The Sun. — London, England, 1847-06-16 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT , HOUSE OF LORDS, June 15. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool lEteli shortly after five o'clock, when the House wa very zu lly attended by Peers, and there was a very numerous assemblage of ladies in the galleries. b After the present a tion o f s e ver a l petitions by Lord l aid on th e f SE AUDtoNT, and after the Marquis of LANSDOWNE had table two minor reports, AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. Lord STANLEY rose to make his promised motion — at the House was of opinion that the interference of her Majesty' s Government in the affairs of Portugal was Unnecessary and uncalled for—and said, that from the course which h a d b een pursue d i n th e p resen t sess i on o f Parliament by those who had been unable to repose Perfect confidence in her Majesty's advisers he was quit e sure that th e y wou ld h ave t h e cre dit o f mei:tem (rota their opponents. If they had been unable to tePPort some of the legislative measures which the Ministers had brought forward, they had on no occasion suffered their objections to degenerate into factious I)Position, but, on the contrary, had, whenever occasion had , thouerea, taken the opportunity to support rather an to Oppose the Government—and that whenever e .ey had felt it their duty to propose emeriti • we nt , b to the measures, those amendments had ee n framed so as to show their eff-ctual desire not to embarrass her Majesty's Government. su ch had been particularly the case in the great and j a l l°r tant subject which had chiefly absorbed the ween ier& Of their Lordships' during the present session. their if several of the measures which had chimed L eir Lord s hi ps ' attent i on h a d , f rom pecu li ar reasons, decidedly objectionable to those with wh. m lie e : e dt and if th e resu lt s o f th ose measures a pp ea r- d to b t fra ught with these difficulties to a remarkable, it not 11 4) a dangerous extent, all had been particularly carefal u t to incr ease the difficulties of the Ministry by any e r P r easions to which they might give utterance in the i n tete ment of their opinions. If he might adduce an :mace he would a ll u d e t o th e course which had been of ° Pted by this country with respect to the affairs he a great and neighbouring nation, in which It did himself deeply interested.—(llear, ` Zi-44 appear to him to be inconsistent with the first , l leiPles of justice, a violation of all international law. b " il l contravention of positive pledges already given d un th a i n country to the various European powers. He that their interference in the internal affairs of o , s 7t u gal had been undertaken in a manner hot a .4 `3' at varia nce w ith th e r i g ht s o f th a t i n d e p e ndent wtt it' but also in a spirit, he must say, far from that or Par tialitv between the two contending parties; and n en he believed that the admission of the principle ben which thi s i nter f erence was b ase d was lik e l y to % lic e this coun t ry i n a position of serious ember- I nlent he did feel that it was their duty no j ) t n : i er to be silent upon the subject.—(llear, hear.) the their Lordships' duty to vindicate themselves in the eyes of the co un try, in the eyes of Europe, and in ,. p eat J udgment of the present time. and the judgment of th e l rit Y , and to free the world trom the impression that toe Participated in the principle or approved of the tiese which had been pursued by her Majest's Go 'erlun • 1 : j t ent reeatton to the internal affairs of P ortuga l . . a i le w as their Lordships' duty to take care that ttien anti nee sh ou ld not su bj ect t h em t o m i sre p resen t a tion, em, s . t hey could only fulfil that duty by expressing an 1,,,` - ",4 as one branch of the Legislature of this greet a - dt re, upon this most important subj,•er, and, in t is ti ttl e :t ent, the present was t mphatically the time when b. expression of opinion ought to be given to the world. 6, 'v . of their Lordships could interfere with the t e k' e noe of that treaty—it was a treaty binding upon th country, and the Government themselves in laying to treaty upon the table of the House had announced fl e „ he lr Lordships that they had performed their iliac tee, and they appealed to this House for their otr gietent they challenged their decision, having fa e e t red a fair and a full exposure of all the a o ,:‘ ; and they asked their Lordships to pro- they their judgment in the matter, and whether trZ h ad rightly, wisely, and discreetly, exercised the 1:11 - Whieb the constitution had placed in their hands. charge against the Government—fir he did Lot dis- Vozse that it wa s a c h arg e which he brought against the ee te rer ament—was, th a t the treaty into which they had k w red was a violation of the principles of ietereatienel i t is' v iolation of the great !untlartleatal principles, that thi re Puguant to the spirit :a ail the treaties into which wa s Cou ntry had entered ; that this mole of' interference treat la-Partial, and that the execution of the thei r ' 14 good faith. as In- doubted not it was desire, t o execute it was difficult, if l e a alteg lian it.tracticanle itsult; and nkely -- to lead thine country Gait? petual labyrinth of conipie•.l [ion, threa!,. k i d g. • be most serious embarrassments to the diplomatic H e foreign relations of this country.—(Hear, hear.) 14;1:Uld not c o n ce i ve an y p r i nc ipl e more c l ose ly este to7l d and universally recognised—that with respect e domesti c and internal management of any state no I eas '? country had a right to interfere in any way, but e t of all by force of arms ; and the only qualification e tt n e t t i l lat universal pr i nc i p l e was , w h enever t h e so likely to domestic or internal affairs were in their nature e endanger, if not the institutions, at least the thantitiA i nterests of that country. He trusted that he Alf ; e 4 be forgiven if h e a d v erted to cireutnstances l ne er ere in what memory of their Lorships. and within Purp ose 1; of what might be called their own time, for the cop y of showing the unvarying and constant t • se of precedent and p dicy aeopte d by statesmen of the e7nt century of all shades and distinctions of le plitics. tre e j,n,cet during the internal commotion Which had ▪ haled in that country during the list century, le g leend did not feel herself called upon to interfere. In 4, when the French rev ol was is ee 7 ben th rei e ove n was deprived ution of theat t 2urc eis h e igh of his f,,„nrutictions—_and when the events of that p etiod excited I,lll_l_ gie;ifaliirm throughout Europe, the language from the r ti. country with refei ence to those events W a S. it was • doubt, the language of apprehension and of alarm, bin, (T hal the of non interventiou.—(H , from the Th Log here real extracts from the Spet. , ,e entirely a b s t ta o i n n e ,:t that period—" that this country internal affairs f rom ell interference with the the xi, . of Fr anc ., „ g 01 ranee wa s b .y murdered, the ciany rougat to the block Ain 3. pit.ngland war vvhich ensued was declared, not against France, but by France against Eng -h--(Hear, hear.) During the long period of dismay wl llc followed even up to the time when Charles X. W U obi' dre " m ag e d l to give up hi s throne, did they ever 1 ' th ef interference? —(H ea r, hear,) No, it was a t ought of, and in the Speech,from the Throne I t "at time no such principle was enunciat?d h . pi concluded by stating that the King regarded wit e ea !'cre the convocation of the Cortes. At a somewhat U rber • • Ve ts Period the great principle of non-interference r , Eild down by his Noble and Gallant Friend on the itinss-benehes (the Duke of Wellington). When to ! e n° congress of Vienna, he addressed a memorandum hi a French A m bassador, stating that he had availed of every opportunity of recommending to his e, Bt Y wholly to abstain from all interference in t he a -1141 affairs of Spain, because lie believed that I nterference could only place that monarch i nt a c t orse positi on , an d p reven t him trout promoting the other Feat amelioration of that country.— (Hear.) One hogl'eat authority—one with whom, in many respects, differed in political opinions—one to whose memory api ni u uked with affectionate reverence—one whose r eeej ul la Noble Lords opposite were bound to receive with great weight, and one for whom those wilt) 1 1 ,. H. 7e4 the most with him in political opinions, he did histtlitlL life—and would not now hesitate to declare Of h ia ue was a statesman keenly anxious for tie welfare tk native country and of other nations—(Hear)—in the tar 1830 , when negotiations were entered into with obligation ? r 'llt Powers of Europe, in pursuance of the itr__ of a treaty, for the purpose of settling the teell,lgeenerit between Belgium (which was then vir 1„:_17 separated from thalami) and Holt:lnd—the we delivered from the Throne, on that occasion an ised distinct terms the principle which lie was Us to lay down to their Lordships. The principle Pted by the advice of Earl Grey was non-interference t aa svi th the affair s o f B e l g i um as contrary to the laws of t I ° llB , and by that a dvice Earl Grey was enabled to , r , e ngthen his C a bin e t. They could not justify interfer e:* On the part of another ountry on the pretence of t e n ger, and he would go further, and say, that if the Belgians had adopted a republican form of ee overninent, instead of a monarchy, he did not Skink it would - be justifiable to interfere, nor ,vtould he consent to such int e rf e r e nce." Such was the language of Earl Grey, and at what time ? Why the ( evolution was not twelve months old ; the con- Iti • tutionai l , yet nevertheless revolutionary. throne of Louis Philippe was barely established ; and Publicanism was neither dead nor asleep in France. T he r ,, establishment of such a state upon the confines 3 the kingdom, would naturally excite the jealousy of ,', t ance. Yet they had heard that Lord Grey . had laid j," down that such a state of things would not justify au Olrference, Perhaps it might be said that these prin t-hiNes were true with regard to other nations, yet that e e e y bad such intimate and special relations with Por thatlsl they were bound by them to interfere. Ile ta ll y admitted that they had special relations with Por- OA the earliest of which was not less than 500 years ti a " , and there was one obligation which ran through ve ,„‘ 'hole of them, paramount of all, namely, that they oz ," 11 ," 1 not permit the security of Portugal to be invaded be:tolated by any foreign power whatsoever.