The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-06-11 00:00:00

Q 2 SEA BATHING. SHE Public are respectfully informed, that in order to afford accommodations to those Persons who have already visited, or who may be desirous of visiting, for the purposes of 1E Health or of Sea Bathing, the pleasant little village of Har rington, in .the county of Cumberland, Conveyances are now provided under safe and judicious arrangements for the use of clic Bathers, rendering it one of the most desirable resorts for Invalids or persons accustomed to use the Sea Water during cor the Bathing Season in that part o f the kin g dom. for The neat and retired village and sea port of Harrington is eve conveniently situated between the towns of Whitehaven and Fe Workington, five miles from the former, and three miles from the latter, to both of which places Steam Packets from Liver- shi pool arrive twice a week; and, also, Packets from Carlisle to an, and from Liverpool call on their passage. The shore to which it is immediately contiguous is very eligible for the purposes of Sea Bathing. The water is entirely free from the mixture of fresh water rivers or alluvial deposits, and the neighbourhood affords the most delightful and romantic walks on the whole line of coast, while the distant and sur rounding scenery, with the continual movement of vessels to and from the adjacent sea ports, present a coup-di mil of the ta most interesting and animating description. af Its character for cleanliness and health may be at once de pended upon from the circumstance of its total freedom from the infection of the malignant Chol though surroun ded by flu towns and villages in which It ra with violence during its of con tinuance. Its contiguity to the justly ebmted and romantic Lakes of bi Cumberland presents an opportunity of uniting the two desir able objects of restoration to health with the pleasures of al marine residence and Bathing, and an easy visit to the most picturesque and romantic Lake Scenery in Great Britain, in I the most economical manner possible, as the charges for Lodg ings, and other contingent expenses, are extremely low; and Coaches leave the towns of Workington and Whitehaven for Carlisle daily, and for Penrith, through the delightful vale and town of Keswick, every other day. N.B.—The above arrangements present an opportunity to persons of moderate Incomes, unwilling to incur the expenses of a fashionable Watering place, never before offered,. 1 All communications on the subject (post paid) will be attended to, addressed to Mr. JOHN SMITH, Postmaster, Har rington, near Workington, Cumberland. PELICAN LIFE ASSURANCE OFFICES. LOMBARD-STREET and SPRING-GARDENS. DIRECTORS. Matthias Attwood, Esq., M.P. Hugh Hammersley, Esq. Wm. S. Clarke, Esq., I*'.R.S i/e John Hawes, Esq. John Cooper, Esq. Sir W. Heygate, Bart. Wm. Cotton, Esq., F.R.S. J. Petty Muspratt, Esq. Win. Davies, Esq. William Sander, Esq. Sir Charles Flower, Bart. and George Shum Storey, Esq. Alderman. Idattheif Whiting, gsq. James A. Gordon, Esq., M.D. Thomas Parke, Secretary. ADVANTAGES OFFERED BY THIS COMPANY. A very low rate of premium, and freedom from all liability of Partnership. , large invested Capital in the Public Funds for the security of the Assured. Payment of claims in three months after death. Extension of time for payment of renewal Premiums to thirty days. Permission to pass, in decked vessels, along the shores of Great Britain and Ireland, and between them and the opposite shores from Hamburgh to Bordeaux. A tender of Arbitration in all disputed cases. Purchase of Policies on the most liberal terms, when the ob ject of an Assurance has been effected, or individuals are unable to continue their annual payments. Agents for Liverpool THOS. CROOK and SON, 19, Exchange-street East. ATLAS ASSURANCE COMPANY. LIFE DEPARTMENT. PERSONS Assured for the whole term of Life i n Great Britain or Ireland respectively, will have an addition made to their Policies every seventh year, or an equivalent reduction will be made in the future payments of Premium, at, the o ption of the Assured. The following Table chews the total, Additions made to Life Policies for £lOOO, effected io -London, or through an Agent in Great Britain, which had, been in force for the Fourteen years ending at Christmas, 1830. Age at Amount added Sum Annual commence- payable at the 5: • assured. Premium. ment. P'arty's death. £lOOO £2l 15 10 20 £230 g 1000 24 010 25 236 1 1000 26 14 2 30 244 d 1000 29 18 4 35 256 1000 33 19 2 40 278 © 1000 38 19 2 45 304 .79 * . 1000 45 6 8 50 340 O 1000 53 3 4 55 382 1000 63 13 4 60 449 Equivalent Reductions have been made in the future pay ments of Premium, where the parties assured have desired to Dave the amount of surplus Premiums so applied. The next valuation will be made at Christmas, 1837, and Policies effected before that date will participate in proportion to the time they may then have been in force. The Company purchase their Policies at an equitable value. FIRE DEPARTMENT. In addition to the benefit of the late Reduction in the Rates o 1 Premiums, this Company offers to Assurers the advantage 0' an allowance for the loss of Rent of Buildings rendered un tenantable by Fire. The Company's Rates and Proposals may be had at the Office in London. or any of the Agents in the Country, who are authorized to report on the appearance of Lives proposed for Assurance. HENRY DESBORMIGH,, Secretary. Cheapside, London, June 5, 1833. AGENTS. Liverpool SWAINSON and iNBY. 4, Dale-street Ashton-under-Line T Fin n/ Blackburn R. Wilding. Bolton , C Briggs. Burnley and Todmorden T E. H.amerton. Bury Richard Lomax. Chorley John Latham. Clitheroe W. L. Oddey. Lancaster Thomas Albright. Macclesfield R Turner. Manchester C and R. Hervey. Oldham, J Duncuft. Preston William Lancaster. Rochdale James Hartley. Stockport W. Downall. St. Helen's 0 s It. Speakman. Inver:tone