The Sun. — London, England, 1847-06-16 00:00:00

THE S ITN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1847. Mr. P. BORIikiWICK wished to krow, after what had fallen from the Noble Lord Ist night in reference to the motion of the Member for Montrose, and the amendment of the Member for Finsbury (Mr. Dun come), relative to the interference of the British in the affairs of Portugal, whether the Hon. Member for Finsbury had consented to bring forward his amendment as a substantive motion. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, with regard to the resolution of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, that the constitutional rights of the people should be observed, he did not consider it was of much importance whether it wes proposed or not, as the Government felt that it was their duty to see that the liberties of the people should be maintained.—(hear, hear, and cheers.) He was happy to be informed, within the last ten minutes, that dispatches hied been received from the Portuguese Government that they were prepared to extend to the prisoners who were lately taken by the British naval force as full and ample an amnesty as was guaranteed in the original conditions proposed by the Powers who had signed the articles for the intervention. Mr. DUNCOMBE thought that the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Borthwick) ought rather to have asked the Hon. Member for Montrose what his intentions were. —(Laughter.) For his own part he thought that from the reception his resolution had met from the House, as well as from her Majesty's Government, he should rest satisfied. At all events, he con sidered that the Honourable Gentleman who had in terposed to put an end to the discussion, and the party with whom he acted, and who had given vent to such indignation at the conduct of the Government with regard to the intervention, should be consulted as to the course they would wish to adopt under the cir cumstances.—(Laughter.) Mr. NEWDEGATE defended the course he pur sued last night in moving that the House be counted. He justified his conduct by stating that when he made that motion there was not a single Cabinet Minister on the benches opposite.—(Oh, oh l)—(Mr. Hume entered the House at this moment, amid much laughter.]—And on his own aide of the House he was solus. He consi dered, therefore, that he was justified in adopting any course rather than that the debate should proceed under such circumstances.--(0h:) Mr. HUME agreed with the Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down, that he occupied a very singular position—(Laughter)--and he must say, that it was little creditable to the Government that this occurrence took place. For his own part, he did not believe that it could have taken place without an arrangement to that effect.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet who had addressed the House last night, in a tone of the greatest acerbity, and his whole speech was a tissue of the grossest absurdities and misstatements, He believed that, the House was counted out by a pre vious arrangement ; and he considered it very discredit able that it should be so on a question of that import. ance. He had no remedy for it but a renewal of his motion ; but he did not think the House was disposed to follow him in adopting such a course. He would not, therefor% adopt that course, unless some further acts of Colonel Wylde, who had acted as a firebrand in Por tugal, should force this upon him. At present he thought he had done his duty, and he deeply regretted that the debate had terminated as it had done. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that it was not his in tention to defend the Rigl Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth from the misrepresentations which had been made respecting him, considering, as he did, that, in his admirable and comprehensive speech, he kept closely to the facts of the case, and deduced inferences which in reason it was difficult not to perceive. —(Hear, hear.) But the 'Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken said that there. was an understading between the two parties that Ole debate should be disposed of in the way it had been, eine., the Hon. Gentleman who counted out the House said th at no Cabinet Minister was present at that time. He (Lord John Russell) considered that no one was so grer A t a loser by that step as her Majesty's Go vernment.—(Hear, hear.) He thought an attentive perusal -of the papers and of the speeches made during the , •013 tinuance of the debate would make it apparent that the decision w hi c h must h ave ensue d a t the termination of it would have given considerable majority to the Government—(Hear) — and there were undoubted advantages which they had lost by the abrupt and unexpected termination of the debate.—(Hear, hear.) And, therefore, when he saw that the opponents of the motion were very great losers by the motion, he was at a loss to understand the accusa tion of the Hon. 'Gentlemen.—(Hear.) Although he did not think that there was an exact precedent fur such an interposition ass that which had taken place—resembling as it did none of those mythological interferences of anti qnity in wh'ieh the goddesses were represented to carry away a here in a cloud, whence he go into a difficulty from which he could not escape—(Laughter)— although nothing of a similar nature was recorded in their own time, be could not but believe that th e c i rcums t ance might be accounted - for without ascribing it to a previous arrangement.—(Hear, hear.) The Honour able Gentleman said that he would not bring on his motion again, and in this lie acts rightly, as in that case he will save himself from the reply of his Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs and from the division which would ensue. With regard to the charge of the absence of the Cabinet Ministers, he wished to observe that his Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign l'itl'airs had only left the House for a short time—(A Voice—" No, he was in the House")—and, for his own part, he and his lion. Friend the Chancellor of the Inxchequer had, after the speech of the Itig i at Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, gone to th e House of Lords to see what was going on there--(e Hear, hear,' and laughter)—and, from the pre sent ceeestruction of the Houses, there was not time to be back before the House was counted out. The Noble Lord defended the conduct of Colonel Wyldo in Portugal, and said there was no justification for tree charges which were made against that officer. He t'-as appointed to the office in consequence of his knowledge of Spain and of the great services he had performed there when Espartero was in power, to whom he had given the most efficient and useful advice. No man was more anxious for freedom and constitutional rights thar. he was. He was desirous several times to be ri calls d, and it was only at the instance of her Ma jesty's (iovernment that he consented to remain in the difficult position in which he was then placed.—(Hear.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM defended the Right Hon. Gen leman the Member for Tamworth from the accusa tions whirl: had been made against him l the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Montrose. And firet, with regard to the charge of absur dity, .he would leave Europe and the world to decide whether that charge more properly attached to hrs speech or to the resolution of the lion. Gentleman hive :elf—(Hear, hear)—and to those by whose interpo vatic!s the debate was abruptly brought to a close.— (11e,tr, hear.) With regard to the charge of mis statement, if the *Honourable Gentleman the Member for Montrose would renew his motion he would have as 0 - .)portunity of knowing that the facts referred to by the Right 1 4 .0 u. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth, were not seas accurate than they were perspicuously stated.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he had to observe, with all deference to the Hon. elember for Bolton (Dr. Boweing), that he preferred to go to dinner rather than listen to his speech.—(Laughter.) After si few words from Mr. S PAFFORD O'BRIEN, Mr. NEWDEGATE said that the Right Hon. Gen tleman hed given them good reason to understand that his appetite, if not his will, was in collusion with those who terminated the debate —(Laughter.) Mr. HUDSON said, that although he was absent at the time the House was counted, he was not aware of any such intention being in existence. He thought that it was merely an individual act, and therefore blame should not be cast upon a whole party. If the House did not wish to be thus adjourned, care should be taken that when a question of this importance was in agitation a sufliciant Lumber of Members should be present. TENANTS (IRELAND) BILL. On the order of the day being read for resuming the adjourned debate upon the second reading of the Tenants (Ireland) Bill, Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that he hoped in the few words which he had to say upon this subject he should be able to show that a most disorganised system between landlord and tenant existed in Ireland, and that the condition of the tenantry was such as to claim and demand from that House a due consideration of their state. It was impossible that either landlord or tenant could be placed in a just and proper relative position until many of the abuses which had crept into the system were removed by the intervention of the House. The landlords said that their rights had not been sufficiently protected. He (Mr. S. Crawford) said that not only had their rights been sufficiently pro tected, but that they had had too much pro tection, and that powers had been entrusted to them which they ought never to have had, and which they had used to the utmost extent, so as to be productive of mischief to themselves and their tenantry also. He could inform the House, also, that not only had these legal powers been used to their farthest limits, but that they had been exceeded in the most fearless manner, for in many instances tenants had been ejected without even the warrant which was required by the law which then existed. Th e system of subdivision of land had been for a great many years promoted and forced by the l a w, and that subdivision was at present in a great mea sure the cause of the unsatisfactory position both of the lancLords and tenants_ of Ireland. T he landlords had th e u,selVC 3 encouraged the