The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-07-30 00:00:00

On Friday evening at fivo o'clock the Sir Edward Banks, one of the General Steam Navigation Company's mail packets ar rived off the Tower, bringing Dutch papers of Wednesday's date. There is nothing in them of sufficient importance to jus tify extracts. Among their contents are an order of the day, addressed by the Prince of Orange to the army, in which he in forms the troops that his Majesty, on his late visit to the camp, experienced great satisfaction at their appearance and disci pline, and a long programme .of the ceremonies to be observed on the baptism, of the infant son of Prince Frederick ; but the intelligence is alto g ether local, and destitute of general interest. The General Steam Navigation Company's mail packet the Tourist, from Ha.rnburgh, arrived off the Custom-house on Sa lrlaY• Lord G. H i ll brought over despatches for Lord Palmerston, and Mr. Tchernoff also brought despatches from St. Petershttrer for the Russian Ambassador, and. Hamburgh Papers, front whi c h the following is an extract:— " 0 E 81 " Jut,y 20.—Th e Emperor of Russia is at present engaged in the formation of several regiments of dragoons, which, acc.ordinz to the ancient system, are to serve both as infantry and caviary; the sauadrons, on the wings ' are to be armed, like the Cossacks, with lances, and trained to do the dutY at the outposts. Count Von Brandenburg, Inspector of the Cavalry of the Guard s at Berlin, was invited to St. Peters burgh to witness the formation of the exercise of those troops. A similar invitation has since been addressed to Colonel Van Purner Commander of the Dragoons of the Prussian Guard,, •who is likewise gone to St. Petersbnrgh." The Leeward Islands packet, Lord Melville, which carried out the speech of Mr. Stanley, of the 14th May, expressive of the coarse ministers intended to pursue as to emancipating the negrneg, and which was en anxiously looked for there by the .colonists, arrived at Barbacloes ,on the 25th ult. TO THE PAR isilioNEu.s OF LIVERPOOL. LAniss AND GENTLEMEN, 1 i - NDERSTANDING that th e appointment of a COL /1 LECTOIt, in the room of the late Mr. I'. S. Dowdall, wi _ shortly take place, I beg leave most respectfully to offer rti self as a CANDIDATE for the Situation. i am thirty years of age , . a native of this Town, and have a / pra cticat knowledge of i ts locality, as also of book-ke ping and accounts generally. The testimonials I shall be le to pro duce on the day of election will, I trust, be suc as to satisfy you of my capabilities to fulfil the duties of the like. I have the honour to be, Ladies and Gentlemen, Your most obedient servant, ZAC H. BARNES HOUGHTON. 43, Finch-street, 27th July, 1833. KENYON AND LEIGH JUNC HON RAI -WAY. XTOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that a SP CIAL GE NERAL MEETING of this Company ill be held at our Office, in Union-court, Castle-street, Liv 001. on Traits- DAY, the ist of Aup;ust next, at Twelve o'cloc , for the purpose of declaring a Dividend, and on other special affairs. Dated this 16th day of July, 183.3. C. W. ,A.Y, Z Clerks of the Company. J. SWIFT, S N.B.—The Dividend will be paid at the Meeting. THE BUILDERS' TURN-OUT.—REPLY to a STATE IL MEN l' published in the Afancbesthr Papers qf Saturday tart, and purporting to emanate front DO Masters in the Building Trades.—Difficult and unpleasant as the situation of the Master Builders has undoubtedly bean rendered by the unpro voked hostility of their men, they yet flatter -themselves that, whatever steps a sense of duty may have dictated in a crisis so perplexing, they have never, when speaking either of avowed opponents or of enemies who have flung their darts from under the cloak of professed neutrality, compromised their characters by manifesting an indifference for truth. Hence do they feel that they have strong grounds for complaint in the very unfair course of proceeding adopted against them by others in the trade. They did expect when they saw statements put forth with a flourish of trumpets, and followed by the important ap pendage of 150 witnesses, all vouching for their accu acy, that they would indeed be accurate, and that their ace acy would he substantiated by some very stubborn facts. aving, how ever, sifted the preparation of chaff with whic t was intended to blind the Public, they take this opportunity of expressing their surprise that any man of character should think ' for a mo ment of lending the sanction of his name to statements so grossly untrue as those published in a document which appeared in the Manchester papers of Saturday last, and which purported to come from a meeting of 150 Masters, at which meeting Mr. Wirinna was to the chair. The Masters, against whose interests that document was levelled, felt it a duty incumbent upon them to submit the allegations contained in it to a rigid examination, and the resat% as far as an inquiry so difficult could be prosecuted is, that they are utterly groundless. They find that of those whose names are appended to that document, thirty-six at least (there may be more) were affixed to it without any authority, and many of the pasties have expressed their wannest indigna tion at such a fradulent use of their names. Forty-four of the number were not present at the meeting, and many of these have signified their entire disapprobation of its proceedings. There are fifty-four without either establishments or men, four of whom are turnouts, and ten sworn supporters of the union. Of the gross number who have any claim to the title of masters, there are ninety-eight who do not employ more than five men each, and a great number of these but one man each, and are mere jobbers. Besides those above-enumerated, one master whose name was affixed to that document, as able and ready to serve the public, departed this life in March last but one, and three others are not to be found. Were it possible to carry this inquiry to the extent we could wish, we have every reason to believe that the inaccuracies would be found to be considerably more than those we havejust enumerated. That there are a grea many of the above number who do not profess to belong to, and yet pay to the union ; and that there are others whose names we have not enumerated, who are members of the union, our inquiry has fully established ; but anxious that we should " nothing ex tenuate, or ought set down in malice," we have, in the calcula tions now presented to the public, been more favourable to the framers of the document in question than, perhaps, was justi fiable. The round number thus employed by those whose names were published, as far as can be ascertained, is about eight hundred,, while the number thrown out of work by the turn-out amounts to about a thousand. Most of the large buildings are at a stand, and many of those going on are worked by men not in the union ; where then, if their published numbers be correct, are the men at work ? It has been insinuated that we were making interested re ports ; is it too much to say in reply, that we have committed no such impudent fraud as the above upon the public. The character of the precious document which we have just ana lyzed, must convince every otte who peruses the above, for what end and by what description of persons it was got up. We speak with due deference of those who, though their names were attached, had nothing to do with it. If there are those (and we know there are) who are anxious to fish in troubled waters, and to prolong the contest by supporting the union, why act in disguise ? by seek such ineffectual shelter as a defence made before the accusation is heard, and which crum bles to pieces at the first touch. Men smarting under the con sciousness of error, and of a guilty acquiescence in the wrong doing of others, may be excused making an untimely defence; but they know best how much need there is for it. Ihe Master Painters and Plasterers perhaps can best tell by whom, and how the 150 Masters were scraped together—who it was that forged the names of a number not present, and sent the public in quest of men dead, and not to be found, to carry on their buildings, in order to complete their very "accurate list." The Plasterers and Painters, who " declare that they are un connected with any combination," can tell how much they respectively contributed to the several sums which it is ascer tained were generously handed over, by their own union, to the general trades' fund since the turn-out. They can tell, too, how they can afford to be so generous to a combination which they profess to have no connexion with, and whose pocket bleeds to furnish the means. Perhaps, as it involves a point of delicacy, we had better do it for them. The Plasterers and Painters (of course there are a few excep tions) have, by a process of combination peculiar to themselves, almost extinguished competition in their respective trades; and obtained an advance upon plastering of 70, and upon paint ing of 30 p er cen t. Whenever an estimate is required from a Master Painter, he is obliged to give notice to the secretary of his trade, and afterwards to form his estimate after a fixed scale. Should an estimate be required from a second Master for the same job, he, in the same manner, is obliged to give notice to the secretary, and to copy the particulars from the estimate of the other Master; so that should there be six estimates they will be all the same. Every person neglecting to give such notice to the secretary is fined. To give a better idea of the arbitrary rules of this trade, we may state that some time ago a Master handed in an estimate for some of the town's work, in which he fagot an item of £l2; for this offence he was fined £lO. For all these restrictions and penalties the proprietor suffers. The men are compulsorily