W. Vostlethwaite. Warrington . Thomas Leigh. Wigan J Hilton. Eacant--Colne, Garstang, Ormskirk, and Prescot. SWAINSON and HORNS Y respectfully inform their Friends and the Public that they have been appointed Agents to the above Office for the town and neighbourhood of Liver ool, and are fully empowered to effect Assurances against Fire, and to receive proposals of Assurance on Lives, and on Survivorships. S. and H. invite their Friends to an inquiry into the prin ciples on which this Office transacts its business, as set forth in the above advertisement, and which are more fully explained in the Company's Proposals, to be had of them on application. CROWN LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, 33, Bridge-street, Blackfriars, London. DIRECTORS. . GEORGE H. HOOPER, Esq., Chairman. COLONEL MOODY, Deputy Chairman. Sir Wm. Richard Cosway. William P. Litt, Esq. James Colquhoun, Esq. Sir F. Ommanney. James Colvin, Esq. A. Stewart, Esq. Capt. J. W. D. Dundas, R.N., John Wells, Esq. MM William Whitmore, Esq. James Farquhar, Esq. John Wilson, Esq. Thomas Harrison, Esq. William Wilson, - Esq. John Kirkland, Esq Auditors.—Charles Chippindale, Esq., 'Jameson Hunter, Esq. Richard Norman, Esq. Physician.—Dr. James Johnson, Physician Extraordinary to the King. Surgeon.—James Wardrop, Esq. Standing Counsel.—Charles Ellis, Esq. Solicitor.—James Haddan, Esq. Bankers.—Messrs. Whitmore, Wells, and Whitmore, Lombard. street. Actuary J. M. Rainbow, Esc. npHE advantages of this Office, among of s, are : 11. A participation septennially in t irds of the Pro fits, which may be applied either in redu ion of the Premium or to augment the Sum assured. On a division of Profits for the seven years terminating on the 25th of March, 1832, BONUSES, amounting from 18s. to £2 12s. per cent. per annum on the sums assured, va rying with the age, were assigned to all Policies for the whole continuance of life effected previously to the 16th of May, 1829. 2. Premiums may be paid in a limited number of annual Sums instead of by annual Payments for the whole of life; the Policy continuing to participate in profits after the payment of such Premiums has ceased. 3. The Assurance or Premium Fund is not subject to any charge for Interest to Proprietors. 4. Permission to pass to Continental Ports between Brest and the Elbe inclusive. 5. Parties (including Officers of the Army, Navy, East In dia Company, and Merchant Service) may be assured to reside in or proceed to all parts of the World, at Premiums calculated on real data. 6. Claims to be paid within three months. 7. The Assured may dispose of their Policies to the Company. 8. No charge but for Policy Stamps. The Prospectus. Tables of Rates, &c., to be had at the Office in London, or of the Company's Agents. T. G. CONYER S, Secretary. AGENTS. LIVERPOOL—Agents—KIr.W.I3: Bushhy, Exchange-alley, and Mr. W. R. Duncan, 17 , Tabley - street. Medical Offi cer—Dr. Hannay. BLACKZ URN—Agent—Mr. J. Fairbrother. Medical Officer — James Barlow, Esq. BouroN—Medical Officer —Dr. James Black. BURNLEY, CoLtig, and CLITHEROE—Agents —Messrs. Buck and Eastwood, Solicitors. Medical Officer —Wm. Coul tate, Esq. CHORLEY—Agent—Mr. It. S. Fox, Solicitor. GARSTILN o—Agent—Mr. John Gardner, Solicitor. KIRK HAM and PouLToN—Agent—Mr. Alexander Liddell, So licitor. Medical Officers—Geo. Warbrick, Esq., and T. Dobson, Esq. LANCASTER —Agent—Mr. William Robinson, Solicitor. MANCHESTER —Agents—Messrs. W. R. Ravenecroft and F. Bayley. Medical Officer—Dr. Bardsley. MIDDLEToN—Agent—Mr. Hull, Solicitor. Medical Officer — J. Scholefield, Esq. Oamsatux—Agent—Mr. James Palmer, Solicitor. Medical Officer- 7 ,W. Lax, Esq. P l aistoN—Agent—Mr. S. R. Grimshaw, Solicitor. Medical Officer —Dr. St. Clare. RocHnALE—Arst—Mr. W. Taylor. Medical Officer —J. BtiCkley, I.sq. W AR RINGTON —Agent — Mr. William Beaumont,' Solicitor. Medical Officer —Dr. Kendrick. WIGAN—AI/ens—Mr. Henry Gaskell, Solicitor. C ticsrma—Medical Officer —Dr. Jones. If Acc LILsEt EL H—Agent—Mr. D. Rowbotham. Medical Officers —Messrs. Newbold and Co. NourwtcH—Medical Officer —Richard Hughes, Esq. STOCKPORT—MedicaI 9feer—J. S. Armstrong, Esq. TA to , /N—Ageni—Mr. home Id go re.] Published this day, PART X.XXVIII. Price SiK Shillings, and VOL. VII. PART I. Price Eighteen Shillings, of the "FiNCYCLOPIEDIA BRITANNICA , SIIVENTH II • • EDITION. "`Phis is the really cheap Encyclopaedia, for that only is cheap which is excellent. " Now that the country is being deluged w4lealiuted stuff, compounded from Germany and America, ,what hope is there for the science and the literature of Englani; that publishers dare ever again venture on such another work as this?"—Athenawn, Feb. 9th, 1833. Adam and Charles Black, Edinburgh ; Simpkin and Mar shall; Whittaker, Treacher, and Co. and Hamilton, Adams, and Co., London; and John Cumming, Dublin. Emperial Vatliament. HOUSE OF LORDS, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 5. The Duke of SOMERSET presented a petition from the inhabi tants of Liverpool, praying the removal of the civil disabilities affecting the Jews. The Starch Duties Bill was read a second time. Some Private Bills, brought from the Commons, were read a first time. Lord BEDESDALE, after presenting several petitions in favour of the Coleorton Railway Bill, moved the third reading of the bill, after explaining its object. Lord WHARNCLIFFE objected to the bill, and moved an amendment, " That it be read a third time that day six months." After a discussion, in which the Earl of Wicklow, Lord Howe, Lord Stourton, and Lord Colchester took part, the house divided, when the numbers were in favour of the third reading Contents reading Contents Majority The bill was then read a third time and passed. LOCAL JURISDICTION BILL. Lord BEXLEY said he had been requested by a noble and learned friend, who could not be conveniently present to-mor row, to ask the noble and learned