system, and they, therefore, oUg.,t not to be the parties wh o should •t to complain when the be the cense q evres of their Own acts reflected upon themselves. The Hon. Member then cited a number of instances from the Parliamentary that h proceeded ou dt g o say htto that here there was plain Inference be a legal enactment on the subject. meetings in different parts of the counTtryh'e, There e ll h o a f d w bn h e i e ch bad come to resolutions which acknowledged of thosedged the tenant rights, and asserted that the tenants ought to be respected. But he had another and a stronger resolution to place before the House. It was a resolution passed at a large meeting of landowners at Dublin, the Marquis of Ormond in the chair, and the gendernen then present had been unanimous in support ing the principle which he advocated. He had firstm_- trouced this principle in the shape of a Bill in lee.). He bad again - brought it before Parliament ib 1840, next in 1842, and then again in 1845 ; and he had• trusted that her Majesty's Government as now constituted, would have taken up the subject, f'Y and settled the principle which he desired to be adopted. But if the Government did not interfere it was the duty of the House to regulate the matter, and the preamble of the Bill sufficiently showed the anxiety of the promoters to improve the condition of the tenant in Ireland. The chief object was to secure to the tenant the value of the improvements which he bad made on the property which he occupied. This was provided for in the sixth chaise, but the r]leventh clause went further, and was intended to ad vance the principle which had been previously stated ; for although it was framed so as to secure the rights of the tenant, it also respected the rights of the landlord, for it provided that if the tenant was to be entitled to the value of his im provements it was only . under the consideration that they had been made with the consent of the land lords. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the reports which had been made to Parliament on the agri cultural condition of Ireland, and he proved from them that the farms are so divided in Ireland, that there is an utter impossibility of the occupiers achieving in dependence, the farms in the county of Cork not averaging more than fifteen acres, and those in Tipperary not more than twenty-four acres each. If they wanted to increase the prosperity and productive ness of Ireland, they must adopt the Bill which he had proposed, because it would enable tenants to derive a fair profit from the land assigned to them. Besides this, they should instruct the people in the arts of agriculture, and if they did so they would have a happy and prosperous, instead of a wretched and poverty-stricken people. The poor of Ireland had been called idle, ignorant, and brutal ; but this did not come from their own choice—it arose from the tenants feeling little interest in the land which they held—from the nature of the relations subsisting between them and their landlords; and if the landlords understood their interest they would do all in their power to emulate their tenants to cultivate the soil, and to make it yield all that Pro vidence had designed it to yield. He trusted, therefore, that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would consent to the second reading; but, at the same time, he wished it to be distinctly understood that he would accept and support any measure which had the same object in view as he had. Certainly, if they wished to do justice to Ireland, they would lose no time in passing a law to place the tenants of Ireland in a better condition than at present. He had made private arrange ments with his tenants in accordance with the terms of the Bill; he simply mentioned this to show that he was willing to comply with all its provisions —(Hear) —and he trusted that the example he had set would be followed by the other landlords of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) It appeared to him that a more important subject than that of tenant-right could not come before the House. He begged to move that the Bill be read a second time. Mr. MONAHAN (the Solicitor-General for Ireland) rose to oppose the motion. He thought that at this late period of the session no good could arise from assent ing to the motion, because the subject was surrounded with great difficulties. He hoped, however, that at some future time the nature of the relations between land lords and tenants might come under the review of the House ; but at the same time he could not avoid stating that he anticipated that far more good would come from voluntary and private arrangements between the par ties than could be effected in accordance with any Bill which the Legislature might pass. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he should feel it his duty to move, as an amendment, that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. There were objectionable provisions in the Bill, because a tenant might take an undue advantage of his landlord. For instance, a tenant for one, two, or three years might make improvements which the landlord might be ill able to pay for, and which the land itself was not in a con dition to allow. The arrangement of the amount of compensation was also open to great objections, and would involve both parties in great expense, because, in the cases of arbitration which had come under his experience, the parties had been involved in considerable litigation and great expense, and he feared the same result would occur in this case. Mr. B. ESCOTT said the principle of the Bill was exceedingly important—perhaps the most important measure with respect to Ireland that had come before the attention of the House this session; but he believed that at that late period of the session it could not be passed into a law, still the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ap peared to him to have not stated sufficient reasons for opposing the Bill. It would be within the recollection of the House that this was the second measure, with respect to the rights of tenants which had come before the House during the yresent sessioa; and he did nut choose to have the second Bill, which he believed to have been brought forward from the most sincere motives, treated in the same way as the Bill of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Berkshire (Mr. Pose)). He, therefore, wished to have some pledge from the Government, if this Bill were withdrawn, that the subject would receive their early attention in the ensu ing session. He trusted that the House would say that it was better to read this Bill a second time, and con sider the objections to it in Committee. Sir JOHN WALSH said that he dissented altogether from the opinion expressed by the Hon. Member who had just addressed the House. lie considered that it would be a dangerous principle for the House to pledge themselves to the abstract justice of a measure which could not be carried this session. The Bill contained a sweeping indictment against the landed proprietary of Ireland ; and if they believed the assertions that were made they must arrive at the conch' sion, that what were called the rights of the landlords, were in reality a usurpation. So far [ was this from being the case, he asserted that the facts would show that the landed pro prietors of Ireland had made greater sacri [I:TS for the prosperity of their tenantry than the land lords in this country. Ile denied that the landlords of Ireland were the cause of what he admitted to be a great evil in Ireland, namely, the minute subdivision of the land in that country. The people of Ireland were oblig.-d to look to the land as the only mans of sub sistence. There were many prudent farmers in Ireland, and it was not unusual for them to give portions to their daughters. The son of a farmer might marry a female who gut one of these portions, and would induce his father to give him a part of his farm, and there was a subdi vision of land, without the knowledge of the landlord, and with which he could not interfere. In England the landlord provided buildings for his tenants, but that was not the case in Ireland, though it was highly desirable that it should become so. It would have the effect of benefiting both the landlord and the tenant. The former would derive great advantage from such a practice, as it would give him greater security for the improvement of his land, while the benefit to the tenant was quite evident. He could not conclude without ex pressing his satisfaction that the Government had postponed a measure of such importance to Ireland until every information on the subject could be ob tained. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that, if the question before the House was whether or not they were to consider of some expedient to improve the relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland, he would not refuse his assent to a motion for some legislative enact ment by which these relations should be ad justed.