The Sun. — London, England, 1857-12-04 00:00:00

IHE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EV EN;IN D'E C EIIII3E 4, 1 1 1857. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) Their lordships resumed at five o'clock. NEW PEER. Lord MACAULAY took the oaths aad his seat on being created a baron of the United Kingdom. The noble lord was introduced by Lord Campbell and Lord Belper. There was rather a full attendance of Peers on the Opposition benches. Amongst those present we noticed the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Ezlinton, the Earl of Hardwick, the Earl Malmeebury, and Lord Redesdale. On the Treasury benches were Earl Granville, Earl Clarendon, the Marquis of Lansdown e, and other sup. porters of the Government. THE ADDRESS. The LORD CHANCELLOR having read her Majesty's Speech, as follows : t c My LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, 4 , Circumstances have recently arisen, connected with the commercial interests of the country, which have induced me to call Parliament together before the usual time. " The failure of certain Joint-Stock Banks, and of some mercantile firms produced such an extent of distrust as led me to authorize my Ministers to recommend to the Directors of the Bank of Eng land the adoption of a course of proceeding which appeared necessary for allaying the prevalent alarm. As that course has involved a departure from the existing Law, a Bill for indemni fying those who advised and those who adopted it will be submitted for your consideration. " I have observed, with great regret, that the disturbed state of commercial transactionsin general has occasioned a diminution of employment in the manufacturing districts, which I fear cannot fail to be attended with much local distrers ; I trust, however, that this evil may not be of long duration ; and the abundant harvest with which it has gra ciously pleased Divine Providence to bless this land, will, I hope, in some degree mitigate the suf erings which this state of things must unavoidably produce. " While I deeply deplore the severe suffering to which many of my subjects in India have been ex posed, and while I grieve for the extensive bereave ments and sorrow which it has caused, I have derived the greatest satisfaction from the distin guished successes which have attended the heroic exertions of the comparatively small forces which have been opposed to greatly superior numbers, without the ail of the powerful reinforce ments despatched from this country to their assist ance. The arrival of those reinforcements will, I trust, speedily complete the suppression of this widely-spread revolt. " The gallantry of the troops employed against the mutineers, their courage in action, their endurance under privation, fatigue, and the effects of climate ; the high spirit and self-devotion of the officers ; the ability, skill, and persevering energy of the com manders, have excited my warmest admiration ; and I have observed with equal gratification that many civilians placed in extreme clnfficulty and danger have displayed the highest qualities, includ ing, in some instances, those that would do honour to veteran soldiers. " It is satisfactory to know that the general mans of the population of India have taken no part in the rebellion, while the most considerable of the native Princes have acted in the most friendly manner, and have rendered important services. " I have given directions that papers relating to these matters shall be laid before you. "The affairs of my East Indian dominions will require your serious consideration, and I recom mend them to your earnest attention. " The nations of Europe are in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace, which nothing seems likely to disturb. "The stipulations of the Treatywhich I concluded wi►h the Shah of Persia have been faithfully carried into execution ; and the Persian forces have eva cuated the territory of Herat. " GENTLEMEN OF TEE HOUSE OF COMMONS, "I have given directions that the Estimates for the next. year shall be prepared for the pur pose of being laid before you. They will be framed with a careful regard to the exigencies of the public service. " Mr LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " Your attention will be called to the laws which regulate the representation of the people in Parlia ment, with a view to consider what amendments may be safely and beneficially made therein. "Measures will be submitted for your considera tion for simplifying and amending the laws relating to real property, and also for consolidating and amending several important branches of the crirnin.al " I confidently commit to your wiedom the great interests of my empire; and I fervently pray that the blessing of Almighty God may attend your counsels, and may guide your deliberations to those ends whlch are dearest to my heart —the hypiness and prosperity of my loyal and faithful peuple. Lord PORTMAN, who wore the uniform of a deputy lieutenant, then rose for the purpose of moving an address to her Majesty, in answer to her most gracious speech on the opening of Parliament. The noble ord said he must apologise to their lordships for occupyieg the present position, which was generally filled by a younger member of Parliament. He held that position by no voluntary act of his own, but by the express wish of her Majesty's Government—(hear)—who thought the address should be moved byan older member of their lordship' house, and in acquitting himself of the duty, he begged their indulgence, while he for a short time occupied the attention of the house. The first thing which called for remark was the state of our do mestic policy, which was such as to iaducs her Ma jesty's Ministers to issue a letter, which led to the sus pension of the Bank Oharier. He thought, under the circumstances, it was both a judicious and wise policy, and that her Majesty's Ministers were j astified in taking that step ; and it was most fervently to be hoped that their lordships would in this instance follow the course that was taken in 1847, when a similar circumstance occurred. The commercial crisis in America had, no doubt, produced an effect in this coon try which rendered it necessary to issue the letter to which he had alluded, as it became absolutely neces sary to adopt the most energetic and deci sive measures to bring the panic to a termination, and by that means afford relief to the mer cantile community. It was satisfactory to think that the worst of this distress had been surmounted, and that it would not be necessary in this instance to resort to a paper currency from which the most disastrous resul's might arise, but that the currency of the country would be established on a solid and sennd basis. Ile did not intend to enter into the circumstances that had lee to the ste.pension and closing of so many mer cantile firms, as that ciseniwtance of itself would lead to inquiry ; an I without passiug any opinion, ho thought it would be found that the panic had been the result of over-epecul ition. The noble lord recommended to their attention the consideration of bills for the sim plifying the transfir of real property, and like wise for the eoneolidatien of the criminal laws, which, by a parreireph in the Royal Speech, her Ma jesty informed them were to be laid before the house. He believed that there was not one of their lordships present who was net convinced of the necessity of again taking up the subject of Reform—(hear, hear)-- and be felt sure that the subject was of such great im portance that he might be sereused at that moment farther alluding to it than by saying it was one worthy the most attentive consideration. The noble I)rd next alluded to India, and said that the subject was one the importance ef which nearly overwhelmed him. Mary Tasstions con nected with India must come before them, and he felt confident that their lordship would adept the wisest step, at whatever sacrifice, to restore tranquillity and peace to that country and the good of the empire. There is only another topic to be alluded to before sitting down and that is a part of her Majesty's Speech which may be described as almost the only happy portion. of it. It is hat in which her Majesty assures us that nothing seems ikely to disturb the blessings of peace which the nations of Europ e are now en j oy i ng. (Hear, hear.) y lords, ihaivseconsoling to think that, aft e r all the cont es t s we duties of throu g h i n en d eavouring to discharge the f our position, our allies are still on the most amicable and friendly terms with ue He trusted that that peace will en d ure ; that the Came feeling whi c h bas hitherto actuated the Emperor of the Fr enc h t owar d s this country may l ong n and be f ur th er h oped that the treaties which we have e n t ere d ; tillelf'utertr h ed er in t to with Russia arid with Persia may t en d s consolidate the peace of Eu rope. n b o cement a n d T by moving that an humble A.dhdresosblee plorenisenctoend. eluded to her Mejssty, in terms which, as naval, corresponded exactly with those of the Speech. Lend CARE W seconded the motion for the address, He remarked that perhap s in the annal s of parliament ary history there was n ever a more important epo c h t h an the last few months had created. First of all, there was the monetary condition of the country ; secondly, th ere was the condition of our Indian empire ; thirdly, there were our foreign relations ; and foortLly, there was the repre sentation of the people at home. The state of India would seem'to give rise to the opinion that a permanent settlement would be soon likely to take place there. But there were cowl matters connected wi; h that great ques tion which he thought would be of great importance, and with which he thought the Government would be likely satisfactorily to deal. He was glad to say that the panic in the money market, which has pressed shhellvi l Y in England, had not been felt in Ireland, the country with which he was immediately connected. There had been none of that commie:cast activity in I-eletl which i had led to etude disastrous remelts as had been experienced in England. The noble lord briefly alluded to the other topics in the royal speech. The Earl of DERBY said he had had the honour of a seat in that house for 16 years, and during that time he had witnessed many periods of great political excite ment, and some of great national alarm ; but it had never occurred to him, at any period, to enter on any session under such circumstances of varied interest as those which surrounded the meeting of Parliament on that occasion. On former occasions their attention had been called to one subject of overwhelming interest ; there was commercial distress in 1825 and 1847 ; agri cultural distress at various other perieds ; in 1829, the Roman Catholic Relief Bill ; in 1830 and 1843, the state of affairs on the