord PALMERSTON—For the same reason be fore stated—viz., distance, full Authority had been given to an authority to determine on behalf of the Govern ment whether the reparatioa offered was sufficient or not. Sir ROBERT PEEL—In what position would the foreign merchant resident in China be placed ? Was the Noble Lord aware that there was an impor tant variance between the recital of the Orders in Council and the directory part of them The directory part ordered all our vessels to detain and hold in custody all vessels belonging to the Emperor of China and all persons inhabiting that country. Under this direction our ve, , sels must detain the vessels of ail persons resang in China, whose case was not mentioned in the recital. He wished to know, if the Noble Lord had no ob jection to make the statement, what he considered would be the situation of foreign merchants, Ameri cans for instance, who belonged to the factories ; because as he understood in the East a merchant was considered to belong to the country to which the factory belonged ; but in this country a Dutchman carrying on business in an American factory would be considered a Dutchman ? Lord PALMERSTON said, that in that respect the Order in Council had been copied from the previous Orders in Council. The course usually pursued under such Orders in Council, he believed, was to detain the vessels of those that were neutral, and also those with whom the country was at war ; and then, if the mat ter in dispute was brought to an amicable conclu sion, both the ships and the cargoes were released, but if war ensued, then the ships of the client,: were con demned, and the neutral cargo was restored by the sentence of a Court of Admiralty duly commissioned for the purpose ; and, ii after hostilities had commenced, any neutral who chose to fix his residence in the state which was at war, assumes! the character of a common enemy, and would be treated as such. IRISH REGISTRATION. Lord STANLEY said that before the Orders of the Day were proceeded with, he considered it his duty to state to the House the course which he:intended to take with regard to the Irish Registration Bill which stood for Thursday next. He had introduced that measure at:an early period of the Session, not perhaps at so early a period as he should have done if he had been aware of the opposition by which he had been encountered. He introduced that Bill as early as March, and on the 25th of that month it was read a second time, and on an early day after the Easter recess it was appointed to go into Committee. Circumstances occurred which ren dered it necessary to postpone the further consideration of that stage to the 18th of May, and after three days' discussion it was appointed for the 11th of June. The 13ill had gone through the ordeal of ten divisions. In five olsthose divisions the whole power of her Majesty's Government had liven exerted for the purpose of throwing it out, and of the ten divisions there was only one in which the Government had been partially success fll. On the remaining nine the Bill remained untouched. If the Bill had been encountered with an opposition most unfair and unusual, he was bound to say it had been supported with a degree of cordiality unprecedented in former times. For three successive %leeks :300 gentle men had: recorded their support of a measure which had been determindly opposed by the Govern meat. As long as he felt there was any chance of carrying the Bill in the present Session, he felt bound to tax the kindness of hi s f r i en d s , b ut lie thought he should be doing wrong if he continued to do so when he found that it was impossible that the measure should be successful in the present Session. The MI had met most unprecedented opposition, and be could not an ticipate that that opposition would be relaxed. The exertions, however, that had been made by his friends on behalf of the Bill had not been fruitless. Tile evils of the Irish Registration had been confessed to be so glaring as to require an ialtuediate and effec tual remedy. The House had decided in favour of the remedy he had suggested against that pro posed by the Government.—(llear,) Four successive times had the House decided in its favour. Ti:ey had decided in favour of annual registration in contradistinction to quarterly registration ; and on two occasions, by majorities of over 300 against minorities of under 200, they had declared that they would not mix up with that qustion, the disputed question of the franchise. That was the position and ground on which they stood. —([fear, hear.) They might go on with further success, carrying future clauses, and achieving barren triumphs against a Government which did not seem to regard being defeated upon such a question as of the slightest consequence.—( Hear, hear) But by going on they would stand in the way of much public business, and having lost much of the hope and expectation of carrying it during the present Session, he dii not wish, for the mere purpose of harassing or even of defeating the Government, to continue to carry on the struggle.