placed in a position which enables them to set competition at defiance; and the owner of property has to pay, not according to the general average of prices, but after such a rate as the union may think fit to exact. Thus it is that the public and the Masters are lorded over by the workmen. The liberality of the former, which is thank lessly received, is hoarded up as an instrument of oppression for some future day; and, as in the case of the Plasterers and Pain ters, is handed - from one trade to another, to be shaken in the face of those whose pockets supplied it. We have often heard of oppression, but till the reign of the trades' union we never knew it in its blackness. The standard of reason and justice, which the union has set up, may be best judged of by the following fact. In conse quence of a Master, whose men turned out, not being able to complete a building which he had begun upon, another Master was engaged to finish it. The proprietor waited some time and saw no progress making with the building, which induced him to write to tne Master whom he had engaged to finish it; when he received the following reply : _ _ _ " July 22d, 1833. "Sir,—Having so repeatedly heard from you on the subject of your building, I waited many times on the committee of the Union Bricklayers, and I am sorry to say that they will allow neither a bricklayer or labourer to work a stroke at it until the floor (put on by the former builder) is taken off again, and it is impossible for me to go on with your job." Such facts need no comment. No oppression can be blacker. Yet it is obviously for the purpose of supporting these men, and all engaged in the turn-out, that a document, to which we have felt it our duty to reply, and which embraced more falsehoods than the public could be fairly expected to swallow in one week, was published. THE. MASTER BUILDERS. knouraitte Notice, SUN LIFE ASSU CORNHILI FIANCE SOCIETY, LONDON. ,GERS. Esq., T 7 C. Shaw Lef re, Esq. M.P, The Hon. ugh Lindsay, Charles tledale, Esq. Henry ittledale, Esq. Geo. Warde Norman, Esq. John Pearse, Esq. Brice Pearse, Esq. Charles Richard Pole, Esq. C. George Thornton, Esq. Geo. Smith Thornton, Esq. James Trotter, Esq. CHARLES POLE Frederick Booth, Esq. Charles Boulton, Esq. The Hon. P. Pleydellßouverie William Burnie, Esq. John Cockerel', Esq. Thomas Dorrien, Esq. Thomas Dorrien, jun. Esq. Charles B. Ford, Esq. William Hamilton, Esq. Edward Hamilton, Esq. Felix C. Ladbroke, E sq . idenry Ladbroke, Esq. JOSHUA MILNE, Secretary. THE MANAGERS ha v i ng had PREMIUMS calculated proportioned to the value of the risks at the different pe riods of life—which, under 45 years of age, when the Assurance is for the whole of life, and under 55, for shorter periods, are considerably lower than are generally required. Tables of the new Rates, with the conditions of Assurance, may be had at the Sun Life Office, in Cornhill, and at the Sun Fire Office, in Craig's-court, London; also of any of the Agents for the Sun Fire Office. AGENTS. N. D. BOLD, Exchange-street West'. Liver P°° l - •"• " JAMES BUNNELL, Rumford-street. Manchester, Blackburn, and Orley Kendal Leeds J. Kitchingham. Preston J. Green. Lancaster John Blackburne. Wigan and Ormskirk P rescot Morris. trleerstone John Carter. Douglas, ble of Man James Moore. Macclesfield Edw. Johnson. finiptrial Vavliamcnt. ROUSE OF LORDS, WEDNESDAY, JULY 21. The Royal assent was given 'by commission to the Public Works Bill, the Royal Aiti►liery Pensions Bill, the Assessed Taxes (1835) Composition Bill, the Woollen Trade Regulation Bill, the Corporation Offices' Bill, the Lunatic° Inquirendo Bill, the Real Property Bill, and five private bills. The commis sioners were, the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and the hart of Shaftesbury. • CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of Earl Grey, the house resolved itself into a committee, for the purpose of proceeding with the above bill, which was advanced to the 78th clause, when the house re sumed, the chairman reported progress and obtained leave to sit again on the following day.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, WEDNESDAY, Jut.y 21. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. Mr. Alderman Woof) brought up the report of the committee upon the Blackfriars-bridge bill. Some petitions were presented, and at three o'clock the Speaker adjourned the house. At five o'clock the house resumed. Mr. HUME presented al etition from Wapping, signed by the churchwardens and overseers, for the admission of foreign sugar for refining for exportation. Oa the motion of Mr. O'Connell, the issue of a new writ for the borough of Carrickfergus was postponed till the Ist of August. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice, that he would to-morrow bring under the notice of the house, as a case of breach of privilege, the fact that four morning papers published the debates of that house. (Laughter from all parts of the house.) Lord ALT HoRP moved the order of the day for the committal of the Slavery Abolition Bill. SUGAR REFINING TRADE. Mr. CLAY brought forward his motion on this subject, and concluded by moving the following resolution,—" That it is expedient that foreign sugar be immediately admitted into this country for the purpose of being refined for exportation." Mr. EwAnT seconded the resolution which, after some dis cussion, was withdrawn. SLAVERY ABOLITION BILL. The order of the day for the house resolving itself into a com mittee of the whole house on the Slavery Abolition Bill was then read. Ou the question that the Speaker do leave the chair, Mr. F. BUXTON said that, in common with many other per sons, he felt great mortification in finding that this hill was nei ther a safe nor a satisfactory measure. Important changes (im provements he could not call them) had been made in the bill since the subject to which it referred had been introduced into Parliament; but he was sorry to say that those changes were all for the benefit of the planter and for the detriment of the slaves. He could not forget the most eloquent speech which he had heal d the right ho,u. Secretary dellver upon this subject —a speech of which the main object was to show that it would be great folly if we left any part of this subject to be taken up by the colonial legislatures. He would leave it to the j udgment of the house, how far they relied upon the legislation of the co lonial assemblies, he would not say iu this, but in any succeed ing generations, for carrying into effect, by their operation, the wishes and declarations of government and of the country. He would say with Mr. Canning—" Trust not the masters of the slaves in what concerns legislation for slavery. However spe cious their,laws may appear, depend upQn it they must be in effectual in their application. It is the nature of things that it should be so. Let the British House of Commons do their part themselves. Let them not delegate their trust to those who cannot execute that trust fairly." (Hear.) The hon. gentleman concluded his speech by saying that in the full conviction that we could do nothing so good as to give full play to the natural feelings and motives of men with regard to punishments and rewards, he should move that it be an instruc Lion to the committee that they shall not, for the sake of the pecuniary interests of the masters, impose any restraint or ob ligation on the negro which shall not be necessary for his own welfare and for the general peace and order of society; and that they shall limit the duration of any temporary restrictions which may be imposed upon the freedom of the negroes to the shortest period which may be necessary to establish on just principles the system of free labour for adequate wages. The hon. mem ber then sat down amidst loud cheering. Mr. STANLEY thought that the hon. member might have spared them another discussion before the house resolved itself into committee on the principle of apprenticeship. If he had wished to avoid this discussion, he might have sheltered him self under the declaration that the house had already bound itself to the system of apprenticeship, and that it was inconsis tent first to pass resolutions on which a bill was to be founded, and then to move an instruction compelling the house to strike out the main principle of those resolutions, and to substitute another in its stead. The government, in bringing forward this measure as a government question, had undertaken an awful responsibility, and could not look at it without considering the many interests which were involved in it. The compensation was of two sorts : one was a sum to be paid down now for the remission of one-fourth of the labour of the slave, and the whole would be paid by the end of twelve years, when the negro would be completely free. Now, the sum to be paid to the colonies was taken with reference to the estimated value of the slave, - and to the interest of money. Taking that value at £30,000,000, for 800,000 slaves would give an average of £37 10s. for each, though indeed it was impossible to see the exact value; but they must take it from the best data they could. Last year a commission had been issued to consider of the proper disburse , ments of a loan to the colonies, and that commission had a power to ask questions on oath as to the value of slaves. From , the answers to these questions, taking the average of 24 estates, it appeared that in St. Lucia the value of a slave was above £4O, in Barbadoes about £3B 10s., in Jamaica, as appeared from a sale of 472 slaves, it was about £35105., and in '1 rmidad it was about £66. This would show that it was not extravagant to say that £37 10s. was about the average value. He men tioned this to show how far the principle of apprenticeship was to form part of the compensation to the master. The amend ment proposed by the hon. gentleman (Mr. Buxton) was, he con tended, vague and undefined. It was " that it be an instruc tion to the committee on the Slavery Abolition Bill, that they shall not for the sake of the pecuniary interest of the master impose any restraint or obligation on the negro which shall not be necessary for his own welfare and for the general peace and order of society;" but who was to be the judge of what was to be for the " welfare" of the negro ? The resolution went on to say ." that they shall limit the duration of any tem porary restrictions which may be imposed on the freedom of the negroes to the shortest period which may be necessary to establish it on just principles." What were those principles, and who were to define them ?