Continent, owing to the revolu tionary spirit which there prevailed : in 1846, the great change which took place in our commercial legislation by the repeal of the corn laws ; and in the previous year, the overwhelming calamities of Ireland. On all these occasions some single cause fixed and monopolised the attention of Parliament. But now we had a complica tion of misfortunes, a variety of anxieties, such as he had never witnessed. We had deep and overwhelming commercial distress and disturbance at home ; we had our Indian empire shaking to the very foundation abroad. Under those circumstances Parliament was called together, and he was not surprised that the greatest portion of the royal speech was devoted to those two overwhelming topics. The only happy part of the speech, as it had been felicitously termed by Lord Portman, was that short and simple, that singu larly curt and abrupt paragraph which informed them that " the nations of Europe are in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace, which nothing seems likely to disturb." Looking at the state of this country, it was most fortunate that Ministers were able to introduce that paragraph at the present moment, and the state ment might have been expected to call forth some expres sion of satisfaction on the part of the Crown. Though he had the greatest confidence in the resolotion,the resources, the firmness, and the spirit of this country, he hesitated not to say that nothing would have tried that spirit and those resources so deeply and almost so fatally, as if, to the calamities of domestic and commercial distress at home, a- d a war of fearful magnitude in India, which compelled us to strain to the utmost our military resources, there had been added the still further calamity of a war in Europe, in which we must of ne- aessity Lave taken part. Under inch circumstances the Government might at least have expressed satisfaction at the pre►alence of peace in Europe. The paragraph almost bore the tone of disappointment and mortification. It almost breathed the spirit of the noble ♦iscount at the head of the Government to whom it might be a calamity that there was no war in Europe to take tart in. (Laughter.) " The nations of Europe are at peace which nothing seems likely to disturb." (Renewed laughter.) If the noble lord at the head of the Government could not disturb it, he did not know what could. (Laughter.) But if the Government was desirous of maintaining tole great blessing, and of keeping on good terms with the nations of Europe, it would be wise for them to refrain, on public occasions from taunting expressions on the supposed military habits of other countries, and a tone of menace, declaring that we were equal to any power that might think to take advantage of our present diffi culties and rise up in arms against us. That was a tone unworthy of a Prime Minister—a bravado uncalled for by the circumstances, which could have no effect upon any nation in the world, except to give personal Armee, and to raise the susp . cion that such unnecessary bravado and bluster could only be assumed for the purpose of covering inherent weakness. This was the only paragraph in the speech in which foreign affairs were in the slightest degree touched. It was hard upon his noble friend L )rd Elgin to be plao7, inn position which would be moat lu dicrous it it wee not most painful. This was the third Queen's Speech in the course of the present year, and within that period there had been discussions on the subject of China which bad led to the (:i- , solutien of Parliament and the formation of the present Govern anent. (Hear, bear) They had been told that the honour of the British flag was imperilled, and that a single moment's hesitation, even only to write home for orders, before signal and summary vengeance was inflicted, would have been a discredit and a die. grace to this country. (Hear.) What had happened In the speech there was no word of China—re word of Sir John Bowring and his authority— (hear) —no word of the signal vengeance that was to be called down upon those unhappy barbarians, who, from that time to this, had been laughing at the threats of England. No re paration had been taken for the insults on the British flag ; and all we had done was to establish at the montli of the Canten river, a serious and formidable blockade in the way of our own commerce. (Bear) He did not blame the Government for transferring the troops de stined for Canton to Calcutta, Lord Elgin had taken upon himself to depart from his instructions ; and at a great sacrifice of his own comfort, and taking upon him self a great amount of reap ensibility, he had sanctioned the diversion of the forces from the object which they were specially ordered to carry out. He deserved every credit for the firmness with which he had taken that reapensibilty upon himself. The Government had no part of that responsitelity, nor of the credit belonging to the relief which it afforded ; for on the 10th of July, in answer to a question in the other house, the President 44 the Board of Control said that no iaetruntiona had been sent out to Lord Canning to atop the toroa at Ceslen and divert it to India ; that a letter had been written to Lord Elgin, but he did not know whether it had been received, still lose whether it had been acted on. He should like to have beard something of PCTIO great events now iu progress in Europe, and he hoped in satisfactory progress. He should like to know that the stipulations of the treaty of Paris, so long delayed, were on the point cf being carried into execution, and that the rations of Europa on whom the fate of Moldavia and Wallachia depended, were now agreed cn their policy, and that we were likely to see some satisfactory settlement of that question. That there had been no actual settlement was quite clear, or the Government would have beta glad to introduce that cheering statement into the otherwise gloomy speech. He pro ceeded to notice those topics—and they were most important—which occnpied the principal portion of the speech. Her Majesty said—" I have observed with great regret, that the disnerbed state of commercial transac tions in general has occasioned a diminution of employ ment in the manufacturing districts, which I fear cannot fail to be attended with much local distress. I trust, however, that this evil may not be of long duration ; and the abundant harvest with which it has graciously pleased Divine Providence to bless this land, will, I hope, in some degree mitigate the sefferinge which this state of things must unavoidably produce." The noble Itrd who had seconded the address, with the readiness of youth to draw censoiation from sources which did not suggest themselves to those more advanced in life, had said that it was gratifying that the affairs of India were not so bad as to render it necessary to call Parliament together on that account ; and they were told that Par liament was called together simply to give a bill of in demnity to the Government for the violation in 1857 of the law of 1844, which it was found necessary under somewhat similar circumetances to violate in 1817. And they knew that that was the only cause, because a very short time previous to the• notice summoning them to meet that day, an order in Council had been issued pro roguing Parliament teth* 18th of December, without any intimation that it would then proceed to business. He believed the wish and intention of Government was that no business of any sort or hied should be transact- d in the present sitting except giving that bill of indem nity. He did not say that the Government, under the circumstances of the case, were not justified in taking the step they did, and consequently had a fair claim to the act of indemnity. But before pronouncing any decided opinion whether they were or were not ju tined, he should like to hear from the Government themselves the grounds upon which they proceeded, the advice open which they acted, and the persons whom they consulted previous to taking that step. He should like to hear that it was taken, not only on the sole responsibility of the Government, but with the concurrence and full consent of the governor and directors of the Bank of England. He should like to know, in fact, whether any application from the Bank was made for a suspension of the existing act ; also whether any such applications ware made from any of the leading bankers and mercantile firms in London. Before granting the act of indemnity, they ought to have a full explanation from the Government on ;that point, also whether the violation of the act at that particular time had satisfactorily met the diffi culties under which the country laboured. He believed with the committee which their low:Mips appointed in 1848, that thioush certainly the act of 1844 had no share in eau-ing the calamities to which we had been now, as in 1847, eubjected, yet that that act had a very strong and important influence in aggravating those difficulties when they did occur. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might he the merits or demerits of the act in other respects there was no doubt of this, th a t w h en the public saw by ' the publication of the Bank returns that the Bank was approaching that limit at which it would be necessary to contract its issues in consequence of the drain of bullion, all the other bankers and commercial firma deemed it necessary to take precautions for their own interest, and in order to secure themselves agai ns t th e danger ' which they foresaw, they began t,) hoard a portion of the notes and bullion obtained from the Bank. (blear, hear.) The result of that of course was, that a large portion of the circulating medium of the country, whether in gold or in notes, although in circulation ceased to be in active circulation. Though there was the rams amount of issues, there was not the same amount in active circulation, and not the same activity given to commerce. Thus the panic, which led to hoard ing, still further increased the difficulty and the restric tion upon the circulatien ; and that restriction still further increased the pressure upon the Bank, and still further increased the necessity on the part of the Bank for still more stringent measures. And thus panic and restriction acted and reacted upon each other, until the Bank was brought, with abundance of money of every description, to the very verge of insolvency. That he believ e d t o b e a correc t s t a t emen t o f th e operation of the Act of 1844 (Hear, hear.) Such being the case, an act which did away with that restriction upon the Bank had the natural tendency, by removing further off the chances of difficulty, to diminish the panic, to dimi i nish o the temptation t.) hoard, to brine stories of money e circulation, arid thereby, as n in 1847, without i l t u s re o , rd r, i h n e a ri r ythecature'tea of the ' to w proceeding, o e o m b g l . e Bank resume eery that the restriction s 'ofHe believed, there g arose, that it was nem :hoe act d of 1844—supposing r t r a n o a k ry circumstances— should not to be all right under not be enforced upon the that that was the motive which led tleaGn or e presumed , ern t. men tt t is . 