—(Hear, hear.) A contrary course would be inconsistent with the opinions which he had already ex pressed. It had been stated that it was intended by Government to bring before the House a Bill on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) It had been only by that un fortunate event which deprived Ireland and the country of the services of the Earl of Beaborough, and the great pressure of Irish business on the Government, ' that they had been obliged reluctantly to give up the intention of submitting such a measure to the 'louse. Ile could not agree with those who said that no measure on this question could be devised which would produce beneficial effects. Ile thought that, looking at the state of the relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland, looking to the jealousies that existed beta een two classes whose interests were identical, that a measure might be framed which would meet the exigencies of the circumstances, and restore and perpetuate harmony between the landlord and the tenant. He was prepared at all times to enter upon the consideration of this question with reference not only to general principles, but also with respect to the special circumstances of Ireland. But he submitted that that was nut the question before the House. A Bill had been submitted to the House by the Hon. Member for Rochdale. He never looked with prejudice upon any Bill submitted by that Hon. Member, with all his experience and good-will as au Irish land lord—(Hear)—but, after considering this Bill with great attention, he was prepared to say that though it should pass the second reading and go into Committee, that the Government could not, without great modifica tion, even save any part of it which they could advise the House to pass. It would give rise to great misconstruction in Ireland, and originate much contusion, and perhaps a little dispute on details affected by the provisions of the Bill. It was not out of any feeling of opposition to the Hon. Gentleman that he disapproved the second reading of the Bill, or to the good objects which it was his intention to effect, fur, like him, he (Mr. Labouchere) did not despair of seeing ultimately a Bill which would effect these good objects without exciting the animosity, the lawsuits, and the disputes which would arise out of the present Bill. Mr. B. ROCHE considered the question affecting the relation between landlord and tenant of such paramount importance, that he was surprised that the only part taken by the Government, when the only Member of the House that had moved upon the subject had submitted a practical measure upon it, was to throw impediments in the way. He complained that the far mers of Ireland had been deluded by the Government, who had promised to discuss the relation between land lord and tenant upon a substantive measure early this session, but now, at the end of it, refused to hear or say anything now that the question was pressed upon them by another. They were deluded, too, by what had been called the Irish party- -Irish, he supposed, because they had promised much and done nothing.—(Laughter.) That party consisted of the old nobility, the modern aristocracy, and the gentry of Ireland. They met, and their promises were great at Dublin, but their perform ance nothing at Westminster. They distinguished them selves by eloquence on the banks of the Liffey, but they o o n e good of result r were silent on the banks of the Thames. So then by parties both th ese were the farmers and the people elaanrdhdsieh th deluded and deceived, not a step e vote having been ta k en to redeem their io day promises w to oul d Ireland.hav have on Ireland wou ld b e, in that House, there that no matter what they promised was but one hope for them, and that was a domestic legislature. had A .t n Honourable Member Member near him w i s h ed give him an opportunityion, of andprovinghe t l h . e sinc e eri w trof that wish next session, hoped he would then give him his vote when he brought forward a motion to repeal the union. The people of Ireland had been dec eived b y the p resent Government, andn o . been at keptof the snd it was which d been madeashishohnaestbee to conviction,he as aw m had well as that Irish people, that it was to a domestic legislature alone they had to look for a redress of the grievances under which Ireland laboured. _ _ Mr. SHAW approved of the course which the Go vernment adopted with regard to the Bill. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL thought that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland had exhibited very great caution with regard to this measure. He thought, after the principle of compensation was ac knowledged by all parties, that her .Majesty's Govern ment should have come to some other conclusion than that they did not despair that something might yet be done to compensate tenants. He did not know whether the result of the late Lord Besborough's inquiries upon the subject were in the pos session of the Government; if they were, he thought that that attention and consideration ought to be given to them which had been accorded by all other parties conversant with the subject. He hoped that the Go vernment would not allow a fortnight of another session to pass without bringing forward some more per fect system of legislation upon this subject. He hoped that no distinction of party or religion would be permitted to interfere indirectly in this question, but that it should be a comprehensive scheme which would completely remedy the existing state of things. Under the present system the abuses which existed, so far from growing better, gravitated from bad to worse ; and it was quite time that a check should be given to these growing evils. With regard to the present measure before the House, there were some difficulties with respect to the details, but he hoped that it would be applicable with some degree of benefit to Ireland, and in that hope he should support the second reading of the Bill. Mr. TRELAW NY said that, in his opinion this Bill was a palpable delusion to the people ot Ireland, and contained promises which could never be realised. In the first instance two of the assertions it contained were quite incorrect. One of these allegations was that the tenant was unjustly liable to ejection without any compensation being given for any improvements he might have made in the land. They made their bargain with their eyes open ; so that under any other system they would be liable to the same inconvenience. If the principal ground upon which the Bill was introduced was false, of what use would the Bill be ? It would not, he believed, be productive of harm, but it would not lead to any good, and would thus create a strong feeling of dis appointment; and he, therefore, gave his strongest oppo sition to the second reading of the Bill. Sir H. W. BARRON said that, in his opinion, ameasure of this description had long been called for by the con dition of Ireland, and by the condition of the poor agricultural classes, who were unable properly to detend their rights. It would have the effect of stimu lating them to improve their land, by giving them proper security that they would be enabled to enjoy those improvements which they had created. It was all very well to come down there and make elec tioneering speeches on the eve of a new Parliament ; but it was no answer to the responsibilities which they had to fulfil to meet this Bill without being pledged to its details, to negative its principle altogether. It was all very fine to make such speeches in order to suit par ticular purposes, and it might do very well for the news papers to make such statements as those to which they had lately listened to. And it must be recollected that fine promises in the county of Cork were but badly re deemed by small performances on the banks of the Thames—(Laughter)—and if these promises were made with a view to prospective advantage, he could assure the Hon. Members who had opposed the second reading that that line of conduct would. not answer their purpose. Yet, in giving his assent to the second reading of this Bill, he did not intend to pledge himself to the whole of its details. He had not been a Member of that House for sixteen years without being conscious that by giving his adhesion to a Bill, he was in no way prevented from totally alter ing its character by a change of the details. To many of the details of this Bill he had great and serious ob jections, but to the principle he was entirely friendly. That principle he would support to the utmost of his power, but at the same time he would not disguise his desire that it should be greatly modified in Committee. Mr. YOUNG thought that the objections which had been urged against the Bill had all been founded in misapprehension, and were likely to work a great mis chief. He believed that the sixth as well as eleventh clause had been totally misunderstood. He considered that tenants should receive fair compensation for the improvements which they had effected. Nine-tenths of the land in Ireland had changed hands in the last few years, and if the improvements made by a tenant were to constitute a permanent charge upon the rent, the new proprietors would be saddled with charges of which they knew nothing, and which it would be unfair to call upon them to pay. The moment there was a demand for labour tenant-right would valish. In Armagh, Meath, and in some other counties, tenant-right did not exist. No one in England ever heard of a landlord being called upon to erect cottages and to plant trees every four or five acres. Why, no amount of capital would effect this. He believed, therefore, that the Bill was based upon fallacious principles, and that it would do injury instead of good. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Rochdale had laid great stress upon the ejectments which continually took place in Iceland, but he did not enter into the circumstances under which they were made. Persons were proceeded against by ejectment in Ireland, not really for the purpose of ejecting them from their holdings, but for the purpose of compelling them to make some arrangement for the payment of their rent, because many of them are in arrears from nine to eighteen months— in fact, the arrears of rent were so great i that the amount would scarcely be ereditt d in England. !le believed that the landlords ot Ireland were desirous of doing their duty, that had been amply shown during the present session ; still he was prepared to admit that the landlords of Ireland, especially the absentee, had neglected the duty.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. LEFROY said he thought her Majesty's Govern ment had taken a most!proper course ; and he thought, in opposing them, they would not be doing any benefit to Ireland. If any measure could be introduced that would have the effect of improving the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland it would be very desirable, but he thought by adopting the course recommended by some Hon. Members they would be holding out hopes to the tenants in Ireland which they might sub sequently not realise. He himself had joined what was called the Irish Party, but without any factious views, and he had supported measures which he consi dered to be of benefit to the country, without reference to party. He thought the Government were right in the course they had adopted, and he would therefore give them his support. Mr. ROSS said he did not think it was right that this Bill should go through its second reading, and he thought those who censured the Government fur not carrying their Bill this session were guilty of great injustice. The persons whom he would wish to compensate in Ireland were those who were tenants-at-will, which would have the effect of inducing these tenants to make improvements, which they would not otherwise be induced to do. Mr. M‘CARTHY said that every gentleman who had spoken on this question bad admitted that something ought to be done for the improvement of the relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland. The next objection of the Solicitor-General was that the compensation was not to be given till the termination of the tenancy. He would ask, was n't that the proper time for the compensation? A further objection of the Learned Solicitor was that the arbitration would be ex pensive, but he (Mr. J. O'Connell) did not think that this would be the case if lawyers were not employed. lie would not detain the House further, as it seemed impatient for the division, but. would record his vote in favour of the measure of the lion. Memher for Roch dale. Mr. P. SCROPE thought this a most important ques tion, and the sooner a different system of tenure was established in Ireland than that which at present ex isted the better would it be for the peace and welfare of that country. Many might refrain from supporting this measure from an apprehension that a similar measure would be brought forward for England, but he did not think the circumstances of the two countries were analogous, and that a different course of legislation would be neces.tary for Ireland.