The Sun. — London, England, 1847-12-17 00:00:00

raviding such remedy to trespass as little as possible upon the constitution. Up to this moment he retained the opinion to which he had some time since given utterance, that the utmost reliance could be placed upon juries in Ireland that they would do their duty. At the Michaelmas Quarter Sessions convictions had been obtained in almost all the Crown cases where the prosecutors attended. The Government was, therefore, not prepared to propose any measure to interfere with trial by jury, but at the same time there was no measure to which the Government would not be prepared to resort if it should become neces sary to restore peace to Ireland. Although not actually in a state of civil war, there was in Ire land, at present, existing a sort of civil war, of dark war and outrage—war carried on in the dark, the victims of which were condemned unheard, and during the continuance of which there could not be in Ireland either peace, safety, or security for life or industry. If additional powers should be neces sary the Government would not hesitate to apply for them.—(Cheers.) Lord FARNHAM gave his warmest support to the measure, not because he thought the mild ness. of the measure would tend to its success, but because he had the pledge of the Govern ment that if the measure should prove inefficient (and inefficient he was sure it; would prove), they would come to the House for further powers, which he was sure would be granted. Murder, he was sorry to say, prevailed in Ireland to a greater extent than it had ever yet prevailed. He would now lay before their Lordships the most recent informa tion he had received from Ireland, setting forth the state of the country—of course, he should mention no names. He would, first of all, read a communication from his own county of Cavan. The communication stated that two murders had been determined on, that 'two good shots had been paid to undertake the job, that all persons of property were leaving the county. Such was the reign of terror that every man regarded his fellow-man with distrust—that his (Lord Farnham's) description of the state of Ireland was true to the letter, and that no measure could be too unconstitu tional to meet the present exigencies. The Noble Lord referred to a vast qt.antity of correspondence which he and his friends had recently received from various parts of Ireland. in proof of his assertion that a reign of terror, almost unexampled in atrocity, prevailed, and that the lives of sorse of the best and most indulgent landlords were scarcely worth a de.) 's purchase. During the famine Sir R. G. Booth spent upwards of 20,0001., and yet had he recently been threatened, and his groom attacked in mistake for him. An estimable Protestant minister, in consequence of the manner its which his life had been threatened, had adverti-ed for a clergyman to undertake his duty for six months. The clergyman to whom he alluded lisd always lived on the best terms with his Roman Catholic to ighbours, yet within the last two months he had received a letter, signed Molly M`Guire, in which his life was threatened along with several other clergymen. Another clergyman wrote that during the last week or ten days several of his brethren had been obliged to vacate their parishes, and to take refuge in the city. Four had been marked for assassi nation, and so certainly was it expected, that the fact was actually reported at a distance of eight miles from their residence. Of all these he might add that they were remarkable for their exertions during the famine. As he had stated before, he had no wish to make a general attack on the Roman Catholic priests, but merely to confine himself to :he individuals who had offended ; and he took this opportunity of testifying his high sense of the merits of a 'Zeman Catholic dignitary, Dr. Brown, the Bishop of Kilmore. With respect to one of tke deeouncing priests, Mr. Hughes, he had, since his former address to the House, received strong corroboration of the statements then made in the letter of a friend, on whose veracity he could place reliance. This gentleman wrote—" The expressions attributed to Mr. Hughes, as having been spoken at the Castlebar meeting, were certainly uttered by him. He at length got so violent that another priest called him to order." He was sorry to add that since then another case of priestly denunciation had occurred, but of it he could for obvious reasons say no more than that all the proofs connected with it were in the hands of the Government, and would form, if required, quite a sufficient case to lay before the law officers of the Crown. He would say that, in consequence of that denunciation, one individual had been attacked, and had narrowly escaped with his life.—(clear, hear.) In the letter of Mr. M'Dermott every line spoke of blood, and was calculated to inflame rather than allay the tendency ot the peasantry to murder. —[The Noble Lord here read an autograph memoran dum of some proceedings which took place at the Re lief Commtttee, Strokeatown, on the 28th of A ugus t, 1i147 ; at which both the Rev. Mr. M`Dermoft and Major Mahon were present. Angry words ensued be tween them with respect to the proceedings, and the Rev. Gentleman called him " a stupid ass," and used the word " false" with respect to a statement he had made. Major Mahon afterwards wrote to the Rev. Gentleman, calling upon him to prove the aspersions he had cast ups him at the next meeting, to which he replied : " Sir,—Until you make atonement to my feelings as a clergyman, for your insolent and personal attacks, I shall attend no aseeting where you are present, either publicly or privately. I make this reply to convince you that I am only anxious to avoid a person whose conduct seems so extraordinary, and who seems to dis regard the ordinary forms of civil society. My calling does not allow me to resent the insults I receive, and therefore common prudence, as well as religion, point tout to me the necessity of withdrawing myself from the society of persons who may be inclined to offend me. I am, sir, your obedi,nt servant, "MICHAEL M'DERMOTT." It should be observed that in the letter Mr. M'Dermott made no mention of his having denounced Major Mahon from the altar.—(Hear, hear.) Major Mahon's tenants owed him 30,0001. (many of them four years' rent); he did not turn them destitute to the roads, but expended nearly 6,0001. in sending them to a forei gn l an d. H e would then ask their Lordships whether it was the con duct of Major Mahon or the language of Mr. M'Der mott which had excited the people to acts which showed that their bad passions had never been moderated by moral or religious education? Earl FITZ WILLIAM would support the Bill as he would have supported a more stringent measure, had the Government proposed it. He would not even pro pose an amendment, lest by doing so he should disturb the generalimanimity. He thought he might say that the unanimity was general ; for although a few gentle men in the other House had opposed the Bill, he thought it would be conceded that the opposition had been re duced within the narrowest limits, whether they consi dered the numbers or the intellect it comprised.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the measure would bo executed with prudence, but with firmness.—(Hear, hear.) He expected that there would be no delay—indeed, if he were to advise the Government he would say that the search for anus should preeede the proclamation. If they suffered one day to elapse the miscreants who had collected the arms would find means to secrete them. Doubts might be entertained on constitutional grounds, but the time had gone by for twaddling about the con stitution. He trusted that no constitutional twaddle would be allowed to interfere with substantial justice. He would go so far as to propose restrictions on loco motion in Ireland. His Noble Friend on the Treasury bench shock his head, but in his opinion there were cer tain persons in Ireland on whose travelling some restraint should be placed. Ho cautioned the House against any improper interference with the relations of landlord and tenant, as in such interference they were stirring a ques tion of which none of them could see the end.—(Hear, hear.) And let not those Noble Lords whose connexions were exclusively English flatter themselves that such a movement once begun would confine itself to Ireland. They were all one community, and if they agitated for Ireland, as was suggested by some persons whose phi lanthropy got the better of their reason, they might de pend upon it that the question would soon be raised in Nngland. He believed there would be quite as much distress in Ireland durinc , the coming winter as th ere bad been during the past . e ' Let the Parliament and peo ple of England be sure that after having dealt with Irish crime they would next have to deal with Irish distress. The Earl of ST. GERMANS said, that no man who had beard the statement of the Noble Marquis, or who was otherwise acquainted with the condition of Ireland, could doubt the necsssity of arming the Government with the fullest powers they shou:d require for the sup pression of crime. The Bill now before their Lordships was essentially the same with that which, under closely similar circumstances, he had proposed in 1846, but which the other House had, without even taking it into consideration, rejected. He was persuaded, howeve, that his measure being adopted at the time would have prevented well nigh all the monstrous crime which had since agitated society in Ireland. He trusted that the Government, should they find the present Bill inade quate to the purpose, would without delay redeem the pledg e they had given to Parliament, and apply for still. further powers.