1357, as in 1847, to take the important ate ails this prevision of the law. Thin had p b Q een 'e done with lea complete success in 1857 than in 1817 ; because iu 1847 the exchanges were favourable, and bullion was tepidly flewiug into the Bank. Therefore, though the diatectors exceeded for the moment the proportion which their issues ought to bear to the bullion they were com pelled to keep, they were perfectly aware that circum stances were in progress which would restore the equilibrium. Consequently, in 1847 the suspension of the act was not called into operation. As the late Mr. Gurney said before the committee, " What we wanted was not the money, but to know that we could have it if we did want it." The result was that the panic and the hoarding ceased altogether. But when this step was taken recently the foreign exchanges ware unfavourable, and gold was going out of the country. Consequently It did not produce the same immediate relief as in 1847, at least not to the same extent ; and the Bank was com pelled actually to violate the law, which did not occur 1 in 1847. But if it were the opinion eat the Government that in times of commercial difficulty and distress this act of 1844 had the effect, not of creating these dangers and difficulties, which he did not impute, but of aggra vating them when they did occur, he asked the Govern ment—and he presumed they would give a clear and categorical answer when they asked for their bill of in demnity—did they mean to adhere to the letter of the act of 13441 (Hear, hear.) He could perfectly understand their asking for leave to amend an act when it was necessary to amend it ; bat he did not understand their asking, for the second time in ten years, for an act of indemnity for the violation of a law which, when the strain came, was found unequal to bear it, and when, for fear of the machine braking to pieces altogether, they were obliged to take it to pieces. (Hear, hear.) If the act were perfectly right, but if at a certain time, and under certain circum• stances, it were necessary to dispense with the pressure as being too stringent, prevision ought to be made for those circumstances in the act itself. (Hear, hear.) There ought to be a dispensing or relaxing power vested some where, and that power ought to be vested by the act of Parliament itself. (Hear, hear.) Such was the recom• mendation of the committee of 1848—a most able, pains taking, and valuable committee ; and it was a great pity that its recommendations had not been carried out. He asked the Government to make a frank and plain declar ation of what they intended to do. He hoped that they should not have any further reference to Parliamentary committees ; they had all the materials before them. (Hear, hear.) Last year most extraordinary steps had been taken by the Government. In that house their lordships had not thought it necessary to appoint another committee of inquiry, notwithstanding the approaching renewal of the Bank's charter. In the House of Commons the Chancellor of the Exchequer had thought it advisable to appoint such a committee; but he declared, on the part of Government, seriaJim, one after another, against every possible alteration of the law. It was suggested and declared that the Government was prepared to stand by the ley precisely as it stood. Under those circumstances, they had a right to ask of the Government that they should take their own course, without any more inquiry or reference to com mittees, and tell the house frankly and plainly—did they, altar all that had passed, adhere to their determina tion of last year, to maintain inviolate and unaltered 1 the act of 1844 ? (Hear, hear.) If that information were given, he should be the last, for purposes of vexation, to throw any difficulty in the way of a bill of indemnity being passed. (Hear, hear.) The speech alluded to the distress in the manufac'uring districts ; and he regretted to say, being connected with those districts himself, that that paragraph very feebly expressed the enormous difficulties in which they were placed. He hoped that the good sense of the operatives would restrain them from any senseless or unueceessey outbreak ; but he assured the government that not only the operatives but the manufacturers were at this mo ment in circumstances of the deepest and most painful anxiety. He bad had that day a return from Mare cheater, showing that out of 233 works, comprising cotton, silk, and other mills, employing 45,391 opera tives (many of whom had wives and children, so that the whole number might be double or three times 45,000), 73 mills only were working full time ; the remaining 160 wet-) working short time, three or four days a week, or were wholly and absolutely closed. The number of operatives in full work was 1(3,361; those partially or wholly out of work were 23 530. He could produce similar statements from Bradford, Prest ra, Bury, Macclesfield, and other manufacturing towns. This was a state of things to which justice was not done by the paragraph of the speech. If, under these circum stances, the operatives bad the good sense and judgment to abstain from that which could do them ne good and would produce nothing but evil —if they maintained a peaceable, respectful, orchrly demeanour under &ream etances of such pressure— all honour to the goad cense and loya!ty of the operativew (Hear, hear). He wished that the government had gone a little further, and stated what they deemed to be the real cause of the disturbed state of commercial transactions. For years past they had heard nothing but laudations on the enormous impulse that had been given to trade by recent legislation. They had been told that if they only ceased to cif) the wings of commerce, and let her fly free as the winds of heaven, there was no limit to her elevation and expansion. They bad been told in the newspapers of April or May last that to speak of our commerce was only to repeat—" Prosperity, prosperity, prosperity." 'He bad heard it stated over and over again that the ' magnitude of our exports was the surest of a"1 possible tests of our commercial prosperity ; and he lied heard it said, "Take care of your exports, and the imports will take care of themselves." In ten months of 1855 he found that our exports amounted to 78,087,4131.—mi enormous, an almost incredible amount of commercial transactions. Bat in 1857, during the Caine ten months, the exports, that unvarying' test of national prosperity, by which it was said the com forts and happiness of the community miilat be meeenrsd, bad increased from 78 millions to 105 millions, being an increass of 28 millions in the course of two years on cer tain articles of export. Was there a corresponding in crease in the happiness and comforts of the people ? On the other hand, with this enormous and conetanly in creasing amount of exports there was a constantly in creasing and overwhelming state of general commercial distress. But, large as the exports had been, they bad net kept pace with the imports. Whole the exports had been 308 millions, the imports had been 463 mllione, leav:ng a balance of 160 miilions of imports over e sports. It might he said, as it had been said over and over again, n it you import all that more than you export, it is Brea ly to your advantage, for, in point of fact, you put the dif ference into your pocket." But was it sot Ho e had those imports been paid for? (Hear, hear.) The coun try had had to export 84,000,000!. in bullion in conse quence of the disparity between its imports and its exports ; and it was at that moment in a state of in• debtedness, because, although it had glutted every mar ket it could find with its exports, its imports remained out of all proportion with those exports. (Hear, hoar.) if that was not the cause of our present commercial distress, he (the noble earl) should like to hear from her Majesty's government what they consider it to be. (Cheers.) And now he approaches -I another and even more serious topic in the speech from the throne. Her Majesty was made to "deplore the severe sufferings t 3 eihich many of her subjects in India bad bean exposed, and while she grieved for the ex , ensive bereavements and sorrows which it had caused, else had derived the greatest satisfaction from the distinguished successes which had attended the heroic exertions of the comperativey small forces which hai been opposed to greatly superior num bers ;" and so forth. Far be it from him to say one word to imply that be thou4htlittle of the private sorrows which had fallen !Tem so many of oar countrymen aid countrywomen. No doubt those bereavements had been most painful, and some of them were accompanied by circutnstancee af which they could not bear to think ; but when their lordships read of private sorrows, and an expression of syrr pathy for them which came grace fully from the lips of their sovereign, might th..ey rot have likewise exaected the advisers of the crown would have added come reference to the public calamity which bad happened to the nation 1 It was not like an earth quake or a pestilence, or any great disaster of that kind. It was not only that mon had fallen in battle, or been stricken down by plague ; but our dominion was shattered. Fcr the [11o:tow:Is an empire was lost, and had to be reconquered ; and yet this public calamity did not find so much as a place in tho speech her Ma jesty bad delivered from the throne. (Cheers ) He (Lord Derby) should be lorr . tlto thick the words he had quoted had conic from her Majesty herself, for he should be sorry to think that h r Majesty used such ungracious language ; but not so the paragraph which followed :—" The gallantry of the troops employed against the mutineer", their courage in actioe, their endurance under privation, fatisue, and the effects of climate ; the high spirit and self-devotion of the officers ; the ability, skid, and persevering energy of the com manders, have c x.:ited my warmest admiration; and I have observed with equal gratification that many civilians placed in extreme difficulty and danger have di-payed the highest qualities, including, in some in stances, nose that would do honour to veteran soldiers." Every ono of their lot dships would agree with every word of that sentence ; and he was bound to think that each word, as it fell from the lips came from the heart of her Majesty. (Loud cheers.) No words could do justice to the gallantry, the perseverance, the intre pidity, theiflercuean labours of that small but heroic band, in whose hands bad been left the salvation of ma' Indian