—(Hear, 182 r1 114 oheers.) It was on this principle that,. 1 - I 6 • l at , t lu virtue of the existing treaties, Mr. Canning nal expedition to Lisbon, with a view to protect Portugal sue,: from an invasion of Spain. It was no civil su e ,: , si, when Mr. Canning interfered, and he was de n ; the Noble Lord had more fully studied that preee -11444 a nd that the sh a de of Canning was now pre (:)1, ri g Dula ` h discussion.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Ov er at the spirit of Canning were now presiding tile r i tue Commons of England. Would that there was e.or e , no ueco V i nt tongue of Canning in that House to do- Peso a f.. e conduct of these Ministers, who for the pur of her v ing the Sovereign of Portugal from the effects peopl e - e - „,, 11 , I nisgovernment, had attempted to coerc? her bad i nvi ",_," cleprive them of their constitutional liberties-7 niti es `_,` ll French fleet to enter the portals of . their their' and called upon foreign standing armies to invade ee mse cnueltry.-....(Hear, hear.) How different was the eepiel P u rsued by Mr. C ann i ng . In 1838, when after a Pled of violations of the most solemn and faithful baurs-"•-after committing murder and rapine upon all Don lao 8 0 , er Mi guel succeeded in usurping the throne of p e lgn and int en d e d w if e — a t th a t moment the th •ru oi t his country w e r e s t a ti one d at Portugal, but as th dtt n `Ytees were no longer required, as there was no f get 01. f ° - • • ere e i reign invasion, and their presence inte . r . • afi crs the settlement of the internal and domestic Worm of the count r y th ey were w i t hd rawn , a nd the fo r 7.7 n aa . again convinced of the love of this country In statutional law and undeviating impartiality Thetprformances of its duties to other nations. ties e f e Noble Marquis opposite, in alluding to the affairs eeruvrau'emt expressed his most anxious wish that the Go- Of air li t WoUld impresspo foreign nations the duty 4104 441 terieg ••• • to principles which actuated her Majesty's Government during the conflict with the princes of the House of Braganca. A Noble Lord (the Earl of Aberdeen) laid down the law upon the subject in the following terms:—he said, " that in the whole se ries of treaties there is no express stipulations which warrant the interference of this country, neither is there any such obligation implied by their general spirit or tenor. The treaties were formed for the purpose of re sisting successful rebellion. It is imposSible that any independent state could intend to commit the control and direction of her internal affairs into the hands of another party. Doubtless, if her Britannic Majesty should be under the necessity of furnishing an armed force for the internal regulation of the affairs of Por tugal, it would become his duty, and indeed an essential duty, to prevent any such cause of necessity for inter ference at all. However, there would be required a constant interference in the internal affairs of Portugal, for it would be impossible for his Majesty to consent to hold his fleets and armies at , the command of the,King of Portugal without having the superintendence of the affairs, and being assured that his forces would not be employed in arresting the effects of misgovernment.—(Hear, hear.) The whole spirit of the treaties, as well as their history, show that the principle of the guarantee given by England is " the protection of Portugal tram foreign interference." This was the principle which he contended lay at the root of the whole question before their Lordships—it was his duty to substantiate this, and to show to their Lord ships toe grounds upon which all practical as well as theoretics] state omen had acted ; and it was his opinion that the Noble Viscount at the head of foreign affairs in departing from that sound principle, had rendered him- self a mot dangerous master.—(Hear.) The principle of non-interference was laid down by the Noble Lord himself ie 1829, in a speech he made at that time, to the effect, " that every nation had the right to regulate its own affrirs—that it was a sound and sacred principle, and one which he trusteed England would never be found to set the example of its violation—(Hear, hear) — but that intervention by force of arms in the affairs of other countries, was against general principle, and the constantly observed practice of this country."—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord also complained not against the interference to which he was then referring, but because of their interference on the wrong side.—(Hear, hear.) He then stood up against interference, but expressed himself in favour of intermeddlimg.—(Bear, hear, and laughter.) This had been his plea then, so tar as inter ference could he carried on without armed interference. In 1833 a seeming departure took place from this princi plc of non-interference, in the case of Spain and Portu gal, when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were attempting to depose the female sovereigns from the thrones of those countries. Nay, so careful was his late lamented friend, Earl Grey, to limit the application of that treaty within the narrowest bounds, and most certainly in conformity • with the national obligations that it was in the first instance entered into between Spain and Portugal. for the expulsion of the claimant to the Crown of Spain. By that treaty, France and his Britannic Majesty were to be combined together for that ofiject, the agreement to have effect so soon as the French fleet entered the Tagus ; but the King of the French altered those conditions to these—that in the event of his iuterposition becoming necessary to effect that object he was ready to supply assistance, provided it was sought by the utsiti d voice of the parties to the treaty. It was, at any rate, a very doubtful question with regard to its duration, and whether it was or was not improperly estended. These additional articles contemplated not the expulsion of the pretender to the throne, but that assistance should be given to Spain for the purpose of Protecting her rights. He also thought that that was doubtful policy, and that it went beyond what the merits of the case required, and created besides a precedent of a mischievous nature ; but still, the case of Portugal could not apply to the state of Spain during the time to which he was referring. If it were held out that the principle of non-interference admitted of qualification, it would become his duty to submit to their Lordships as the second hi anch of this subject that the state of things in Portugal, with respect to which the Govern meet were called upon to interfere, was one purely domestic—one purely internal—one affecting no other country—deed one, therefore, which entitled no other country to interfere f it did not affect even the dynasty of Portugal, and yet it was an interference which, by the hand of the British Government, withheld from the people of that country the constitutienal rights to which they were entitled. He would state shortly to the House wirat were the facts which led to the coup de dot, which, iu its turn, led to the reeve lutioh of l'ortupd. It appeared that in Merch or April, 1846, there was not Nominally, but really in effect, at the head of the week Ministry of the Duke de Terceira, a Signor Costa Cabral, a man of ambitiou, as piring, active, anergetic, and not of over scrupulous cha recter, who had commenced life as an ultra supporter of mest ultra republican principles, who had been, in 1836, an indiscreet leader of the Septerrabrist party, b e , ,e he manifested considerable ability, and was accord ingly rewarded by a subordinate post in the police. In this situation he showed considerable power, made him self eaeful to the Ministry, and from being the most ultra radical he came forward in the character of the most violent partisan of Toryism, manifesting all the seal of the most Ihrveat convert. He was thought some what a dangerous man, and, accordingly, the Duke de Terceira overlooked him in the formation of his Ntnistry, but he made himself so formi dable to the Government by hi= leadership of an emote, that he literally stormed the Government, and compelled the Cabinet to attend to his wants and wishes. There was übundant proof of these statements in the blue book, and the correspondence which hail been laid upon the table of the House. In fine, Costa Cabral placed himself really at the head of the Government. Uiid ,, r his administration all kinds of peculation, extor tion, and vexatious oppression was practised upon the people ; the right of the election was interfered with ; armed troops were brought out to vote ; and thus the freedom of the franchise was interfered with. 