—" The system of free labour for adequate wages." In the name of good fortune, who was to decide what were to be considered " adequate wages ?" Did the hon. gentleman mean by " adequate wages" the full value which the negro might set upon his labour? The master was by this bill bound to feed, clothe, and nourish—to support in time of sickness the negroes on his estate, and that for three-fourths of his labour—that was, for seven hours and a half in the day. Would the honourable gentleman call that adequate wages ? He (Mr. Stanley) supposed that by "adequate wages" the honourable gentleman meant the maximum price of labour, and that the negroes were to come to the possession of entire freedom in the shortest possible time. If he meant this, he meant what, without his intending it, must bring inevitable ruin on the masters, and what must eventully be most detrimental to the interests of the slaves themselves. The honourable gentleman had spoken in a spirit of prophecy as to what must be the result of refusing what he considered this act of justice to the negroes. On this he would only observe, that there were some prophecies which had a tendency to bring about their own fulfilment. From his heart and soul he fully acquitted the hon. gentleman of any wish or feeling of that kind. No man, he was sure, would shrink with more horror from even the contemplation of any such insurrection as he had spoken of, or from the shedding of a drop of human blood, than that hon. gentleman; but let him consider what might be the effect of having it go out among the negro population of our colonies that their state of slavery was to end at no very distant time;. what, he would ask, must be the effect, when it should go out to them—as go out it would, in words and in print—that it was the opinion of that great body with whom the hon. gentleman acted—that this great measure, intended for the present relief of the slave—for the abolishing of the name of slave or slavery in our colonies, and for placing the negro at no very distant day in a state of entire freedom, for which his immediately approach ing condition was only a preparation,—what, he repeated, might be the effect when they were told that all this was only a delusion and a mockery, which must tend only to the injury of the negro himself? Might not the consequence be (but God forbid it should,) the very danger against which the hon. member was so anxious to guard the house and the country"? He (Mr. Stanley) would entreat the house to pause before it gave its assent to a motion which might he productive of consequences so dangerous. He would entreat of the hon. member himself to recollect what were his own feelings, and what was his language on this very question only a very few years ago, and how much he would have rejoiced at that time if he could have contemplated such results as were now almost on the eve of accomplishment. He would beg of him to use his influence over those with whom he had deservedly so much credit, and to urge them that they by every means in their power should instil into the negro feelings of quiet submission, or rather of thankful acceptance, of that which was intended for their relief—to teach them to prove, by their industry, by their peace, and good order, that they were fit to enjoy that boon which the British public, at so great a pecuniary sacrifice, was now preparing to confer upon them. (Cheers. ) On a division the numbers were— For the original motion . , 158 Against it . . . . . . 151 Majority for the original motion . 7 The house then went into committee, pro forma, and the Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again to morrow. DRAMATIC PERFORMANCES BILL. Mr. E. L. But.wEamovedthe thi►d reading of this bill Mr. Rorcu opposed the bill on the groundthat it took from the Crown a part of its prerogative, vestieg it in the Lord Chamberlain. A theatre was a place which brought together a set of outcasts, who had no other means of securing a repu table livelihood, and yet this was the class of persons whom the legislature were called upon to support. Ile was decidedly op posed to the bill, and be therefore moved that it be read a third time this day six months. For the original motion 3B Against it Majority for the original motion -31 Mr. E. L. BULWER moved a clause to the effect that the Lord Mayor should have the same authority in granting li cences, &c., in the city, as the Lord Chamberlain had elsewhere. The clause was agreed to, and added to the bill. Lord W. LENNOX then moved a clause to the effect that, with the exception of the English Opera-house, no theatre should be built within a mile and a half 6f Drury-lane and Co ment-garden Theatres; but after a short discussion, the noble lord withdrew it, seeing that the sense of the house was against it. The biil then passed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at three o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, THURSDAY, JULY 25. Mr. Alderman Woon, Mr. E. L. BULWER, and others from the Commons. brought up the Blackfriar's-bridge Repairs Bill, the Dramatic Performances Bill, and several private bills. CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of the Duke of Richmond, the house resolved itself into a committee on the above bill. The clauses from 79 to 116 inclusive were agreed to, with a few verbal amendments. On the reading of the 117th clause, by which it is provided,— "That the commissioners under this act may suspend the ap pointment of clerks to rectories, &c., in which divine service shall have been intermitted for three years, next preceding the Ist of February, 183.3," Lord WYNFORD rose to move an amendment. He objected to the power which the clause gave to the commissioners. The power with which it clothed them should belong to the bishops only. His great object was to provide that the government of the church should be effectually retained in the hands in which it was at present placed, namely, the hands of the bishops. He felt strong object►ons to this bill altogether; but to no part of it did he feel a stronger objection than to that portion of it which gave to this commission powers so large and extensive, more large and more extensive, he would say, than were ever before given to any commission. (Hear, hear.) Such powers, he contended, could not be executed without throwing suspicion on the purity of the hierarchy of Ireland, and such suspicion never had been cast on them before. 'lle therefore should move, as an amendment, that the powers granted by this clause should be transferred to the bishop or ordinary, subject to an appeal to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in Council. .The Earl of LIMERICK opposed the clause, and expressed his hostility to the entire bill, which, in his conscience, tie believed was calculated to effect the subvei sion of the Protestant religion in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) They talked of divine service ac cording to the Protestant faith not having been performed in certain parishes for three years. But why was that? He had seen the Protestants driven from their residences. He had, in the county of Wexford, in a circuit of twenty miles, met with but one Protestant; but the reason was that they . had been obliged to depart. It seemed that in sixty-six parishes divine service had not been performed, according to the Protestant service, for the last. three years; but if they looked at the re turn, they would find that this occurred in the most wild and uncivilised part of the country. The fact was that the clergy were from fear, from reasonable apprehension, driven from their residences. A noble lord near him—and no man was more likely than was that noble lord to be acquainted with the fact— said that such had been the case. He reiterated the noble lord's sentiment, and declared that he was confident of its perfect truth. Let this bill be passed, and he would undertake to say that no Protestant clergyman would dare hereafter to call for his tithes. Lord PLUNKETT was willing to allow that if the clause would prevent church service it would be a most mischievous one ; but it did no such thing. It was entirely retrospective, not prospective, merely enacting, that in case service had not been performed in any benefice for three years previous to the Ist of February, 1833, that then the commissioners shall be empow ered to direct the suspension of the appointment. The Duke of CUMBERLAND observed that he was afraid the clause would be laying a precedent for future suspensions. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he should vote against it, because he considered the commissioners likely to be the best judges as to the appropriation of the funds, and he thought it important that their lands should be left as free as possible. The house divided — Content Bl Not-content • Majority for the amendment —2 Earl GREY moved that their lordships do resume, in order to allow time for considering what alterations consequent upon that just made might be necessary in the bill. Lord KENYON objected to this course; he thought it better to proceed and finish the clause before the committee. The Earl of Wicx.Low said that when a minister of the Crown made a motion of that kind, it was not usual to offer any objec tion to it. The noble earl was charged with the management of the bill, and could fairly move the discontinuance of the pro ceeding when he saw occasion. The Loan CHANCELLOR observed that his noble friend was responsible for the conduct of the bill, and it rested with him to decide in what way he would proceed. His noble friend had properly stated that time should be given to consider what alterations consequential on the amendment just made might be required. If, however, the noble baron would undertake to conduct the measure further, as far as this clause was concerned, probably his noble friend would surrender it into his hands. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought it better that the consi deration of the clause should be postponed. The house resumed.—Committee to sit again to-morrow. Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, JULY 25. The Speaker took the chair at a quarter past twelve o'clock. ABOLITION OF NEGRO SLAVERY. On the question that the hous3 resolve itself into committee upon the Slavery Abolition Bill, Mr. RUTHVEN protested against the bill in its present shape. Dr. LUSHINGTON said he had given notice of a motion upon which he felt assured that he should carry with him the • judg ment of the house, and which it stias necessary for him to propose before the house went into committee. It was That it be an instruction to the committee on the Slavery Abolition Bill, to insert in the said bill a clause for the immediate emancipation, without restriction, of all slaves who may at any time, previous to the passing of this bill, have been brought, with the consent of their possessors, or may at any time after the passing of this bill, with like consent, be brought into any part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland." He was the more urged to propose this resolution by a case which had occurred relative to the delivery of a female slave in this country, and the subsequent enthralment of the child, as a slave, on arrival in the West Indies. It was Lord Stowell who had decided the legality of such a procedure ' • but although sanctioned by his high legal authority, he (Dr. Lushington) could not admit the legality of the doctrine. In the last judgment which had been declared on this subject, and which was also pronounced by Lord Stowell, he (Dr. Lushingtou) was engaged as King's counsel, and the case was given up in consequence of same flaw in the proceedings. Although, as the law stood, Lord Stowell had so decided, yet the iniquity of the case was not the less. It was his purpose to suggest that it be an instruction to the committee that all slaves who had once by the consent of their owners come to England, or who might hereafter come to 'England, by which they obtained their freedom, should never be compelled to return to a state of slavery. (Cheers.) The justice of that proposition was evident (cheers,) because if the slave-owner once temporarily broke the chain of bondage, he had no right again to enforce it. The hon. and learned mewher concluded by moving his resolution. Mr.. STANLEY had intended to guard against the recurrence of such cases as his hon. and learned friend had related, by some provision in the bill, but he had not intended to go so tar as the proposed resolution stated. However, seeing the unanimous feeling of the house, he would offer no opposition to the motion. (Cheers.) Mr. BERNAL also acceded to the motion, and related, by way of counterpoise_ to the statements of the hon. and learned member (Dr. Lushington), the case of a slave belonging to the late Mr. Beckford : the slave was taken ill, and sent to this country to be cured at Mr. Beckford's expense; on return to Jamaica, upon expressing a wish to carry on his own business (a mason) as a freeman, Mi. Beckford generously liberated him. Mr. STANLEY said the instructions referred to were founded on the peculiar circumstances in which the island of Mauritius was placed. There were many slaves illegally detained in the Mauritius, but as there were no registers of slaves before 1815, it would be almost impossible (and quite so in many cases) to prove a legal title between 1810 and 1815, on account of the many changes of ownership. But admitting the hon. and learned gentleman's principle, he (Mr. Stanley) would move as an instruction to the committee, "That from the sums to be appropriated as compensation to the proprietors of any colony, be deducted such sums as shall correspond with the estimated value of persons in slavery, if any, who may be registered, or holden in slavery, contrary to law, and that for the purpose of ascertaining in what cases such deduction shall be made, an inquiry shall be made by the commissioners appointed under the act, according to such rules of legal presumption and of evidence as shall he established according to any law now in force, or which shall be in force, in any of the colonies in which such question shall arise." The resolution was then put and carried. After a few words from Mr. Holcomb, The Speaker left the chair and the house resolved itself into a committee on the bill. Mr. STANLEY then rose, and said he hoped the committee would excuse him for adverting to the position in which, after the discussion last night the government stood. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible to look to the opinion then expressed. and not to perceive that there was a strong feeling, not, he believed, against the principle of apprenticeship as an intermediate state of probation between slavery and perfect freedom, but to the period which government had adopted for that purpose. (Hear, hear.) Undoubtedly it was perfectly competent to the house to limit the 12 years which government had proposed to a some what shorter period; and, looking to the opinion expressed last night, while the government felt it absolutely essential, not only by way of compensation to the master, but also. for the welfare of the slave population, that there should be an intermediate state, as a real and effective apprenticeship, he must state, that anxious as he was consistently with the claims of government on other parties to make proper concessions to the wishes of the house, it was deemed expedient, instead of retaining the period for predial apprenticeship twelve years, and non-predial appren' ticeship seven years, to confine the former to seven years and the term of the latter to five years. (Cheers.) This substitution he hoped would meet the wishes of the house, while he still thought it would not be inconsistent with the principle of a real and effective intermediate apprenticeship. Indeed, he might say that the periods would virtually be reduced to six and tour years, because, by the new arrangement, the plan would come into operation in 1833 in place of 1834, and the time would cud in 1840 in place of 1845. He made this explanation before going into committee, being very desirous the bill should be passed with the consent of all parties as far as it was practicable. Lord SANDON complained that a direct violation had been committed of the contract which had been made bygovernment with the West India body, for the purpose of gaining their co operation, and without the least communication having been made on the subject. (Hear, hear.) He considered the modi fication in itself a direct departure from a specific contract; and he thought he had good reason for charging on government a direct breach of good faith in regard to the West India body. Mr. STANLEY said the negotiation into which government had entered with that body, as to the precise period of 12 or 7 years' apprenticeship, was undoubtedly. binding on them as members of that house, but it only bound them as ministers to propose that term to parliament. (Hear, hear.) It was quite competent for the house to accede to or reject it. He called on his noble friend to say whether there had not been on the part of government every endeavour to maintain their part of the agreement; but, surrounded as they were with difficulties on all sides, notwithstanding their utmost exertions to hoop in violable their portion of the contract, there were circumstances, as was evident from the close division of last night, which might render it impossible for them to carry the term of 12 years to its full extent. If the noble lord called upon him to give him his vote, as a man he felt bound to redeem his pledge, but he should then look to his character as a minister. (Loud cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE thought it hard that the West India body should be thrown overboard by a mere inference upon the di vision of last night. He did not consider that the resolutions of last night involved any necessity for the coming to such a con clusion as that come to by the government. It was hard to overthrow wdefinite contract by an indefinite supposition. After a few words from Mr. Poulter, Mr. Ewing, Mr. Glad stone, Mr. Holcomb, and Mr. Hardy, time Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again this evening. Adjourned at three o'clock. At five o'clock the house resumed. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE Mr. O'CONNELL laid on the table of the house the Morning Chronicle and the Times of Tuesday, and the legal evidence of proprietorship, and moved that W. T. Clement, the proprietor of the Morning Chronicle, be brought to their bar to answer for a breach of privilege in publishing the debates of that house. The learned gentleman stated that he would follow up the mo tion by moving that the proprietors of the Times be also brought to thelar to answer for the same breach of privilege. He was determined not to submit to the despotism of newspapers, and that if not reported himself, he would not permit others to be reported, by bringing the matter to a decisive issue. The hon. member then proceeded in a strain of violent abuse, sometimes of individuals by name, quite unfit for publieation, whether con sidered in reference to the assembly in which it was delivered, or to the public under whose eyes it would come. He admitted, however, that what he had stated on a former occasion about the reduction of reporters' salaries from six to two guineas a week was untrue. Mr. O'DWYER would not be deterred by the spurious despo tism of the reporters from seconding the motion. Mr. TENNYSON hoped that his hon. and learned friend would withdraw his motion. The publishing of any report of the pro ceedings of that house was, undoubtedly, a technical breach of the privileges of that house; but to misi eport was a grosser and more real breach of privilege. The total omission of any speeches, which was in fact garbling the report, did certainly place that house in a position quite different from that in which it ought to stand. There was but one opinion in the house-- that such a practice ought to be discouraged ; and that, if per sisted in, some steps ought to be taken by the house to stop it. He perceived inconvenience in adopting the course proposed by his hon. and learned friend, and it did not appear to him calculated to correct the evil. He, therefore, hoped his hon. and learned friend would withdraw his motion, and then the house would have time to consider what measures ought to be taken if the offence complained of should be repeated. Sir R. PEEL said he would vote for the motion if he thoUght it would effect the object which the hon. and learned member had in view,—if it would tend to check that which was admitted to be an abuse,--the suppression of speeches by reporters, in consequence of their having taken offence at expressions used iii that house. But he did not understand how, with all his in genuity, the hon. member would be able to effect this object by the course he proposed to take. The power of that house was so great in such cases, that the hon. and learned gentleman himself would not call upon them to exert it. They might, if they chose, exclude strangers from the gallery altogether, and that step would entirely pre ventthe publication of reports. The exertion of that authority, however,would be perfectly in opposition to public feel ing,and might infiicta serious injury on the transaction of public business. He thought that the hon. and learned member had better withdraw his motion, than to force the house either to negative it or to carry the previous question. The public were interested in obtaining fair and impartial reports of the debates in that house, and there need be no apprehension entertained but that this abuse would correct itself. If, however, justice was not done to the hon. and learned member in future, he was confident that a fortnight would not pass over without some means of checking the evil, more effectual than the interposition of that house, being adopted. In his opinion, the interposition of that house would not procure the redress which was wanted, for he thought the mutilation of speeches worse than their entire suppression • vet how perfectly impossible it was to prevent that mutilation taking place. It was ridiculous to suppose that the house could sit in judgment on the merits of every report of speeches delivered in that house. The right hon. baronet concluded by repeating his advice that the Motion should be withdrawn. (Loud Cries of " Withdraw.") Mr. O'CONNELL said he should postpone his motion for the present, but renew it on this day week, unless the reporters altered their conduct with respect to him. All the notices of motions on the paper were postponed in order to make way for the THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. SLAVERY ABOLITION BILL. Ott the motion of Mr. STANLEY, the house resolved into com mittee on the bill. The first five clauses of the bill having been disposed of On the 6th clause being proposed, which enacts that the ap prenticeship of the prmdial labourers should not continue be yond the - day of the year Mr. BERN AL sa►d that it was now proposed to fill up those blanks with the words "Ist of June, 1810." Mr. F. BUXTON said that he was sorry to be under the neces sity of addressing the house once more upon this subject. He had hoped that the government in consequence of the division of last night would have consented to make such an alteration in this clause as would have given general satisfaction. No man could be more convinced than he was that the catastrophe to which the noble lord had alluded—namely, that the ministry would be compelled to resign if further essential alterations were made in the bill—would be a great calamity. (Hear, hear.) It was only justice to the members of the present administra tion to say, that he had received from them support a thousand times stronger than any which he had ever received from their predecessors in office; and the very fact of their having come forward to propose a grant of £20,000,000, knowing the obloquy to which such a proposal was certain to expose them, was the best proof of their sincerity in this cause. He was satisfied that, if they determined upon having a protracted period of apprenticeship,—and seven years was, in his opinion, a very protracted period,—they would have all those melancholy results produced which he had described on a former night. The honourable member then contended against the principle of compulsory labour, and expressed a hope that ministers would consent, under all the circumstances, greatly to reduce the period of apprenticeship. He should feel disposed to propose that it should be limited to two years, from June last; but, out of deference to the opinions of others, he would consent to a longer period, and would therefore move, as an amendment, that the apprenticeship should expire in the year 1836, instead of 1840, as now proposed by government. Mr. HARDY, in seconding the motion, said that he considered the period proposed by the honourable member was sufficiently liberal. It was a gross anomaly to say that a boy of six years old should become free at 13, while a man who had spent sixty years of his life in captivity should have seven years more of that dreadful state to undergo before he could be declared free. The only way to get rid of the anomaly would be to eman cipate both in the shortest possible period. On this amendment, the committee divided : For the original motion Against it ... 206 ... 89 Majority against Mr. Buxton's motion ll7 The. 6th, 7th, Bth and 9th clauses were agreed to, and the Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again to-morrow. EAST INDIA CHARTER BILL. Lord ALTHORP intimated (as we understood,) his intention of moving the third reading of the above bill to-morrow; but said, in the event of that subject being disposed of at an early hour, the consideration of the Slavery Abolition Bill might then be proceeded with. 'the Stage Carriage Act Amendment Bill was read a third time and passed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at 1 o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, FRIDAY, JULY 26. The Earl of FALMOUTH presented a petition from Penzance against the new Beer Act. CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND) BILL. Earl GREY rose and observed that he was prepared to state to their lordships the further alterations which, from what passed last night, it might be expected he should make in the clause under consideration. But before he proceeded to do so, he would not attempt to conceal the disappointment and regret he had felt at the decision to which their lordships had arrived on that occasion. He could not help thinking, when he consi dered the circumstances under which that decision had been come to, and the appearances attending it, that the result had placed His Majesty's ministers in a situation of great embarrass ment. It was hardly necessary for him to say that after that adverse decision it was necessary for His Majesty's ministers to take time to consider in what manner it was right to proceed. The amendment of the most rev. prelate was not perhaps of great importance in itself; its effect, as he understood it, was just this—that in the first instance the commissioners were to apply the funds accruing from the suspension of benefices to the building of churches in such benefices; and in the second place, that if it did not appear necessary to employ those funds in that way, they might transfer them over to the general fund, for the purpose of applying them to the purposes specified in the pro visions of the act. Such he understood to be the meaning of the amendment which had been carried last night, and he cer tainly did not know, were it not fur the circumstances under which it had been passed, that he should have entertained any great objection to it; for, in point of fact, it made no material alteration in the discretionary powers of the commissioners. Upon second consideration, however, it did appear to him that the effect of the amendment would be far from an improvement to the bill -tho Ugh certainly he did not deem it such an aitera ation, affecting the general efficacy of the measure, as would justify him in abandoning the duty he had imposed upon him self of conducting it through •the house. He regretted the al teration ; and he certainly reserved to himself the right of pro posingi such further amendments as would be calculated to mo dify t ; but certainly, as the clause at present stood, he did think he was bound to go on, and not to relinquish the conduct of that great and important measure, which he believed essen tial to the connexion of the two