empire. (Cheers.) They had not only to contend against surprise, and every discouragement ; but they had had too much reason to fear that they were aban doned. They had had to encounter disparity of numbers, which made the simple narrative of their exploits seem fabulous; they had had to contend against the difficulties of the climate ; but they had etruga,led and toiled, and they had gained such a vantage ground for their country that he hoped would lead to the ultimate solve- Lion of the empire. (Loud cheers.) He (the noble earl) almost feared to single out names from that bright throng, NA he should do injustice to some who, if placed in similar circumstances, would have deserved an equal praise ; but he would venture to mention Wheeler, Nicholson, Neill, Lawrence, Banks, the young Wil• loughby, the devoted Salkeld, and Horne. All were gone. They bad died the death of soldiers, and the laurel which should have adorned their brow must now wave lise cypress over their grave. (Cheers.) Among those who still survived, and whom, even at the risk of doing injustice to others, the would name—those gallant men mentioned by his noble friend —and whose exertions and successes seemed alike incredible —were those two won• (let ful men, Havelock and Greathed. Gen. Greathed was a young officer in a very subordinate station ; and from the instances they had seen of young talent, when offi cers were brought forward and put in a positien in which they could display it, he (the noble lord) drew the best auguries for the fuSure. Gen. Havelock and his gallant companions still lived—at least, he trusted they did— and he hoped they would survive to reap the rewind of their services. He trusted, too, that the heroic garri son whose succour they had attempted and partially effected were already e' joying rest and the reward of their long and gallant labours, with their gallant com mander ICA. Inglis), upon whom had been thrown a degree of labour and anxiety that had rarely been ex ceeded. (Cheers.) He (Lord Derby) earnestly hoped that no mischance had befallen the gallant officer he had named ; but, he must say, they would look at the next accounts they would receive with trembling ; for the last left Havelock and Oatram in great peril. For some time, their communications had been altogether cut off, and they were separated from each other. He did most earnestly hope that the rebels sent to their succour might not arrive too late. (Cheers.) Hitherto, India had been saved by the gallantry ofourmilitary officers. With their stout hearts, their strong right hands, and their own good swords, they had overcome every difficulty, and he wished that they might all receive that portion of applause to which they were so justly entitled. (Loud cheers.) The noble lord the mover of the address had deprecated any censure of Lord Canning. That was hardly newie,sary, for ho (Lord Derby), at least, had no wish to blame the noble lord. On the contrary, he wished to speak of Lord Canning with every forbearance, not only on account of the personal respect he entertained towards him, but because he (Lord Canning) had been placed in circumstances of such unparalleled difficulty, that if he had not been in all respects equal to the situta tion, there was not one man in ten thousand that would have been so. Besides, it appeared that, long before Lord Canning set foot in India, negotiations had been going on, and that the Bengal army had been secretly tampered with. His noble friend (Lord Portman), a-!- verting to some local disturbances, said that a sort of superstition had prevailed amongst the people that "their time had come," and he went on to say that there might have been a similar superstition among the Se• poys. He (Lord Derby) believed that that was perfectly true. He believed 'hat there had been various prophecies and old sayings current, to the effect that the British dotniuion would shortly come to an end, and that the natives would regain their sway. But the very fact that such a belief was known to be entertained, ought surely to have furnished the strongest possible reason whyevery precaution should he taken, and why no suspicious cir cumstance should be overlooked. The evidence contained in the papers which had been laid before their lordships proved, however, that such had not been the else. Lord PORTMAN had not said that the belief in ques tion r. ally prevailed amongst the Sepoys, for he knew nothing about the fact. He had only suggested that as there had been such a popular feeling en the occasion he bad referred to, there might have been a similar no tion amor get the native troops. Lord DERBY had seen it stated in the papers within the last three or four years that there was a belief cur. rent to the eftsct that the British power would last 100 years ; and of course the 100 years, dating it from the battle of Plassy would expire at about the present time. (Hear, hear.) Now, just let their lordships look calmly at the facts of the case and see whether the authorities in India had been sufficientiy alive to the magnitude of the danger. On the 23d of Jelly, 1857, Gen. Hearsey reported that ;there was great uneasiness at Dumdues about the greased cartridges. Oa the following day the telegraph office at Barrackpore was burned down. On the Bth of February Gen. Hearsey again reported to the Government that the Sepoys were being tampered with by the emissaries of the Kings of Oude and Delhi. On the 9th he paraded the men and explained to them the circumstances connected with these greased cartridges. Oa the 11th he wrote to the Government —" We have been resting upon a mine which might explode at any time." Soon after this he wrote and told the Govern ment that there was a formidable conspiracy in the 19th Naive Infaistry. On the 24,h and 25th the 19th Regi ment were visiting the 34:11, and they broke out into open mutiny ; so much so that Colonel Mitchell was compelled to temporise with the man. Somehow this outbreak seemed to have alarmed the Government at Calcutta, and they sent to Rangoon for the 84th, a European regiment. From the beginning of February to the 20th of March not a single step was taken on the part of the Government to disabuse the minds of the native soldiers on the subject of the greased cartridges, if, indeed, their minds hal really been abused. The Got erement had ascertained the character of the disaf fection which preva led amongst the troops ; but during the whole of this time they never once thought —nor did they thick at a later period—of the gross folly of which they were guilty in leaving the great and important city of Delhi, with all the munitions of war it contained, without a single European soldier in it. (Hear, hear.) Oa the 19. h of February the 34th broke cut in open mutiny. An officer in freut of his rack was cut down ha' one of his own Sepoys, who was belt maddened with drink. This man walked up and down for some tints, and no one attempted to arrest him till news was brought to General Hearsey. General Heaney, with the instinct of a soldier and a gen tleman, immediately mounted his horse, role up to the regiment, and ordered the guard to seise the mutiaeer. They refused ; and what did Gen. Hearsey do then ! D.d he temporise ! No. He rushed on the man and seised him. The Sepoy attempted to fire at hien, but the musket went off in the struggle and wounded the man himself • and then Gen. Hearsay, with his own hand, dragged him from the ranks and placed him in arrest. (Hear.) Gen. Hearsey immediately reported the affair to the Government. He had promoted on the spot one of the subalterns who had stood by him, and he rtglested that two others refight be mentioned in a general order. But what tort of treatment did General Hearsey receive fer this service He re c fisted thanks certealuly—that could scarcely be refused—brat he re. , ceived likewise a reprimand for having taken upon him self to promote an officer with consulting the autho rities at Calcutta ; and his request with respect to the other two subalterne,wae refused. - (Cheer-.) On Feb. 19th this regiment broke out in open mutiny ; and on March 30—six weeks afterwards—the Government de termined to inflict upon them a signal puni-liment. And what did their lordships think that was ! They paid thorn their wages and disbanded them. The men had ha I amongst them emissaries of the King of Oude, who had promised them, if they wouH leave the British ser vice, an increase of pay ; and yet t) pay them their wages in full and disband them was the summary pun ishment which was expected to put an end to mutiny I (Cheers.) Such a step was an act of mildness ; and when the crier came down to Sir H. Lawrence, at Lucknow, he refused to read it. All this time the 34th had been allew:d to do duty, notwithstanding that it bad pas sively reloweel, and indeed actively assisted, in the murder of one of its officers. Ths government in its insanity al owed this regiment to remain till the end of April ; and so great was their infatuation, that they actuelly ordered the 84-.1 back to Rangoon, although it was the only Europeon regiment they had. F ortunate l y i t was at this jets:aurahet the nant'ny broke oat at Luckoow, and Sir H. Lawrence, like Gen, Hearsey, was equal to the occasion. He anticipated the mutineers ; he surrounded thorn by an irupoieg force ; and although a portion of the troops by whom the mutiny was repressed consisted of men in whom there was a mutinous spirit, he over awed them, and the result was they were disbanded. He ( Lord Derby) would thenotd a as v k i whether sr s of f Lordin the Canning wholece course of these proceedings shown either foresight or vigour, or any of those quali fications which it seas so desirable they ehoeld have noseessed. Nor did he think that the Government at horns had exhibited these wealities in any greaterdegree. They had refused Irma the first to bel!eve in the serious character of this revolt. His nettle friend (the Earl of Ellenborouals) whose knowledge of India entitled his opinion- to greeter weight than those of almost any other man, and wrics seemed by instinct to have at o appre henceasei impress upon the Govt Lament the nsees-hyof 1 to be the Cassandra of th e a ff a i r . H e was a t n h d es t e les l ;: a t n e: a . c''i l; n n ' a ' .I"ippdhy, neverho eel sh' t p r r u o e Ln im pt p i o ti r j t de of t w h a e u d t o : n o ' , .f r a e t disregar led ; end the result had been the sac: ifice of meny valeabie Britirth lives. Oa the 19th of May Lord Ellenborough urged upon the Government the necessity of sending out reinforcements; and he was told by Lord Panmure that the state of affairs in India was not of a character to excite alarm. On the 9th of June his noble friend again called the attention of Government to the at Ito of India. On the 11th of June the President of the Board of Control, Mr. V. Smith, said—' I hope the public will