—( Hear, hear.) There were many important measures still to be considered, and otters to be proposed, which he thought it would hardly be possible or expedient to postpone. He felt that any further discussions or debates upon the measure would be productive of inconvenience, and what he (Lord Stanley) would be exceedingly sorry to incur the blame of continuing. He felt, how ever, that he had established in the present session a principle with regard to the Irish Registration Bill which he was prepared to rest upon ; and if he now ab stained from pressing it, he wished at the same time dis tieetly to state that, profiting by the experience of the present Session, and knowing- the opposition be was likely to oncounter—(Ministerial cheers)—he should take the very earliest opportunity of inviting the attention of the House to the measure in the next Session ; and he should bring it forward at so early a period, as he trusted would enable him to bring the Act into operation at the time he originally proposed. Ile would now move the Order of the Day fir going into Committee on the Bill, in order to is being dischaiged. The order was then read and discharged. Lord J. RUSSELL said, after the Noble Lord had stated so much with respect to the Bill, he would take leave to say a word ; and he would observe that there was one part, and one part 'only, to which he felt himself bound to reply. With regard to the reasons of the Noble Lord, on the ground of public expediency, for postponing the Bill for the present, he had nothing to say; but with regard to what seemed to be implied, with re spect to the opposition that had been given, be thought it certainly his duty to observe, after what the Noble Lord hid said, to use his own words, that he thought a fair, open, candid opposition had been the characte i r , of th a t opposition.—( Loud laughter, and crie s of " ph, from the Tory benches.) There might be a question c er t a i n l y, v‘ bother, after the House had ag reed to go into Committee, any motion should be made to prefer any other Bill to that of the Noble Lord's. He (Lord J. R. ) felt it was desirable that there should be such a Bill, b u t h e would not introduce it himself , lest it should he said that it was e a rb, n y d hi L s e laircinne.d Fri e n i d i unfair. if it then fe ll uponis,uolii,i,sphooHrwtocendv. d Halifa voted in favour of theto do m s ,i o m , b a e n r d fo t h r x tv , a w s the Noble Lord's . Bill, at the same ti me t h at h e spo k e very strong ly against it—( A laugh) —and surely the Noble Lord would not say that the Hon. Member for Halifax had given an unfair and factious opposition to his ( Hear.) Now, under what circumstances did the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin move the instruction? It was after the Hon. Member for Bridport had been pre cluded, by a technicel rule of the House, from moving a similar one.—( Hear, hear.) And when the Speaker so declared the rule he (Lord J. Russell) would have, with deference, offered sonic cbjection to that division, only for the excitement of the House at the time. But he had intended at some other time to do so. It was under those circumstances, and having been precluded Were from moving the instruction, that the Hun. and Learned 1 Member brought it forward on the occasion when he did. lie (Lord J. Russell) had been blamed for causing delay ; but the fact was, that when he beard Hon. Members oppo site debating the questions of law at such length, and so often, he could cot help observing to his friends near hint Ah I surely they do na intend to go on still this • Cheers and laughter.) Now, so much for the factious delay that had been caused to their Bill by those who supported the instruction of the lion, and Learned EVENING. Member for Dublin.—(Cheers.) With regard to the measure (continued the Noble Lord) I do not meal, after the Noble Lord has declared his intention of abandoning it, to say anything whatever with regard fts the nature of that measure ; but in the next Session, whe 11,er we bring forward measures of legislation on tour Bill, or whether the Noble Lord brings thenv forward, or the other, I shall certainly be ready to discuss them, but always with this object in view, that if it is intended fairly to allow the peasoes who by law are entitled to vote easily to register themselves, and without exorbitant ex pense er needless delay to place their votes on a list by which they will be able to go up to the poll when the tine of election comes—everything that can forward that object shall have my earnest support.—( Cheers.) On the con trary, if, whatever may be the motive of the provisions in. troduced, I see those provisions tend, under the name of registration, to obstruct and. destroy the franchise given by the Reform Act, I shall feel it my duty to give the strongest opposition to them.—( Loud cheers.) . I was looking the other day to see what was the course of discus sion in the progress of the Reform Act, and I saw that for forty says my Noble Friend, L.. 1.1 Spencer, and myself argued in Committee in favour of that Act, and that the Bill being thrown out by the House of Lords, in thi curiae of the ileac-,Session, for teen ty.two days we aga combatted in favour of the Bill in Committee. Thai was beside s all the lengthened discussion that took place on the second readieg, and going into Committee, and oft the third reading of the 13t11. But long as that titre was —sixty-two days altogether in Committee, besides the, vete rious other days taken up in discussion—l am ready to encounter, even for that, or for a longer petiod of time, dill* cussions in this House rather than submit to a virtual and eff, - ctual repeal of the Reform Act.