'That, however, which proved the ultimate cause of the expul sion of Costa Cabral was a matter apparently of little moment. Among the other courses which Costa Cabral hal pursued—among the other vexatious laws he had introduced, was one which, under the pretext of -sana tory regulation, compelled all persons to bury their dead in certain cemeteries ; and for the better support of those who lived upon the taxes and imposts levied upon the people, these cemeteries were left un walled and unsecured. The consequence was, that the bodies were torn up by dogs, and one universal feeling of disgust and indignation pervaded the whole country at the tyrannical and disgusting proceedings of the Go vernment. Eventually a woman named Marianna Mentes, whose child had died, required that it should he buried in the church, but the priest refused, to bury it there, pleading the law in justification of his refusal. This gave rise to a disturbance, and the military were called out when some blood was shed, and the women and the peasantry f&I upon the soldiers. In a few hours the country rase from one end to the other, and Costa Cabral tyaerinine alarmed at the consequence of his own rids, and the Queen at the prospect before her, the resigna tion of the Gevernurent was given in and accepted, and the Duke of Palweila was called into vice. In the course of one we-le from that time the insur rection sub-ided, and the policy of the Duke of Palmella irrei restored the confidence of the people when tee Qrieen demanded his resignation. The Duke de Paltnelia proceeded to frame an electoral law by doer.: e to reeu!ate the mariner in whieh the clic tors were to take places at the ensuing election of the Cortes. The plan was very generally approved of by the people et' that country. Thus matters stood on the 6th of oe , oh -r, 1846, the time at which the p.,pers laid upot the table of the House commenced. The Duke de Pale/la enjoyed the confide nee of the people. but he did not etriey the confidence of the Crown, That was suer unded by • 1 dvisers, whom be had not taken the precaution to engage in his interest. The royal ear was poisons.; by misrepresentations, and false views and unions were 'cost sedulously poured into the royal ear. 0 , 1 the 6th of ()etch •r, !o , k place that extrordinary event d.:aaled in the papers before their Lordships, when with out warding, without notice, or without preparation, er the lea-t intimation of what was likely to take place, the Duk , de Palmella was sent for to the Palace, and there, with the Military Commandant of Lisbon, was told that it was her Majesty's pleasure that they should resign, that they should sign their own dismissal, and the app,intmont of their successors, and tha they were prisoners in the Palace till the so called spontaneous act of resignation was effected. This took place within four days of the period appointed for the elections under the new law of the Duke of Palmella. The communication made by the Duke to her Majesty upon that occasion was in sub stance this—ire did not entertain any apprehension of danger from the prevalence of existing opinions in the new Cortes—that he looked forward with considerable confidence to he able in the new Cortes to reconcile the undeniable rights of Majesty with theeonstitutional liber ties of the people, and it so happened that his predic tions were borne out in the case of four elections which had then taken place, and there was no doubt that there would have been a moderate arid constitutional majority in the new Cort's. Whatever might have been the answer of the Duke of Palmella, it had no influence whatever on the plans which were then contemplated. The Duke bowed to the authority of his Sovereign, and accepted the resignation which was forced upon him, and, upon the instruction of her Majesty's pleasure, left Portugal and sought the shelter of this country.—(Hear.) The Marquis of Saldanha who succeeded him, admitted that his whole Government was composed of the Ca bralist party, and as if to mark the connexion between these two parties, Mr. Bulwer wrote from Madrid that they were considered to be identical.—(Hear, hear.) • Now, the Noble Viscount at the head of iForeign Affairs in this country, some time afterwards, ins a dis patch sent out to Portugal, congratulated the Govern meta of Saldanha that they had no connexion with the Cabralist party.—(Loud cheers.) The new administra tion to succeed the Cabra!ist administration was formed, and the first act was the revocation of the electoral de cree, and the suppression of all newspapers except the official journals. In the course of a few days, a decree was issued, by which her Majesty assumed the dictatorship of the kingdom, and was made responsible to no one for her arts. On the 3d of November a sane uinary edict came out, that all the insurgents should be shot on the field without trial.--(Lear, hear.) On the 14th, an edict came out seriously affecting the interest. of British mer chants, and all classes of persons at Lisbon, by compell ing the circulation of the worthless notes of the Bank of Po — ralgal. These were the measures of the first fortnight of the administration headed by the Duke de Pahnella, which had been established to redeem the acts of the Cabralists, to redeem that solemn Hedge which was given to the people in the month of May by the Queen, by her proclamation to confide in her royal word, as she would henceforth govern within the terms of the consti tution.—(Hear, hear.) But what was the state of things on the part of thi people of Portugal. This event took place on the 6th of 0-tober. The Duke of Ter ceira was sent to Op , :rto f.r th e p urpose o r carrying out the intentions of the Government. agreed to at Lisbon ; but he found his authority treated as nought, and his decrees as waste paper, and instead of • being looked upon as the Queen's Commissioner, he found himself a prisoner. In a few days a provisional Junta was formed, under the auspices of Conde Das Antas, and the state of things became so desperate that it was contemplated that it would be necessary for her Majesty to seek safety in one of her Majesty's vessels lying in the Tagus. In ten or fourteen days from that time, from Oporto to Coimbria, from Coimbria to Ciudad Roderigo, from Ciudad Roderigo to Torres Vedras, and in fact from one end of Portugal to another, the flame of insurrection broke out, simultaneously, and without any connexion between them, and the Crown possessed no authority save that which it held by the bayonets of the soldiers. Why, before a month, the same spirit burst out from every portion of the country, and could any man doubt the feeling out of which these disturb. ances arose, and that it was to oppose the dismissal of a constitutional Minister, and prevent the recal of one who had been driven from power by the universal indignation of the country? Where, then, was the opportunity for foreign interference? He could see none. Those who rose to vindicate their rights to constitutional liberty from the inroads of tyranny, professed the deepest re spect for the person of the sovereign ; but they pro fessed a still deeper attachment to those constitutional rights which belonged to the subjects of a limited mo narchy. In both professions he believed them to be earnestly sincere. He would not weary the House with a detail of the long and tedious attacks which were made by disciplined troops upon unarmed and un diseiplined peasantry. One gleam alone appears to have enlightened the general gloom, and that was where a victory hsd been gained by the Duke De Saldanha, after an action in which eonsiderablc gallantry was displayed upon both sides, where the insurgents entered into stipu lations that they should surrender as prisoners of war, and have all the honours allowed to prisoners of war. Among them were some of the best, some of the bravest, and some of the most enlightened men in the land. They were brought in as prisoners. How were they treated after this surrender ?—(Cries of " Hear.") He would quote a dispatch from Mr. Sotheron of 13th December. The Noble Lord read that part of the representation made by that gentleman of the severity exercised on the captives, who were imprisoned in such a place as endan gered the health and perhaps the lives of the sufferers. He (Lord Stanley) believed that her Majesty's Govern ment had exerted themselves to the utmost which they had power to do on behalf of those sufferers. Col. Wylde, on the 15th February, stated in a letter, that the Duke of Saldanha bad adopted his remonstrances, and expressed his disapproval of exiling the prisoners taken at Torres Vedras. But how were these remonstrances treated ? The Noble Lord again quoted Mr. Sotheron's writing en the 30th January, to the effect that several of the nobility had been taken without notice and put in close confinement. The dispatch of the Ist February stated that the prisoners were crowded on board of a vessel, preparatory to exile. The captain of the vessel remonstrated against the indecency and inhumanity of employing a vessel not fit for the ldwest or the vilest felons without danger to health or life, and in packing the members of the noblest families in a space not sufficient for one half the number. The remonstrance was accompanied with the certificate of the surgeon that he would not be answerable for the consequences. The commandant, for his remon strance, was dismissed ; and the surgeon, for his certificate, was imprisoned, and ordered to be brought to trial. It was determined notwithstanding to send the prisoners into exile, and the only dispute was whether they should be sent to Goa. or Madeira, or the Azores. To the Azores they could not be sent, for it was impossible to prevent their returning to Portugal. So that the election remained between the unhealthy atmosphere of Goa or Madeira. Such was the conduct of the Government upon the first and only flush of success which attended their arms. Within a few days atter that first and only success, there was the only security which was then left, that of trial by jury abolished.—(Hear, hear.) It was also sought to be established, that the cities were in a most illegal and flagrant insurrection, but this is most strenu ously denied by the parties on the other side. —(Hear.) It was true that there were a considerable number of peasants who raised the cry " Viva Don Miguel ;" and an officer of the name of Macdonald set up the standard of Don Miguel, but he was himself put down, defeated, and slain ; and from that time not even a murmur was raised from one of the Miguelites. (The Noble Lord here proceeded to read several extracts from letters and dispatches written by Viscount Palmerston and the Marquis de Saldanha, in order to prove the teal character of the insurrection.) The objects, continued the Noble Lord. was to put down that coup itetat,which surrounded the throne, and which, at the same time, was a disgrace and dishonour to it. The Noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs, had laid down a rule of strict impartiality between the two parties, end he• sent out Colonel Wylde, for the purpose of observing the course , f events, but stated to him, at the same time, that the Government could do nothing more than act as medi ators between the two parties. Colonel Wylde arrived in Portugal on the 9th of November, but he had not fully carried out the purport of the instructions given to him. The Noble Lord here read various extracts from letters written by the Marquis de Saldanha and Colonel Wylde, with a view of showing that Colonel Wylde had not acted impartially between the parties, but had favoured the cause of the Marquis de Saldanha. Colonel Wylde, contended the Noble Lord, was a mere tool doing the bidding of the Marquis of Saldanha.— ( tiear, hear.) 