kingdoms, the safety of the people and church of Ireland, and the general interests of the country at large. (Hear.) At the same time he would not disguise from their lordships that he did labour under deep sensations of difficulty and embarrassment in consequence of the vote which had been come to last night, and he certainly felt that if any further alterations of the same nature should be made, it would be for him then to consider how far it would be possible for him, consistently with his duty to his sovereign and his country, to continue the conduct of the measure. But as he did not consider the adverse vote of last night very material in itself, he was prepared then to proceed with the further con sideration of the clause in committee, and would propose such further alterations in it as seemed consequent on what had passed last night. He then had taken occasion to . declare that it was his earnest wish and endeavour, as far as he possibly could, consistently with his duty (which was paramount to every consideration,) in carrying into full force the general principles of the bill, to make every concession in his power. (Hear.) After haying conceded ail the material points of objection that applied to the particular clause under consideration, it was, he must confess, a cause of deep mortification and regret to him that the amendment was pressed. Flaying stated thus much, he would at once proceed to the further consideration of the clause, and to the objections which had been urged by the most rev. prelate against it. These objections resolved themselves into two points, which, if they had affected materially the effi cacy of the clause, he (Earl Grey) would state most distinctly and emphatically that there would be at once an end to his mo tive for proceeding further with the measure. (Hear, hear.) The first point was, that power should be given to the commis sioners to give salaries not only to the incumbent and officiating ministers, but also to the curate of the adjoining parish ; and the second, that there should be some saving of the rights of the bishops. Now, after giving the bishops au absolute control in the decision,—a step which appeared to him subject to great embarrassment,—his grace was leased to assent to the propo sition which he (Earl Grey) made to obviate the difficulty, ob serving at the same time that in his (the Archbishop of Canter bury's) opinion it was an improvement. With a view then to further these two points, which were the object of the most rev. prelate's opposition, he (Earl Grey) would propose two amend ments. The first would be to give the power to the commis sioners not only of granting salaries to the incumbent and officiating minister, but also to provide for the appointment and payment 6f a curate or other minister to perform the occasional duties of the parish. The second amendment he had to propose would be to admit the archbishop or bishop of the diocess in which a suspended living was situated to a seat in the board of commissioners, pro hoc rice, as he had before stated. Ile con ceived that these amendments would remove all manner of objection to the clause. Having stated this much, he did not know that he need do more than move that the amendments be added to the clause. , The noble earl then moved amendments to the effect he had stated. They were agreed to without opposition. The remaining clauses, together with the preamble and sche dules of the bill, having been agreed to, the house resumed, and the report was ordered to be received on Monday. The house then adjourned. HOUSE OF' COMMONS, FRIDAY, JULY 26. The gallery was opened at a quarter past Twelve o'clock. BRITISH POSSESSIONS BILL. The SPEAKER then moved that the order of the day for going into committee on the above bill should be read. Mr. P. THOMPSON was anxious, before the house resolved itself into committee, to make a proposal to consolidate the law as it at present stood. The effect of this proposal would be, that without making any alteration in the law, several acts of Parliament would be brought into one. He pledged himself to no alteration, but merely a consolidation of the 9 bills alluded to. If this principle should be adopted by the house, he was then prepared to proceed with them; but if otherwise, it was evident it was utterly impossible to carry them throligh; and he thought, under such circumstances, he should best consult the convenience of the house by withdrawing them altogether. (Hear, hear.) On the understanding, therefore, that the 9 bills were simply matters of consolidation, he hoped the house would permit them to pass through the committee pro forma. After a short conversation, the house went into committee seriatim on the British Possessions Bill, the Registly of Vessels Bill, the Customs Duties Bill, the Customs Management Bill, the Customs Bounties Bill, the Customs Regulations Bill, and the Isle of Man Trade Bill. Lord LOWTHER asked the right hon. gentleman whether it was intended by the government to permit the exemption from the payment of duty on the importation of foreign timber into the Isle of Man to exist. Mr. P. THOMSON said that not only the system of duties on timber imported into that island, but also other duties, would undergo a revision. The duty on timber would be altered in the earliest possible period, but would certainly not be delayed beyond the next year. (Cheers.) The bills then went severally through the committee, and the reports were ordered to be received on Monday next. At three o'clock the Speaker quitted the chair. The house resumed at five o'clock. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Mr. O'CONNELL moved, that on Monday next the proprietors and publisher of The Times should be brought to the bar of the house, to answer for a breach of privilege for publishing "the debates of that house. The learned gentleman made a direct personal charge against one reporter of this paper for having twice reported. nun " designedly false." Mr. HUME io,e to second the motion, not for the reasons stated by the hon. and learned gentleman who proposed it, but in order that the question, in what way the proceedings of that house should be in future reported, might be fairly settled. Mr. H. CURTEIS put it to the lion. member for Dublin if he could be serious in that part of his motion which related to Mrs. Brodie. Mrs. Brodie was a most amiable and estimable lady, the widow of a clergyman, and deservedly beloved and respected by all who knew her. She at least could have nothing to do with reporting or not reporting the hon. member for Dublin (Loud cries of hear.); and he requested to know, therefore, if the hon. member meant to persist in this part of his motion,—for if he (Mr. O'Connell) dud, he (Mr. Curteis) was quite sure that no one with feelings of justice—not to say of gallantry--could vote with him. (Loud assenting cheers from all parts of the house.) Mr. O'CONNELL consented to dispense with the lady's at tendance. When the motion was put, two or three members expressed their dissent to it, but the Speaker pronounced it to be carried. WARWICK ELECTION. In answer to a question, Lord ALTIWRP said that the report of the committee appointed to inquire into the transactions which took place at the War wick election did certainly contain charges of a serious nature as affecting the privileges of that house . ; but before he stated what course the government had pursued upon the subject, he was anxious to correct a misapprehension which existed in the public mind with respect to the conduct pursued by government in regard to lords-lieutenant of counties. It was knoll n that government had frequently been accused of allowing noblemen and gentlemen to remain in the situation of lords-lieutenant of counties whose political opinions and conduct differed materially from their own. As far as his recollection went, the office of a lord-lieutenant of a county had never been considered as a po litical office, and persons in that situation were not appointed solely in reference to their political opinions, nor removed ge nerally in consequence of their political conduct. He knew there were exceptions to this rule. Two instances had occurred in his time, and one or two before, of lords-lieutenant having been removed for their political conduct; but he appealed to those with whom he had always acted, whether they did not express their strongest disapprobation of the course which the government pursued in those cases ? (Hear, hear, hear.) Having taken this opportunity of stating his views on this ques tion, namely, that noblemen and gentlemen filling the office of lords-lieutenant should not be removed from their situation in consequence of their political opinions, he would now advert to the case to which the attention of the house had been particu larly called. He admitted that that case was a very different one from the case of a lord-lieutenant merely differing from the government in political opinions. (Loud elks of "hear.") Here it was not a question of difference of political opinions, but. of a lord-liedtenant interfering, as it was alleged, with the privileges of that house. (Hear, hear.) He certainly (was ready to admit that this was a most serious charge, but inas much as it affected severely the character of the noble lord in question, so much more necessary was it to give that noble lord an opportunity of explaining his conduct. This was the course which his Majesty's ministers had determined to pursue, and a letter either had been, or would immediately be, written to the Earl of Warwick, stating what had been reported against him, and calling on him for an explanation, in order that the govern ment might ascertain whether it was necessary or desirable to take any further steps in the matter. (Cheers.) AST INDIA BILL. Mr. C. FERGUSSON said he rose to