be under no alarm, for the promptitude and vigour tra evincedtion rr hy nd L e o b r. y l G C 5 :: 1 1 , 1 . the 19th Regiment on tho instannliint,cfaa'r:deaYnt:hleitenhxecdeiels'niellennrtgdairt".lidgc stirring speech he made on the occasion (which, as a sample of military eloquence, I would recommend every one to read), have completely put an end to all disaffec tion." On the 23..1 of June Mr. Smith said--" that the only troops which' had been disbanded was the 19th N.I. There was no intention to disband any other, un• le e s there should unfortunately arise (which he trusted and believed would not be the case), a similar instance of disaffection." On the 29th of June hie (Lard Derby's) noble friend, in a most impressive speech, pressed upon the G ivcrommt the necessity of sending out with the utmost speed larger reinforcements, and suggested that as it would be necessary to strip the country of its regular forces, it would be desirable im mediately to call out the mili ia. Their lordship: would probably remember with what cool indifference this suggestion was met. The noble lord the President of the Council (Earl Granville) said that the noble earl's views of the danger were exaggerated, adding, " We do not believe that the contingency, because we happen at the same time to be at war with a part of China, and be cause this insurrection, however much to be deplored, has broken out iu one part of our dominions, is to be regarded with so much alarm as to compare it, for one instant, with a struggle that might end in entire calamity and disaster; and we should be loitering outeelves in the eyes of the world if we did ao regard it." The militia was, therelure, not called out. On the 25th an order in council had been hailed susponding the calling out of the militia for the year ; and en the lfith July Lord vPieschonuenrsttsoanid, ‘e‘ was adred whether, under t he circumst ances, he intend e d t o revoke that or d er i n council ! The nobl e eams takener e p nothinga place does riot in it is in the leleaptneenot s O s h ar ' y n ; o, w i3 b h t : I t in the slightest degree alter the view s of her Majesty's Government." In a very short time, however, the sug gestions of the opponents of the Government, as had often happened, were adopted, but be (Lord Derby) could not help thinking that it would have been well if those ingestions had been followed a little earlier. It reinforcements had been sent out as urged by his noble friend, and if th ey had been d espa tched by the sh or t es t route, he (E ar l D er b y) venture d to say we should not have had to encounter 1-10t h par t of our disasters and difficulties ; many li ves unne cessarily sacrificed would have been sa ve d ; and our ga ll an t countrymen would not have had to exc l a i m i n the b i tterne ss of their hearts while summeuing up all their spirit and energy to continue .gnsrance, the struggle, " we are abandoned by the Government." On 29th June Mr. V. Smith made a speech, which for utter and hopeless ; and o h f e s h: c p u r e t had never heard equalled, but could not believe ever could be equalled. (Laughter.) He still treated the affair be (Lord Derby) not only short time 14,000 men would be on their way to In , as a matter of small importance. He said that a . t ( l i he la h u o g u b s . : taking., The troops would be sent out eolely " a nif exag geratea- y." the crisis by the magnitude of the steps they were "Luckily," said the right lion. gentleman, " this outbreak bad taken ohms at would not be led to Dsilia which the right Lon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) chose to call a great city, and the ancient capital of the I Mogul princes." Well, he (Lord Derby) hoped hie right hon. friend had not ,committed any great blunder in describing Delhi in those terms. But Mr. Smith went on to say that it was lucky that the mutineers had gone to Delhi, " because Gen. Anson wag rapidly approach ing"—to be sure it was at a season of the year which `embeds very rapid marching—and Delhi was a city, or rather a place, " which, from its peculiar position, might be easily surrounded"—(laughter)— surrounded by the large force which Gen. Anson was bringing with him, and which would perhaps amount to 2,000 men when they all arrived. (Laughter.) It was notorious („aid the right hon. gentleman) that Delhi, from its situation, might be easily surrounded, and then, " if we should not be able to take it by force, we should have no diffi culty in reducing it by famine." Was there ever such an instance of utter ignorance ? (Cheers and laughter.) But the right hon. gentlemen proceeded : "Unfortu nately the mail left on the 27th, and he (Mr. Smith) could not, therefore, apprise the house that Delhi had been razed to the ground, but he hoped that by the next mail they would learn that ample retribution had been exacted from the mutineers." (Laughter.) Such was the language of the Beard of Control, such were the know ledge and forethought displayed by the minister who was peculiarly charged with the affairs of India. (Elmar, hoar.) When the news of the revolt arrived, the utmost sympathy was expressed on the part of almost every European state. Early in the month of I July the Sultan granted his firman, upon the applications of Lord Stratford, for the passage of our troops by way of the Red Sea. The Pasha voluntarily wrote to the Pe ninsular and Oriental Co., stating that if any British troops were sent across his territory, not oely would he give them every facility, whether they came in uniform or out of uniform, but that they should have his own hordes and carriages, and every facility should be afforded them. It was not known so generally as it ought to be, because it was the highest compliment that could be paid to this country, and because it showed how wide-spread was the sympathy which was felt for us by the most powerful monarch in Europe—it was not generally known, but the Emperor of the Fresish of his own acc rd volunteered, if it would be any convenience to us for our troops to go across France, he would not only allow them to do so, but would place every facility in the way. (Cheers.) Would it be believed ? The firman of the Sul tan, the offer of the Paella, and the promise of the Em peror were alike declined, and not a single soldier from that time till Oct. 1 were sent by way of Suez. It was said there would have been some difficulty ia point of transport when the troops arrived at the Red Sea; but it had been stated more than once, and never contradicted, that Lord Elphinstone (whose services it would be injue tics not to acknowledge) offered to send a rapid steamer to expedite the news, only Lord Canning told him there was no hurry ; and he also offered to send steamers up the Red Sea to bring on the troops. More than this, the Peninsular and Oriente! Company offered in the month of July to make such arrangements that the troops might have been taken across the isthmus in 24 hours ; and they likewise offered the use of their mail steamers, which would carry 500 men each trip. Now, if that offer had been accepted, the troops would have arrived at B.imbay in 6 or 7 weeks after they left England ; and consequently if they had left at the end of June, or the beginning of July, they would have reached their desti nation early in August. But the Government declined all the propositions, and they refused to avail theeasalves of them. Sultan, Pacha, Emperor, 'and company, all were alike declined; the Government resolved to trust to their own resources. What happened? In the month of August an application was made to the Court of Directors (who from the first had wished to send out the troops across the desert), to make the same arrangement with the Nein sular and Oriental Company, which had been offered and refused. What he was about to state appeared so strange that he harrily expected it to be believed, but he asked bar Majesty's Government to contradict it if they could, and if they did not contradict it he promised that he would produce irrefragable evidence of the truth of it. Some considerable time after these arrangements the President of the Board of Control somewhat surprised the Peninsular and Oriental Company by a letter which he wrote to them to ask if a scheme might not be or ganised for sending troops to India by the company's steamers. Now, this had been done for a considerable thou both under the authority of bar Majesty's Govern ment and that of the Beet India C2mpany, and yet the President of the Board of Control wrote to ask if it was possible to organise a scheme for doing it. He asked how, after what he had stated, the country could trust to the vigour, the energy, the wisdom of those by whom the government of India was administered. If the advice of his noble friend Lord Ellenboroegh had been followed, if the offer of the Pacha of Egypt bad been accepted, and troops had been sent out in the month of July, or even in the month of August, by the overland route, they would have arrived, if sent out in the beginning of July, in the middle of August ; but the first reinforcement—with the exception of those belonging to the Chinese expedition and a small force which came from the Mauritius—which ar rived at Calcutta for the Indian service, went out by the Golden Fleece, which made an extraordinary quick pas sage of 63 days, and reached Calcutta at the latter end of October. Now, look at the circumstances in whioh the garrison of Lucknow was placed at this time—look at the praitian of the relieving force, which was now inter cepted and besieged, and then tell him what would have been the effect if the troops, which did not arrive till the latter end of October, bad arrived in the middle of August of in September. Why it they had Havelock's movements would have been perfectly secure ; and if the garrison of Lucknow with all the helpless women and children in it fell before the barbarous enemy they had to encouet.r, upon her Majesty's Government who'll" l dtlaeed 'o send troops by the quickest route would be the gull:. He hoped that her Majesty's Government would not think that, because he bad felt it his duty as a peer of Parliament to criticise their conduct, he and those who acted with him were disposed to give them one whit less cordial assistance in carrying out their views. This was a case in which they felt that the Go vernment of the country, the men who were happy enough to enjoy the confidence of the country and of the sovereign, and who were responsible for the administra tion of public affeire, ought to be supported by every man who had the interest of Isis country at heart as warmly as if they had entire confitence in them. At present they had to reconquer an empire, in the first instance to re-establish their power, and then, when they had done that, would be the time to take into considera tion what was a most important object, namely, the future