--( Loud cheering.) The Order of the Day was then discharged. Sir CHARLES DOUGLAS inquired whethai. it Wit the intention of the Noble Lord to go on with the Right of Voting Bill this Session ? Lord J. R USi E LL—No, it is not. Sir R. PE EL—As this is about the time we generally. clear off the Bills—(Cheers and laughter) —I wish to ask whether it is intended to go on pith the Treating and Bribery Bill.-:-( Hear, bear.) Lord J. RUSSELL-1 got leave to introduce that Bill, and I have had it for some days before me. There is one point on which I have considered a good deal, an& • I shall require some further time before I finally -ettri:'ll. —( Hear, hear.) I shall introduce the Bill, but Ido nit intent.; to go on with it this Session.—(Hear, hear.), S:r ROBERT PEEL—And the same I suppose with regard to No. 2 Irish Registration Bill ?—( Laughaer.) Lord JOHN R US SEL L—Yes. —( Hear ana laugiTter.) Sir ROBERT PEEL—Then we have got rid of live Bills this Session.—( Great latiebter.) METROPOLITAN POLICE COURTS. Colsird WOOD wi.hed to know whether the Metropo litan Police Courts would be proceeded with. The sill stood in the paper that evening, and it was his intention to take the sense of the House on one of the dailies, which proposed to exclude the Magistracy from acting with the paid Magistrates of the rural districts. If the Bill Veas to be proceeded with he hoped due notice would be given that they might have a fair opportunity of discussin g it. Mr. F. MA ULE said it was his intention to press the Bill Cr on as early a day as po.ssible. Colonel WOO[) hoped it would be brought on at a pe riod of the night when Members might have a chance of paying attention to it. Mr - . HOGG (in answer to a question from Mr. C. Buller) said the East Im!la Company had not let received any deipatch from the Governor-General respecting the Sattarah case, nor could he say when Lord Auoililaiql would send it. Mr. II li'FT begged to give notice, that as he despaired of avairCbg his object this session, it was his intention to postpr,ns: the notioe of mation, for as instruction to the Corntoittte upon Grinding Foreign Corn in Bond until next session CANADA CLERGY RESERVES BILL Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, before proceedlilt, with the business of the evening, he wishedseo fulfil the expec tations he bad given rise to eith respect to the course he meant to pursue with respect to the Clergy Reaerves. I snswer to a question from the Hen. Member for New.. ask, he had stated that a proposition had been made by the Archbishop of Canterbury, to which he could not ac- cede, and he brought in the Bill then before the House. Another proposition bed been made without Lae;er, been asked for, and :Jur a commueication with the Cornniiioe of the Geecral Assembly of the Church of Scotland, they stated that they concurred in the proposition. The pro position was founded upon the opinion of the Judges do limed in the other House. That opiniot recognised a right on the part of the Churchee of England and Scot land to share in the reserves, and by words they virtually admitted that Christians of other denominations might share in them, according to the Act of 1701. The propo sition made to him was to deal differently with the lands which, had been sold under the Act of 182.7 from the re mainder. It was proposed that part should be given absolutely to the Churches of England and of Scot land, in the proportion of two-thirds to the former, and one-third to the latter.— ( hear.) It was proposed further that the remaining three-fourths should be divided into two equal parts, one to be divided as be fore betweeu the Churches of England and Scotland, end the other part left to the disposal of the Governor-General and his Council, generally for the purposes of religious worship. With respect to the uncquel division between the Churches of England and Scotland, it did not rest upon any ground of superiority of that of England ovar that of Seotland, but it wee so proposed, because the Posos byteriaos belouging to the Church of Scotland amounted to only 40.000, while those belonging to the Church of England were 80 000—the division then was fair in re ; six:et of the rehttive numbers—the Presbyterians belonging • to the &ceders, of course, would not participate in 400 part. reserved to the Government and Council. There was another poiosition with respect to the fourth, already sold, It was proposed, reverting to the principle which used to Ore acted upon ell C. serced to by Parfament, but which was changed in 1 S 3 I —that they should stop the diminution:W e t now took place upon the failing in of lives, and that pay ment should be permanently guaranteed to the Churches of England and Scotland. Tile amount now paid to the Church of Er:gland was 77,0001.—t0 the Church if Scot! hind /,osto/ Those sums were to be guaranteed, and r.hrr fourth already sold was proposed as the fund for such gua rantee. It would be a hardship upon the inhabitants were any more added to their burdens. That was the proposi tion made, and he thought it was one, looking at the whole question of Canada government, which ought to he acceded to. The Governor-General 'cent out with in. structions to propose the measure of the Union, but, at the same time, with full power, if he should think it was impracticable, •r at all imexpedient, to prepo,e some other plan in its place, giving his reasons for any line of conduct he adepted. Far from opposition, they had found that the measure was received in both the proviecec.