lord on the woolsack to post pone the second reading of the local jurisdiction bill, which I stood for that day, to Monday next. The Lord CH ANCELLOR acceded to the suggestion, although he was anxious that the bill should not be longer delayed. Adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS, THURSDAY, JUNE 6. -- - Lord LYTTENTON presented several petitions, praying a better observance of the Sabbath, from congregations of Wesleyan Methodists. Lord SUFFIELD presented various petitions against negro slavery, from several parts of the country. THE KING'S ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS. As soon as Earl Grey had taken his seat on the ministerial bench, The Marquis WELLESLEY, as Lord Steward of the House hold, advanced to the table and said, as well as we could hear' him in the gallery, that he had been commanded by his Majesty to communicate to the house his Majesty's most gracious an swer to the address of the House of Lords, of the 3d of June, which he would now read. There was a cry of " order !" and " hats off!" several peers having inadvertently neglected to uncover—a custom which is always observed when any communication is made to the house from the King. The noble marquis then read the following answer from his Majesty : "My Loans—l have already taken all such measures gs ap peared to me to be necessary for maintaining the neutrality which I had determined to observe in the contest now car7ity on in Portugal. (Signed ) Ex. ,' The answer was then laid on the table. Adjourned at a quarter to six. HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, JUNE 6. -- - The Speaker took the chair soon after twelve o'clock. There was a full attendance of members, and many of them busily en- gaged themselves in taking places for the evening, preparatory to the discussion on Colonel Davies 's motion for an address ex pressive of confidence in his Majesty's government. The business having been gone through, the Speaker quitted the chair at two o'clock. The Speaker resumed the chair at five o'clock. GALWAY ELECTION COMMITTEE. Mr. DOMINIcK BROWNE brought up the report of the Galway Election Committee. The Committee declared that James Daly, Esq., one of the sitting members for the county of Gal way, was duly elected; that the petition of - French, Esq. against his return was n ot frivolous and vexatious, and that the opposition to that petition was not frivolous and vexatious. COLLECTION OF TITHES IN IRELAND. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN observed, that as the petitioners all complained of distress, it was his duty to state that s i m il ar dis tress existed in Irelan d in almost every branch of trade. He rose, however, more particularly for the purpose of asking the noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) whether, when it was found necessary to enforce a debt aue to the crown, it was right that the officers of the crown should break into the houses of the King's debtors, and take the inmates off to gaol? He understood that such was the course pursued in Ireland with respect to those who owed tithes, and, by that means, under the construction of a late Act of Parliament, hadbecome crown debtors. He wished particularly to know whe th er such a course of proceeding had been sanctioned by his Majesty's government ? The CHANCEL LoR of the EXCHEQUER said that by the Act of clergy law was the became be b r debts ok en Parli amen t passed last session m one y was advanced to the Irish clergy upon the a rrears of tithes due to them, and upon such dv ces Nw in England being made a the delbatsa dand Ireland due to the atothane crown. into,same, a n that d entered. for debts He believed due to the that this in crown houses i m ight t have happened in Ireland in some cases, but he could state that the same thing would not happen again. (Hear, hear.) Orders had been re cently sent to Ireland to suspend the collection of tithe arrears , at least until the opinion of the house was taken onviaithqu w hich he was to have bro u g ht forward last night e st respec t q ues t ion to the collection of tithes. FACTORY COMMISSION. Lord STORMONT was anxious that what the noble lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) said on a former evening as to evidence taken before the Factory Commissioners should be dis-. tinctly understood, as some misunderstanding appeared to have taken place on the subject. What he wished to know particu larly was, whethe r he (Lord S.) and those aro und him -had e member un derstood the n oble lord rightly or not, when th ey concluded that he said, in a nswer tote noble lord (Ashley) th for Dorset, that the evidence taken by.theCommassioners should be taken down by a short-hand writer, and laid before that house? He wished to know if such had been the noble lord's statement, whether any order or directions had been sent to the Commissioners that the evidence should be so taken? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that on the occa sion referred to he certainly had not expressed the effect that the evidence as giv . en by the witnesses ought to be taken down by a short-hand writer. What he had said was, s the evidence It opinion that a short-hand -1 ahiadt upon e vtihdee tableo uogf that h b o e u t s a e k . e ndo n, so Lord ASHLEY said that no doubt the noble lord knew best 1), however, con scientiously believed that himself what he had said. th H e nee(hLleorldorAd s h hle , a said, that he had the evidence should be taken by writer ought . iytedtotobteakhei was most nion that the very l a • no hesitatio important, in his op If e (Lord Ashley) n t o i n b s e t a e t m i n p g l was now to understand that it was e not_the opinion of the noble witnesses should be laid before that house. I I a short-hand writer, he (thatLpt all nst reserve to himself the right of protesting againsproceedings taken under this lord