organisation of the Government. There was one rainful subject to which he must allude before he sat down. They had all heard the details of those fearful crimes and those bib memo butcheries and barbarities at which even at this distance the blood of every man who hea d them boiled with indignation, and therefore he could well believe that if they at this great distance had this strong feeling, the men who had witnessed these scenes of butchery, among the victims of wnich were perhaps some to whom they were dearly attached, that the men whose feelings had been shocked and horrified by the scenes they had witneved—that those who came, while the murdering and butchery were yet fresh, to that horrid slaughter-house in Ceeenpore, who had seen the maag'esi corpus of English women and children and the muti lated remains of Englishmen—he could easily understand that those who had witnessed such scenes as this should be transported to a degree of frensy which should partake somewhat of the demoniacal character even of those by whom these duds were perpetrated ; that, coming fresh from the scene of the slaughter of their dishonoured daughters and wives and mothers, they shoull Gecasienally be inspired by a sort of tiger-like thirst for blood ; that they should lose a'l control over their feel• ings, and that for the moment they shouli become almost as savage as those who committed these harbari ties. And vengeance, righteous retribution, sheuld 'be taken for the vindication of outraged humanity, for the security of Government, and for the restoration and preponderance of our own power. Those who had traitorously joined the ranks of our opponents, every soldier who had taken arms against us, deserved the penalty of death. But for those miscreants who had perpetrated on the bodies of women and children atroci ties over which htpean nature compelled a veil of decency to be drawn—fur those who had been guilty of unima ginable atrocities against human nature, for them death was too mild a punishment. What punishment was to be inficted when the men who were to be blown from the cannon's mouth told them exultingly that they died rejeicing that they had, with their own hand slaugh tered some three or four women 1 Such men were looked upon as martyrs by their fellows. They should have the heavier doom inflicted on theta of protracted life, with the brand of Cain upon them—protracted life embittered with painful c irportal punishment. They should lead a life of hopeless and constant slavery, condemned to the I most degrading punishment. Be they Brahmins of the highest class, they should be the slaves of the lowest Pariahe, and in hopeless slavery they should drag out an existence from which they should think that death was a relief, a terror to those who might be tempted to share ia their guilt. Ho hoped that in what he had said he had shown no desire of vengeance for vengeance sake. He desired stern and unrelenting justice for:the sake of justice and for the purpose of exciting terror among evil dcore. But what he feared veal that the feeling against those who had committed those horrors should be ex tended to all the native population. If the soldiers at the capture of Delhi, in their thirst for vengeance had sacrificed some innocent lives, that was a cir cumstance which was to be deeply deplored, tho u g h they were hardly to be blamed for it. But he ha seen letters which led him to think that every man _with a a white face in India thought that every man i h black face was his natural enemy, and was to be v s t int, down without the slightest hesitation. Tnat was spirit which could not ho allowed, which must be resdra . in i e es , o f f not by the principles of Christianity, by the inni p aw ay souod policy. If such a state of things continued, with all hope of ever recovering the empire of India. Whatever might be their form of government, what eve r might be their law, these two thing s must be strenuousl y borne in mind—they must convince the native, mime more than he had over been convinced before, that they were perfect masters of him and hie country. There must be no half measures ; the native must feel that England was his master, but that note ithistanding all that has happened, that mastery was r xercised, not for the lust of dominion, but far his own benefit, lie must be, if theylpleased, a servant, but they must be his bene factors. And though they mutt bold Lelia by the dominion of the sword and force, yet they must not expect to govern it by the sword alone, unconnected with the moral influence. One word more, and he would quit this important subject, into which he bad been led at greater length than be intended. The Royal Speech, in mysterious terms, stated that the affairs of the East India dominions would require their most serious consi deration, and they were recommended to their most earnest attention. Now this paragraph meant anything or nothing. No doubtsome of her Majesty's ministers would do him the honour to follow him in this debate, and he hoped that be should receive from them a distinct explan ation of this passage, and whether her Majesty's Govern ment intends d to bring forward any measures with regard to the government of Ind a, lie meant with regard to the ~ constitution and the form of government, and the relative powers now possessed by the East India Company and the imperial Government, or whether it was their inten tion simply to call the attention of Parliament to the subject by way of committee of inquiry. Now ho earnestly hoped, if they intended to legislate upon it at all, that they intended to legislate upon their own respon sibility. ("Hear, hear.) In 1852 he moved for the appoint ment of a committee of inquiry into the then state of the government of India. That committee continued its labours during the short session of 1852, and in 1853 its deliberations were cut short by the act of the Govern ment which succeeded him, and which he certainly thought very unfortunate, and they then ptoc:eded to legislate on India, not withstanding the remonstrances and the motion of a right hon. friend of his in the other house. However, the act was passed, and after having the act, her Majesty's then Government thought it net cessary to continue the inquiry, though it seemed to him it would have been more natural to have inquired first. They continued the inquiry, and the result was a vast amount of information. That information, as in the case of the Bank Charter, was to the fullest extent. He did not mean to say that there were not some points on which they might have more information, but they had sufficient information as to whether the present govern ment should be continued or whether any alteration should be made in it, and he trusted, if it was intended that this subject should form part of their deliberations, that the legislation proposed should be on the respon sibility of Government. That the affairs of India, if it were intended to legislate on the whole organisation of that empire, would occupy their attention for the whole cession he might venture to assert ; nay more, that they would occupy the attention of the whole country for the life of the youngest man among them. (Hear, hear.) There was only one other subject to which his noble tidied had adverte 1, and on which he thought it neces sary to add a word. His noble friend said it was the duty of her Majesty's Government by all means in their power to promote Christianity in India. No man could be more desirous than he was that the blessings of Christianity should be diffused as wide as possible, and e pecially that its doctrines should exercise a whole some iefluence on minds so debased as those of the population of India. Bat the more he wished that Christianity should be spread in India, the more he deprecated the intervention of Government in that respect. (Hear, hear.) It they intended to place an insuperable bar between the governing body and the population—they had seen in the case of the greased cartridges with what inflammable materials they were dealing—and depend upon it if they meant to make the settlement of their Indian empire impossible, they would endeavour to convert the native to Christianity by the influence of Government. He did not mean to say that they should put the slightest impediment in tin w y of missionary enterprise in India. He doubted whether missionary enterprise 'retold be successful. He shoul say, however, by all means give missionary enterprise felt liberty ; but whatever they did, Government should stand aloof from the two religions, and exercise no in. fluence in conversion. We might not be able, and should not for years be able, to trust Mahommedan or linden as we had done, but we were bound not to do slavish homage to their religion--not to conceal for a moment that we were Christians—nay, by our conduct to show that our religion was superior to theirs ; but we were board to abstain in the most careful manner from any the slightest violation of their religious prejudices or their superstitious observances, however degrading we might think them. If missionary enterprise in India was to prosper at all, it must be by the enthts in iiffer• enco of Government. There was only one other subject to which he would advert, and that he would touch upon as lightly as possible. lie meant the long-pending sub ject of Parliamentary Reform, which was included in the speech from the throne, and had been treated with ex ceeding naederation by his noble friend, who " had roared like a sucking dove." (Laughter.) Thia measure, so far as appeared from the statement of his noble friend, was merely to remedy some trifling defect, to make some trifling alteration in the Reform Bill. If, said his noble friend, it was intended to do anything more than this, he knew nothing about it. (Laughter.) All he could say was, be it a great or be it a small measure, if her Ma jesty's Government thought this was a suitable time for introducing a measure of reform, be and thous who acted with him were ready to give it the most de liberate, the most impartial, and the most dispas sionate considera ion. If it removed blemishes, so much the better. Far from them to con tend that there were no blemishes. If to make im provements, so much the better ; provided they con sidered them improvements. But what he would wish to impress upoa Government was, that as they had taken a considerable time to think about it, perhaps it would be advisable to give Parliament—he wnul ti not say as much time, but some reasonable time to take into con sideration. The bill of course had been drawn long since. (A. laugh.) The bill was drawn tvo or three years age, and bat for the circumstances would have been brought before the last Parliament. The bill, as he understood from the apparent consent of bit noble friend, was in readiness. Did he so understand him ? (Laughter.) At all events, it