'The great principle which he had laid down at the commencement of his address was that of non-interlereece in the internal affairs of other nations; he had endeavoured to show that the quarrel between the parties, was precisely an internal quarrel, arising from domestic causes, and could not, therefore, justify any interference on the part of any other country. He was cent:wily at a loss to understand what possible dan ger culla' have come over the minds of the Government t , ) convince them that what was wrong on the 6th of October was right on the 6th of April; or how the Noble Lord, at the head of the Foreign Department, had sue - ceeded in convincing himself that the arguments which he betort, used were entirely fallacious. Up to the pe riod of the sth of April, the interference was only that of a mediator ; but, after that period, it became an armed intervention; up to that period there was no ground for complaining of the want of impartiality on the part of this country, but after that the matter took a very different turn; it was no longer a mediation, but a mediation accompanied by an armed intervention. Certain terms were tendered to the Crown, upon the ac ceptance of which the Government were ready to pro ceed, but upon the refusal, on the part of the Queen, to entertain those terms, the Government could with draw from its ineffectual attempt at interference. The offer made by the Government to the Junta was this : These are the terms presented ; accept them ; if you do not accept the terms without limitation, and without alteration, we will come down upon you with the forces of France and Spain, and compel you to accept them. Was this sit equitable interference between two contend ing parties, struggling together on an affair purely do mestic and internal ?—(Hear, hear.) The state of the geeen's army was described by Sir H. Seymour and Colonel Wylde as miserable in the last extreme ; wherever the Queen's troops went they carried off the flicks and the crops of the country, while the troops of the Junta were well fed and well clothed. It was under these circumstances that the Government thought proper to interfere, in conjunction with the forces of France and Spam. Uneee these circumstances it was that the Go vel ntuent had sanctioned au invasion of the soil of Por tugal ; and could their Lordships tell him upon what plea it was that the Government vindicated its oppressive interference with this couutry— by a country which had hitherto been the protectress of liberty. He had heard some reasons stated why this country should interfere, but he thought that they were based upon such low grounds that no states man would venture to interfere. It had been said that if this country did not interfere other nations would. What. countries? France or Spain? Would , they have interfered without the sanction of England? If so, would it not be the duty of igland to prohibit such in. tereerence? But he did not believe that any such inter ference would have taken place on the part of France, axle he felt confirmed in this opinion by the statement of M. Guizot, who expected the return of Don Miguel to Portugal, and, in the event of such an occurrence taking place, the Government of France would apply to the parties to the Quaduple Alliance upon the subject, and that that Government was ready to concert measures with Spain, Portueal, and England. In a dispatch dated the 9th of August, from M. Guizot to Lord Palmerston, M. Guizot admitted that the treaty of the Quadruple Al- I hence was not at all applicable to the affairs of Por tugal. Sir H. Seymour, when he got credit for impar- • tielity, though he appeared to lean towards the cause of the Queen of Portugal, and to support the intentions of the British Government, stated that the French Minister at Lisboa had offeied the aid of France, and that it had been declined. On the news reaching England, Lord Palmerston called upon the French Arnba,sador for an explanation, and in reply he stated, that it was a mistake to say that the support and aid of France had been offered to the Queen of I"or tugal.—(Hear.) So much for France. The interference of Spain ! The interference of Spain, in her present condition, in the affairs of Portugal ! That Spain should threaten to interfere at all was altogether impossible. Why, if the Government had said, " the first Spanish soldier that crosses the frontier will be the signal of war with England," did they think that Spain would have so far forgotten herself, and her lamentable condition, as to have s,nt a single soldier across the frontier ? (The Noble Lord here read a dispatch from the Spanish Mi nister, stating that the Queen of Spain would adopt no decisive course without the consent of England.— (Hear, and cheers.) Everything, therefore, showed that Spain would not act independenity of England, Even if the cause of the Queen of Portugal was unaided by the arms of England, and Spain had marched an army into Portugal, such an act would have protracted the present state of the country, and would have caused its people to rise up against such an invasion, and a war of the most disastrous end bloody character would have at once broken out between the two countries. They had, however, undoubtedly succeeded in their interven• tion; but had they advanced any nearer the final settle. [tient of the question in e hich they had interfered? What had they gained for Portugal? what had they eeined for theiuselves?—(Hear, hear.) Had they gained the personal gratitude of the sovereign of Portugal? Perhaps they might; they had saved her throne, which never was in danger except from her own misgovern• went—(Hear, hear)—they had saved her throne, which she might have saved herself by a proper course of p o licy; but whilst they had saved the throne, they had humiliated the sovereign—(Hear, hear)—she had been guilty of a long course of unconstitutional acts, and had exasperated her people.—(Hear, hear.) Had they, then, ,gained the affections of th e people of i'ortugal ?—(ilea.) r Did they think th ey h a d eentirinel the old feeling of attachment and friendship i.ei;ich had :iefetiifore 6ubsistA between this country and Portugal ? Han they not rather given to the people of Portugal henceforth reason to say, " Tyranny may work its way in Portugal, secure that at the last mo• ra• VI. Vii Al, THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY ment it will be protected from the just consequences of the indignation of the people by the interference of forces led on by England.—(Cheers.) Henceforth the liberty and freedom of Portugal are but shadows—but a name. For however unanimous the feelings of the nation may be—however determined their struggle for liberty, and however successful the result—at the last moment li berty will be snatched from them by the interference of France and Spain, aided by Councils, and by the arms of England.—(Cheers.) England is no longer our power ful ally, under whom we were said to rest, and of whose protection we wer e sure w h en oppresse d." From this time they would look upon England as leagued with her enemies. —(Hear, hear.) He did not stop to inquire whether the terms proposed by England were fair and equitable, whether they would be faith fully carried out, whether the national lovers of freedom might be satisfied, whether the. Junta would have acted otherwise than they had expressed themselves, but he could not forbear inquiring when they anticipated that they could withdraw their forces from Portugal, and whether, when th e y h a d d one so, t h ose o f F ra nce might not enter the country, whether it was not probable that by the voice of the nations of the continent they might be called upon to continue that intervention to a greater extent than they could now anticipate? By the treaty they were pledged to afford aid to the Queen until she had accomplished the pacification of her dominions,. but did that stipulati on mean the tota l sup p ress ion of the power now array e d aga i nst t h e Q ueen — t h e su ppression of civil rebellion ; or did it mean the removal of the causes which had led to this outbreak ; or did it mean the pacification of the people, not physical but moral and mental, and the conciliation of the affections of th e peop l e o f P ortuga l ? Did they mean to frame th e l aws o f t h e countr y, to interfere in the elections, to interfere in the internal affairs of Por tugal—that the trib una l s o f j ust i ce s h ou ld not be prosti tuted to power—that the voters should not be overborne by force, or prostituted by the bribery or undue influence of the Government? but if they did not do this, they gave no guarantee to the people of Portugal that their liberty would be protected. Then with respect to the conference—suppose it should consist of Costa Cabral and others of the extreme party, how would they act? Were they prepared to see another revolution commence, and by the exercise of their authority to protect public justice and to make themselves rulers and arbitrators? To him it appeared an intervention of an intolerable character ; but it seemed to him that it would become far more intolerable if th e y were going to do all this. He saw nothin g b u t embarrassment and jea lousies, which they would find it difficult to remove. He hoped that the faith of the Crown might he maintained—that the electoral law might be passed —that the Cortes might be summoned—and that they might respect the feelings of the people ; he hoped that those feelings would not carry them beyond patience, and lead them to the adoption of extreme measures. What had been done was irredeemable, and must be execrated; and if, on the contrary to his apprehensions, it led to a restoration of tranquillity and the establish ment of constitutional liberty in Portugal, he should be clad. He. however, felt confident in his own mind, that the course they were now pursuing was impolitic, and he could not think it consistent with his own duty to shrink from bringing the subject forward, and he trusted their Lordships would not consider it consistent with their duty to abstain from vindicating themselves in the eyes of the world and in the eyes of posterity against a participation in the course which her Majesty's Government were pursuing, and that they would express their sense of the reckless injustice of the course which the Government had pursued, and that they would vote against that which appeared to him an act of great injustice, and at variance with the fundamen tal principles of the laws of nations. (The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst loud cheers after submitting his motion to the