and the Governme r(i tki commission—(hear, hear). IRISH PORTS. Mr. O'CONNELL moved for leave to bring in a Bill to im prove the navigation of the rivers and the estuaries of Ireland. —Leave was granted, and the hon. and learned member was desired to prepare the measure. . PROBA TE DLTY. Mr. COBBETT postponed his motion relative to this duty, and other stamps, and at the same time begged to know from the hon. member for Boston when he intended to bring forward his motion for the repeal of the Septennial Act? Mr. WiLics said he would bring forward his motion on the 20th of June. NP.WSPAPER STAMPS. COI. EVANS moved for a return of all the stamps issued to the London newspapers for the last revenue quarter. PORTUGAL —THE MINISTRY. Colonel Davies began by assuring the house that he had never risen to address it under feelings of such embarrassment as at that moment. The importance of the question he had to submit was great. as on it would depend whether his Majes ty's government should continue to pursue that course which, in his opinion, happily for the country, it had hitherto pursued with respect to our foreign relations, or whether we should, as a government, be found once more in the train of the Holy Al liance. As a plain s traightforward course was the most manly, and at the same time the safest to be pursued, he would at once avow that his great object on this occasion was to counteract, by a vote of that house, the prejudicial effect of what had been done a few evenings ago in the other House of Parliament.— He admitted, in its fullest extent, the right of the other house to express its opinion on any public question, but he claimed the same right for the House of Commons, as representing the people of the United Kingdom, and he felt that the house was particu larly called upon to express its opinion on this occasion; for if they (the Commons) remained silent, the people of this country, as well as foreigners, would think they wer e so f rom an acqui escence in what had been done elsewhere. He was also anxious that the house, by its vote, should show to Portugal, to Europe, and to the world, that the people of England, enjo3.ing as they did the blessing.s of freedom, did not wish to withhold from other nations a participation in similar blessings. The circumstances which had immediately preceded the usurpation of Don Mi guel iu Portugal so well known, that he would not pay the house so bad a comp liment as to think it necessary to go into them in detail. Much stress, he observed, had been laid on the violation of the Foreign Enlistment Bill, and on the inertness of ministers in not preventing those infraction s of the law, but he would beg to ask how had it happened that none of the acts now complained of had been objected to before ? (llear.) They were matters of public notoriety; they were done in the open day, and accounts of them regularly appeared in the news pters. How happened it then, he asked, that these complaints had not been made before this time ? r whysshould they be made now, having been so long passed over i silence ? He w o a t s buontwil regardling toth the attribute ito n w t etamkeontivoefsthteoseany things man;a this particular time, as an indication that the motiont but he c ou ld n troduced had been made for party purposes (hearhhey wer e in , hear), and that these matters had been withheld until some opportunity should present itself of using them w ith the view to drive minis ters from their places. ( Hear, hear.) Was it at all very im probable that, as it was known that certain popular measures were about to be sent up from this house, it might have 'Seen considered a good thing to strangle those measures by ousting ministers, under a pretence very different from the real motive. The object of the noble person who had brought forward the motion elsewhere was, no doubt, to turn out the ministers. That was a fair and legitimate motive when pursued by fair means ; but when one of those means was a charge of a violation of good faith, he would ask, had the conduct of those who made the charge been so very pure on every occasion as to coaetitute them fit and proper persons to bring it forward ? Those who charged the present ministers with the breach of neutrality had themselves acted more strongly. They had sent out an army to Portugal, not, indeed, to take a part in the disputes of that country, but, in compliance with the terms of ancient treaties, to prevent its invasion by a Spanish force. Nothing had since been done by his Majesty's government that went beyond that act. But if the present government had manifested a strong and decided feeling against the party of Don Miguel, would it have been an extraordinary circumstance.? Had not the Mi guelites fired on British vessels that were merely 'occupied in • trading transactions ? What, too, he would ask, bad been the conduct of the Spanish government on this occasion ? Had not their armies approached the Portuguese frontiers, and hail they not afforded supplies to one of the belligerent parties ? Under all the circumstances, he conceived his Majesty's government had not taken an improper part, and therefore he was anxious that they . should be supported by the vote of that house. He felt convinced that irthe decision of the other branch of the le- THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. gislature were not quickly met by an opposite vote, emanating from that house, '24 hours would not elapse, after the declaration made in another place was known, before a Spanish army would cross the Portuguese frontier. (Hear, hear.) Surely, there fore, they ought to stand forward in order to prevent such a ca tastrophe—a catastrophe that might be the means of plunging this country and all Europe into war. The gallant member concluded by moving, "That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, expressing the regret of that house