was in a state of progress, as the lawyers said, mo,• or less ; and being the work of a united Cabi net, he hoped that Government would lose no tone in laying it before the house. There would be this advan tage in having this short session before Christina's, viz., that Government would have an opportunity of laying i loafer.) Parliament while Parliament was sitting, that and the other measures which they had prepared, and these who were likely to support a large measure of reform, and those who would support one considerably smaller, would thus have an opportunity of considering the mea , sure proposed. lle had felt it his duty at considerable length to offer some csenments on the speech delivered from the throne, and to ask for some explanations. He was happy to say, he did not find fault with the language of the speech, and he did not intend to propose any amendnasnt to the address. As he understood that it was the wish of the GoTernnent not to deal with any other question before the ordinary time for the meeting of Parliament but ,that on which they were specially summoned, he begged to assure his noble friend that, as far as he was concerned and those who acted with hire, they should be ready to give every facility for the des patch of business, so as to enable Parliament to adjoern at the earliest possible period. earl GRANVILLE—I am happily relieved from thene cessity of following the noble earl at any great length, and will therefore confine myself to a few of his observations. The noble earl commenced his speech by saying that we had never met on an occasion when the circumstances of the country were of such deep gloom as the present. But, my lords, there have been within our own recollection tines of groat alarm, of great suffering, of great danger, and every one must fuel it a consolation that the country surmounted those trials, that she became more rich and powerful than before, and was not in fact injured by the struggle which had taken place. And though I quite agree with the noble Earl as to the gravity of the circumstances by which we are surrounded, yet I must remind you that in'each one of those circumstances there already appears a gleam of sun shine, and that there is not the least reason for supposing that this country will not again be able to overcome her temporary difficulties. (Hear, hoar.) The noble Earl on former occasions always afforded me singular interest and pleasure by the manner in which ho criticised the a,ldresses proposed by the Government to her Majesty, and the singular dexterity and the great power of analysis which he used to bring to bear on those productioue ; but on the present occasion he has entirely confined his criticism to faults of omission and not of commission by the Govern ment:. The nobles Earl began by lamenting the want of information in the Royal Speech as to the state of our foreign relations, end expressing some distrust lest the Government might be keeping something back which might cause apprehension. Ncw, my lords, the fact is, the Government have no other reason to regard our rbla- Lions with foreign Powers than with the most intense satisfaction and pleasure, for at no period have our rela tions either with the European Powers, or with the United States of America, been on a more perfectly satisfactorily footing. (Hear, hear, and cheers). The only cause to which ho alluded as likely to bring about dissatisfaction or disunion was with regard to the Principalities ; but I have the pleasure of informing him that Congress will meet on those principles which have been already laid down. On a late occasion a decision was not come to be cause there was insufficient information, and it was desirable to gather the opinions of the Principalities, and also the opinion of that Power which sinks most importantly engaged in their interests; but France and England are perfectly united—they assent to the principles concurred in by the whole of the European Powers — that it is essential to secure to those Principalities, without danger to the whole of Europe, the greatest possible amount of happiness. (Hear, hoar.) I cannot help thinking that t j h ok at e. the T i h i. o )bl r e e, e ,s a , r n l's t c h o o m t p n la A n h t in a g bou h t as C b h e i o n n a is 60110 , 11 so clearly explained by . the noble earl r i l e h d indeed, t o h raetaisto wouldwas (hear.) If that done in China is so notorious, h a le nd ea , b e c hildish in me to give explanations. lyand judiciously called for w co h r e dially and discreetly afforded by Lord Elgin, f b o y rc L e had n 13;:dennnot o been turned away from its pur posethan adequate for ac c e o x m i g p e l is c h Y i ' n i g t a l w l ° t a h i t L h o a r v d Elgin been more for a more pressing h a d instructions to obta in. There mi g ht the n ha v e been how far the whole of the Chinese empire would a n opinion kayo engaged in the quarrel, but it is now pretty clear that y Cdiumissioner Yeh will be loft to fight his own battles ; and never was there a time when our intercourse was more satisfactory - with the rest of the Chinese empire; and I believe, as soon as eve are able to send some troops, even a smaller number than we orginally intended, we will come to a satisfactory issue upon the Chinese question. The noble earl then very naturally dwelt upon the p o i n t with respect to which Parliament has been assembled—l mean the measures fcr indemnifying the directors of the Bank of England. The noble earl asked me a question which I ant net perfectly sure he is entitled to ask, or is entitled to expect me to answer. (hear, hear.) The noble earl asked me whom her Majesty's Government had con sulted on this question, and by whom th ey b a d b een ad vised. Now, that is a question which I maintain lam am not bound to answer ; because her Majesty's Govern ment are responsible for the measure, and upon them alone the responsibility of it must weigh. But Ido think it right to state what were the the facts of the cave. They were these : Whilst her Majesty's Government did act upon their own responsibility, they did not act with out a full km) e ledge of the facts upon which that re sponsibility was taken. And it was a knowledge of those facts which convinced them that if they did not interfere, most serious consequences to the count- et . and to the commercial world at large must have ensued. Upon this it was that they proposed to take their stand. The noble earl said : You should have gone fur ther,and have stated your reasons for not agreeing with me in thinki ng th a t this act should be entirely changed-- that although in ordinary times it succeeded well enough , yet in times of panic it only increased difficulties. But I of the Bank Charter Act. At do not thick that this is the right moment, for entering on a discussion as to the merits this much, that it is not , the intention of her slaje.. ty's Government to propose any the same time I am ready to state p cpt advised, they do not think res but there was a committee of any Commons, not to b 3 appointed, but already , the House of inn:tended that they should bo re appointed , and change' v such e i h n tchhiasnageet.dAelaab e ; appoiutel next su bwitted, and would bo carefully considered. Her Ma jesty's Government did not, of course, pledge themeelvto not to make any alteration acting upon further informas tion, but they were not prepared to do so at present. The noble earl further expressed his fears that the working po pthbim to u na la a ti m ori ephoaesfls. held out count r y h a d a ver y severe winter before I t s h a i m n Ic a the consolationnoble i b earl this (Lord re respect tmwabne)a be hind me upon the improved demeanour of the working classes. At present they were well acquainted with the real state of things—they knew that the Government had °ver nm upon causes power to alleviate th e i r di s t ress, t h at i t was d e pendent co-operate with their masters i n wor ki ng ou t ever y reason able combination in order to mitigate as far as possible the ment had were no w illing to c ontrol — and pon in yn er stce which h th th e e workingGpressure of the coming winter. Bsides, the blessing of en abundant harvest was another consolatory mitigation of . any suffering that was to be exp ec t e d f rom th e high Price of food. (Hear.) The noble earl then re ver t e d to the topi c which must interest every pe rson who can think or who can feel—the state of our Indian army. The noble earl complains that the measures taken by Government have s not been sufficient to alleviate th e p r i va t e sufferings of individuals, and recommended her Majesty's Governmen t to go further into the consideration of private losses- B ut I cannot help thinking that the Government by so doing would have laid itself open to the charge of a grave ()VW ; geration of the state of affairs. Th a t th a t s t a te is serious, that it requires the most careful consideration it is impossible to deny ; but that our Indian empire is now in peril I do not believe. (Cheers.) I have a confident hope that if common prudence and common judgment be exercised, that empire will be reinstated in all its former power. The noble earl then spoke of the gallant conduct of our soldiers. And here certainly the noble earl wa s guilty of no exaggeration. (Hear.) I really believe that exaggeration is impossible in describing that conduct, .0d I should be unwilling to destroy the force of the singulatlY eloquent and vivid manner in which the noble earl au cess. But if a n ythi ng b e more i mpor t an t, or de; scribed their unheard- o f diffi cu lti es , and their unparall eled more conduct of those wonderful men—in a large , likely than another to obtain a place in history, it is the cases, civilians--who, though scattered at intervals over the country, have by their deeds covered themselves with glory, and made themselves worthy of the name of English the() There was one phrase in the speech of noble lord (Lord Portman), however, and it was almost the only ono with which I could not fully concur, namely, that he did not think it just to criticise the acts of public men who were absent from the country. But I think the acts of public men are public property, and the only reser vation 1 wish to make is, that we should be firstacquainte d majority of with all the facts, that we should not look at transactions by the light that subsequent facts may throw upon them, but throw ourselves as far as possible into the situation of those whohave been placed in any extraordinary positions , under circumstances of which they have had no expe rience whatever. The noble earl says that he is dis posed to treat Lord Canning with tenderness. But I ask that the conduct of Lord Canning may stand or fall by its own merits, after a full investigation of all the circumstances. After this the noble earl went lot°, very great detail of facts more or less