—(Hear, hear.) The state of Ireland in dicated something most unsound in the social condition of that country, and he trusted that with the earliest re vival of t ranqu illi ty the Government would apply them selves strenuously to the task of permanently removing the perilous evil so indicated.—(flear, hear.) The Marquis of SALISBURY, while regretting that the Government had not at once produced a more stringent measure, willingly gave his support to a Bill which would at all e vents t tend to repress the crime and said c laid over Ireland. outrage that now Lord BEAIJMONTY oppo site had once again brought that . the Noble Lord )d inst o certain Member of the Roman Catholic priestX fr i t !. s ed lrelandthem charges a which, if true, undoubtedly sti chief cause of the present state indeed, in that coun prTeesrtch brought try.—(Hear, hear.) The charges, aord eooeuogdh, ought but lt t only against particular members of that the were of such a nature that they must, least to be felt by the e hole body 4s casting upon them—a stain which would reflect dishono ur stain them until it was wiped away.—(Bear, hear.) T he hierarchy of the R :man Catholic priesthood was so inti mately linked together, that no imputation could b e brought upon its lowest member wnich, it not removed by disproval, or by the punishment of the offender, did not attach to the entire body. If those offences took p'ace, it behoved the authorities of the . Church to degrade the priest who could be guilty pulpit, mas s, of denouneir g rea ; either from the altar or the ... ..._.„ 24 et Y.' ectiis n' in,_ in public Catholic priva te. If s uch offences were etsinimitted - in other uatuelic countries those measures - - would be taken to guard against their recurrence ; for the bishop would be bound to issue a genera l or d er 7: • ~.11aVe theliittivfdiliii io offending brought before a p_ro of ( •-- _ pearly censititute - 'lnitial and punish[ cl, • - permitted to offer upon pro( f \ `Sdiptitt i —Clicar, Up .) It he might ho . N e ...l\2'&-suggestieteth " 'o uld recommend the Roman Catholic itelate[, stfling, as they now did, in a different po- A sition with the Government to that which they occupied some short time ago, and being in communication with the Lord-Lieutenant, that they were bound to assist the Lord-Lieutenant in bringing those persons to jus tice who thus disgraced; the sacred profession to which they belonged.—(Hear, hear.) Now, so much for the past. With respect to the future, there was one portion of the Bill under discussion which he did not entirely understand. The sixteenth clause enacted that every person should do his utmost to assist in the dis covery and apprehension of offenders, and that every person refusing so to do should be considered as guilty of a misdemeanour. On this portion of the Act he hoped the Noble Marquis (the Marquis of Lansdowne) would offer some explanation. It occurred to him that, as the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Farnham) had stated, that contemplated assassinations were well known before they took place, that the priests in the districts might probably be made acquainted with intentions in that re spect, and might be able to point out the whereabouts of tho offenders. As this was likely to be the case, it was highly important to know whether the priests came within the meaning of the words " every person." He hoped the Government would explain the exact construc tion that was to be put upon the Act, and that, whatever it might be, it would be carried out to the letter. Lord STANLEY—My Lords, I am quite sure that my Noble Friend, who introduced the question with his usual good feeling and great ability, was very far from desiring to impute to a large portion of the Catholic clergy the atrocious—for I can designate it by no other word—conduct of which some members of that body have been guilty.—(Hear). But, at the same time, I cannot but concur with the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Beaumont) that so long as the conduct of any portion of the body—bearing in mind the close connexion between the highest and lowest, and the weight of authority which may be directly brought to bear— that so long as such conduct remains unchecked and uncondemned in indivi dual cases—so long, in the opinion of all reflecting persons in this country and in the world at large, there is a stain, not indeed, of moral culpa bility-, but of neglect of an imperative duty, which does attach to those who have the power of censuring and condemning, and who do not exercise that puwer.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord on the cross benches (the Earl of St. Germans) alluded to the seem ing inconsistency of our giving a ready sanction to this Bill when we refused to assent to a measure intro duced some time before directed to a similar object. I cermet call that measure a similar measure to this, for its provisions were extremely different.—(Hear, hear.) Without discus ing the merits of tho rejection of that Bill—without stating whether it was or was not not an error of judgment, or entering into the motives of its rejection, the Noble Lord must permit me to point out a remarkable difference between the two measures, which may account for the apparent inconsistency. On this occasion we were called together to provide a remedy for the disturbed state of Ireland. We were called toge • ther in November, and we do not separate, and we enter upon no other important business until that which the Government have deemed it to he essential fur the pre servation of life and property in Ireland has been passed with the greatest rapidity through both Houses ct Par liament, as an immediate remedy to meet the demand o a pressing and extraordinary emergency.—(Heine hear.) Ors the present occasion Parliament meets in November, and we separate in December, after having passed the measure. In 1846 the Throne recommended the imme diate attention of Parliament to a state of things which was not less alarming than that which we are now called upon to legislate for. Now, my Lords, what was the course pursued in 1846 ? Was the Bill aNded to by the Noble Earl made the first measure of the session ? Was all the public business stayed until the Bill was passed? No. It was in February the recommendation came from the Throne, and the measure was brought into your Lorships' House, passed with considerable del beration and attention, and on the 13th of March it as sent down to the other House of Parliament.— ( Hear, hear.) But what was the course then taken ? (dear, hear.) That was a time at which the question of free trade was then under discussion ; but that mea sure, important as it undoubtedly was, I venture to think was of much less consequences than the one which affected the security of life and property in Ireland. Yet, my Lords, the Bill for the latter purpose, although re commended in the Queen's Speech, snd introduced on the 13th of March, was not submitted by the Govern merit of that day for a second reading until the 10th of the month of August following.—(Hear, hear.) Lord LANSDOWNE—The month of July. Lard STANLEY—Yes; the Arms (Ireland) Bill was introduced in August ; but the Bill of which I was speaking was not introduced until a considerable period after the commencement of the session ; and it was at the time that your Lordships' House was discussing the repeal of the corn-law that the second reading was pro posed in the other House of Parliament.—(Hear.) I think the allusion to the rejection of that Bill was unne cessarily introduced by the Noble Earl (the Earl of St. Germans), and that he would have acted more discreetly, more wisely, not to say more generously, if he had fol lowed the example of a Right Hon. Baronet in another place, who referred to the same subject in a different spirit, and condemned all recrimination, hoping that such feelings would not be allowed now to interfere with the passing of a Bill which all agreed was necessary to the future peace of Ireland.—(Cheers.) With regard to the Bill itself, I must trouble your Lordships with a few observations, not because I do not feel all the im portance of the case, not because I do not feel all its difficulty, but because, though I agree with the observa tion which fell from the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Fitz than it is a measure which should be passed with the least possible delay—but because I think it is desirable that upon the Government singly should rest the sole responsibility of the sufficiency or insufficiency of this measure.—(flear, hear.) But though, on the one heed, I cannot give a silent vote on this Bill, I cannot, on the other, express my readiness to assist in carrying through this measure without, at the same lime, saying that I believe—and I shall be as delighted as astonished to find that I am mistaken—that this Bill is utterly in sufficient to meet the difficulty—(Cheers)—nor are its provisions calculated to grapple with the principal source of the evils it is intended to remedy.—(Renewed cheers.) The condition of 'reified has been painted by the Noble Lords opposite, and by my Noble Friend on this side of the House (Lord Farnham) in glowing and appalling colours.