at the pro tracted hostilities in Portugal, and, at the same time, thanking his Majesty for the judicious policy which he had pursued with respect to the affairs of that country. (Hear, hear.) Viscount MORPITH rose to second the motion which had been recommended to the house in a speech of so much ability by his hon. and gallant friend. The last time that the question of Portuguese affairs had been brought before the house, it had been sustained so triumphantly in argument, as well as carried so overwhelmingly in votes, in favour of the conduct of gover ment in those affairs, that he was not surprised, putting every ' thing else out of view, that the next motion introduced was a motion not to arraign, but to avow and confirm their policy. Indeed, it seemed to him that if any person, either a contem porary witness or a future peruser of these transactions, could question the entire propriety of the resolution before the house, it would arise from a doubt whether this country had assumed a moral attitude sufficiently elevated—had exhibited a moral countenance sufficiently constant to the Sovereign whose rights she had unequivocally acknowledged—sufficiently constant to the parties whose hopes she had inevitably encouraged—suffici ently constant to the principles which she must approve and cherish, because they were alike the principles of truth and her own. (Hear, hear, hear.) He would admit that it would be both a superfluous and an easy task to heap terms of vitu peration upon Don Miguel; but it might be asked, on the other hand, whether there were not those in whose eyes he might appear clothed with certain redeeming attributes ? They had heard much of Don Miguel being the choice of the peo . ple and the delight of the Portuguese. It had been published in 1831, that upon a calculation it was found there were in the prisons and Ini,lks of Portugal, or transported as convicts, 27,000 indi viduals, of those emigrating to avoid his vengeance there were no less than 13,000; and in hiding places in Portugal there were between 4000 and 5000. Thus it appeared that out of a po pulation not exceeding 2,600,000,there were not less than 45,000 victims of political resentment, whom, no doubt, these partisans of Don Miguel would, perhaps, include amongst those who, as they alleged, testified universal acquiescence in the dominion of the usurper. In him were centred the hopes of Absolutists, and the perpetuity of priestcraft. (Hear.) 'His birth, his titles, crowds and courts confess Chaste matrons praise him, and grave bishops bless." As for any apprehension which might arise respecting a per• manent change in the system and principle of government, he was persuaded, after an emphatic declaration by . that house upon the particular point at issue, and the full, and precise, and satisfactory declaration of his noble friend the foreign Secretary of State, the other night, that no person could take it into his head to conceive that any serious consequences could possibly follow from so preposterous and absurd a matter. Weightier and more serious affairs awaited their deliberation and decision, and whilst they proceeded to encounter these with all the care and consideration they demanded, he confidently trusted that no efforts of party tactics or of ambition would distract those, who, in the moment of need, would form the stoutest rampart against revolution, from that march of steady improvement in which at present reposed the only prospect of our national safety. (His lordship sat down amidst loud cheers.) Sir H. HARDINGE said, he felt it imperative on him to state his sentiments on this occasion, not only because it was a ques tion which was intimately connected with the honour and interest of the country, but because he had himself worn the Portuguese uniform, and commanded Portuguese troops. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and gallant officer who introduced this motion had given a long list, an ample catalogue of the crimes which were said to have been committed by Don Miguel. But it should be recollected that this was a national question, that it was not a question as to the comparative merits of the two brothers. The real question wasp whether in this civil con test-a strict neutrality had been maintained by the British go vernment. (Hear.) In the whole course of what had been said by the honourable and gallant officer, he had not applied him self to that point. He had made no defence of ministers, but indulged altogether in a series of recriminations. He did not rise to defend the character of Don Miguel. It was not perhaps worth so much notice, but when they spoke vitu peratively of that individual, he perhap s might incidentally be allowed to ask what was the characte r of Don Pedro ? (Hear, hear.) There was not, he believed, a single man of common' sense or of common reason in that house who did not feel that if Don Pedro were successful, he, and not Donna Maria, would be the sovereign of Portugal. (Hear, hear.) He was perfectly convinced that any vote of that house, or that any . step which might be taken to assist Don Pedro, and by so doing to fur ther the purposes of France, would in the end recoil upon this country. The gallant officer then entered into a very brief re view of the conduct of Don Pedro from the commencement of the present contest, and argued that his career had been begun for the purposes of ambition, and was continued for the pur poses of pillage. (Hear, hear.) The most unwarrantable means had been adopted for strengthening the army of Don Pedro. In one instance a German, who had proceeded to Por tugal for commercial purposes, was absolutely impressed, and compelled to join the army. An individual who had joined Don Pedro from this country was punished with 500 lashes, be cause he dared to complain of ill-treatment. And he could add, that the conduct observed towards the Irish