bearing again" Lord Canning. No one is more expert than the noble earl in examining blue books, and picking out from them the kernel of what may suit his purpose. But in this installs! e I think the noble earl has had recourse to a certain Is 3 u pamphlet rather than to blue books. He says that Lord Canning did nothing to stop the issue of greesed cartridges' How was this knowledge acquired? Again, the noble earl says that all this ought to have been found out long bal . " . by Lord Canning. Why, the noble earl himself is reported - to have expressed himself in terms which showed he 8 u1:: • posed that these troubles were coming to a close. But, judging from past events, the nobl e ear l i s not justified,'" saying that Lord Canning has b e h ave d w ith too greet c o l; menoy towards the troops th a t h ave mu tinied. It " proved a most fortunate thing that these mutinies have taken place from time to time, and not simultan eous At for then it would have been almost impossible to deal with them. But I think it is quite fair to contend that severe measures at the outset would have been more fatal than: mild ones. It is all very w e ll t o t a lk o f ene rgy ard deter ruination, but it is no j o k e t o di s b an d so l ar ge this was, whilst so small a body of men was at the disP °°l l of Lord Canning. With respect to the somewhat personae attack that has been made upon the President of personas Board of Control (Mr. V. Smith), I rather expect, uP Titheln quiry, to find that it is quite unfounded ; but even i • noble earl has been rightly informed, and the right isn' t gentleman's knowledge of the geography of Delhi was fault, I cannot forgot that a noble earl (the Earl of Ellen__ borough) opposite, who has enjoyed the advantage o f beef in India, and knows the country well, once made a Me" body a, singular proposition with regard to the siege of Delhi-3 i o The Earl of ELLENBOROUG a (interposing) of be"te state that what I did s a y was th a t the tupplY of v" to should be cut off from I)elhi some three weeks previous the commencement of the siege. noble Earl GRANVILLE—Even then, however, the f earl seemed to forgot that there would be a water in the wells of the city, to say nothing of the rive Jumna itself. Furiher, neglect has been imputed to her Majesty's Government in not sending out troops to India.,_ in greater numbers, and more rapidly. But I believe that in no instance in the history of the world has so large body of troops, amounting to nearly 36,000 men, been cod on such a journey, and, as far as we know, in such gootei quantity oer health, considering the climate. It has been said that Yr ought to have ea loci out the whole militia of the country, and have sent oat these troops earlier by the route of the overland mail. But there were no details upon which we could entirely rely so as to secure vessels for conveying Bible to have secured a sufficient number for the purpose. troops down the Red Sea ; and it would have been im p ose Besides which, it was impossible to make the passage at this time of the year without the greatest injury to ,the health of the troops. The noble earl (the Earl of Derby) then asked another question, namely, whether her Ma j esty'a Government hal any measures to propose with re spect to India, and he offered the Government some a dvice on that subject. The noble earl said it was the wish of her a la t e ll o a b f v r i o o m us f t o o ll y b o w u i r bg l t o h al a s t la a i d p v s ic t e h . at I n t o hin p k ub b li o c Majesty's Government merely and solely to peas a measur e for indemnifying the Bank proprietors. But I think it will d could arise from our meeting for a short time before Christ mae; to open the whole business of the session during tha t . short sitting. Such a course would not be very convenient to the public or Parliament, and I think it would be 122 °r_ nu wise. Therefore, I can assure the noble earl that it is not our intention to do so during this sitting of erParlia ment, and that we shall reserve it till the meeting of the Par liament after Christmas, to enter into the whole of Indian question fully, and, I hope, satisfactorily. to The Earl of DERBY (interrupting) was understood say he did not ask for any details of particular measure but whether Government was prepared with any on the subject. "d —With re- Earl GRANVILLE, in continuation, sat P goodu ic couldgoo this moat important subject must form the ground 0 ! 5 7 .. , d gird to India, the Government, while they though:, t_hsneit. gas considers ion in Parliament, considered they u° ... " 0 ` 3. , reserve themselves till February, when this great _cl f " ous tion must be discussed. The noble earl has spoken ° res— or two points in connection with this subject. With to the question of Christianity, I believe it ilsoulegaet misunderstood. I remember the noble earl expressed a private missionary societies. Lord Canning wrote • i nstitution= Lne alarm last session at Lord Canning having subscribed to letter, stating that ho bad subscribe to certain i sees eo —one being a Bible Society—the object of w uages an d translate the Bible into the different n ative 1 lesley and some others of the most eminent g° stating that therein he only followed the exaavmne ribed to Dr. rel. Another instance was that he had subs b c st and Wei Duff's school in Calcutta—one of the very e re . ee per . tolerant schools in all India. Lord Canning ne m business feetly admitted that a governor-general haU.t, or psrsinte whatever to exercise either power, or authata rd to his g r i n le or o e f -g \ e V n eel: sion for purposes of proselytism ; but, with r g an right tQ subscribe to a school, he joined issue, ns et . w"" I notld be ba deterred from continuing his s ubsaniptio the Government using anything like compulsion, a n t 1.. • to be Have nothing is so fatal to the Christian religion ituseAls, most monstrous that our religion should cont i nue e degraded —therefore it is clear, I think, . ee of the Government should not interfere . with the re (H.) snected, while they allowed universal tole. 1 alluded is.one of * Another point to which the nobis!ear natives, they should cause the Christian religion tltet l i g . l t beee those who have muti ment to be administered to some o ted the most fright hom have perpetra Lied, and some of wnoble 0 ranch of what the earl says I enormities. Now, iu very painful character—l mean with regard to the punish .si lord— that in anything like the join is u 0 with the noblehme we should recollect our Chris administration of punishment I egree ; but I think it • mportant also—and there I m ust as a civilised nation, we should talc° than character, a • ad, should never approach anything miserable heathens we ) Let the punts iment be swift—let 1 like torture. ( Ifea r r. Gost's sake, lot us be careful of the the greatest possible care that in our punishment of those be open—but, fo ) Wills • dto what th ble lord stated —that he should support the Government trOt oational questions—l do not doubt it; for, when nationa l character of it. (Rear.regard questions are really to be dealt with, all parties unite as nto ward Off national disasters. Therefore, r 0110 ma I grateful to the noble earl for the remarks he has have only now to say I feel obliged to him for giving to o ' Government notice of th© course he will pursue. (11eltrei_ The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH o bserved that the noble earl who had jest sat down hail never yet given 'cerement in bringing forward any measu nt re respect ing dia in the present ROSSi OO. The noble earl told them it information to the house as to the inteions ot the ' wou ld occupy a groat deal of their time. Of course is would ;but it must be the intention qt Government to bring forward some measure in the course of the cession. He asked the noble earl distinctly had the Government any such measure prepared or not? Earl GRA.NVILLE—I have stated quite clearly that it is not my intention to answer that particular question. I have stated that after Christmas it is the intention of her Majesty's Ministers most fully to explain their views. h After an observation fr om th e E ar l o f D.1111131', which was not distinctly heard in the gallery, The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH again rose and said Under the circumstances it was not for him to wak e ; ° ,7 1 1 lengthened observations as to whether Government might iuteud or not at some future period to bring forward .h-rt measure; but this ho would say, that though he Ini ta. not be supposed to be generally favourable to the two. cures of the present Government, or towards thethatP Court of the administration which was conducted not aware of of Directors, he mus t f ran kly a d m it be w 47 the Court of anything having occurred ou the part 0 1 Directors since the commencement of the pa rt which showed that degree of obstruction on . would which of the court or of the present system . slation ; end makes it necessary to proceed to early legs . n. __ it) t o therefore it appeared to him a most inconvenient o w n ? ' of direct a general question upon the civil govcrtih all t their great owpiro when they were struggling S ly tie more to moans to reconquer that empire. He had Ist e h stated these mutinies say, except that so early as the 19th of May , tat in that house that it would be satisfactory if, conside !uts ss , t information recently received from India, the Governorefe, would state what measures they iutended to adopt with gard to the Indian army. The noble lord at the hea d _ .oes the War Department then stated that no such alsPr°; ie n sinus existed in the minds of the Government, and 5 .0 t. that in the course of five weeks recruits would He (Lord Ellenborough) asked the number. The S b eo e re 3 t e l for War replied 4,000 and 4 regiments, but that it wa e. P convenient to send the troops before June on accootr the unhealthy season. Now ho (Lord Ellenboroueli) re ferred from that that 8,000 men would be transported he tween the second week in June and the 23d June ; felt it was not for him to press for more than thaotAssossusr: once at that time. But not ono man left the shores F l o -V' l-1 . . 6 „, land in those 5 weeks, and they only loft in the fo n l e u:r el l 5 weeks. Not a man went before the Ist of July, L 5 weeks. He was so constantly thinking upon the o 19 r v of between 600 or 700 men were sent, but there wii:asluo.ss_stt that, having left London for the country after_ troops that the vessels carrying _ tart' for War, suggesting under the directio oo to Cl iaa should be stopped and placed a that he should ve' d ' May, be wrote a private mete to the noble lord the. Sacra' of the Governor-General, and direCilrobdo so ; d if thi) oo for them if he thought in.cosaLr Y nt for by the Governor' troops had gone and had beenst. General, how different would have been our position ill