—(Hear.) When it was introduced into this House, it was introduced on tho ground that no other meaeure likely to ha secc.s,ful v.oula be submitted to the Muse. The measure was freely accepted by the House.—( Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances the measure had in the first place the concurrence of her Majesty's Government. It had the coneurreece of his Noble Friend, the Member for Nor thumbsrland, who had always taken a clikep interest in coldnial tiff zirs.—( Hear.) It had the concurrence of the lion. Member for Coventry, who was ns well qualified as any one to give an opinion upon the affairs of Canada.— ( Hear.) It had received the support of the Ilon. Mem bsr for Newark.—( Hear.) Subeequently that of his Noble Friend, whe once held the situation which he (Lord J. Russell) lied r oe. the honour of filling.—( Hear, hear.) It !eel also the support of the Right Hon. Baronet, the. Mareber for Tamtvoith, a gentleman who had formerly h a te t h e higlesst place in the councils of his Sovereign.— ( Hear, hear.) With such support the Bill passed that Howe by a majority of 140 to 6.—( Hear, hear.) Ha could not, therefore, on the present occasion, when another measure relatingto Canada was coming before the House, avoid wishing that it should obtain the same concurrence, and that tire Canada Clergy Reserves Bill should be sent out with the general concurrence of all parties in that House.—( Hear.) He thought that if that Bill did not pass, it would diseppoint the expectations which had been raised in Canada, that the Parliament would be able to settle the affairs of the colony in the present Session. For although he did not think but some better measure, than this would be, might have been introduced, yet he thought it was of the highest importance that the Parlia ment should not appear to be partial or capricious upon this question.—(Hear.) It might be said, that in the present measure the Established Churches of England and Scotland were treated with too much favour; but as the ultimate success of the meaware in the colony must 4e pend greatly on the convenience of the authorities of those two Churchas—and although he did not think the propositions which he Lad received were the best—yet, it was his intention to sub mit those propositions to the House on Thursday next.— ( Hear, hear.) He therefore moved that the Order of the Day for the House going into Committee be now read, for the purpose cf being postponed to Thursday neat. • Sir R. PEEL said, that as referencatad been made to Lis opinion on the question of the union, he would take that opportunity of saying that his opinion was unchanged—(Cheers)—and he hoped that the present Bill would be dealt with by the House in an equal spirit.—( Hear, hear.) Ile thought that the proposhriens of the Reverend Prelate, the Archbishop of Canterbury,. were such as called for the concurrence of all parties, by their moderation and justice, in the demands which be made for the reserves for the Church of FAO:lnd. ( Hear, hear.) As the Church of Scotland had been db. Glared by the Judges of the land to be included in the de scription of an Established Church, what the A•chbishop required was, that one-half of the future sale should be re served for the too Churches. But, as there was a differ ence of the population connected with thoste•Churches, the, distribteion of the reserves should be regulated by that dispropnrtion. In all his (Sir R. Peel's) communica tions with the Members of the Church of Scotland, they agreed thst it was the best way to settle the question per mancntly how, according to the present proportion of the population of the two Churches.—(Hear.) He thdight those propositions were recommended by their moderati•ost and justice.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing would be more to be aatte in re e g a r r e . t e dlthhe question n tlre postponement o settledthis mb by a Parliaments ure— ( lea i e n , h the present session, as it would be the first to w hich the United Legislature of Canada would hav e to address itself upon meeting.—(hear.) It w a stherefore Lord acquiesced a e of satisfaction to hint that the Nob le the propositions made on the part of the Church of Eng land. He hoped the House would discuse the measure in the same spirit as it had discussed the Bill for the union, and that both measures would pass into a law with the ge neral concurrence of both Houses of Parliament,—( Hear.) Mr. C. HULLER said, he did not exactly understand the mede in which the d fr i o st n the r k ihutio N n ' ‘ b T l a e s t L o (jr bc d :rn ' s a t d a e te t l' o le t n h i e various sects. Lord J. RUSSELL said, that what was proposed was to leave that matter to the Governor-General and the Executive Council. As some Gentlemen opposite had expresser) a determination to raise the question whether Roman Catholics should participate, he thought it was better not to provoke the discussion, but to leave the mat ter in a general way to the discretion of the 'Governor and. Council. .