—(Hear, hear.) We have been told by the Noble Marquis of a general organized conspi racy, which prevails throughout the greater part of Ire laud ; and of the destruction of lives and property in certain districts, not only of the rich but of the humble and industrious.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend near me spoke of assassination in those districts, and he spoke of the circumstances connected with them in a manner which must have excited the astonishment of your Lord ships, as it did mine—and of money being subscribed for the assassins. He told us of murders being committed on individuals of the highest character, and of those murders being celebrated in the country round by bon fires.—(Hear, hear.) We heard also of a murder being committed with so universal a knowledge that it was to be committed, that, at a particular market or fair many miles off the intelligence of the crime preceded by three hours the time at which it was committed. We heard, and I am sure your Lordships did not hear it without a shudder, of an instance of brutality without parallel, I believe, in any country, even in those where law and humanity are least regarded, in which, where the murder of a father and a husband were meditated, the atrocious assassins obtained a foretaste of their in fernal vengeance by threatening with this double murder the daughter and wife of the intended victim.—(Great sensation.) That, my Lords, is the state of Ireland ; and the picture is drawn by the Noble Marquis and my Honourable Friend.—(Cheers.) Let us pass with that picture in view to consider the provisions of this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) There are two or three principal ones, upon the first of which the Government must mainly rely. That gives the Lord-Lieutenant the power, by proclamation, within a l,iven time, first to prohibit the carrying of arms, except by certain ex. cepted parties; and next, by a second proclamation, after due notice, to seize upon all arms found in the houses of the people. Supposing, however, that by these measures you succeed in disarming the people, and in taking from them those weapons with which, I must say, you have recently, unwisely, and incau tiously suffered them to supply themselves—suppose, I repeat, that in those given districts, you call in and recover these arms from the people, do you think that by the mere withdrawal of all these fire-arms, and other specified weapons, you will succeed in putting down crime, or its authors and suggestors, or this general organised conspiracy ?—(Loud cries of " Hear.") You may cripple the means of assassination, but will you destroy the conspiracy which directs that assassination, and change that feeling which sympathises with crime, and celebrates its success ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") By withdrawing the arms you do, I admit, somewhat lessen the risks which every man runs who attempts to carry oat the law, and to a certaia degree diminish the danger ; but when the spirit of minder is abroad—as it confessedly is in a great part of Ireland— when by an organised conspiracy the victim is doomed, and his approaching fate is known to whole parishes and counties, and no man will or dare to give warning of the blow, to announce the approach of the intended assassin, or to aid in his capture when the deed of blood is completed—when such is the state of the people it is not the mere absence of firearms that will prevent these dreadful crimes from being perpetrated.—(Hear, hear.) No, every ditch and every road will furnish the means of murder. The crime will be committed, and the murderer and the spectators will pass on their way. " Unguibus et pugnis, deinfustibus, atque its porvo Pugnabant amis." The firearms may not be there, but the hammer or the stone will knock out the brains, as in the case of the railway surveyor who was murdered some time ag a the stone by which the deed of blood was done was so deeply embedded in the fractured skull of the victim as to defy the power of the surgeon to ex tract it.—(llear.) Again, shall you be able to obtain the firearms by means of your Bill ? I think not. By the provisions of the Act a certain notice is to be given between the issuing of the proclamation and its being carried into effect, and be that interval long or short, the possessor s of those arms will transf er th em to the a dj o i n i ng districts, and from them exercise the same trade of blood and outrage.—(Cheers.) Allow me, my Lords, to make an observation with respect to the re lenar at Earle fodtfoh does sp. notas passport appear system o considerin Ireland, necessary.— (hear.) a w r y h h crimes are not t( a ht : i r r. e c baN c 1 1 1 . : )bh u n s e opinion that the great majority of these committed by persons resident in or near the spot, but by strangers brought from a dis tance shillings to murder solemn oaths, engaged for a tance ; who, a:missend by out, and of a hose identity ny sh person who may be pointed before they commit the crime. —(Hear, to be persuaded prevented the hear.) The t?l t r h e e idn i t n .o flu t x hos o e f pa-sport system wou:d h ave strangers into the disturbed districts strangers would in the immediate neighbourhood of' distr:cts, as it was not to be supposed that would venture into proclaimed districts, wh ere they would be liable to be apprehended. The advantages of some such check was obvious, and yet I perceive in this Bill no departure from the ordinary law in this re spect.---(Cheers.) I see in the provisions of this Bill, that after the proclamation of any district, the Lord- Lieutenant is empowered to authorise a person to grant licenses to a certain description of persons to possess their arms, a policy which, I rather doubt, is open to considerableabuse.—(Bear, hear.) A person so appointed cannot be so able to exercise a wise discretion as a person kr.owing the district, and selected by the local magis trates in quarter sessions. Again, no person is to be allowed to have arms in his or her own dwelling-house— that is the phrase, and I truss the Noble Marquis will not think me cavilling or hypercritical—is that clause so worded as to limit the possession of such arms to persons being householders?•—(Hear, hear.) That is a question which, I appprehend, depends entirely on the construc tion which may be put upon the words " his or her dwelling-house;" and I wish to know whether it ex cludes all who may lodge in such dwelling houses?— (Hear, hear.) Then there is the second proclamation, which is not to be made until the other is in force, and that goes a step further, and compels every person (with a list of similar exceptions) not only not to have arms in their houses, but gives a right of search for concealed arms; but why should not this power be given by the first proclamation ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord quoted the clause at length, and proceeded to show that the various delays allowed by the notice, which were indispensable in the Bill, the search would be of little use, as the possessors of arms would be certain to convey them out of the proclaimed districts. His Lordship then pro ceeded—l have no amendment to propose, but there is another point which appears manifestly faulty, in what I hope you will forgive me for calling the feeble inten tions of this Bill. The Noble Marquis states that the effect of this Bill will be to give the power to the Lord- Lieutenant, without formal procf that a district is dis turbed, to proclaim that district, if he should think fit, and that the consequence, therefore, would be, that the Whiteboy laws would come into operation ; and that there are also provisions attached to the Bill by which individuals may be called upon to assist in the capture of offenders, and if they refuse or neglect to join in pursuit, they are to be held guilty of a mi:demeanour, and liable to two years' imprisonment, with hard labour. Except so far as to the misdemeanour, and the liability to two years' imprisonment, I am inclined to doubt whether the common law does not possess equal powers. Any magistrate or constable has. I believe, now the power of calling upon parties to join in pursuit of offenders, and such parties refusing to do so would be guilty of a breach of the common law. My belief is that, with exception of the statutory punish ment attached to the clause, it confers no power what ever.—(Cheers.) Indeed, I think the clause worse than useless ; for where a whole population refusele to co operate with the law, and is rather disposed to shield the offi nder than to aid hi the pursuit, they would, in point of fact, be no assilance to the law. I have heard of a ca. e in which the people of a village rose when the police were in hot pursuit of a criminal, and by enabl ing him to mix in the crowd, prevented his capture and even his identification. I am afraid that such scenes will too often take place ; and si hen it is otherwise the reluctant assistant will be too slow, and an incumbrance when the officers are on the right track, and too hot and eager when upon a wrong one. A pursuit by such parties must be a willing one to be successful. There is another clause, which I believe is a valuable one—a clause which was not included in the original Hill, but was introduced in the other House on the motion of an inde pendent Member—l mean the clause which fixes a penalty upon the accessory after the fact. I should like to be informed what is an " accessory after the fact."