House.) The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought it his duty to offer his most decided protest against the motion of the Noble Lord. When the Noble Lord, in adverting to the cruelties which had been committed, stated that Mr. Southeron had been most active in alleviating them, he forgot to state that his conduct had been directed and pointed out by her Majesty's Government. He felt, in entering upon this subject, he was not called upon by any observations made by the Noble Lord to vindicate the expediency, under certain circumstances, of interfer ing in the affairs of other nations. Although the opi nion that no interference in the quarrels and discords of other nations should take place had been always held by a small minority in this country, vet all those who de served the name of good and sound politi c i ans , we r e i n favour of the contrary principle, and th oug ht th a t intervention in the affairs of other nations was sometimes not only expedient but necessary. In the first instance, he felt it necessary to call the attention of their Lordships to the relation in which this country stood with respect to Portugal. That peculiar connexion was founded upon the geographical positions of the two countries, and upon the system of commerce which was carried on, and for ages that rela tion had remained nearly the same down to the present time. They practically knew that in the more distant coun tries, such as Japan or China, the consequence of wars and revolutions could not affect this country, but expe rience taught them that in no ono instance had Portugal been touched without immediately and strongly affecting the intere-ts of this country. The Noble Lord had, in the course of his observations, inferred that this country was not only a consenting party, but gave that approba tion which was implied by silence to that course of circumstances which had been described as leading to the disturbances which had taken place. They were bound to refrain from giving any indications which could be construed into a support of the proceedings of either side as long as actual intervention of the Govern• ment and the nation was uncalled for. There were three stages in the policy which the Government had adopted. There was a time when they took only the part of spectators—but itv - erested spectators—of the internal discords of Portugal, and they could see that no one of the conflicting parties came free from blame into the tribunal of public opinion ; but there were times in which all of them had committed acts which more or less required the disapprobation of those who were interested in the affairs of Portugal. The state of the country had been des cr ib e d b y S ir H. S e ymour, in page 221 of the report upon this subject. He stated that the most alarming disturbances had been the consequeece of the indulgence of all those evil passions which had been : called forth by the disputes between the Crown and the people. The whole of the attempt of the Govern ment bad not been an attempt to overthrow the dynasty of Po rtugal — it was no t an attempt to introduce any new laws into Portugal, but merely an attempt to bring the Crown of that country into more close communication with the people, so as to obviate many, or all of those, disturbances which had taken place in that country. . The Government laid b e t ween three chances—namely, despotism with Donna Maria, a republic with the Junta, and despotism with Don Miguel. So that between all those chances, it was hard if one of them would not eventually become the ascendant, unless some interfer ence took place upon th e part of the G overn ment of this country. From the dispatches of Mr. Bulwer, it would be seen that there could not be a more anxious wish to co-operate with this country, than that which was shown to exist on the part of Spain. It was said, however, that Spain should act under the command of the English Go vernment. Now, was that language to be used to a free - and independent Gov ernment ? H e t h oug ht Spain was quite as interested in th e affairs of Portugal as this country could possibly be, and he could not con ceive how Spain could possibly be more indifferent with a view to their interests, than this country. The Noble Lord said that they had an opportunity of carrying war into Spain. Now, an interference on the part of Spain with the affairs of Portugal, would have had the effect of embroiling France and England; but even that inter ference on the part of Spain would have been less absurd than the course pointed out by the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord (Stanley) had taken advantage of M. Guixot to draw a conclusion in favour of his views. They ought not to let it be sup p aed that in the course of events, that if they had come down with a war on Spain, that France would have remained perfectly neutral ; and he thought, there fore, that the Government had pursued a wise course on this question. They had "not," as Mr. Canning said, somewhere in that speech to which the Noble Lord (Stanley) had referred, " waited for war, but gone be fore war." And the policy the Government had pursued would have been that adopted by Mr. Canning.—(Hear, hear.) They (the Government) had endeavoured to reconcile the Queen of Portugal to the feelings of her people. They had endeavoured to give her subjects hope that they might be able to induce the Qtteen to revoke those unjustifiable measures which excited the indignation of her subjects.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that the Noble Lord (Stanley) was most unreasonable in his condemnation of the appoint meats of the Government. They could not have made a more judicious selection than that of Colonel Wylde. That Gentleman had been engaged for many years in the Peninsular war, and had become acqua i nted with the habits and feelings of the people of Spain and Portugal, and that knowledge could not tail t o b e a most valuable acquisition in the situation to which he had been ap pointed. He believed that no more eligible person could be chosen than that gentleman, and unless the Noble Lord told him (the Marquis of Lansdowne) some speciarcircuinstance of disqualification, he should still ad here to his opinion. Sir H. Seymour also was a most eligible person, possessing, as he did, knowledge and ability. lie must say that the Noble Lord h a d totally failed to . make out this part of his case ; and in the correspond ence that had taken place between Colonel Wylde and Marshal Saldanha, the latter said ;—‘• I give you my word and honour that nothing. could be mo re pa i nful to me than to think that I have given cause of complaint." And what was the conduct of these gentlemen ? Was it not in cionformity with their character ? B o th Colo nel Wylde and Sir Hamilton Seymour naturally ad dressed themselves first to the leaders of th e Q ueen ' s party. But the Noble Lord said that when they wen! Portugal understood that they were to favour the interests of the Queen, and that their views were to be directed to establish a Government totally different to that then existing in Portugal. N ow, these gentlemen went out to Portugal upon the distinct impression that their measures were to be directed to the restoration of the Legislature of the country in its fullest efficiency. They were told also that the insurgents were to be in eluded in the amnesty. A better provision could not be procured for the insurgents, though the Noble Lord said that they had derived no advantages from the inter ference of this Government. lie contended that the Government throughout had acted in a manner ca l cu l a ted for the security of the peace of Europe, and had succeeded in securing a constitution for Portugal. In effecting that they had ac hi eve d more than if they had gained a victory at Torres Vedras. With respect to the argument as to non - interference he did not think the arguments of the Nobl e L or d were satisfactory. Abstinence from interference might be carried too far in public as well as in private lif e . Th en might arise a state in which interference became a duty. . It was the same way public life. The v i ews of the Noble Lord reminded him of what took place at a trial. A person wu murdered e a e n l d led in w t e h s e e co l u e r e s k e er of ee th e e ed ev e i e d g en e c iz e e o e n t e ef o e f ll th t e he w e it i ne ree ss m es . stances connected with the crime that had been com mitted. He had even heard the knife with which the murder was committed sharpened. The judge inter rupted him, observing, Do you mean to say that you did nothing all the time?" The answer was that he " never interfered in matrimonial disputes." Now that resembled what the Noble Lord suggested. By inter fering, he believed that they bad done something towards preventing bloodshed. He thought that the Government had, as he had already asserted, acted with the wisest policy in this interference in the affairs of Portugal. If they bad abstained altogether from interference, they would be acting most disgrace fully, because it would show incapacity, while by their present interference they had succeeded in restoring the constitution to Portugal. He therefore would sup port the policy which her Majesty's Government had adopted.