— (Cries of "Divide, divide.") The House then divided, when the numbers were— For the second reading 25 Against it Majority against the Bill POOR REMOVAL ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Mr. BANKES rose to move the second reading of the Bill which proposed to amend the first clause of the General Act of the 9th and 10th of Victoria. It did not propose to affect more than part of that Act, because no more than part had excited universal disconten!. When the original measure was itself introduced he entertained con wwashichtermheed considered irremovability m tc h i n s tteoaod greatof con siderable doubts about the beneficial working of what to be introduced so suddenly. He voted for it, seeing many of the representatives of the towns supporting it, but he now saw that it was oppressive, not only to the country, but to the poor ratepayers of the town in proof of which, he said, the Honourable Member read a letter from the clergyman of Blandford, who stated that, in consequence of the Poor Removal Act, the rate of that town had been doubled to 10s. a year instead of ss. The Hon. Gentleman then re minded the House that in giving notice of this Bill he had brought before them general complaints from the guardians of the city of London and of the metropolitan unions, that therates had been exceedingly increased. He must say he was not prepared to hear it in the Committee of which he was a Member from a Poor-law Commissioner, that the guardians of the City of London approved of the Act which he proposed to amend, and he must say he did not think such was the case. The Honourable Member then read a hater from a Mr. Foster, in the city of York, stating that unless this law was repealed the rentals would be increased from 25 to 50 per cent. The increase in the rates of seven parishes in York, for a quarter of this year, amounted to 7,070/., showing the additional burden cast upon the rate-payers. He thought an alteration in the law exceedingly desirable, and feeling convinced that the Govern ment would not effect an alteration either in the present or in the ensuing sessions, he had, therefore, brought: forward this measure, and trusted it would receive the approval of the House. The Poor Removal Bill had failed.—(Hear). He had sat on the Committee which had reference to it, and was in a position to say that it had not accomplished the good for which it was propounded. It pressed heavily upon the rate-payers, and did not afford all the advantage it should to the poor. It prevented parishes from allowing a widow 2s. or 3s. a week, upon which, with the aid of her friends, she might subsist. It put a stop to this altogether—(Hear)—and W. could quote many other instances of its oppressive working; for instance, cases in which poor widows were living w ith their friends and living receiving a small weeltly stipend from the parish, who had had their relief stopped, anC who had been driven from one parish to another to seek 1 aid. The whole of South Wales vas in a similar condition with respect to rates as York. In the parish of East Lew, in Cornwall, for instance, before the passing of the Poor Removal Bill, the agri cultural population in the neighbourhood were in the habit of coming into the town to sleep ; of this the rate-payers did not complain until the Bill was passed ; but since they found that these persons in the period of distress became charge able to them—and other places had equally reason to complain of the operation of the Bill. If Poor-law7cotnrnissioners were to be set against each other, he would take the evidence of Mr. Coppock, who was the king of the Poor-law clerks, on this matter, who said that the sooner the law of settlement was repealed the better. He pressed this matter forward, because he thought that the present law was a failure. He had evidence from Leeds and other places as to the working of this law, showing clearly its injurious operation. On this day week he would bring on this question, and he would conclude by moving that the Bill be read a second time that day week. The motion was agreed to, and the House adjourned at Six o'clock. lAILWAY COM M MITES. (THIS DAY,) HOUSE OF COMMONS. GROUP VI. BRISTOL AND EXETER, TAUNTON AND CASTLECARY BRANCH, AND BRISTOL AND EXETER (BRANCH FROM BLEADON TO WELLS AND GLASTONBURY). The Committee met at the usual hour. Mr. Sergeant WRANGIIAR opened the case for the Bristol and Exeter Company. He proposed to treat the two lines, as above, as one scheme ; and contended that on the ground of the larger amount of local and through communication afforded by these lines over the pro• posed lines of the Great Western Company, they were entitled to receive the sanction of the Committee. At the conclusion of the Learned Gentleman's address, which occupied the whole time of its sitting, the Com mittee adjourned till 12 to-morrow. QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.) (Before Mr. Justice WIGHTMAN.) COLLISION.—SPARROW V. PEDLEY AND OTHERS. This was an action to recover compensation in damages for certain injuries sustained by a smack named "Fox," the property of the plaintiff, by the negligence of the parties entrusted with the management of a steam tug called the Grey Mare Meg," belonging to the defendant and others, who constitute the " United Steam Tug Company." The smack was tacking across the river, and the collision occurred opposite Wapping.. The bowsprit of the smack received some injuries, but they were not of a serious nature. The case was commenced yesterday, and re sumed at the sitting of the Court this morning. A considerable number of witnesses were examined on either side—those on one side stating that " Grey Mare Meg " vtas to blame, whilst those called on behalf of the other as stoutly and positively averred that the smack was decidedly to blame, and that if she had not struck the steam-boat, she would have come into collision with a number of barges lying off Wapping. It was further stated by them, that the smack was in a bad condition before the occurrence, and that her injuries could be repaired for 104 or 154 The jury gave a verdict of 101. to the plaintiff. Bath, July 6—G. Hirst, woolstapler, Halifax, Yorkshire July 6—J. J. Price, currier, Builth, Breconshire, July 6—C. I Gent, commission merchant, Bread-street,July 6—W. Mit chell, commission merchant, Westerham, Kent, July 6—G. S. Coxwell, merchant, Newcastle-upon• Tyne, July 6—J. Gillon, jun., wine merchant, Liverpool, July 6-1. Hall, timber merchant, Saddleworth, Yorkshire, July G. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. I. B. Brown, G. Reece, and J. G. Phipps, apothecaries, Connaught-terrace, Edgeware-road—J. E. Pool and F. H. Boulton, attorneys, Walbrook- buildings, Walbrook—W. Hood and E. Rowland, brewers, West Bromwich, Stafford shire—J. Little and R. Byers, silk mercers, Liverpool—W. Bindloss and E. Preston, silk merchants, Manchester—W. Beales and J. Wilkinson, gardeners, Batley, Yorkshire—J. Cartwright and J. Bruce, painters, avertree, Lancashire— T. S. Dobinson, B. G. Tyzack, and G. S. Tyzack, anchor founders, North Shields (so far as regards T. S. Dobinson)— J. and C. Andrews, wine merchants, Leeds—J. and W. R. Harrison, civil engineers, Sheffield—J. Walker and J. Thurstons, merchants, Wolverhampton—W. Fellowes, B. Best, and G Eglington, coal masters, Walsall, Staffordshire J. and W. Le Marachal, velvet manufacturers, Russia-row, Milk-street, City—L. Heyworth, P. G. Heyworth, and J Heyworth, merchants, Liverpool (so far as regards J. Hey worth)—H. J. Dodd and G. Cole, grocers, Olveston,Glouces tershire—J. and G. Cooke, hosiers, Loughborough, Leicester shire—NV. Padbury - and T. Barnes, pill-box makers, Mason's place, City-road—J. Newton and A. Blenkinsopp, printers, Silver-street, Wood-street, City—A. Brown and R. Roberts, architects, Manchester—W. Wright, jun., G. Wright, and J. Wright, coach builders, Westminster-bridge-road, Lambeth —J. Dewhurst, A. Dewhurst, and W. Dewhurst, farmers, Scotforth, Lancashire—S. Spencer, G. Spencer, and W Smith, ice merchants, Oxford-street—R. Forth, J. Ogilvie, and J. Ogilvie, jun, chemists, North Shields—J. Robertson and R. Mackie, merchants, Liverpool—D. Bowen, F. Cosslett, J. Cosslett, and S. Morgan, railway contractors, Newport, Glamorganshire (so far as regards D. Bowen)— T. W. Spooner and T. Phillips, linen drapers, Gloucester-terraze, New-road, Whitechapel—D. Gass, S. H. Gass, and D. Gass, jun., gold smiths, Regent-street. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. Robert Hunter, earthenware manufacturer, Leith, June 21 and July 15, at two, at the Royal Exchange Coffee-house, Edinburgh. Andrew Leslie, merchant, Aberdeen, June 24 and July 14, at two, at the Advocates'-hall, Aberdeen. - Peter Findlay, linen merchant, Glasgow. June 18 and July 9, at two, at the chambers of Messrs. Wilkie, Glasgow. Robert M'Gown, tavern keeper, Glasgow, Jane 21 and July 12, at twelve, at the office of Mr. Young, Glasgow. John Cameron, grocer, Edinburgh, June 21 and July 12, at two, at the chambers of Mr. Alexander, Edinburgh. James Alexander and Company, tailors, Maybole, June 19 and July 10, at twelve, at the Crown Inn, Ayr. Andrew Walker and Company, manufacturers, Tillicoultry, June 22 and July 20, at the Crown Inn, Alloa. George Symington, ironmonger, Paisley, June 21 and July 12, at one, at the office of Messrs. Reid and Henderson, Paisley. Robert John Henderson, cabinet makers, Glasgow, June 21 and July 12, at twelve, at the chambers of Mr. Lamont, Glasgow. William Hutchison and Company, timber merchants, Glasgow, June 18 and July 16, at two, at the chambers of Messrs. Steele and Douie, Glasgow. UNITED LAW CLERKS' SOCIETY The annual dinner of this society was given yesterday at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, when Mr. Justice Erle presided. For the business of the day there was a numerous array of honorary stewards, who were unre mitting in their attention to the guests ; and it is but justice to the providers to say that everything that ex perience could suggest, or kindness could conceive, for the enjoyment of those present, was placed upon the table. The gentlemen present connected with the law were, besides the chairman, Mr. Baron Platt, the Soli citor-General, Mr. Peter Erle, Mr. P. Erle, jun., &c. During dinner, and in the intervals between the several songs, select pieces of music were performed, under the direction of Mr. W. F. Reed, of her Majesty's Theatre. The vocal arrangements were under the direction of Mr. Hobbs, assisted by Messrs. Francis, Lockey, bench, and Hatton. The cloth having been cleared, the good old custom was gracefully observed of acknowledging the benefits which had been partaken; and we notice it for the ad mirable manner in which the grace was both given and received. _ _ In introducing the first toast, the Learned CHAIRMAN said that it was only necessary to state that it was the " Health of their Queen" which he had to propose to en sure a ready and hearty response from the meeting. The National Anthem was then sung, with an enthu siastic chorus. . . . In requesting the gentlemen present to join him in the next toast, the CHAIRMAN felt assured that he had only to mention the name of an Illustrious Lady, whose conduct and character had alike commanded the respect and esteem of every true Briton ; and he need, there fore, say no more in requesting them to drink " Health and long life to the Queen Dowager."—(Cheers.) Glee—" Marked you her eyes of heavenly blue." The Learned CHAIRMAN said, that as a recommenda tion to the next toast which he had to submit, he need only remind the members present of the prosperity and advancement which had attended the nation since the present family had been on the throne. He would, therefore, give " Prince Albert, Albert Prince of Wales, and the rest of the Royal Family."—(Cheers.) Ode and chorus—" Hail to Prince Albert." The report of the society's proceedings was then read by Mr. ROGERS, the Secretary, the substance of which was as follows:—That the sum of 2391. Bs. bad been given for occasional relief during illness; and that during the year, including the annual allowances, the sum laid out was 1,4571. 55., considerably more than half of which had been paid during the last five months. There was, however, a further addition to be made of 4521. for allowance to widows and widowers for burials, making the sum during the period specified 2,2851. 19s. On the 20th of May last year the sum invested in the Funds was 8,5641. 3s. 4d., while at the present time the amount is 9,8101. 3s. sd. The favourable position of the society would be fully estimated when it was stated that the number of members is 508, while the increase of claimants is only eight. The report concluded with a good hope for the future. The CHAIRMAN said that the next toast which he had to propose to the meeting was one which nearly con cerned themselves; and in giving it he could not refrain from expressing the satisfaction which he felt, and in which he was sure they would concur, at the manner not only in which the claims upon their benevolence had been replied to as respected the amount, but also as re garded the prudent manner in which the funds had been managed; for it was evident that, however comprehensive their good-will, it would be useless if it were not di rected by prudence, and if care was not observed in the administration of the funds. He was truly glad to find tha' both these principles had been adhered to in the society's proceedings ; and he thought that the intima tion that while all just claims had been fully complied with all the applications of those who were unworthy had been rejected, was deserving of commendation. — (Cheers.) In making this statement, however, and in bearing his testimony to the admirable conduct of this society, and while evincing his sense of the manner in VI. hich they had fulfilled their offices, he could not but call to their minds the consideration, that not in sickness or under misfortune only had they to rely upon this society, but in the period of health, when all their knight." i d therefore phreoueoebstuspoledebfrcevtfPta:ohrtrrieoi, ioeolisngoottsshcheaieaienftat faculties were awake, there was a strong claim upon their consideration, for they must recollect that they had to support the respectability not only of their own body, but of the profession of which they were members, and in whose interests he, and a'l with whom he had to deal, took a deep interest. Upon them it depended whether this society and their individual interests were advanced or retarded. From the expression which he saw in the meeting he did not doubt but that it would be the former. With this feeling he would give, with a fervent desire for its welfare, " The Prosperity of the United Law Clerks' Association."—(The toast was drank with enthusiasm). National air—" My ancestors were Englishmen, .an Englishman am I." This air was encored; after which Mr. WILCOX proposed, " The Lord Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst, and the other Patrons of the Society." . He felt assured that this toast would be received with the utmost respect. They had attained their high position through the exercise of ability which all must admire, and with a virtue which all must esteem. This on the present occasion was the more due, inasmuch as this was the only opportunity during the year in which they could do honour to the noble persons of whom he had spoken. After paying a handsome and deserved compliment, Mr. Wilcox proposed the toast which he had announced. Mr. HAMILTON said, with a due consideration of the f o u f l k fi e l ep t i o ng th up e their societ y, funds, anbdu t h o o f woyllut, schemehlodtenh increasingradditionalmeetingHonourable e n eu o ehr waat times wbhd whicheamike nsme Judge o e r oue t e nmdst filled advantages to be derived from the society, he thought it a duty, from a sense of gratitude from those who had ob tained a benefit from the profession that there ought to have been a compensating advantage reflected on the society. There had been the highest testimony to its merits, and he trusted that next year they would meet again with increased numbers, increased subscriptions, and increased power to do good to those for whose benefit the society was intended. Glee and chorus, "Look out! Look out! 'tis the good STINTON said, that as he was the oldest barrister a peculiar propriety was evinced in entrusting to presentc a , ld md k ri i 1.. 1 e i him a e,ast, which was the health of one who had been beloved while he was in his portion of the profession, and who, he believed, was deeply respected now— that was Mr. Baron Platt. While doing this, how ever, he did not forget that there was a duty to op portunity of pressing upon them the necessity not only eg h b o hb eeueeeerr had, h c nt a e ahad s ( aeti , , submitted on former occasions, and it was this—that their next meeting.—(Loud cheers.) He would not peculiar propriety for them ; but the name which he e espe ciallyhs have v a n ed c since the chiefly mtmehan member mie e t bxl thesee e i d s rt t ot e os n chair . on occasions similar to this in favour of the society—(Loud cheers)—that was the name of Mr. Baron Platt. Mr. Baron PLATT, in a reply of great eloquence, which it would be vain to report within the needful compass, said—He might, he trusted, be excused, if he simply alluded to the way in which the law clerks had discharged their duty. When he recollected that Mr. Tidd had been connected with this branch of the profession, he could not forbear expressing his admiration Lyndhurst, , h a a n d d b of f e n o t t h h e e r s ra e aster ciu of a l l). Lord emi nent in the profession. The Learned Judge continued —He concurred fully in all 'that had been said in th e . previous speeches, and he readily responded to them r the toast of "The Bench, the Bar, and the Profession. Mr. SMYTHE responded to this toast, believing th,,a_t_hee was doing honour to the profession by proposingd The Honorary li dt; - ; e b n ee e the good have been desired ; and while acknowledging bound to assent to management of the stewards, a d v e e d th o a n t e c t o h u e l i e r l Song—" Queen of ray soul. ftrhoemkitnhdenmesasnaagnedraseauttisoffacftoiromnhewrehs‘tYiecawhsarld. been derived noupldrovhi Mr. ANBTEAD proposed " The Health cf the Trustees of the Society." Song, by Mr. Hatton—" Sompti the CelLtrer," was elaiorea with great enthosiasui. The additional subscriptions were then announced, and the company separated. Before cmmkt - ding - we must add that Mr. Harker, as toast-master, proved himself a very competent judge iu his profession. IMPERIAL PARLIA,NIEI4T HOUSE OF LORDS, June 15. AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. Lord STANLEY (in continuation of our Third Edition, said)—During the long period of dismay which followed, even up to the time when Charles X. was obliged to give up his throne, did they ever dream of interference?—(Hear, hear,) No, it was never thought of, and in the Speech,from the Throne at that time no such principle was enunciated. It concluded by stating that the King regarded with pleasure ihe convocation of the Cortes. At a somewhat earlier period the great principle of non-interference was laid down by his Noble and Gallant Friend on the cross-benches (the Duke of Wellington). When at the congress of Verona, he addressed a memorandum to the French Ambassador, stating that he had availed himself of every opportunity of recommending to his Majesty wholly to abstain from all interference in the internal affairs of Spain, because he believed that any interference could only place that monarch in a worse position, and prevent him from promoting the interne' amelioration of that country.