— (fleer, hear.) Suppose a murder be cerumirtd, and earrunte are out against the elle;,e_d murderer, and some indi,iclual supports, protects, aril enables him to escape, is such a person punishable under this clause ?—(Hear, hear.) Or suppese the party be tried, and ultimately— notwithstanding the clearness of the evidence, from what ever cause—he escapes conviction ; I want to know whether the accessory after the fact would be punishable hi that case? Lord BROUGHAM—To enable such a person to be tried, the principal must not only be taken, but convicted. Lord STANLEY—But the question I am putting is this. Suppose a person is— I believe I may say, such is the state of Ireland—known to h ave comm i t t e d a crime, but on being brought to trial escapes conviction, is the accessory also to escape? If so, how much, then, is the value cf the clause diminished?—(Cheer .) I should, however, be glad to have an explanation of this point, because I have ascertained for the first time this morn ing, that the Bill with which I was charged in 1831 to introduce into the other House, the main object of which was to commute the sentence of death for White boy offences, in reciting the Act of George 111., I know not how it occurred that the important word "conceal" was omitted. Therefore the bringing of the Whiteboy Acts into force under the circumstances provided for in the present Bill, would not meet the results of that sym pathy with criminals now unfortunately so common iii Ireland.—(Hear, heat.) I will not comment fur ther on the details of this measure. My objection to it as a whole is, that it falls altogether short of the evil it was intended to meet; that it is directed t 8 a small portion only of that evil—to a mitiga tion of some of the symptoms of the disease, and not to the eradication of the disease itself.—(Cheers.) It ap plies only to the instrument, but leaves unscathed the organiser of the crime and harbourer of the murderer. There will be more failures than now, but murders there will be, and the stone, the hammer, and the block of wood may become hereafter as fatal as the gun.— (Hear, hear.) The worst part of the present social evils of Ireland—the monster evil—is not attempted to bo grappled with. The Noble Marquis says he has great confidence in juries, and that they have performed their duty manfully ; but I hope this opinion is well founded.— (Hear, hear.) There are districts in Ire land, no doubt, where prosecutors can appear, where witnesses can be brought into court, and where juries do their duty. I think the Noble Marquis mentioned the country of Cork, and the number of con victions in that county; but I am not aware that in that district the present system of outrage has been carried on, and I am still more ignorant of the nature and cha racter of the crimes of the persons brought before those juries. The Noble Marquis, however, has himself fur nished a significant comment on his statement by adding that convictions have been obtained " where the prose cutor has made his appearance."—(Cheers.) But I must ask, if the juries do their duty, will the prosecutors, will the witnesses do theirs ?—(Cheers.) And if not, and the Noble Marquis states himself that whole coun ties, whole districts, nay, whole provinces, of Ireland have been the scene of attempted and actual assassina tions and crimes of the deepest die, anticipated often by friendly or threatening letters, and announcements that the head money of the victim was ready. These thing are notorious before they happen. The name of the actual murderer and all the circumstances pre ceding the murder, are well known and discussed at markets and fairs, in the cabin and in the field, at the fireside, and by parties of labourers at the public works. And what is still more remarkable, the shooting of the victim is not only discussed, but the causes why he is shot.—(Hear, hear.) It must have struck your Lordships with surprise, that not only the facts of the case, but the causes which are assigned for the murder, are well known. Yet what state of society is this, when the facts are palpable and notorious even before the deed is done, no one, high or low, rich or poor, dare to appear against or denounce the murderers, still less the promoters of these crimes. —(Hear, hear.) And how much, or rather how little, of these evils and outrages will this Bill allay ? It gives no protection to persons obtaining information, no provisions to protect juries or witnesses, no means of enforcing the law.— (Hear, hear,) I rejoice, however, to hear, that if this measure fails her Majesty's Government are prepared to adopt stronger measures ; and I am also pleased to hear that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government of Ireland has, according to the Noble Zelarquis, expressed himself satisfied with the provisions of this Bill. If this Bill should fail, the Noble Marquis and the Govern ment may rely upon this and the other House of Parlia ment to give the strongest measure they can introduce as cordial and unanimous a support—and for my own part I shall give it a more cordial assent, because I should think it more likely to be effective—as to this Bill, which, I must repeat, I think a very inefficient measure for meeting the present exigency. —(The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst reiterated cheering.) Earl GREY said after the very general assent that had been given to this measure, he felt it necessary to say but a very few words on some of those provisions of the Bill which had been referred to by Noble Lords who had spoken in the ceurse of the present discussion. His Noble Friend opposite had said that the disease of Ireland was in tho mind of the people, and that their sympathy was with the perpetrators of crimes and offences rather than with their victims. He regretted that he could not say he differed with his Noble Friend in that opinion.—(Hear.) The disease, indeed, was too deeply seated to be remedied by mere measures of coercion; and he feared that, until the people of Ireland could be made friendly to the administration of the law —until such a state of things as had been described by his Noble Friend could be remedied—but little could be done in the way of benefit or amelioration for thatunhappy country. It was not the aim of this Bill to effect more than it professed ; and all it professed to accomplish was, to repress the outward manifestation of that evil mind which his Noble Friend had adverted to, and to secure the punishment of offenders against the law. But to win back the affections of the people to the law—to claim their support of the law instead of their conniv ance at its infringement—this, he felt, could only be the work of time; for this they must look to the gradual improvement of the country, He did not hesitate at the same time, from expressing his belief, that even by a Bill of this description—by increasing the power of the Exe cutive Government to repress crime, and making the means of punishing offenders more effectual—they would be encouraging that portion of the Irish population that ' might be termed sound, and well-disposed to assist and support the law ; for it could not be doubted that one of the greatest evils with which Ireland was afflicted con sisted in the system of intimidation that prevailed in that portion of the empire.—(Hear, hear.) By strengthen ing, therefore, the hands of the Executive Government, they would, be trusted, be inducing the well af fected to come forward more boldly—(Hear)—and by maintaining order by rigorous measures they would render those who opposed the law more peaceable and orderly. He fully concurred with his Noble Friend near him (Earl Fitzwilliam), that it was absolutely necessary to keep separate the two questions of coercive and of re medial measures, as well as that the first object that ought to be obtained was the restoration of security—! of the security of life and property—the want of which security was utterly fatal to the hope of any investment of capital in Ireland—(Hear, hear)—and to the general improvement of the country. After having listened to all that had been advanced in the course of this long dis cussion, he had heard nothing pointed oust to their Lord ships by which the measure before them could be ren- dered moro effectual than it appeared to him to be. It could not be doubted, too, that the moral effect of the Bill much depended—as had been stated on a former oc casion--on the manner in which it should be passed by Parliament. With reference, for instance, to what had been said in the clauses relating to proclamations, the object of those clauses was, at first, that it was illegal to carry arms at all. This power the Lord Lieutenant, however, would be enabled to apply to much more extensive districts than those now disturbed, and especially to those districts imme diately adjoining them. But, in the actually disturbed districts, and where the disturbances were serious, the Lord Lieutenant could require all those who were not authorised to retain arms to deliver them up by a cer tain day. Some fault bad been found with this provision; but he must say he thought it would be absolutely un just to make the possession of arms a crime, without first giving people notice to give them up.