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON, who was almost in audible at the commencement of his address, said, it was most essential to the interests of this country to preserve peace in all the countries of the world. Agreeing, as ho did, in the propriety of this Govern ment refraining from an interference with the affairs of any other Government, he still expressed a hope, and as far as his knowledee went, his belief was, that a British Ambassador or a British Minister, in every part of the world, would exercise a most important influence in maintaining the peace of the particular courery in which such Minister should reside, and so far as was necessary for the maintenance of the tranquillity of that country, and of the policy pursued by the Government existing in it. He had the conviction, from other reasons besides those he had mentioned, that there should be a strict abstinence from interference with the internal Gov' rn ment of another country ; but he still held that the pre sence of a British Ambassador, cognisant of everything that was going on in that country, had a most powerful influence in maintaining tranquillity in that country, and in maintaining the form of Government existing within it. His Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) had made a most eloquent speech, and throughout the course of it had more than once expressed his disapprobation of the in terference of this country with the affairs of Portugal, and said, that in no case could an interference be justi fled. The Noble Lord complained of Cabral, and all that he said of the Cabral Administration was true. The Noble Lord, the Minister in that country, had la boured to the utmost of his power, and as far as he could, in order to have the Government conducted on honourable principles. The acts, however, of which his Noble Friend complained, had been the common acts of the Government ever tusigna in a c l e — i u t ud h e ad been este tbiloinshs,edb.y tTherea treaty, u t n o try ai , d th p en or , was Portugal — unde r stateobloi obligations, a c t o i consi derable disturbance. This c oun t r y was un d er oblige by the old existing relations ; and it was the in terest of this country, by her commercial and by her political relations to maintain the tranquillity of Portugal.. This country had an interest in the political existence, and the independence of the Government, as well as in the tranquillity of the country. Her Majesty's Ministers were under the necessity of sending to that country an armed force in order to give protection to her Majesty's subjects, whose interest it was to reside there, and whose property was all in that country. Here there was a British force in that country in a state of disturbance; this country had an interest in her political independence, and a British force was there for the pro tection of the British subjects exposed as they were to the misfortunes of war. It must be recollected that! parties in that country were nearly equally divided, at least there was no great military event. This equality existed not only in Oporto, but somewhat nearly so in Lisbon, and it was found that the general in com mand of the troops at Oporto, to the amount of from 4,000 to 5,000 men, embarked from Oporto with the in tention to take them down to Lisbon, and there to effect by them what no one would for a moment defend—the dethronement of the Queen —who would thereby be under the necessity of leaving Lisbon, or possibly putting herself on board the British fleet. Was it desirable that that should be effected—that which this country had power at hand to prevent? The officer at Oporto had already commenced a blockade of the river, and duly sent in a notice, that in case the Portuguese fleet should attempt to sail out, they would be seised by the block ading force. But now he would shortly call the atten tion of their Lordships to the mediation. It was true that the natural mediator with Portugal was the British Government. But it was unnecessary for him to remind them that a mediation, in order to consult the interests in question sufficiently, must be pos sessed of some military power ; and this country had, on the present occasion, a British fleet near the seat of disturbance. It might be said that Britain bad great reputation for power ; and they did hare great power, and great wisdom in their counsels and great energy, but they had been resting to much and too long on their reputation. It was necessary to show sometimes that they could accompany their opinion with power to make it good. On the application, then, of the Queen of Por tugal, this country had at length thought proper to interfere for the support of the Queen, and he hoped that they would take care to makeproper arrangements for the good government of the country as far as was possible within the limited powers of the mediation. Anxious as he was for the independence of Portugal, and although Britain was the natural mediator on the affairs of that country, he yet was glad that that mediation had been taken up, and established by three independent coun tries. It was not in this instance the influence of France alone, or of Spain alone, or of England, but of all those conjointly. He. therefore, thought the British Govern tnent was justified in interfering, at the request of the Queen of Portugal, in the affairs of that country. The Noble Duke, who spoke from the cross benches, with his back to the gallery, was very indistinct in his enun ciation, and was very imperfectly heard. Lord WINCHILSEA said their Lordships were not called upon to say whether the intention of her Majesty's Government was good, but whether the procedure which they had adopted was right? He thought that the in terference which had taken place was most unjustifiable, and therefore he felt it to be his duty to give the most cordial support to the motion. Earl St. GERMANS said that in the first instance he was very much opposed to the interference of the Go vernment in the affairs of Portugal, as being likely to involve a most complicated question with reference to the affairs of other countries ; but, upon a careful perusal of all the documents connected with the case, he bad come to the conclusion that the course adopted by the Government was the one least likely to lead to trouble and inconvenience in the end, and most calculated to meet the justice of the case. He thought that the rela tion which had always existed between Portugal and England was a full justification of these measures which had been adopted by her Majesty's Government under the existing circumstances, and therefore he should not feel it his duty to support the motion of the Noble Lord. —(The Noble Earl was during the whole of his speech nearly inaudible in the gallery.) Lord BEAUMONT said that the great question of neutrality was involved in the question which was then before the House, and their decision would in future re gulate how far that passive conduct which one nation should preserve with regard to the internal af fairs of another was to be departed from. He thought that if this motion were negatived, so as to affirm the principle of her Majesty's Government, that that principle might be in future car ried out by other countries to the detriment of this nation, whilst from a feeling of consistency they would be compelled to look on without any effort to take any part in that which might possibly very much concern them. What could have been said to induce the Govern ment to suppose that France or Spain was about to in terfere, but even supposing either country had contem plated an interference, it was evidently not for the pur pose of an invasion; and he, therefore, attached no im portance to that plea, that had her Majesty', Government not have interfered France or Spain would. From all the proceedings of Spain and France, it was quite clear that if they ever did entertain the expediency of inter fering, it was only in conjunction with England. He thought instead of interfering in this instance, the Government ought to have left it to be settled by the quadruple alliance.. The Government, however, seemed to contend that the quadruple alliance performed all its functions in relation to Portugal, when it placed the present Queen upon the throne. Had the move ments of either the Queen's party or that of the people been calculated to injure British interests there might have been some reason for their directly interfering in the decided manner they had done, but so far from that being the case the two parties had, throughout the whole of the insurrection, scrupulously respected the rights and liberties, and interests of the British mer chants and residents of Portugal. He regretted the present interference the more because it imposed upon this country the performance of a difficult task, and might probably induce the world to imagine that it was a party to the civil and unconstitutional proceedings which had been adopted in the name of the Queen of Portugal. But if this interference was justified, as he understood Government contended that it was, upon the grounds of humanity, why was it delayed so long, and why did it not take place before so much blood had been spilt in the Peninsula?—(Hear, hear.) Again, it was exceed ingly difficult to decide which party had violated the constitution, so complicated were the charters, but in his opinion both parties had been guilty of infringement of the constitution. No doubt, however, could be entertained as to the impolicy, not to say injustice and tyranny of the measures pur sued by Costa Cabral. Up to the night of the 6th of October even that party did nothing which could be considered a violation of the constitution. It was said that they were obliged to interfere because it was supposed that some intrigue had been going on at Madrid to induce Spain to interfere separately. Why was the petty intrigue of a foreign nation, however pow erful she might be, to induce England to depart from the long-established principles of equity and justice?— (Hear, bear.) There was but one topic more upon which he wished to touch. It had been said by the Noble Marquis that there was some d eg ree of partiality displayed towards the Queen in the terms and conditions offered to the Junta of Oporto. To some extent he agreed with the Noble Marquis, and he regretted that such should have been the case, because there was every reason to suppose that it bad led to many of the diffi culties and disturbances which had subsequently arisen. He t thought an e t o v f er c y on h fi e d e c t ace in a G overnment in tention, acted aw h with and therefore he felt it to be his duty to vote aga inst it. Lord GRANVILLE s aid that it a pp eared to him th at that the which motion ad showed the question before the House was not so much as to the man ner of the armed i n t ervention of the Govern me n t as whether the Gove rnment could have ado p ted an y other cou rse less open to obj ection. That interv ention was , in his opinion, the only line which the Government could have, adopted, considering the course which had been t a ken by the Government o f Portugal and the Govern ments of other countrie s wh ich were also interested in the question. The measures which had been adopted were of a humane nature, as they were calculated to prevent war of a destructive nature; and he hoped their Lordships would, by their vote to-night, hasten the happy conclusion of that which had been so well com menced by her Majesty's Government.—(Hear, bear.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and their Lordships divided, when there appeared— Content Non-content Majority against Lord Stanley's resolution —l9 The Bills on the table were forwarded a stage, and their Lordships adjourned at Half-past Ten o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 15. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. _ ___.. REPORTS. The following Reports were brought up, and ordered to lie on the table: — Caledonian Railway (Purchase or Lease of Wishaw and coltness Railway). Leicester Waterworks. Londoa (City) Improvements. York and Newcastle Railway (Hartlewol Duck and Railway, and Great North of England, Clarenc, aLd Hartlepool Junction Railway Lease 'Lad PLArcha'e). York and North Midland (East Riding Canals Pu_reha s ' The reports on the following Bills were further CO sidered and agreed to:— Chester and Holyhead Railway (Extension at Chester and Alteration of Levels). East of Fif, Railway (ilarkinch Deviation). Edinburgh and Northern Railway, Saint Andrew's and Newburgh Harbour Brunches and Road Crossii.us (Newport Railway Extension). Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding Junction Railway (Burnley and Colliery Branches). Great Northern Railway (Deviations between Gains. borough and Doncaster). Guildford Extension and Portsmouth and Fareham Railway. Huddersfield and Manchester Railway (Deviations and Alterations in Oldham Branch, sc.) Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway (Ossett Branch and Dewsbury and Morley Stations.) Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Harrogate and Pateley Branch, &c.) Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Branch from Melmerby to Northallerton, &c.) Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Eagleschffe and Stillington Extension.) London and North-Western Railway (Lease and Pur chase of the Huddersfield and Manchester Railway _ _ and Canal, and the Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Ash ton Canal Purchase). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Branch to Chapeltown and Thurgoland Coal Branch). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Shet- field Canal Purchase). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Junc tion with the Midland Railway via Barnsley and Branches therefrom). Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railways (Sta tion at Sheffield, and Branch to the Sheffield Canal). Midland Railway (Extension of the Nottingham and Lincoln Branch at Lincoln). Midland Railway (Masbrough and Normanton Stations Enlargement). Tyne Docks. Wear Valley, Bishop Auckland and Weardale, Wear dale Extension, and Wear and Derwent Railways and Shildon Tunnel Amalgamation. Westminster and Part of Middlesex Sewers. York and Newcastle Railway (Wearmouth Dock En largement). York and North Midland Railway (Knottingley Branch). THIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third time and passed: Airdrie and Bathgate Junction Railway. Ashton Gas. Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Improvement of the Ferry between Ferry Port on Craig and the North Shore of the River Tay). Edinburgh Waterworks. Glasgow, Airdrie, and Monklands Junction Railway (Cowlairs Branch). Kilmarnock Police and Improvement. London (City) Small Debts. London and Yorth-Western Railway (Birmingham and Lichfield Line, &c.) London and North Western Railway (Kenilworth to Berkswell, Branches and Extensions, &c.) Lynn and Ely, Ely and Huntingdon, and Lynn and Dereham Railways Amalgamation. Strathtay and Breadalbane Extension Railway. York and Newcastle Railway (Pelaw, Tyne Dock, &c., Branches). EASTERN UNION RAILWAY. On the motion of Captain GLADSTONE, it was ordered that the report from the Committee on the Eastern Union Railway (Branch from Manningtree to Harwich) Bill be taken into consideration upon Thurs day next, provided prints of the Bill, as amended in Committee, shall have been deposited with the door keepers on or before this day. LIVERPOOL, MANCHESTER, AND NEW CASTLE-UPON TYNE JUNCTION RAILWAY. Mr. ENTWISLE moved, on consideration of the re port from the Committee on the Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle-upon-Tyne Junction Railway (Burnley Branch) Bill, that the Bill be read the third tame on Thursday.—Motion agreed to. The How. MEMBER also moved, on the consideration of the report of the Liverpool, Manchester, and New castle-upon-Tyne Junction Railway (Alteration of Main Line and Hawes Branch) Bill, that the Bill be read the third time on Thursday.—Motiou agreed to. MIDLANh RAILWAY. Sir JAMES EAS moved, on consideration of the report from the Committee on the Midland Railway (Extension from near Leicester vid Bedford to Hitchin, and to Northampton and Huntingdon, and Enlargement of the Leicester Station) Bill, that the Bill be read the third time on Thursday.—Motion agre,d to. LONDON BRIDGE RAILWAY TERMINI. Captain PECIIELL moved, on consideration of the report from the Committee on this Bill, that the Bill be read the third time on Thursday.—Motion agreed to. The GALLANT CAPTAIN also moved, on considera tion of the report from the Committee on the South- Eastern Railway (Widening of the Greenwich Railway and Arrangement arid Enlargement of the London bridge Station) Bill, that this Bill be read a third time on Monday next.—Agreed to. BIRMINGHAM AND OXFORD JUNCTION RAILWAY. On consideration of the report from the Committee on the Birmingham and Oxford Junction Railway (Devia tion of the Line, &c.), Mr. C. RUSSELL moved that the Bill be read a third time on Thursday next.—Agreed to. The reports upon the following Bills were further con sidered, and the third reading ordered to take place on Thursday next : Lancashire RailF►ay (Deviations and Rawtenstall Coal Branch). South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway (Peni stone, &c., and Purchase of Sheffield, Rotherham, Barnsley, Wakefield, Huddersfield, and Goole Railway, Dun Navigation, and Dearne and Dove Canal). Great Northern Railway (Deviations between Gains borough and Doncaster). Guildford and Reigate Railway. London and Blackwall Railway Improvement, and Branches to the St. Katherine and London Docks. York and North Midland Railway (Hull Station and Branches). North British Railway (No. 1). Northern Counties Union Railway Deviation. Oldham Alliance Railway. Midland Railway (Gloucester and Stonehouse Junction). Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley Railway (Stourbridge and West Bromwich). LONDON AND NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY (BIRMINGHAM AND LICHFIELD LINE, &c.) This Bill was read a third time and passed. LONDON AND NORM- WESTERN (KENIL WORTH TO BERKSWELL, BRANCHES AND EXTENSION). This Bill was read a third time and passed. EDINBURGH WATERWORKS BILL. This Bill was also read a third time and passed. RAILWAY BILLS. Mr. R. HODGSON moved that the reports from the Committees on Railway Bills brought up on Monday, the 14th June, be further considered on Friday next, pro vided the breviates of the amended Bills be laid on the table and the prints of the Bills be deposited as re quired by the standing orders. The motion was agreed to ; the particular standing orders to which it referred were ordered to be suspended. EDUCATIONAL GRANTS. Mr. CHAPLIN presented a petition from the inha‘ bitants of Salisbury, complaining of the exclusion of the Catholics from participation in the Government grants for education. SMITHFIELD MARKET. Mr. CRIPPS presented a petition from the Butchers' Company, praying to be heard by counsel before the Select Committee on Smithfield Market against its removal. IRISH EMIGRANTS AT LIVERPOOL Lord SANDON presented a petition from Liverpool, praying the House to allow some provision to be made out of the poor-rates for the wives and families of those parish officers who had died of fever and other contagious diseases, which they had caught by attendance on the Irish emigrants at Liverpool. HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL. _ Mr. MACKlNNON—PresWedap7tition from a meeting held at Exeter Hall in favour of the Health of Towns Bill. STATIONERY RETURNS. Mr. HUME said that on the Ist of June he had moved for certain stationery jeturns, which were ordered, but he since found that the officers were unable to give the returns in the form then specified. He wished, there fore, to change the terms of that motion, and to substi tute a different form in which the returns could be made to the House.—Agreed to. CEYLON. Mr. B. DENISON gave notice that, on Tuesday, the 29th instant, he should move an address to her Majesty, with respect to the dismissal of Mr. Robert Langdale, one of the judges of the island of Ceylon. CURRENCY, Mr. TRELAWNY rose to bring on the following motion:—" That one mode of diminishing the present pressure would be to commence a gradual abolition of all restrictions on banking ; that this would relieve a considerable quantity of that part of the capital of the country which consists of gold, unnecessarily locked up in the coffers of banks on account of the arbitrary limitation of issues, and the want of a smaller denomination of cur rency suitable to the purposes of retail exchange. imoral, That all promises, not fraudulent or otherwise paper es m to pay ought to be allowed by law, whether gold or other commodities; and - that any the terms promises Ttate inter ference;devised for the purpose of influencing dies of promises, with reference to the ability of pa to keep them, cnly weakens the force of the, qu dines by means of which men protect them. selves, whilst such interference is costly, incon venient, and void of real security. That, whiljt the issue of inconvertible paper would be no remedy for the present pressure, and would be mis chievous in itself, any hopes of checking speculation in one particular direction would be illusory, because there would still be w an ti n a power of preventing the diver sion of capi ta l into other foreign and domestic channels." The Hon. Gentleman was proceeding to deal with the subject, when Lord 3. RUSSELL interposed, and trusted that the Hon. Gentleman would, as other Hon. Members had done, allow the adjourned debate on Portugal to hats precedence of his motion. Mr. HUME intimated that there would no doubt be a discussion on the currency on Thursday, on the motion of an Hon. Member, and that it would be advisable that those interested in the question of the currency should deter the expression of their opinions until that evenitip Mr. TRELAWNY said the currency -laws were to a very unsatisfactory state ; and he w a s, th ere f o re, anxious that no time should be 1,13 t in bringing