—(Hear.) One other great authority—one with whom, in many respects, he differed in political opinions—one to whose memory he looked with affectionate reverence—one whose opinions Noble Lords opposite were bound to receive with great weight, and one for whom those who differed the most with him in political opinions, he did not in his life—and would not now hesitate to declare that he was a statesman keenly anxious for the welfare of his native country and of other nations—(Hear)—in the year 1830, when negotiations were entered into with the five great Powers of Europe, in pursuance of the obligation of a treaty, for the purpose of settling the arrangement between Belgium (which was then vir tually separated from Holland) and Holland—the speech delivered from the Throne! on that occasion an nounced in distinct terms the principle which he was anxious to lay down to their Lordships. The principle adopted by the advice of Earl Grey was non-interference with the affairs of Belgium as contrary to the laws of nations, and by that advice Earl Grey was enabled to strengthen his Cabinet. They could not justify interfer ence on the part of another country on the pretence of danger, and he would go further, and say, that if the Belgians had adopted a republican form of Government, instead of a monarchy, he did not think it would be justifiable to interfere, nor would he consent to such interference." Such was the language of Earl Grey, and at what time ? Why the revolution was not twelve months old ; the con stitutional, yet nevertheless revolutionary, throne of Louis Philippe was barely established ; and Republicanism was neither dead nor asleep in France. The establishment of such a state upon the confines of the kingdom, would naturally excite the jealousy of France. Yet they had heard that Lord Grey had laid it down that such a state of things would not justify an interference, Perhaps it might be said that these prin ciples were true with regard to other nations, yet that they had such intimate and special relations with Por tugal, that they were bound by them to interfere. He fully admitted that they had special relations with Por tugal, the earliest of which was not less than 500 years old, and there was one obligation which ran through the whole of them, paramount of all, namely, that they would not permit the security of Portugal to be invaded or violated by any foreign power whatsoever.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It was on this principle that, in 1826, in virtue of the existing treaties, Mr. Canning sent an expedition to Lisbon, with a view to protect Portugal from an invasion of Spain. It was no civil contest, when Mr. Canning interfered, and he was sure the Noble Lord had more fully studied that prece dent, and that the shade of Canning was now pre siding over the discussion.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Oh would that the spirit of Canning were now presiding over the Commons of England. Would that there was the eloquent tongue of Canning in that House to do nounce the conduct of these Ministers, who for the pur pose of saving the Sovereign of Portugal from the effects of her own misgovernment, had attempted to coerce her people and deprive them of their constitutional liberties— had invited a French fleet to enter the portals of their cities, and called upon foreign standing armies to invade their country.—(Hear, hear.) How different was the course pursued by Mr. Canning. In 1838, when after a series of violations of the most solemn and faithful pledges—after committing murder and rapine upon all hands, Don Miguel succeeded in usurping the throne of his Sovereign and intended wife—at that moment the troops of this country were stationed at Portugal, but as their services were no longer required, as there was no danger of a foreign invasion, and their presence inter • fered with the settlement of the internal and domestic affairs of the country they were withdrawn, and the world was again convinced of the love of this country for constitutional law and undeviating impartiality in the performances of its duties to other nations. The Noble Marquis opposite, in alluding to the affairs of Spain, expressed his most anxious wish that the Go• vernment would impress upon foreign nations the duty of adhering strictly to the principles which actuated her Majesty's Government during the conflict with the princes of the House of Braganza. A Noble Lord (the Earl of Aberdeen) laid down the law upon the subject in the following terms:—he said, " that in the whole se riss of treaties there is no express stipulations which warrant the interference of this country, neither is there any such obligation implied by their general spirit or tenor. The treaties were formed for the purpose of re sisting successful rebellion. It is impossible that any Independent state could intend to commit the control and direction of her internal affairs into the hands of another party. Doubtless, if her Britannic Majesty should be under the necessity of furnishing an armed force for the internal regulation of the affairs of Por tugal, it would become his duty, and indeed an essential duty, to prevent any such cause of necessity for inter ference at all. However, there would be required a constant interference in the internal affairs of Portugal, for it would be impossible for his Majesty to consent to hold his fleets and armies at the command of the:King of Portugal without having the superintendence of the affairs, and being assured that his forces would not be employed in arresting the effects of misgovernment.—(Hear, hear.) The whole spirit of the treaties, as well as their history, show that the principle of the guarantee given by England is " the protection of Portugal from foreign interference." This was the principle which he contended lay at the root of the whole question before their Lordships—it was his duty to substantiate this, and to show to their Lord ships the grounds upon which all practical as well as theoretical statesmen had acted ; and it was his opinion that the Noble Viscount at the head of foreign affairs in departing from that sound principle, had rendered him self a most dangerous master.—(Hear.) The principle of non-interference was laid down by the Noble Lord himself in 1829, in a speech he made at that time, to the effect, " that every nation had the right to regulate its own affairs—that it was a sound and sacred principle, and one which he trusted England would never be found to set the example of its violation—(Hear, hear) — but that intervention by force of arms in the affairs of other countries, was against general principle, and the Hear, hear.) observed practice of t his country."- 7 ( ear, hear.) The Noble Lord al so com p lained not against the interference to which he was then referring, but because of their interference on the wrong side.—(Hear, hear.) He then stood up against interference, but expressed himself in favour of intermeddling.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) This had been his plea then, so far as inter ference could be carried on without armed interference. In 1833 a seeming departure took place from this princi ple of non-interference, in the case of Spain and Portu gal, when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were attempting to depose the female sovereigns from the thrones of those countries. Nay, so careful was his late lamented friend, Earl Grey, to limit the application of that treaty within the narrowest bounds, and most certainly in conformity with the national obligations that it was in the first instance entered into between Spain and Portugal, for the expulsion of the claimant to the Crown of Spain. By that treaty, France and his Britannic Majesty were to be combined together for that object, the agreement to have effect so soon as the French fleet entered the Tagus ; but the King . of the French altered those conditions to these—that in the event of his interposition becoming necessary to effect that object he was ready to supply assistance, provided it was sought by the united voice of the parties to the treaty. It was, at any rate, a very doubtful question with regard to its duration, and whether it was or was not imptropenrljot extended. These additional articles c t on r t o e o m e pla d but e that the expulsion of the preten der toaioth h for the purpose of assistance should be given to Sp the em was doubtful merits that e protecting her rights. He also doubtful policy, and th at it went thought beyond s of of the case required , and oreate.d besides Portugal e the ca a precedent of a mischievous nature ; but stl 11 Burin th were . held out that the could not apply to the state of ain uring e time to which he was referring. If it ce admitted of qualification, duty to submit to their Lordships principle of non-interference it would become his as the second br anch of this subject that the state of things in Portug al, w ith respect to which the Govern ment were called u p o n to interfere, was oae purely d om estic —one purely n te r n a l w — h o i n e h e affectin g entitled n 0 00 other other it did cou ntry—and one, therefore, Co untry to interfe re ; not affect even the dyna s ty of Portugal, and yet it was !an interference which, by th e hand of the British Government, withheld from the people of that country the constitutional rights to which they were entitled. He would state shortly to the House what were the facts which led to the coup de etat, which, in its turn, led to the revolution of Portugal. It appeared that in March or April, 1846, there was not Nominally, but really in effect, at the head of the weak Ministry of the Duke de Terceira, a Signor Costa Cabral, a man of ambition, as piring, active, energetic, and not of over scrupuloas cha racter, who had commenced life as an ultra supporter of most ultra republican principles, who had been, in 1836, an indiscreet leader of the Septenabrist party, where he manifested considerable ability, and was accord ingly rewarded by a subordinate post in the police. In this situation he showed considerable power, made him self useful to the Ministry, and from being the most ultra radical he came forward in the character of the most violent partisan of Toryism, manifesting all the zeal of the most fervent convert. He was thought some what a dangerous man, and, accordingly, the Duke de Terceira overl oo k e d hi m i n the formation of his Ministry, but he made himself so formi dable to the Government by his leadership of an emute, that he literally stormed the Government, and compelled the Cabinet to attend to his wants and wishes. There was abundant proof of these statements in the blue book. and the correspondence which had been laid Ell)trb Mbitton SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (T HIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. (o , Ontinued from our Afternoon Edition.) AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL, ....