present a petition from the East India Company relative to certain parts of this bill. The petition complained of the change proposed to be made in the constitution of the local government of the country, and ex pressed an apprehension that its tendency was to place a preju dicial power and influence in the hands of the Governor-General of India. The petitioners also objected to that part of the bill which related to the ecclesiastical establishment in India, and particularly to the appointment of twu bishops, and stated that the result of these alterations would be to place a tax on the natives of 50,000 rupees a year. The petition having been read and placed upon the table, Mr. C. FERGUSSON moved that the East India Company be heard by counsel against the bill. Mr. rIUME seconded the motion. For the motion 3O Against it Majority -70 On returning to the gallery we found Mr. Wilks addressing the house on the practice of infanticide in India. After a few words from Mr. C. Grant, which were not heard, Mr. WyNN said he doubted whether the local legislatures could with safety interfere for the purpose of preventing local infanticide. The extinction of that cruel custom must depend on the proirress of knowledge and the spread of civilization. Mr. C. GRANT then moved the third reading of the bill, which after some discussion was read a third time and passed. SLAVERY BILL. Mr. STANLEY hoped that as there were not many petitions before the house, there would be no objection to taking this bill at twelve o'clock on Monday next. The request was understood to have been acceded to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-post two o'clock. 4. • •Nit DEATH OF THE DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G. We regret to announce the demise of the above distin g uished nobleman, on Friday week, at his seat, Dunrobin Castle, in the county of Satherland. His grace had laboured under an infirm state of health for several years; but, up to his departure for the north, on the 2d instant, he was better than he had been for some months ; indeed the noble duke, with his daughter, the Countess of Surrey, dined with a large party at the 'Marquis of Westminster's, a few days antecedent to his em barkation for Scotland, when he was in excellent spirits, and appeared in better health throughout the voyage than he had been for some time. - His grace landed at Dunrobin, after a pas sage of sixty-one hours, and, twelve hours after, he was seized with the illness which terminated fatally on the above-named day. Intelligence of the dangerous condition of the duke was received by his son, the Marquis of Stafford, on Saturday, when his lordship and his sister, the Countess of Surrey, set out for the north, but, of course, arrived too late to be present when the melancholy . event took place. An express was despatched to Lord Francis Leveson Gower, who, with his lady, was travelling on the continent, and his lordship, it is surmised, has reached Dunrobin Castle. His grace was in his 76th year, having been horn Jan. 9, 1758. The following were his hereditary honours: —George Granville Leveson Gower, Duke of Sutherland, Marquis of Stafford, Earl Gower, Viscount Trentham, Baron Gower, of Sittenham, and a Baronet, K. 8., Recorder of Staf ford, and (jure uxoris) High Sheriff of the County of Suther land, succeeded his father, Granville, the late Marquis, K.G., Oct. 26, 1803. The marquis was called up to the House of Lords during the life-time of his father, and placed in his barony of Gower of Sittenham ; married September 4, 1785, Elizabeth, Countess of Sutherland and Baroness of Strathnaver, (in her own right,) and has issue, first, George Cranville, Earl Gower, born August 6, 1786, married, May 28, 1823, Harriet, third daughter of the present Earl of Carlisle; second, Char lotte, born June 8, 1788, married Dec. 27th' 1814, Henry, Earl of Surrey, only son of Bernard Edward, Duke of Norfolk ' • third, William, born June 4, 1792, and died in 1 7 93 ; fourth, William Leveson, died June 17th, 1804; fifth, Lord Francis, born 1799, married Harriet, eldest daughter of Mr. and Lady Charlotte Greville, by whom he has a family of six children ; sixth, Elizabeth, married Sept. 16, 1819, Richard Viscount Bel grave, now Earl Grosvenor. The family of Gower has some pretensions to be considered of Anglo-Saxon origin. The object of the creation, in Queen Anne's time, is thus stated by Burnet:—" Finch, Gower, Gran ville, and young Seymour, were made Peers in 1702, to create a majority in the Upper House, while Harvey was advanced at the same time through private favour." On the death of the Duke's uncle, Francis, the last Duke of Bridgewater, in 1803, he became the heir general of that Noble man, and acquired the whole income of the Bridgewater Canal and the Worseley estate for life, which lattegis entailed on his youngest son, Lord Francis Leveson Gower. Thus, by the Stafford, the Sutherland, and the Bridgewater possessions united, his Grace was regarded as enjoying one of the largest incomes of Europe—report affirmed that it exceeded £300,000 per annum. The Duke expended that income nobly and munificently : From the late Duke of Bridgewater, and by his own extensive pur chases, his Grace possessed a superb collection of paintings, ancient and modern, which, during a certain portion of the year he was accustomed to open to the public, at his late residence in Cleveland-row. Subsequently to his occupation of Stafford house many pictures have been removed thither; but the Bridge water part of the collection remains in Cleveland-row. When, after the decease of the late Duke of York, it had been deemed advisable to dispose of the palatial residence erected for his Royal Highness in the Green-park, we believe there was not an individual capable of forming an opinion on the subject, who did not rejoice at its falling into the possession of its late noble owner. The purchase-money' of the mansion was 75,000 guineas ; but it must be borne in mina that its interior was then, and yet remains incomplete. The Duke of Sutherland did not survive his elevation to a ducal coronet more than six months. He supported the present administration, and his proxy was given in favour of the Lord Chancellor's Local Courts' Bill. LONDON GAZETTE.—FaIDAY, JULY 26. BANRUPTCY ANNULLED. William Jervis, Truro, Cornwall, innkeeper. BANKRUPTS. Henry Lee, Down-street, Piccadilly, and Motcomb-street, Bel grave-square, saddler, and Little Windmill-street, victualler. Charles Friend, Munster-street, Regent's-park, milkman. James Calder Stewart, Torrington-square, merchant. James Sudell Troutbeck and William Thompson Clough, Darry Lever, Lancashire, manufacturing-chemist. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. Teasdale and Co., John-street, Adelphi, coal-merchants.—ll. C. Price and Co., Bristol, ironmongers.—J. Smith and J. A. Sodo. Mac - clesfield, silk-dyers.—C. Hicks and Sons, Wansted Mountfitchet, Essex, maltsters.—Ellis and Simpson, Shelton, Staffordshire, engra vers.—F. and F. G. Kile, Oxford, bookbinders.—B. 0. Johnson and Butcher, Cheltenham, silk-mercers.—H. Evans and W. Marlon, Birmingham, hatters.—D. Dickson, S. Stevens, and J. Surkitt, Wal lington, Surrey, calico-printers. DIVIDENDS, Aug. 29, M. Corf, Liverpool, cattle-dealer.—Sept. 4, J. Spivey, King-street, Great Hermitage-street, provision-agent.—Sept. 4, Y. Parker, Houndsditch, cork-cutter.---Sept. 6, 11. J. Norris and G. 'ryas, Bury-place, Bloomsbury, wine-merchants.—Aug. 19, J. W. Cohen. Lower Ormond-quay, luhlin. and Bury-street, St. Mary axe, wholesale-jeweller.—Aug. 17, G. Thwaites. and S. Toplis, Ciren cester-place, Fitzroy-square, upholders.—Aug. 17, L. Moseley, High street, Shadwell, Staffordshire-warehouseman.—Aug. 16, B. J. Mal hough, Fresh-wharf, Lower Thames-street, merchant, Aug . . 17, J. Neale, Milk-street, wholesale-linen-draper.—Aug. 16, J. Christie, South Sea-chambers, Threadneedle-street, and Tunbridge, Kent, coal= merchant.—Aug. 26, T. Brookes, Hereford, hotel-keeper.—Aug. 17, T. Burcher, Mitcheldean, Gloucestershire, timber-dealer. CERTIFICATES, AUGUST 16. R. Hamlin, Poland-street, Oxford-street, and Maddox-street, Re gent-street, tailor.—D. Farrow, Farringdon-street, and High Hol born, gunsmith. —G. Barlow, Stepney-green, iron-merchant.—G. Glover, Kingston-upon-Hull, grocer.—J. Leader, Watford, Hertford shire, ironmonger. MARRIAGE AT SEA.—In the ship Economist, which left Cromarty about ten days ago with emigrants for Quebec, a marriage took place under circumstances of rather an unusual description. After the vessel had been a day at sea, a discon solate damsel made her appearance on deck -from the hold, in which she had contrived to secrete hc.►self amidst the luggage. With her lover by her side, the younglady prot'eeded to inform the Captain that she was privately married to her companion ; but in order to frustrate the connection, the relations of the bridegroom had determined on sending him off to America. On learning this intelligence she resolved to embark with him for the wilderness of the ivet; and had entered on board the ves sel. She now wished the Captain to perform a sort of marriage ceremony to satisfy the passenger board, and render her situation more agreeable and respectable. The Captain entered into the humour of the scene; a wag on board drew sip a con tract, which we understand was a very rich and rare document, and in presence of all on board, assembled on the deck, the pair were declared duly and indissolubly united. After the ceremony, the happy couple were saluted by the ship's artillery, and by three long and - loud cheers from the crew and pas sengers.