regiment in Don Pedro's service was not a whit better than that which was experienced by other portions of the troops enlisted in his ser vice. He repeated, we had nothing to do with the relative merits of the two parties to the contest. The first question which we had to resolve was this,—what course was it the duty of the government of this country to pursue, his Majesty.hav ing promised to observe neutrality? The answer was plain,— government was bound to adhere to its pledge, and not inter fere in the struggle. The next question which arose was—had government maintained that strict neutrality which was neces sary to be observed? He could not give them credit forhaving done so; on the contrary, he argued that during the last two years interference of a direct nature had occurred. When the commissioners of the customs detained the three vessels, they received orders from the government to release them within 48 hours ; but he had seen the opinions of eminent lawyers to the effect that if the matter had gone to an adjudication the ships must have been condemned. Was there any evidence of neutrality in that act of the government ? Did it not rather prove direct interference on their part, and a disposition to favour one side in preference to the other? (Hear.) There was another personal topic to which he wished to advert. It had been said in another place that a gallant friend of his, Sir John Campbell,. had made observations upon the govern ment unbecoming in a British officer. He knew Sir John Campbell, and had served with him in the Peninsula. His gallant friend married a Portuguese lady, and naturally be came attached to the people, as all who were acquainted with them must, for kinder persons did not exist in the world. Un der these circumstances, it was possible that Sir J. Campbell, thinking Portugal to be ill-used by ministers, might have ex pressed himself with some acrimony as to their conduct. Mi nisters might consider it unbecoming in officers of the army or navy to express themselves disrespectfully of them ; but if they were in the habit of frequenting some places to which he some times went (cheering and laughter), he was glad of those cheers, because they afforded him an opportunity to savthat the United Service Club contained as honourable men as breathed; and if such individuals were biassed against Government, what was it but to say that ministers were unpopular with many intelli gent and high minded men, who were not afraid to give an in dependent expression to their sentiments? (Hear.) If it were supposed unbecoming the honour of a British officer to speak disrespectfully of the conduct of ministers, God knew that was very frequently the case. (Laughter.) He repeated, Sir J. Campbell might have spoken with acrimony of ministers, but that his gallant friend had ever expressed himself with disres pect of a higher and more sacred person he entirely disbelieved. In conclusion, he called upon ministers, if they desired to inter fere in the affairs of Portugal, to do so in p-baanly and straight forward manner, instead of adding insult and mockery to de ceit, by pretending to be neutral at a time when they were act ing as partisans. He should give his strongest and most decided negative to the motion. Mr. ROBINSON argued that the other Mouse of Parliament had a right to express its opinion on this subject; and having exercised its undoubted and constitutional privilege,. it was nei ther necessary nor expedient to bring forward a motion like the present, the direct tendency of which was to place the Commons in collision with the Lords. Unless great temper and modera tion were observed in both houses, such a crisis would be un avoidable, and the effect must be to embarrass any government that could be formed. His gallant colleague did not deny the right of the Lords to form and express an opinion on the sub ject of Portugal —why, then, call upon the Commons, in the midst of public business, to agree to a vote which was meant to cast a slur upon the other house ? Besides, he objected to the motion on the ground that it expressed approbation of the judi cious course pursued by ministers in the affairs of Portugal in the absence of any information on the subject. He regretted, therefore, that he could not agree in his gallant colleague's pro position. (" Hear" from the opposition.) He deprecated such a vote on the ground that it went not only to bring the Com mons in collision with the Lords, but because its effect must be to create a feeling in the minds of peers that there existed in that House of Parliament a disposition to interfere unneces sarily with the privileges of the other. It had been stated that there was a short road by which to settle the question. Un doubtedly there was a short road from the top of a precipice to the bottom, but it might not be wise to take it. (Hear.) This motion called upon the house, without having the prop . er Par liamentary evidence before it, to declare it as its opinion, that the conduct of his Majesty's _ govern ment towards Portugal had been wise and judicious. Now, he (Mr. Robinson) was not prepared to concur in a vote of that kind, and if, before the close of the debate, no other hon. member should do so, he would move, as an amendment on the original motion, the previous question. (Hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the honourable gentleman who had just sat down had no doubt expressed his sincere opinions upon this subject. In opposing the motion that honourable member had laid the principal stress of his argument upon the danger of that house coming into collision with the other house of Parliament. Before he replied to that part of the honour able gentleman's speech, he would just advert to some other points that had arisen in the course of the present debate. He would not say that it was not necessary to discuss the character of Don