------------seseees upon the table of the House. In fine, Costa Cabral elite , d •dtn,,,it ready at. the head of thd Cioverntrent, Ire& r his adieints,ratien all hinds of peculation, extol'', Lion, and ,4- xatiou, oppression was practised eport tho p e ople ; the right of the electio n was interfered the with ; armed troops were brought o ut to vote ; and thus freedom of the franchise w as interfered with. That, however, which proved the ultimate cause of the MA little I sion of Costa Cabral w as a matter apparently of moment. Among the other courses which Costa Cabral had pursued—among the other ve xatious et laws ohe had ita eir dead ,edueed, was one which, under the prext f sane tory regulation, compelled all p ersons to bury th in certain cemeteries; and for the better support of levied those who lived upon the t axes and imposts upon the people, these ce meteries were lef at the t ea' walled and unsecured. The c onse q uence was, hat bodies were torn up by dogs, and one universal feeling of disgust and indignation pervaded the whole country at the tyrannical and disgusting procee dings o the Goe ve r n me n t. Eventually a woman named Marianna Montes, whose child had died, required that it should be buried in the church, but the priest retuned to bury it there, pleading the law in justification of his refusal. This gave rise to a disturbance , and the military were called out when some blood was shed, and the woman and the peasantry fell upon the soldiers. In a few hours the country rose from one end to the other, and Costs Cabral becoming alarmed at the consequence of his own acts, and the Queen at the prospect before her, the resigns; tion of the Government was give n in and accepted, the the Duke of Palmella was called into office. In th course of one week from tha t time the Du ke the insur rection subsided, and the policy of of Palmella had restored the confidence o f the people when the Queen demand ed his resignation: The Duke de Palmella proceeded to frame an electoral law by decree to regulate the mann er in which tion the Bose th _ elc ; tors were to take places at the ensuing eof Cortes. The plan was very generally the people of that country. Thus matters stood on the 6th of October, 1846, the time at which the papers laid approved of I_l upon the table of the House commenced. The but Duke de • Palmella enjoyed the confidence of the PeeP le ' was That did not enjoy the confidence of the Crown. was surrounded by evil advisers, whom he had not taken precaution to engage in his interest. The royal ear and poisoned by misrepresentations, and false Vie", or• notions were most sedulously poured into the royal On the 6th of October, took place that extrordinary eYe.ettint, detailed in the papers before their Lordships, wh en , wl r out warning, without notice, or without the least intimation of what was likely to take place, the an.. the Duke de Palmella was sent for to the there, with the Military Commandant of Lisbon , was told that it was her Majesty's pleasure that tb°_,Y,„, sh i: $l, resign, that they should sign their own 0 • 1-- and preparation, 0 and the appointment of their successors, till that they were prisoners in the Fe ls° was the so called spontaneous act of r esignat inn , 04:1 effected. This took place within four days of the Pe t ri the • appointed for the elections under the new law °' the Duke of Palmella. The communication tan de by sub' Duke to her Majesty upon that occasion We s in . eof stance this—he did not entertain any danger from the prevalence of existing opin ions is hie new Cortes—that he looked forward with eoasideratubie confidence to be able in the new Cortes to rezoncile.,er undeniable rights of Majesty with theconstitutional ilu,ie, ties of the people, and it so happened that his m ice Preu appreheno ,Lit 1 tions were borne out in the case of four elections t.ther had then taken place, and there was no doubt that would have been a moderate and constitutional beenlnaJertibtle in the new Cortes. Whatever might hav e a ace answer of the Duke of Palmella, it had no iti , ', e _ te d, whatever on the plans which were then contemplate ti The Duke bowed to the authority of his s o e i ere n ig; h i a „, accepted the resignation which was force e u r left and, upon the instruction of her Majesty's pleaserlefear.) Portugal and sought the shelter of this country•—"L•tted The Marquis of Saldanha who succeeded bile , s,,;,les that his whole Government was composed of the bralist party, and as if to mark the connexion b . t_ _,__ t • these two parties, Mr. Bulwer wrote from Madribdets7) they were considered to be identical.—alesr'e. reige Now, the Noble Viscount at the head Of i.' ° ,, dis. Affairs in this country, some time afterwards, G o vern"' patch sent out to Portugal, congratulated the 1 , the ment of Saldanha that they had no connexion with to. , Cabralist party.—(Loud cheers.) The new a dmiel s m i, tion to succeed the Cabralist administration electoralfurl33l.- and the first act was the revocation of the mil', cree, and the suppression of all newspapers exc ept t r u e official journals. In the course of a few days a decree was issued, by which her Majesty assumed the dictate e for of the kingdom, and was made respo nsible to no ° n o w her acts. On the 3d of November a sanguinary edic t old out, that all the insurgents should be shot on the without trial.--(Hear, hear.) On the 14th, ell oa r came out seriously affecting the interests of Britis ° 11- chants, and all classes of persons at Lisbon, by co Pell- ing the circulation of the worthless notes of the floc 0 Portugal. These were the measures of the first forti, of the administration headed by the Duke de P 4l 7 e the which had been established to redeem the acts o wo Cabralists, to redeem that solemn, pledge wh ie n b a eenr given to the people in the month of May by the ' 4, .." e he by her proclamation to confide in her royal word , ' - e sti• would henceforth govern within the terms of the l o gs tution.—(hear, hear.) But what was the state of t . 00 1,‘ on the part of the people of Portugal. This ere n ' b re' place on the 6th of October. The Duke o f . of eeira was sent to Oporto for the Perr ea - ra e ent. carrying out the ;abutntentions of the over'ad agreed to at Lisbon as nought, aad his decrees as waste paper, and , s pr be being looked upon as the Queen's Coraniiss'°„Venal found himself a prisoner. In a few days a Prn,ie at Junta was formed, under the auspices of Coni•—.. t hst , Antas, and the state of things became so desperarre her it was contemplated that it would be necessar y esaela Majesty to seek safety in one of her MajestYt's , 1 0 tha! lying in the Tagus In ten or fourteen days i rc aicds u time, from Oporto to Coimbria, from Coimbria to and Roderigo, from Ciudad Roderigo to Torres Ared r , u Poin e in fact from one end of Portugal to another, t";ithol of insurrection broke out, simultaneously, and s sess eu any connexion between them, and the Crown possess of no authority save that which it held by the haY ° p pirit the soldiers. Why, before a month, the sam e d c ald . burst out from every portion of the country, nista° . ' any man doubt the feeling out of which these. ti i o f ances arose, and that it was to oppose te disc:ol7. e vi be constitutional Minister, and prevent therecal of . " . .. at oll had been driven from power by the universal in for of the country? Where, then, was the oppor.tns 'vie foreign interference? He could see none. Til,°slibertY rose to vindicate their rights to constitutinst.,.st re. from the inroads of tyranny, professed ttuta'r- .' theY P r 1 sect for the person of the sovereign ; fessed a still deeper attachment to those rights which belonged to the subjects o v i ed them to be narchy. In both professions he belieeary the We se l , earnestly sincere. He would, litupterowu-s attacks which with a detail of the long aro --1 unarmsd end utv were made by disciplined troops ten appears to have disciplined psasantry. One gleam alone _._, w here . enlightened the general gloom, and victory had been gained by the Duke De Sal a displaYsti litnatiittuedtiataaoa an action in which considerable gallan ttrbYatwf,B.ll_ll:sstifp: upon both sides, where the insurgents enters o l'-'' ',, f w ar, lations that they should surrender as prisoners l'i. 0, O. and have all the honours allowed to prisoners ku.efeSto Among them were some of the best, some of the i l"7libef and some of the most enlightened men in the ea were were brought in as prisoners. How were the?: "' w ools after this surrender ?—(Cries of t‘ Hear.") 13 _,..„ e whe t ' quote a dispatch from Mr. Sotheron of 13th Dtn," tioP The Noble Lord read that part of the represeP- 00 made by that gentleman of the severity exercised OLI A a' captives, who were imprisoned in such a place as er ra s eo gered the health and perhaps the lives of the cu ff s ; re; He (Lori Stanley) believed that her Majesty's Ll ue htia meat had exerted themselves to the utmost which thei,, of! power to do on behalf of those sufferers. Col. We' l l' et, the 15th February, stated in a letter, that the u ,.;:se s Saldanha had adopted his remonstrances, and exPri o - rra; his disapproval of exiling the prisoners taken a rea ' - ,' Vedras. But how were these remonstrances ;,30 The Noble Lord again quoted Mr. Sotheron's , w i tliti en the 30th January, to the effect t hat several pit; nobility had been taken without notice ° crowd 11 in close confinement. The dispa tch of the February stated that the pr isoners were e °P tsiii on board of a vessel, preparatory to exile. ThOO, eOO ? of the vessel remonstrated aga inst the indeoloos7, inhumanity of employing a vessel not fit for th,. ar or the vilest felons without da n g er to health or h'e'iii in packing the members o f t he noblest f a milies Ott space not sufficient for one half the nu mber• , 0 remons trance was accompanied wit h the certiOee tbe the surgeon that he would not be answerable o'ooo' consequences. The commandant, for his r e fai strance, was dismissed ; and the Burge:ore, his certificate, was imprisoned, and 0 .