—lnvernese Paper, x - ^ NI ; ) JULY 30, 1833 THEATRE. R 0 L, LIVERPOOL. The Public is respectfully informed that Mr. Cooper, of the Theatre-Royal, Drury-lane, is re-engaged for the present week. Last night but three of Mr. Bartley, of the Theatre -Royal. Covent-garden; and last night but four of Mrs. Nisbett, (lat' Miss Mordaunt,) of the Theatre-Royal, Drufy-lane. rIIHIS present TUESDAY, the 30th instant, will be re. peated Shakspeare's Historical Play of HENRY 37m, which was received on Friday last with the greatest approbation. Cardinal Wolsey... 141ciVandenhofi. King Henry VIII, Mr. Cooper I &hop Gardiner, Mr. Bartley. Queen Katharine.... Miss Huddart. Anne Bullen (on this occasion) Mrs. Nisbett. After which a New Farce, called MY WIFE, WHAT WIFE ? Captain Hector Tempest, R.N Mr. Bartley. Captain Hector Tempest, Light Dragoons, Mr. Cooper. Symon Pym, Mr. Browne I Lady_ Lon purse, Mrs. Clarke. To-morrow, for the BENEFIT of Mrs. NISBETT, the Comedy of AS YOU LIKE IT. Orlando, Mr. Cooper—Adam Mr. Bartley—Jacques, Mr. V"' denhoff—touchstone, Mr. Baker—Oliver . , Mr. C; o oke—Ce li3 ' Miss Eyre—Audrey, Mrs. Clarke—Rosalind, Mrs. Nisbett. After which, • THE WEDDING DAY. Nis. . Sir Adam Contest, Mr. Bartley—Lady Contest,,Nrs• To conclude with THE .I.4DY airw THE DEP7L. . )ett Wildlove, Mr. Browne—Zephyrina, Mrs. Nisbett. On Thursday, for the last time thisweasuu, "The School for Scandal," with "Nell Gwynne." ••'. : On Friday, for the Benefit of Mr. B r ey, and the last nig ht ( II of his engagement,' the Comedy of "he Merry W" ° ,l iv Windsor," a new Farce called, t‘ Abob for an 'Hour," on other Enteltainmenti. _. TO CORRESPONDENTS. The letter of "FAIR PLAY," whether its averments be tru e or false, is a libel, and cannot be insetted. At the same time, we should like to be informed whether what is stated relativ e , to the Leda and the " E g rom o nt Cup" ca n b e su bstantiate d by evidence. We are oblied to omit the admirable letter of " J. from its extreme' length. We hardly know, in fact we have carefully studied not know, who suffers; but it is with painful feelings we are coin; pelled to confess that at a late hour last night we consign° from fifteen to twenty of the favours of our correspondents the flames. ZbE Elberpoot Atanbarb. TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 30, 1833. The foreign arrivals since our last are entirely d e void of interest. The QUEEN of BELGIUM has given birth to an heir to that throne, which PRINCE LEOPOLD o f Saxe Coburgh holds by sufferance of LOUIS PHILLIPPE, lils very respectable father-in-law. The young prince is t° be created Duke of 13RABANT, and baptised, at the earliest opportunity, into the holy and infallible Roman Catholic' church, which, certainly is the very highest complimen t that could be paid his Protestant father. There are some rumours of an attack upon Lisbon by Captain NAPIER, which we suspect are without founds tion. It is also reported that an armament is to be sent from Plymouth to aid the cause of Don PEnno. It is true that a fleet is secretly fitting out in that harbour. There are accounts of a destructive fire at St. John% Newfoundland, on the 7th instant. One gentleman , , after having saved his wife and child, perished in the flames, and n umerous o th er p ersons h ave l os t p ro p er ty 0.. a considerable amount. • We have not been able to obtain a copy of the r eport which the committee on the Liverpool election had agreed to present to the house on Monday last. We have rea son to know, however, that it is as unfav curable to the burgesses as their worst enemies could make it, and Yet it is not of that decisive and unqualified nature which would warrant the house in adopting the sweeping and wholesale disfranchisement of the burgesses so ludo& desired by Messrs. RATHBONE, THORNELY, HARVEY, an' a few other equally consistent and charitable puritans•. The report was only agreed to by a majority of one! We are enabled, however, to present our readers with the masterly speech of Mr. Nrcnot. in summing up the evidence adduced in favour of the freemen. It will bear an attentive perusal. The injustice of the whole pro ceeding, the flagrant inconsistency of the originators of it, the black ingratitude of some, and the baseness an d . mendacity of others, are admirably exposed by the Ho nourable nominee. Our limits forbid us from going into details, but we beg particularly to call attention to those parts where Mr. RATHBONE, Mr. HARVEY, and Mr. RUSO TON cut a conspicuous, though humiliating figure. I° our next, perhaps, we shall bring these worthy gentlemen forward in a more prominent manner. The dishonest and iniquitous spirit which prevails among the members of the Trades' Unions has been rendered manifest by an occurrence which took place in Manchester last week. The particulars transpired in consequence of a 'summons from a magistrate, but as these are too voluminous for our crowded pages, we bore' row an abridged account from the Manchester Guar dian:— "A gentleman of the name of Orrell, in conformity with the rules of the Trades' Union, contracted with a man named Barlow for the separate execution of the brick work at a certain price; . and a considerable number of hands were set to wolf upon it. After proceeding for a short time the men discovere d that Mr. Orrell was very anxious for the speedy completion of his building; and the bricklayers therefore turned out for an advance of wages, amounting to 2s. per week each. As the contractor had taken the work at a stipulated price, he couln not afford to give the advance demanded; but Mr. Orrell, rather t than have his building delayed, and all his other arrangeraer' s defeated, consented to such a departure from the terms of tier contract as would enable Barlow to give the advance require without loss to himself if the men did their duty. The copse' quences of this concession were such as might be expected froln the spirit of aggression which at present appears to actuate th. e ," workmen. As soon as the bricklayers had returned to'the work, the labourers turned out for an advance, which was also' conceded. The whole body of workmen resumed their employ ment; and then commenced that system of fraud and plunder,. (for it deserves no better name) which in the end had the effe ct of bringing the case under the cognizance of the ma,,, ,, istrat e ' The men, having succeeded in obtaining an advance of wag e , ori the work, seem to have been determined to make it last loet , 'enough; and they began to waste their time in s uc h a mantle r. that, during the last week, the bricklayers employed on 0(3 mill, although, according to their computation of time, th e( a had been working seven days and a half,—had done, on O average not quite a singe day's wo r k e a c h ; an d one o f th e nuni ( i ber, a little more conscientious than the others, was threateu e . with personal violence, becaus e h e was ge tti ng on w ith I n s work at a quicker rate than the general body considered eaP e ' dient. The necessary consequence of these dishonest and scan - , claims proceedings was, that the contractor very . soon paid wages a larger sum th an h e was en titl e d t o receive . On Ine' v , suring the work it was found that he had overdrawn his a ccoun 9 with Mr. Orrell; a n d, b e i ng a man w ith ou t p ro p er ty, he tw.,li unable to pay the wages claimed (we cannot say due)Trorn on Saturday last. The workmen then summoned Mr. Orrell shew cause why he should not pay the wages; but, of cou r t ° , Mr. Foster, after hearing the facts of the case, dismissed ty claim, telling the men that they did not deserve any wages „t all." It will be seen from this what employers may er' pect to gain by attempting to conciliate the workmen' who are bent upon their own destruction, and who, ra ther than disencumber themselves of the restraints jai posed upon them by secret miscreants, would join in • conspiracy, first to rob their employer, and then ba c : recourse to law, in order to extort those wages to win c they well knew they were not entitled. The fraud is disgrace to all the operatives who are members of thes e unions; for it is equally fraudulent on the part of thos e who connive at these proceedings as on those directly implicated and justly exposed before the mag istrat e ' Allowances we must admit should be made for indi ° ; duals—for simpletons—for nervous old men ; but t hat a number of persons could be found capable o f earn; ing four-and-sixpence a day, and capable at the sato 1 , time of acting in this base and infamous manner, shows that these bricklayers are more suited to live n ir der the code rurale of St. Domingo than the free inst ittl :. tions of this country. We might forgive their ignoran ce o i but what can be said for their integrity or their sense di , shame? If these men have ever received even the ro t ments of a moral and religious education, these ril e have been obliterated by the nostrums of the trarelli.st, schoolmaster, the shallow dogmas of the conceited de' °, or the arrogant pretensions of some political or pil il° oc i phical tinker. Well-disposed men may be ensnared, 3 to persuaded beyond the curb of their own re fiection 4 ba i do things of which they soon see cause to repen t, A we can hardly believe that any well 7 disposed men " ° 1•01 be induced to join in a fraud so glaring and f '- disgr ace ltf as this. None but the scum of men could be the e l ,he parties, and therefore to with them is out - o es a question. It will come to the pauper fare, or the tr o mill regime in the end. For some of these rogue s ' fear, the last named process is the only remedy. There has been going on d ur i ng the last week i ll oil' , don a sitigular 'conflict, a sort of pot-and-kettl e ale i between the member f or a ll I re l an d, and the gen tle° o of of the fourth estate, commonly called the gende ule feso the press, withwhich we are bound in candour to CO we have been greatly amused. i`' Mr. O'CONNELL complains, first, that the report% DO the gallery of the House of Commons do not reP°r