Miguel, but that character had been so often discussed before, that it required but little illustration or remark to set it in its true light before the world. Indeed he did not think that it was at all necessary to add a word to the condemnation which had been pronounced, in the other house of Parliament not very long since, by a noble lord, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs, upon the conduct of that prince, whom the noble lord called false, cruel, and cowardly. (Hear, hear.) There could not possibly be imagined any three qualities more disgraceful— qualities Which could more degrade a man or a prince than those which had been then enumerated by the noble lord in question, as distinguishing the character of Don Miguel. He now came to the case of the subjects of this country en gaging in the service of a foreign power. That, he believed, was the case as regarded the vessels detained by the commis sioners of customs, and to which reference had been made by the right honourable gentleman. Those vessels were detained under an order from the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, who, having been informed that a question had arisen regarding them, the issue of which was doubtful, ordered them to be detained until it was determined. They were according ly detained by the commissioners of customs, and his Majesty's ministers referred the case to the law officers of the crown for their opinion upon it. The King's Advocate and the other law officers of the crown, to whom the case was referred, gave it as their opinion that the information in this instance was too vague to authorize the detention of those vessels. The law officers of the crowp having, then, given the opinion he had mentioned, nothing was left to his Illajesty's ministers but to tell the commissioners of customs to let the vessels depart. They were all well awaie that in the more ancient periods of our history it had not been the policy of this country to prevent its subjects from engaging in the service of foreign states. They—all of them who had heard or read the able and eloquent speech of Sir James Macintosh on the foreign enlistment bill —were aware that in the times of Elizabeth and of James I. such a principle as that of preventing the subjects of this country from engaging in the service of a foreign power had not only not been acted upon, but refused to be acted upon, even at the solicitation of Spain and France—that in the reign of James 1., despite the remonstrances of Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador, troops levied here were allowed to serve in Flan ders against the Spaniards, and that, in fine, to use the words of his lamented and eloquent friend, " What we had refused to the greatest of modern military tyrants and despotic sovereigns —what we had denied to Louis XIV. and to Philip 11. we were required to give to such a man as Ferdinand VII." There was no doubt that it was at the instance of the ambassador of Ferdinand V I L that the foreign enlistment bill had been passed; but before that time it had not been the policy of this country to pre vent its subjects from engaging in the service of a foreign power. Since the . passing of the Foreign Enlistment Bill assistance had been given by subjects of this realm to Greece and South America. Had the persons who had thus entered the service of foreign states been punished for a misdemeanour under that bill? Had not his gallant friend, Sir Robert Wilson, who with his own hands had pointed the guns at the defence of Corunua against the French, been subsequently restored to his rank of lieutenant-general in the British army, notwithstanding the offence which lie had committed in violating the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Bill? He quoted that instance be cause it' had occurred during the late administration. Under the present government a noble lord had been restored to his rank in the navy, though he also had violated the Foreign Enlistment Act. When, therefore, persons of such high rank —generals and admirals—were not punished for doing so, it would be impossible to punish soldiers, mere privates, for Navin; entered a foreign service. (Hear.) But whether the sentiments of the majority of the house coincided with those of one hon. member or of the other, it was not fair to say that that house, in carrying up its sentiments to the Throne, could be consi dered as at all interfering with the other House of Parliament. He denied that in doing so they would be seeking to provoke a collision with the House of Lords. His (Lord J. Russell's) object in all his former conduct had been to prevent the chance of such a collision, and if in certain measures lie had confined himself within certain restrictions,—if he had abstained from pressing forward opinions which were deep-seated in his breast, —if he had abstained in that instance from carrying into effect views and opinions which the more he considered them the more he was convinced of their being most essential to the hap piness, prosperity, and welfare of this country, let the house, let hon. gentlemen be assured that he did not decline then urging those views in consequence of any change that had taken Place in his opinions, or in consequence of any wish to preserve office or place, but because he saw there was no chance of then carry ing them into effect without bringing into collision the two branches of the legislature—a result which he thought they should not wantonly bring on, and for the bringing on of which any men whoever took office in this country would be most deeply responsible. (Cries of "Hear, hear.") Captain YORKE denied that the instances to which the noble lord had referred, of assistance being afforded to Greece in the time of Mr. Canning, were at all applicable to the present case. The fact was that the masters of the two ships alluded to, which sailed from