—(Hear, hear.) The real object of that part of the Bill was, to prevent the carrying of arms. But that which he thought would have a still greater effect in tending to the preservation of the peace was, the power that was given to the Lord-Lieutenant to increase the police to any extent that might be requisite—(Hear, hear)—and to make the disturbed districts in which such in creased force might be required at once chargeable with the expense attending it.—(H ear , h ear .) Th us , t h e consequences of allowing crim e t o ex i s t i n a di str i ct would at once be brought home to its inhabitants by the cost of the police employed to suppress disturbance. The Noble Earl then referred to the subject of licenses to carry arms. The Noble Lord opposite seemed to think that the Bill in this respect was an injudicious change from the former law, by taking the paver of licensing from the quarter sessions, and giving it to per sons appointed for that purpose. But this Bill contem plated that, in the most disturbed districts, licensing should be the exception, and not the rule; and, with that view, he thought it did appear far more advisable that this power of licensing to carry arms should only be en trusted to the county inspector, or some high officer of the constabulary. With respect to the clause relat ing to accessories after the fact, the object of the clause on that subject was to place them on the same footing as accessories before the fact; and he confessed he did not see how, consistently with justice, the law could be carried further than this in respect of that part of the measure. As to what had been said regarding the performance of their duty by juries, he had much confidence that, with the facilities that would be given to bring offenders to justice, and the security afforded to , witnesses in giving evidenc e , juries would be found to do their duty; and he did not think that any further steps would, be,necessary to secure so desirable a result, His Noble Friend (Lord Beau mont) had asked whether, under the clause that would compel people to give evidence, priests would be called upon to state matters that came under their cognizance at the confessieeal? He did not think that the clause referred to could bear any such construction.— (Hear, hear.) It had been suggested by a Noble Lord that a system of passports should be established in disturbed districts in Ireland; but he believed that such a system would be found as ineffectual as he, understood it had proved to be in Belgium, where, practically, it was now abolished. With respect to the omission of the curfew clause, to such a provision he could only say he had the same objection as he had when it was proposed in 1846. Lord BROUGHAM said he ,agreed that it was de;,ilable that a measure' of thiS kind should go forth to the country sanctioned, as far_, aa poseible, by the unani mous opinion of Parlia men t.' ,Altheegh he entertained but alfeeble opinion of the effica q y of this Bill, yet he w as one of those who was prepared toPbt.en 19 the argument which was to be derived from the value of unanimity in Parliament on such a subject.—(Hear.) His Noble Friends near him disapproved of the measure—(Hear, hear)—but they were willing to leave it to the responsi bility ofthe_gesernment, Tbey seem content mer e ly to record their opinion,-(Hear.).. Ile differed with the Noble told (Farnhans)ns na the expo diency of insti tuting prosecutions - egainet eertaiataT a reat. criminals--he (Lord ;.Brougham)meapa those "she, abusing their sacred office; T had,, excited ao s als t ers to the commission of' the most heinous_ crimes by de nouncing from the altar persons to be murdered. Could he blame the Government for not having put these crimintalt s on their, trial). When he asked this, another questionsirosearcti_wbe4,4l, eOnviction.of,ahese parties would Ifitiesits,leAii:Weete,_ netTtbat,aaunishment might tend to 10 . 1kit c lhcmipagyr§ ;. and to, exci.tetin their favour the sy.. itues of itiet Whale ef s t)l4,6cicly.ef which they were at, afsciit;tlie s ,744:disgrtoo44 hear)—but the qultien w`as,. what evi6alaswae .procured ? (Hear.) How was the Government to get evidence ? . Were they likely to be more successful in the case of a priest than of a layman? If a short-hand writer were brought forward to depose to the precise words, would not some of the flock come forward on the other side? Would there not be a great difficulty to get a jury composed partly of Roman Catholics to convict a priest ? —(Hear.) It was impossible for any one to exaggerate the deep-rooted influence which the priest in Ire land exercised over his flock. It must not be supposed that he was for an instant bringing a general charge against the whole Catholic clergy of Ireland. If he said so he should not only be guilty of a want of charity, but of the grossest ignorance ; for he believed that those priests were generally men of reputable lives and character, and their conduct generally was an honour to the cloth to which they belonged. But he must be permitted to say that this opinion would undergo a great change—a great modification—if these murderous addresses from the altar, these denunciations were allowed to continue, and if no steps whatever were taken to bring, he would not say to condign punishment, but to suspension, the guilty parties who had so ou t rage d t h e common feelings of our nature, and so disgraced the body to which they belonged.—(Cheers.) The stain which otherwise might have been confined to those individuals would extend much more largely, and rest upon the whole body itself -(Hear.) So long as the desire for land prevailed so exclusively in Ireland, it was in vain to expect that Acts of Parliament could do much for the permanent improve ment of, that country. Years and years ago similar con spiracies against life and property prevailed in Ireland; and he must be permitted to say that he somewhat con nected those conspiracies with the priestly influence which existed there. The more he saw of confession, the more convinced be was that it had a tendency hurt ful to the morals of the people. The confessional afforded to every guilty mind a relief, with the certainty that the guilt would never be disclosed by the ear that heard it. The power of absolution was, he believed, wholly unknown to every other religion that ever existed, and the priest exercised it, not only as the servant, but in the presence of the Deity itself. He did not wish the House to pass a measure interfering with confession or absolution. He knew what the Emperor Napoleon did. He curbed the power o f hi s pr i ests, first by preventing them from rece i v i ng any l egac i es from their flocks, and, !secondly, no pr i son d oor was ever opened to a priest after the prisoner was arrested. —(Hear, hear.) There was no confession, no absolution '—none of what were called the consolations of religion, during the trial, or after the trial, or previous to execu tion. He wished to ask should the 'lrish priests be much longer paid by, and left d e p en d ent upon, t h e priests were a ll owed to levy their so lon g wou ld t h e b a d influ ence e e — s f s r o o l m o n t g h e a s p t e h o e p e of the former continue. He also thought those laws should be repealed which prevented a direct communication with the Holy See. He knew from the examination of some of the Irish Bishops, in reference to marriage, in that House, that they had an objection that that ceremony should be so lemnised in their chapel. One of those Bishops said that priests should solemnise in private. These marriages were not performed in the canonical hours, but in the convivial hours.—(Loud laughter.) They first considered that as lon g as th e y t and then made their enjoyed collection, and h nvi ev are dependent, so long will the pr esen t s t a t e o f t hi ngs b e complained of in Ireland. He a l so cons id ere d th a t i t would be very beneficial to th e s t a t e o f I re l an d t h at this Government should comm un i cate w i t h t h e see of Rome, not as a temporal princ e , b u t as one h av i ng co a spiritual influence over six millions of the people of Ireland. He thought that if England acted as Prussia had, much good would be effected for the peace of Ireland and the integrity of this empire. He did not think that the curfew clause would be inoperative, as had been represented by the Noble Lord (Earl Grey), because crimes are perpetrated in the noonday. He knew well that there was a con spiracy in Dublin, and if such were not immediately suppressed no peace could be expected in that country. They should not look to what was constitutional in the case of life. Ho thought that the Habeas Corpus Act should be suspended. Lord Anglesey caused the Act of 1833 to be fully efficient, . and then court-martials sat without interruption, and to, the satisfaction of the Go- verment. Their Lordships then went into Committee on the Bill, the several clauses of which being agreed to, the House resumed. RAILWAYS BILL. This Bill went. through Committee, and was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow- PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND) BILL. The Earl of DEVON moved the second reading of the Public Works (I re l and) Bill. Lord MONTEAGLE o pposed the motion,. on the ground that the House should have been afforded on op portunity of di scuss i ng its mer i ts . Earl ST. GERMA NS hav i ng made a few observations in support o f t h e Bill, in the pass i ng o f which he sub mitted that n o ti me should b e l os t, The Bill was read a second time anti ordered to be committed. Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter before Eleven o'clock. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. A ed lth w o a u s g a h not altogether TATTERSALL'S. --•YESTERDAY. teh2leare unworthytlya blank of da n y o , ti t c h e e . business trans act [ADVERTIBEMENT.]—CABBIAGE FllßE.—Families residing in the country are supplied with Teas and Coffees at the lowest wholesale price, in quantities not less than six pounds, delivered carriage free to any part of England. Orders must be accompanied by a remit tance, or if a reference be made in London, payment Isla suffice on receipt and approval of the goods. A list of prices and samples free, on application to G. T. Man sell and Co., wholesale tea-dealers, 2, Bucklersbury, Cheapside. rADVEHTISEMENT.J.--TER . EAitt "thr ALPBOROUGH AND HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—An astounding 'cure by this miraculous medicine, after every o th er means h a d failed. • See extract from his Lordship's letter, dat e d " Villa M ess ina, Holloway—Sir ; I beg Leghorn, Feb. 21, 1845. Professor Holloway—Sir to acquaint you that your pills have effected a cure of a di sor d er in my liver and stoma ch all the most eminent of the faculty, a t h ome an d all over the continent , had not been able to effect ; nay, not eve p O A waters.O f Carlsbad or Ma rienbad. (Signed) •` Alnsortotion." ThesaAvondorful pills will cure any -.limas. of the liver or stotifich2 --- Wd ' (-also Holloway's Ointm.ut) at Professor Holl owa y's Establi s hment, 244, Strand, and hr ‘ll medicine vendors throughout the civilised world. AMERICAN NEWS. ARRIVAL OF THE ACADIA. LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY. By the royal mail steamship Acadia, Captain N. Shannon, we have advices from New York to the 30th ult., Boston to the Ist inst., and Halifax to the 3d inst., respectively. The Acadia has brought a large number of passen gers, and 80,0001. in specie on freight. The Hottinguer, Captain Bursley, from New York, arrived to-day, with 30,0001. in specie on freight. The packet ship Roscius, which would leave New York on the Ist instant, was expected to take 22,0001. in specie on freight for England. Our advises from Mexico are unimportant. The capital was quiet. The Mexican Congress was assem bling at Queretaro. The election of a President would be the first proceeding, for which post Pena y Pena, Almonte, and Herrera, were spoken of. Santa Anna was at Tebuacan, whence he intended to defend himself from the charges brought against him. What these charges are is set forth in the fol lowing letter from Mexico : " MEXICO, OCT. 17. " A most strange state of things exists in regard to Santa Anna. He has been ordered for trial before a court-martini upon charges of the most heinous char acter. It is not only alleged against him that he aban doned the city on the 13th of September last, with his army, in a most cowardly manner, leaving the city without protection ; but that previous to his leaving, he robbed the Treasury department of all bonds and every other species of available means. And to cast off all suspicion from himself, he then ordered that the prison of the Accordata be opened, and its convicts let loose upon this community. This was done." A new party is said to have been formed in Mexico with the design of forming it into two great states, and annexing them to the United States. It was rumoured there that the state of San Luis, Zacatecas, Durango, and one other, had declared in favour of Paredes's monarchical scheme, and proffered him 18,000 troops. The United States troops were rapidly advancing towards the Mexican capital, and garrisoning the in termediate posts. It is stated that Padre Jaranta, the chief leader of the guerilla forces, had applied to General Patterson with peace negotiations. A frightful steam-boat collision had taken place on the Missouri. Forty passengers were drowned. C 0 MMERCI AL INTELLIGENCE. (From the Neu. York Courier and Inquirer.) NEW YORK, Nov. 30. In our market since the arrival of the Acadia with dates to the 4th ins'. from Liverpool, there is not much activity. Cotton has declined steadily here and at the south until to-day, when from New Orleans, under date of November 20th, by mail, we hear of a considerable re-action, which has been measurably followed here, and cotton may be said to be here little lower than before the Acadia's arrival, after being here down one cent. In New Orleans it left off un the 20th about a to of a cent lower than before the news by the Washington—that by the Acadia not having yet reached there— a lt e r having been from tic. to 1 4 e. lower. The telegraphic report to day, with New Orleans dates to the 23d in the evening, makes a further rise, but this would probably be counter,cted by the Acadia's accounts. Cotton.—Exports and receipts of cotton at the ports of the United States during the last three weeks, and the corresponding weeks of former seasons (in thousand bales) : To Great Britain France. 1847 ... 24 ... 20 1846 ... 27 ... 25 1845 ... 72 ... 20 1844 ... 46 ... 20 1843 ... 45 ... 27 1842 ... 68 ... 18 Receipts. ... 118 ... 148 ••• 154 ... 152 150 182 Other. Total Exports. ... 11 ... 55 ... 4 ... 56 ... 2 ... 94 ... 8 ... 74 ... 4 ... 76 .•• 5 ... 91 Remaining stocks in port. ... 230 ... 219 ... 219 ... 220 ... 227 ... 198 1847 1846 1845 1844 1843 1842 By making up our tables to a week later than the general printed reports (viz., to the 20th of November, at southern ports), we can state the exports and re ceipts of cotton for the last three weeks, which show very clearly when compared, as they are, with former seasons, how much lees able or willing people have been to negotiate exchange on England than on France. The receipts have also been deficient, compared with former seasons; but, except on comparison with 1842, this deficiency is fully accounted for by Carolina and Georgia planters holding back their cotton. Last year the Atlantic crop was not only of fair ex tent, but was sold at unusually high rates, owing to the short crops elsewhere ; so that these planters, being easy in their finances for the present, are unwilling to sell at prices which seem to them unreasonably low. When they perceive, however, that the fall on cotton is not a mere temporary affair, we may expect the receipts at Charleston and Savannah to be large. Meanwhile, there are full stocks in the ports, prices and freights are everywhere low, exchanges on Europe arc high, and money is scarce (if anything, more valu able each week), so that if the next steamer should re move some of the causes of timidity in negotiations, which can hardly fail to occur, the export may be pro ceeding very rapidly before Christmas arrives. ONE, P.M. Cotton—There has been a good deal of inquiry for cotton to-day at yesterday's prices, but a further ad vance ofi cent. per lb. is demanded, at which small sales have been made. Holders generally are not offer ing their stocks on the market, even at the advance above noticed. Flour, &c.—Although, the weather is: intensely cold, holders of Western Canal flour have not been able to obtain any serious advance in prices in consequence of the heavy receipts, Genessee has been sold to-day at 6 dolls. 25c., although 6 dolls. 31c. to 6 dolls. 37c. is gene rally asked; Oswego:and Michigan, 6 dolls. 12ic. to 6 dolls. 25c., the latter price for Michigan. Southern flour remains inactive at 6 dolls. 37ic. to 6 dolls. 44c. Corn meal is firm at 3 dolls. 25c. to 3 dolls. 50c. per barrel. Wheat is steady at yesterday's prices. 6,000 bushels mixed Ohio corn have been sold at 73c. to 74c. Ashes remain as noticed yesterday. Provisions are dull. In bread-stuffs we have nothing to add to former advices. The weather within the last 48 hours has become very cold, and if it continues so for 48 hours longer the canals will be closed, and the main artery of our supply of flour be shut off. The arrivals for many days past have averaged from 15,000 to 18,000 barrels a day. Our market has - been down to 71 cents. for Liverpool fair Uplands, but has recovered fully / per cent in the last two or three days, holders having gathered courage from the rally at New Orleans, and feeling assured by the accounts of killing frost in the south on the 19th or 20th inst., and by the excessive cold here for the last two days, that cotton-picking will not last much longer. As regards the growing crop, for it was a growing crop in a double sense, until the 29th inst., the accounts of the continued picking was such that it is difficult to believe that it can be limited to 2,200,000 bales, except by planters holding over a part until next session; for, unlike the two last years, when there was little or no cotton to pick, in many districts, after the middle of October, there seems to have been an abundance of cotton operations all the while; and the weather has been ex tremely fine for maturing and picking from the 10th or 12th of September up to our last dates from the south. The period of killing frost also, if we may believe the tables of " first killing frosts," which are usually put forth by the brokers every October, ,is later than it has been for the last ten years at least. Cotton—A slight reaction took place in cotton to day, and about 4,200 bales were sold (principally for export), at an advance of / per cent. per lb. We quote— Upland and Mobile and Florida. New Orleans. Inferior ••• ••• none. none. Ordinary to good ordinary 6/ to 6i .. 