it pro minently before the attention of the Ilcuse. Ile should, howev , r, deter to their wi,he , , and a ithdraw his motion. The motion was ac , ordingly withdrawn. ECCLESIASTICAL CHARITIES. Mr. E. 1)ENISO rose to more th., appointment of a Conatoittee to inquire into the composition and man' easent of the En.:11,11 ecc!esiastical cl•,arii , s. He belie v the Nob!e Lord was pr. pared to grant the Committee' for winch he had to3veo, and, therefore, it would be un:wc essar Y for him to make any further ob servations. Sir R. INGLIS old that whoever would undertake the conduct of the Committee, would be most self devoted. His Hon. Fri.t"co seemed to conceive that the House would not be adjout.l6ll before the 15th of Sep tember. CUSTODY OF LftiATICS. Mr. DUNCOMBE obtained leave 0 bring in a Bill relating to the custody of lunatics. Mr. Aglionby and Mr. Cabbell were ordered to take char the Bill. CORN IMPOR fATION. Sir R. INGLIS said that with reference to the Corn Importation Bill he was anxious t.) have an opp,lrtumty of discussing its pr ov i s i ons , an d h e d es i re d to .knoW when such would be afford d. Sir. G. GREY said that, in consequence of the ad , journed debate upon Portugal and the press of public business, he was unable to name an early day. HEALTH OF TOWNS. Captain PECHELL wished to know if it was intended to go on with the Health of Towns Bill on Thursday next, in preference to the Prisons Bill. POOR-LAW ADMINISTRATION. Sir G. GREY, in answer to the preceding question of the Hon. and Gallant Member, said that it wss the in tention of the Government to go on with the Poor law Administration Bill on Thursday, before the other orders of the day. PORTUGAL. Mr. B. OSBORNE said that he understood that • correspondence had taken place between this Govern ment and those of France and Spain, which, if produced. was likely to give an entirely new complexion to the intervention in the affairs of Portugal. He wished to put a question to the Noble Lord, in order to ascertain whether he was prepared to lay on the table copies of any dispatches, dated May the Ist, authorising Colonel Wylde to threaten Count Das Antas with the armed interposition of the British Government? Lord J. RUSSELL said that he believed all the papers containing instructions to Colonel Wylde had been laid upon the table. Mr. BANKES said that, in the event of the re solutions proposed by the Hon. Member for Montrose being negatived and the proposition of the Hon. Mem ber for Finsbury being carried, he proposed to move as a resolution, " That this House laments that her Majesty's advisers had taken upon themselves the responsibility to recommend an interference, by force of arms, on behalf of one of the two p art i es now engaged in a civil war in Portugal, without there having been some communica tion from her Majesty upon the subject to her faithful Commons." Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he hoped the Hon. Member for Finsbury would agree to bring forward bis motion after the motion of the Hon. Member for Mon trose had been decided by the House. To decide the Hon. Member's motion as an amendment would reader it liable to misinterpretation ; and be hoped the Hon. Member would consent to move it as a separate resolution. Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE said that he had no objection to the adoption of such a course under the distinct understanding that he should not withdraw his motion. Mr. TRELAWNY wished to ask the Hon. Member for Finsbury, whether by the words of his resolution, "an armed interference on behalf of Portugal," he meant an armed interference with the constitution of the country? Mr. HUME objected to this. The House was engaged in a discussion on the question, and not upon words. He objected to the question, which entirely turned upon words. Mr. TRELAWNEY again rose amidst general cries of " Order," and began to repeat his question, when, Mr. BERNAL rose to order. Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE said I am not the Minister of War for"the country !—(Loud laughter.) PORTUGAL—ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the order of the day for the adjourned debate being read, Sir DE LACY EVANS said that he would not detain House at any length, but he rould state his ~p inions briefly and precisely upon the subject. He begged leave to say, in reply to the statement of an Hon. Member, that it was a mistake to suppose that the civil war in Portugal was provoked by her Majesty's Government. The tact was that the war in Portugal had not been caused by the Government of the Right Honourable Gentleman or by the pre -ent Geverem , nt, but when the present Government came into office a civil ear existed in that country. Ho believed that there was no doubt that a civil war was raging in Portngal for the last two years. The Hon. Gentleman to whom he here alluded inquired if the people of this country had added anything to their military reputation, or obtained any advantage from their interference in this war. He did not mean to say that any commercial treaty had been obtained by the course adopted by her Majesty's Go vernment in their interference .in the civil war of Portu gal ; but that interference had led to the important results that had taken place. As to adding to their military renown, it could not be supposed that the trans.. cendant military reputation of this country could derive any additional lustre from an engagement in this contest Various statements had been made by Hon. Members of. the superiority of the British troops, and the higher abilities of British officers, but he (Sir De Lacy Evans) could refer to the victories achieved by General Espartero as being unsurpassed by anything effected by British arms upon the continent. The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn and other Hon. Members spoke in a florid and exaggerated strain of the evils to which these civil contests had exposed the countries of Spain and Portugal. They described these countries as degraded in their population and almost ruined in their agricul tural wealth, as destitute of trade and of commerce, and they traced these evils to the effects of the civil warfare that had prevailed there. It was impossible to deny that the interference of the Government was required, and even in the case of the great French nation, it had been found impossible to restore the legitimate monarchs of the country without the armed intervention of foreign powers. It had been represented by the House that interference of foreign arms must be attended with gross mischief. He (Sir De Lacy Evans) denied this ; the consequences were not always mischievous. But, said hey, this country had no right to interfere. That cer tainly was contradicted by the position of international laws. The rule of non-interference extending to a cer tain crisis was illustrated by as many exceptions as ob servances. He needed only to refer to the French revolution, and the subsequent war, the civil, and the American war with this country, when the interference of the French was solicited. The proclamation that was issued declared that all that was required was a free government. The four proposi tions that were contained in that declaration went, how ever, further than that. The principles contended for in that proclamation, however they might abstractedly be deserving of approval, were, under the circumstances, impracticable. His Hon. Friends who took a part in this debate had all expressed themselves satisfied with the dis patches that had been laid before the House, but they con tended that Government had not adhered to their word. A Spanish party was formed, and there was no knowing what the consequences might have been. Several pro vinces of Portugal, which had formerly been under the influence of Spain, would have, no doubt, reverted to that country on the first appearance of an uncontrolled Spanish army. Having said so much, he would not trespass longer upon the House ; he would rather apolo gise indeed, for having already obtruded himself so to upon them. He had every confidence in the liberal Government of Spain. It might not appear fitting for him to revert to these matters, but having had ex. perience in those countries, having been asked by the liberal and by the opposite parties of that country to return to the command of their armies, not because of his professional merits, but because of his acquaintame with their national constitutions ; having this experience he might be allowed to pretend to some little knowledge, and he was sure that the course pursued by the Govern.. ment, was that which would tend to the best results. Sir ROBERT PEEL would offer a practical protest against a system that had lately been too frequently in dulged in, namely, that of confining the important por tion of this debate to a few hours in the latter portion of the evening, by making the few o b servat i on h e ha d to make at that early hour, and he would resume the question on its absolute and abstract merits. There ware motions of slight importance in respect of which the decision might be fairly influenced by abtruse conside ration, but he thought that this was net one of those occasions. He thought that the armed interference of the English Government in the affairs of Portugal Was not at all calculated to lead to the injurious conse quences predicted. He would state his opinion fr eely _ and with ou t reserve —hi s own honest opinions, d st udy which had been arrived at by care ful reading an all the papers and c ir c umstances e i object of the connected wi th this of subject. If he believed that th Govern ment had been te t l o ih r e a re range itself of the p uponotrhteobgiodeeseot people, he or to crush the should have joined in the vote of censure proposed, but he thought that from what he had learnt by a careful study of this subject, that the only object of the Govern ment was to support the ancient and legitimate monarchs of the country. He was free from any prejudice which might have been caused by former circumstances, but he thought that this country was bound in common with. other powers to take a part in civil war—to take the part of one branch of the famiiies claiming the Crowns of Spain and Portugal against the other. They could not discuss this subject without remembering the special obligations under which they were to interfere in the discords if those countries should they assume a character of a certain description.