„04 1 to be brought to trial. It was deterltb e notwithstanding to send the prisoners into exile, ~av p , o, only dispute was whether they should be sent to tl i ° d - o°,' Madeira, or the Azores. To the Azores they ect r it" iaa, be sent, for it was impossible to prevent their re''; ti ) ' to Portugal. So that the election remained betWeei woo unhealthy atmosphere of Goa or Madeira. s iP loa l i the conduct of the Government upon the firstedite • flush of success which attended their arms. "20" 0 , 8 4 few days after that first and only success, the. ,e . v h , / jill' h , only security which was then left, that of Dist "1,3 'l, abolished.—(Hear, hear.) It was also sough' 410; established, that the cities were in a m ost a trai l t - ; and flagrant insurrection, but this is nloa,! ; sia; ously denied by the parties on the 014 1,,derL ir —(Hear.) It was true that there were a c°„,." - ; ; ‘ , y d s number of peasants who raised the cry_" I n ' o id ' - „t Miguel ;" and an officer of the name of M ° Lelfl l ,,..o up the standard of Don Miguel, but he was ''''. ct e, e 'io down, defeated, and slain ; and from that tirae ri '; pi a murmur was raised from one of the Migneb tei4 ts i t f d a Noble Lord here proceeded to read several 00%00'0 letters and dispatches written by Viscount ro t ber e e 4 and the Marquis de Saldanha, in order to prov e op tia ° o character of the insurrection.) The objects, coed the Noble Lord, was to put down that oonP d 'e t iciet t tia surrounded the throne, and which, at the sanie j ot i s a disgrace and dishonour to it. The Noble Df r o f str s o head of Foreign Affairs, had laid down a ralesept ro e impartiality between the two parties, and h e he ee l 1 3 0 Colonel Wylde, for the purpose of observing ! enit t_ A i i , of events, but stated to him, at the same tio",o iced Government could do nothing more than se . , de orrld ators between the two parties. Colonel viry ba ss 'to in Portugal on the 9th of November, but heø s 0 0 0 fully carried out the purport of the instruoti°%cts I_ol him. The Noble Lord here read various ea' n ' d Colu jo il letters written by . the Marquis de seasphs,swoiehoa Wylde, with a view of showing that ColoefL fol:10, not acted impartially between the part l """Sal d ni e favoured the cause of the Marquis a° sos ante Colonel Wylde, contended the Noble 1 0d i 501 loic l i tool doing the bidding of the Marquis 0 be bel e y , o (Hear, hear.) The great principle whi° ll _, was P tcea; down at the commencement of his addre;, er ost e ce non-interference in the internal affairs of gaol ry,w) he had endeavoured to show that the 4111"," STATE OF TRADE. MANCHESTER, TUESDAY, JUNE 15.—The market has been firmer to-day for both goods and yarn. In the morning there was a good deal of inquiry, which re sulted in more business in the afternoon. In low print ing cloths an advance of lid. or 2d. was established; but other fabrics are without a change. The transactions in yarn have been limited by spinners asking higher prices; the demand is chiefly for the German and Levant markets. We have to announce the failure of an extensive ma nufacturer in the neighbourhood of Preston, Mr. Wil liam Eccles, of Bamber.bridge. His liabilities are stated at 80,0001.; but three fourths of this amount is said to be owing to family connexions. A Preston bank is also reported as a heavy creditor. We regret to learn that letters received to-day from Rio de Janeiro give an unfavourable account of the market for British manufactures. The absence of all demand at home, and in several of the countries which usually take large quantities of our goods, had stimulated consign►sents to Brazil, when, from the high price which the produce of that country now bears, a good demand was expected. The result was, that the markets were glutted ; and it was found necessary to resort to sales by auction in order to reduce the stocks which had accu mulated at Rio. We stated in our last that, in consequence of the passing of the Factory Bill, several manufacturers in Preston and the neighbourhood had determined at once to reduce their hours of working to ten. To-day we learn that a similar course has been resolved on by an extensive firm in the neighbourhood of Bolton, and by some others ; and in all probability it will be generally adopted. RocunALE, MONDAY, JUNE 14.—There has been a somewhat better inquiry for goods to-day, and rather more business transacted than on the previous Monday, but in ices have been very low. There is little change in the wool market, though it is perhaps easier to buy at former prices. HALIFAX, SATURDAY, JUNE 12.—There was no change observable in the piece hill to-day, either in the amount of goods sold or in prices. There is a little more de mand for yarn, but prices continue without improve ment. In wool there is no alteration, either in demand or pikes. titiDDERSFIELD, TUESDAY, JUNE 15.—There is a slight improvement in our market to-day, principally in f anc y go o ds. There is more doing in wool, and business altogether wears a more cheering aspect. LEEDS, TUESDAY, JUNE 15.—Our market to-day has been without animation. The accounts from the Ger man wool fairs bring higher prices for the finer sorts, and the principal buyers were again the continental con sumers, which augurs badly for our manufacturers.— Manchester Guardian of Wednesday. TUESDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. Meyer Abraham Seckel and Hillery John Banerman, watch manefacturers, DANKRUPTSuke-street, Aldgate. B. Charles Gilman, oilman, Canal-terrace, Camden Town, to surrender June 22, at one, and July 27, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basing hall-street ; Lacy and Co., New Bridge-street. John Evans, paper stainer, Pump-row, St. Luke's, June 22, at half-past twelve, and July 27, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Bir chin-lane, Cornhill ; Weeks, Tokenhouse-yard. Edward Edmunds, hosier, St. George's-place, Knights bridge, June 25, at one, and July 28, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee; Reed, Langford, and Marsden, Friday-street, Cheapside. William Gideon Churches, Blackwell Hall factor, June 23, at two, and July 21, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman - street-buildings; Dickson and Overbury, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry. James Robinson, perfumer, Manchester, July 1 and 16, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Hobson, official assignee, Manchester; Abbott, Charlotte -street, Bedford square; Atkinson, Saunders, and Atkinson, Manchester. Thomas Jagger, victualler, Birkenhead, Cheshire, June 25, and July 16, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Turner, official assignee, Liverpool ; Gregory and Co., Bed ford-row ; Fletcher and Hull, Liverpool. John Longman Shepherd, tavern-keeper, Basinghall-street, City, June 29, at half-past eleven, and July 27, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Frede rick's-place, Old Jewry ; Buchanan, Basingh all- street. William Broster, joiner, Tranmere, Cheshire, June 25 and July 16, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Bird, official assignee, Liverpool; Gregory and Co., Bedford-row; Fletcher and Hull, Liverpool. William IVorsey, dealer in stone, Forebridge, Stafford, June 23, at eleven, and July 15, at twelve, at the Birming ham District Court. Christie, official assignee, Birmingham ; Bowen, Stafford. George Gilbert, leather cutter, Folkestone, June 22, at two, and July 21, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman-street-buildings; Stenning, Lin coln's-inn-fields. Archibald Dunlop, land agent, Belgrave-place, Pimlico, June 24, at eleven, and July 21, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Phillips, Basinghall-street. Anthony Atkinson, share broker, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, June 18, at half-cast ten, and July 23, at half-past one, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne District Court. Baker, official assignee, Newcastle-upon-Tyne; Crosby and Co., Church court, Old Jewry ; Hoyle, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. DIVIDENDS DECLARED. M. J. Stone, grocer, Abingdon, Berkshire-first div. of 108. in the pound, on any Wednesday, at the office of Mr. Graham, Coleman -street, City. J. Elliott, builder, Chichester-first div. of 7s. 3!‘d. in the pound, on any Wednesday, at the office of Mr. Whitmore, Basinghall- street. James Bickerton, hat-manufacturer, Castle-street, South wark -second div. of 2s. Bd. in the pound, on any Wednes day, at the office of Mr. Whitmore, Basinghall-street. F. Spotter, grocer, Portsea, Hampshire-second div. of 6d. in the pound, on any Wednesday, at the office of Mr. Whitmore, Basinghall-street. T. M. Taylor, merchant, Newcastle . upon -T yn e-first div. of 6d. in th e pound, on any Saturday, at the office of Mr. Wakley, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. S. Nelson, music seller, New Bond-street, July 7, at one- G. Purt, ale merchant, Upper Thames-street, July 7, at half past one -A. V. Leaman and W. Andrew, mahogany mer chants, Fenchurch-street, July 13, at twelve. In the Country. W. H. Bates, factor, Birmingham, July 6, at twelve, at the Birmingham District Court-G. Russell, merchant, Bir mingham, July 13, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court-H. Hodgkins, shoe maker, Birmingham, July 6, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court-W. Smith, mercer, UttoNeter, July 13, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court-H. Deverill, corn factor, Stoke-upon-Trent, July 20, at twelve, at the Birmingham District Court-- J. Ogden, cotton spinner, Reddish, Lancashire, July 7, at eleven, at the Manchester District Court-R. Crow, draper, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, July 8, at eleven, at the Newcastle upon-Tyne District Court-R. Tennant, linen merchant, Manchester, July 8, at ten, at the Leeds District Coart-T. Helliwell, stock broker, Halifax, Yorkshire, July 8, at ten, at the Leeds District Court. CERTIFICATES to be granted, unless cause be shown to the contrary, on the day herein mentioned. W. Hayward, butcher, Ashford, Kent, July 8-T. Den man, stone mason, Quadrant, Regent-street, July 5-E. Toone, grocer, Twickenham, July 7-W. Wiles, pawnbroker, Dulwich, July 7-A. S. Tipper, 11. R. Tipper, and A. Tipper, stationers, Upper Thames-street, July 6-R. Tate, silver smith, Regent-street, July 7-A. White, ship owner, Bishop Wearmoutb, Durham, July 6--W. Thomas, draper. Treforest, Glamorganshire, July Knowell, builder, Bristol, July 8 -J. Taylor, grocer, Bury, Lancashire, July 6-J. Chatterton, coach builder, Manchester, July 6-M. Sloane, horse Oesler.