61 to q . Middling to good middling 7 —7 i 7 7 Middling fair to fair ... 7 a 8 ••• -- 8 Fully fair to good fair ... 8 / ... 81-8 Fine ... ..• ... none, none. The sales, since the 13th instant, are estimated at 8,500 bales. _ The exports, &c., of cotton since the Ist of September are as follows (to the 20th instant):-- Total exports 181,000 To G. B. 94,000 Rect's 292,000 Stocks 220,000 Last year .. 101,000 46,000 296,000 220,000 Year before 211,000 151,000 404,000 215,0 0 Flour, &c.—Western Canal is firm at 6 dollars 6i cents. to 6 dollars 25 cents. ; common southern brands are held at 6 dollars 374 cents. to 6 dollars 44 cents.— Buyers come forward more freely at these rates, but are unwilling to give any advance. Rye flour is firm at 4 dollars 624 cents. to 5 dollars. Corn meal at 3 dollars 25 cents. to 3 dollars 50 cents. 2,600 bushels Genessee wheat sold at 1 dollar 35 cents. ; 6,000 ditto Ohio, 1 dollar 364 cents. ; 2,000 ditto barley, 80 cents. Corn is rather inactive ; 7,000 bushels mixed was reported at 744 cents. Provisions remain inactive. Mess pork, 14 dollars 874 cents. Prime pork, 9 dollars 50 cents. to 9 dollars d b o e l e l f a , r B s 5 d 0 o I c l a e r n s t 8 2 . to 6 c 7 e s n c ts e . n ; ts p . rime, 5 Mess to 11 cents. 5 cents. dollars. to 9 dollars Lard, 10 25 Naval stores are dull. Prime soft turpentine may be quoted 2 dollars 75 cents. per barrel of 2801 b. Spirits of turpentine 37 to 38 cents, per gallon. There is a little more inquiry for Potashes. 130 bar rels pots were taken at 5 dollars 75 cents.,; pearls are 7 dollars 75 cents. to 7 doll.trs 874 cents. per 100 lb. Whiskey is dull at 264 to 274 cents. Nothing doing in Whale o il. 6,0001 b. South S ea Whalebone was taken for export at 30 cents cash. The rates of freights are—To Liverpool, cotton, i). to 3-16 d. per lb.; flour and turpentine, is. 3d. to I s . 6d. per barrel; grain, 6d. to 7d. per bushel. To London 2s. 6d. per barrel for flour, and other articles i n propor tion. To Havre—Nominally for cotton, 40, per lb. ; flour, 50c. per barrel; ashes, at 10 dollars p er ton; rice , 10 dollars per ton. Exchange on England has again advanced, the closing sales being 110 to 1104 per cent., but private bills are almost entirely withheld from the market. 13i113 on France, 5.25 to 5.231. STATE SECURITIES. Kentucky, 6 per cent. ••• Ditto, 5 per cent. ... Illinois, 6 per cent. 1870 special Indiana Bonds.. Arkansas, 6 percent.... ... Alabama, 5 per cent.... ... Pennsylvania, 5 per cent. ... Maryland, 6 per cent. ••• Ditto, sterling... ... Tennessee, 6 per cent. ••• Ditto, 5 per cent. ... ••• 984- 991 ... 80 84 ... 38 38k ... 35 36 ... 35 38 ... 59 59 ... 731 73 ... 851 86 .. 73i 74 ... 97 100 ... 83 85 FOREIGN EXCHANGES. Exchange on London ... ... 109 i to 110 i „ on Paris ... ... 5.22 i „ 5.25 „ on Amsterdam ... 40 „ 401 „ on Hamburgh ... ... 351 „ 36 „ on Bremen ... ... 78i „ 79 MONEY and COMMERCIAL NEWS CITY, QUARTER TO THREE. The sales of Cotton at Liverpool yesterday were 4,000 bales, of which 3,000 were American, and sold at 40. to 6d. per lb. The market closed quietly, and at steady rates. Railway Shares were rather dull, and previous rates were barely supported. The condition of the markets for the State Stocks of America, is a matter of no small import here and oa the Continent, where there are so many holders of those " mis-called Securities." Upon this point we are thus advised in a paper that has this morning reached us from New York. " Prices of our beat Stocks have fallen several per cent. within the last few days. Government Sixes have sold below par, and a great depreciation in all other se curities has been realised. This is the result of the con traction and stringency in the money market. There is nothing in the position of the general Government or the States to create this decline. The financial affairs of every state in the Union are daily improving, and the General Government has nothing in the shape of a debt likely to depreciate the market value of its stock as a permanent investment. We have a debt of about fifty millions of dollars, with a revenue rapidly increasing. We have an income, over and above our ordinary annual expenditure, large enough to pay the interest on a public debt of two hundred millions of dollars. Eighteen months of war have increased our debt only twenty seven millions of dollars, and eighteen months more of war would not add one-half of that amount to the present debt. Our financial and commercial systems are based upon the soundest principles, and while we are in the midst of a war of invasion, every element of industry in every section of the Union is in full activity, oar commerce is rapidly increasing. immigration continues to be uninterrupted, the sales of our public lands continues large, and the most healthy prosperity exists in every department of business. Compared with this, what a spectacle Great Britain presents to the commercial world. We are rich, and she is poor—not only poor, but on the eve of a revolu tion, which may blot out some of her institutions, and de stroy many of her resources. We hold within our limits the greatest and moat important elements of wealth in the world. Our cotton and corn will at all times com mand the precious metals of Europe, which will flow in from the East, and while we hold possession of the mines of Mexico, the precious metals will flow in from the west in one steady, unbroken current. The effect of this addition to our currency of gold and silver, must he of the most favourable character. It will give us, in the first place, a more valuable currency than we now have, it will give us, in exchange for our products, the only recognized evidence of wealth in all parts of the world; it will finally give us the power of regulating the prices of our exports, both at home and abroad, and give us a position in the commercial world never before enjoyed. We have, heretofore, almost entirely depended upon foreign countries for any material increase to the national wealth. Prices for our principal exporting . staples in our own markets have been regulated en tirely by foreign capitalists. We have been in their power so much that they have been able at any time to depreciate the value of our cotton crop millions of dollars. Prices of breadstuffs have even been con trolled by them, and we have suffered some inconve nience by being so dependent. The times have expe rienced a wonderful change." The proceedings in Parliament last evening, relative to the proposals of her Majesty's Ministers for the re moval of the Jewish disabilities, have been read with deep interest in the City this morning. Numerous, indeed, is the body of merchants and traders who, from constant dealings with the Hebrews, can attest their honourable feelings and conduct in grave matters of busi ness. It is most sanguinely hoped here that the elected Hebrew will soon be allowed to take his seat in the House of Commons. The General Steam Navigation Company's mail steamer, the Wilberforce, has just arrived from Ham burgh, having bullion on board of the value of aboul 7,4001. There has been a heavy market for Consols for the Account to-day, sales having been made at 85; after the value was per cent. higher. The Reduced Three per Cent. Annuities have receded in the same proportion as Consols. Exchequer-bills are firm at 7s. to 10s. premium. India Bonds have been taken at 15s. discount. Mexican Bonds have fluctuated from 17i to 18, and are now at the opening value. The Spanish Five per Cents. are at 17f for Money and Time. In the other Foreign Stocks the dealings have been slight. There is not any change of importance to notice in the market for the Railway Shares, but they are evi dently drooping still, and wo anticipate no revival of business this side of Christmas. ONE PRICES OF BRITISH FUNDS. O'CLOCK. 3 por Cent. Reduced Anns.. 84% 85 84% New 3 1 4 per Cent. Anns B 6 ll %% Long Anna. to expire J an. 1860 -16 Ditto, Oct. 10, 1859 ..... India Bonds, 1,0001. Ditto under 1,0001 l5 20 dis Consols for Account... 8 5 1A% 85 Exchequer Bills. 3d. 1,0001. .. 5001. Small CLOSING PRICES 868 8 9-16 8% 15 die 14 dii 85% lop lop 14p CLOSEN 0 PRICES. PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS. Brazilian Bonds Ditto, New, 1829 and 1839 Ditto, Small — Chili= Bonds 6 per Cent Ditto 3 Der Cent., 50 ONE O'CLOCK Danish Bonds, 1825, 3 per Cent 54% 54 Mexican, 5 per Cent. 1846 — Ditto. Account 1 7 34 18 17 3 4 17 3 4 Peruvian Bonds, 6 per Cents 3O 29%% 29% Spanish 5 per Cent. 1840. Ditto, Account Dividends on the above payable in London. Belgian 4% per Cent 87% 88 Dutch, 2% per Cent., 12 Guild — 55 Ditto. 4 Per Cent. Certificates 84% 85 PRICES Or' BUSINESS DONE CLOSING RAILWAY SHARES PAID. AT ONE O'CLOCK. PRICES Aberdeen Amber., Nott., Boston, and Eastern Junction 2 Ayrshire and Galloway.. 2 1 ,4 — Belfast & County Down 10 Birmingham and Ox ford Junction Birmingham, Wolver hampton, and Dudley 10 ... .. 13 3 / 4 .... ...• Birming., Wolverh'pton, and Stour Valley 101 145.... Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire June 7% — Boston, Stamtd, & Birm. 5 - •••• •••• ...... Bristol and Exeter BO Ditto, Thirds •-• Buckinghamshire ......101. 4s -. ••• 3% di; Caledonian Ditto, Half Shares 3 34 Ditto, Clydesdale June 50 ...... Chester and Holyhead... 37% — Ditto, Preference .. 8 Clarence 7 B IA — Do. Ist Class, 6 per Ct. 10 — Do. 2d Class, 5 per Ct. 10 Do. Government Loan, 4 per Cent. lO ..... Dublin and BelfastJunc. 20 Dundalk & Enniskillen 15 East Anglia, 251, L. & • E. and L. and D....... 25 - Do., 181., E. & H.... 18 Do., 3/.105., E. &H. 2 Eastern Counties Ditto (B) 2O — Ditto,Extension, 5 per Cent, No. 1....... 6/. 13s. 4d... par % p % P Ditto ditto, No. 2... 6/. 13s. 4d... ' % dis Do., York Extension.. 10 ...... Do., North. & Eastern 50 ...... 504 50 •• Do., Quarters Do., New Eastern Union - Ditto, Quarter Shares 12% Ditto, Thirds ... .....13s. 4d Do., (guar. 6 percent) East Lancashire Ditto, New Ditto, New Quarters East Lincolnshire Edinburgh and Glasgow 50 ...... Ditto Half Shares Ditto, Quarter Shares 12 1 ..- - - 'Edinburgh & Northern.. 22% Ditto, New Ditto, Newport ..... Ditto, ditto, New • .... 2% Exeter, Yeovil, & Porch. 2N j ............... Ditto, New • 2%...... ........... .... Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle ............... SI. tie. 8d - ............... Glasgow, Kilmar., & Ayr 50 Ditto, New . ......... - 40 . ..... Do. Preference Consul. 12%...... Great Northern 10%,... Do., London and York 2%..... Great South. and West (Ireland) Great Northof Englancl..loo ...... .. Ditto, New 40/. 5 . Da ..... Ditto, New 30/. 30 Ditto, New 151 ... 6% Great We5tern............ 85 .98 Ditto, % 5hare5........ 50 ... .. 58 Ditto, 1 Shares ...... 15 Ditto, Fifths 2O Ditto, New 17/......... •• • •••• ..... 7 --- fludderstield & Manches. 22 Ditto, Thirds Hull and Selby, 5O .. ... ............« Ditto, Ralf Shares 25 Ditto, IA Shares-- —.. 12% 4pswich& Bury St. Edm. 15 ....- Do., do., and Norwich 15 Do., do., Extens. Scrip (late Camb. & Ely) 2% Lancaster and Carlisle... 50 17% 13% Ditto, Thirds T .. 10 Lancashire & Yorkshire 93 Ditto, ditto Ditto IX. Shares . 38 Do. Quarter Shares... 14% Do. Fifths •••- Do. Sixteenths 61,4 2 154 12 46% ••••A % 4% Do. Thirds (Reg.)....101. 4s. — Do. Liverp. and Bury 34 - •••• •••• ..... Ditto 14 (late Hud dersfield and Sheff.) 33 . — Do.(Wakefield,Ponte fract.ee Goole .._. _... _ .. _ Do. (W. Riding Union) 4/. ii. 2% dis. 2% dill. Do. (Preston & Wyre) 25 Do. % Shares (A) 9 — ' Ditto ditto (B) ... 1% - Leeds and Bradford Leicester and Bedfard... 16s. — - Leeds, Dewsbury, &c.... 37 1 - Do., Branch 1 /. 2 Shares 12S — Do. New Bratich( blue) Do. Extension (green) 2!.. Du. NewExten. (pink) 2% Leeds and Thirek 36 ..-.. 20 Ditto, New 20 — ..... Do., Prefer., 6 per Ct. 314 — ...... . Liverpool, Crosby and Southport ... 2 Mnchstr& New- castle Junction 2 14...... London and Blackwall..l6/. 13s. 4d. ..... Do. New, No. 1 Do. New, No. 2 .. 4/ 188 .4d.... Do. Extension 17% ...— London, Brighton, and South Coast ..... 50 Do. Consol. Eighths.. 30 Do. (uarant. 5 per ct. 9 Do. Pref. Con. 5 per ct. 50 ...... ..—..... Ditto, ditto ......1852 50 London and Greenwichl2llss4d B4 Ditto, Preference ... 18/17s 2d... 42% '"" , :;~ ~'"~~Y 8~,. Loudon and N. Western 100 l5O 152 152 . , .-' Do., Quarters L. &B. 17 Do., do~ New Ditto Fifths Do. t„i Shares (G. J.) 25 Do 401.Shares(L.M.) 15 — Do. 40/. (M. & B.) ... 40 Do. 10/. (M. & B.) A. 7% — ... ... ........ —' Do. 10/. (M. & B.) B. 7% • 11% Do. 10/. (Ml. & B.) C. 1 Lond. & S.Western 41 /. 61. 8d...... 53% 52% . Do. New ConsoL Bths 40 Do. New 50/. ... ..... 32%.. .. Do. New 401. Do. Tenths (Consol.) 50 ...... .... Ditto ditto ....... .... 40 Ditto, Thirds 6/. 13s. 4d.... 1%% die....... 1% die• ~ ,i London, Salisbury, and , Yeovil ........, ........ ILA__ ••• -4 Londonderry&Culerainn 27% ....... ---'' '' Londonderry and Ennis _._ killers ... ....... .. 23% Manchester,Bunton,and Matlock 3 ...... ...«........ • ---. -Y . / Manchester, Sheffield, ;;k: and Lincolnshire Do. Quarters (No. 1) 13 Ditto ditto (No. 2)... 25 Ditto ditto (No. 3)... 7% — Ditto and Grimsby.... 25 Ditto ditto . ......... 7 Ditto ditto . .. 4% — Ditto 'Sheffield and Lincolnshire 7 %..• • . ....... Manchest. & Southampt 2 1,4 • . .•• Blildand Do. Consolidated Pref.loo Do. 401. Shares Do. 501.'Sharea Do. Birm., and Derbyloo Midland Consol. Brist. & Birmitig., 6 per cent. 100 Midlnd, ling. &Glocstr. 34 Ditto,-ditto 71.95. — ......... Midlnd, Leicest. & Swan nington, 8 per ct.guar.loo Midland . Great. Western Irish ,-. 35 • Newcastleand Carlisle...100 • I •••••• 108, ~ 42 77,L ~il • :~ •-► 4 ... ~. ~ --~~~ . ._~'; -r,, Do. Quarters 25 Newm rk et & Chesterforti 184 Do. Extension .........21. 12s — Newport, Abergavenny, and Hereford Newry and Enniskillen 7 — - ..... Newry, Warrenpoint, and Rostrevor .. 12% — -. Norfolk ......... ........ ....100 , Do. New 20/. .. 5 Do. Extension' l6 Do. Scrip, 18477 North of Norfolk Do. do. Waveney Val. 2 ... ~ -~ , ...: ~,: Northern Counties Union 4 North British ........ ... 25 ...... Do. Half Shares 1 2 1,4...... 11 1 Do. Quarters VA 4% % ... Do. Extension %..— ...... .... .... Ditto Thirds • Nort , Staffordshire 74 ...... 7% 7 North. Wales North Western 6 - •••• ..... Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton ..... 85 ... Reading, Guildford, and Reigate Royston and Hitchin ... 1% - ••• ........ .. Scottish Central Scottish Midland 174 Ditto, New Sheffield, Rotherham, and Goole 5 Shrewsbury and Birne... 6 Ditto ditto, Class B. 3 — Shrewsbury & Chester (Nor. W. Alin.) Ditto Halves ... ditto 8 Ditto Oswestry ...... 12 Ditto New ' Do. 8 per Cent. Pref Shrewsbury and Herefd. 2 ...... Shropshire Union Soutn Devon. .» 4O ..... ......... . Do. Preference South Staffordshire South Eastern & Dover. 33% — Do., No. 1 Do., N 6.2. - ••••• •••••... Do,, N 0.3 .. ..... ...... 15 Do~ No. 4 South Wales ......... ...... 15 ...... ... South Yorkshire, Don caster, and Goole 2 — Swans. & Loughor &Ca- moron's Stm. Coal. ... 4 Taw Vale Extension ... 4 Thames Haven Dock and Railway .... Vale of Neath ... - 4 — Waterford and Kilkenny 13%...... - Waterford and Limerick 40 — Waterfd,Wxfrd,Wicklw, and Dublin West Cornwall 4 ... .. --... Whiteb.aven & Furness 12 — Windsor, Staines, and South Western ..... ... 52s Wilts, Somerset, & Wey mouth 3O York, Newcastle, and Berwick. ....- ......... 25 Do. Original New and Berwick 25 Do. North Shields Pur. 25 Do. Extension No. 1. 10 Do. do. No. 2. ..... ... 10 Do. (EN E.Preference 8 York and North Midland 50 Ditto, Preference ...... 10 Do. East and West Rid ing Extension - FOREIGN RAILWAYS. Boulogne - and Amiens... 20 ...... 14% Central of France (Or leans and Vierzon) ... 14 Central of Spain ..... 2 Ceylon .. • .. .... ss. Demerara Dendre Valley Direct Bombay and Madras Dutch Rhenish 7 — East Indian ... ..... .... 1 1 4 Great Indian Peninsular ss. Italian and Austrian.... 4 Jamaica S.Mid. Junction 1 Louvain ala Sambre ... 7 ... • ..... ........ Luxembourg...... ..... .. 6 Lyons and Avignon 5 — Madrid and Valentia.... 2 ... .. Namur and Liege Northern of France...-. 10 Orleans and Bordeaux 6 Over Yssel 4131 4d . ... Paris and Lyons lO ..... 5 1 4 Paris and Orleans Paris and Rouen Paris and Strasbourg 8 Rouen artd Havre Sambre and Meuse ... .. 18 Strasbourg. and Basle ... 14 fours aid Nantes ...... 8 Tournay, Jurbise, Lan- , den, and Hasselt...—. 16 West }lenders ...... BRTHS. On the 9th inst., a t the l Terrace, Clapham, the of the Rev. V. Thornton, Vi car o f Bi s h am, o f a 'danghter-';. On the 12th inst., at Cambrid ge , th e w if e o f Edward ,I• , * K. Bearcroft, Esq., of Queen's College, of a son. On the 13th inst., in Upper Gordon -street, Easton - PQ iIT6 the wife of J. Tibaldi, Esq., of a daughter. On the 13th inst., at Bedford-place, Clapham-rise, the 06 1 of the Rev. J. H. Pollexfen, of a daughter. 06 On the 15th of O c t o b er , 1847, at Jullandar, East 0 the wife of Major Henry Palmer, 48th Regiment N. L, of Brigade, of a son. On the 7th inst., at Priory-terrace, Dover, the wife di" Rev. T. B. W. Briggs, of a son. MARRIED. On the 6th inst., at St. Michael's, Pimlico, Ge rit ig Ramaden, Esq., Royal Navy, to Maria, youngest daughter Robert Ramball, Esq. On the 13th inst, at St. Botolph, Aldersgate, Mr. Jobe Sewell, of Charterhouse-square, to Mary, widow of the II" Mr. James Moore, of Carthusian-street. On the Bth inst., at Holbeach, Lincolnshire, ThoMee_k Prentice, Esq., of Armagh, Ireland, to Mary, only survillPb daughter of J. Johnson, Esq., of the former place. ed On the 11th inst., at St. Mary's, Islington, Emma, 1000 daughter. of Roger Hudson Devereux Sturkey, Vachwen, Montgomeryshire, North Wales, to James LIMO, Esq., of Queen-street, Cheapside, London. R. On the 12th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square , " • Grieve, Esq., of Kilburn, Middlesex, to Eliza Johanna, cell daughter of the late Joseph Lowe, Esq. DIED. rtAnald On the 13th inst., at the Aird, near Inverness, Mr. ms , M'Gregor, better known as The Griogalach Mor. On the 13th inst., in Southampton-row. Ramon-Wa r* Mr. John Cambell, aged 63. On the 14th inst., at Hampstead, John Ranicar Park, M.D., aged 69. .0n the 14th inst., Gillery P. F. Drake, only son of Gilley" Pigott, Esq., barrister-at-law. 62 On the 14th inst., in C or k- s t ree t,R o bert Hall, Esq., fil ed . ami On the 14th inst., a t D evonpor t- s t re et, Hyde-park, ow- - Richard Bolton, Esq., aged 84. London : Printed and Published by MIIRDO TONG , No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the efflul t r Middlesex, Friday, December 17, 1847. 84 3 A ""i • :,1 , - .x , --= . ~ +-... 1144' 4 7- r' ►' ~~~ ~ .. r _~ .- ~ ; :.r •, OK. ••••• I}A `: 1114 54' • ~.' .a~;:' ... , ~; 33% 29S ia% 1 8% 74% 2 0 4 ~r~~G 11N 6 34 s 4 1 4 ;;‘ Ls THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 17, 1847. e t~.