this country in 1825, were afterwards fined by government for a breach of - the act of Parliament. The neu trality which had been spoken and boasted of by the noble lord opposite had not been maintained; and he could not doubt the object of the noble lord the member for Devonshire when he improvidently rose the other night to play the same part which he had done last year. (" Hear" from the opposition.) The noble lord had aeain introduced his conception of a collision between the two branches of the legislature. Mr. O'CoNNELL supported the motion, and expressed himself satisfied that the time was come when the British legislature ought to make a declaration that would cheer the friends of Don Pedro, and by so doing that there should be an end to such a monster as Don Miguel, his opponent. (Hear hear.) Sir R. PEEL began by observing that he could well under stand the object of the lion. and learned member for Dublin in supporting the motion now before the house, and that object was, that this country should directly interfere with the consti tution, and establish itself as a judge over the transactions of another country, with which it was not to limit itself to disap probation of, but to embark regiments to dictate to the domestic policy of a foreign nation; in short, that this country should resort to war to dispossess a prince of his dominions. (Hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) believed the hon. and learned gentleman had belonged to the school which had ever advocated the non-inter ference of this country with the domestic policy of other states -=-that it should be left to every country to choose its own go vernment. (Hear.) He had thought that so powerful a com petitor for those principles as the hon. and learned gentleman would not have been guilty of trying to effect an interference with the internal affairs of a nation, and to force a ruler upon a reluctant people, by the bayonet and physical force. Priuciples had, however, changed, and though tyranny had fled there was no tyranny under the name of liberalism which the hon. and learned gentleman did not seem ready to support, even at the expense of involving this country in a war, provided it was in the maintenance of his own principles. The hon. member for Worcester had stated that some public men were ready to re cognise Don Miguel, who had been described as a monster, perjurer—nay, one guilty of all crimes. The same had been reiterated by the gallant officer; and the noble lord opposite had laid that sin to his (Sir R. Peel's) side of the house. Did, however, the noble lord remember, that so far from objecting to the policy of the government of which he (Sir R. Peel) was a member, with reference to this question, it had been admitted on a former occasion by the noble lord that the time had come when, under certain conditions, Don Miguel ought to be recog nised by this government ? With the character of that person age he (Sir It. Peel) had on the present occasion nothing to do, and into the character of Don Pedro he would not now enter. (Hear.) Both those considerations involved unprofit able speculations in the present instance, and he would ask the house not to be led away by any appeals to their feelings and passions, but to determine upon the grounds of public policy. The present question was, whether a prince who was de facto sovereign of a country with the entire approbation of that na tion, could call upon another country to recognise him in his state ? It was not for that nation to refer to the private charac ter of the prince enjoying the approbation of the people over whom he was called upon to rule. If he was to be charged with treachery, then openly enter into a war with such a ruler ; but if the people over whom be reigns by a long course of fide lity to his domination establish that he is their choice, any pri vate grounds do not justify an interference, or the breach of the neutrality which, under the law of nations, ought to be main tained. (Hear, hear.) On the same grounds that ambassadors ' were refused to Portugal might they be refused to Algiers. It was sufficient to show that a party was the constituted autho rity of a nation to entitle that nation to call upon another coun try to enter into and maintain treaties with them. Mr. Fox had said that Buonaparte was an usurper; so, he (Sir R. Peel) would respond, was Cromwell, but that did not meet the maxim in the law of nations, by which powers were actuated. Mr. Fox on the same occasion also alluded to the allegation that Buopaparte had broken his oaths, and he said that such a sub ject was one upon which the people over whom the . party ruled was to judge, and it was not for another nation' to inquire into such a grievance. He (Sir R. Peel) would entreat the house to apply these principles to the present question, and though strange the choice of the people of Portugal might be, yet still if the determination of the whole people, or such portion as Might be called the whole, was in favour 'of Don Miguel for their governor, it was at variance with all those principles to refuse to recognize his authority, or to establish relations with him. If the house, therefore, would fairly determine the ques tion of n e utrality, it must wave that of private character. If, then, it was admitted that the private character of the individual could not affect the choice of that individual by an independent people, the question then came—had his Majesty's government maintained a neutrality in the present instance? True it was, that all the declarations of the ministers of the crown and the speech from the throne had announced that neutrality during the existing contest was to be the rule; but was it, then, con sistent w ith neu trality to permit British officers to direct hostile expeditions against a power with whom this country was in amity? The noble lord, the member for Devonshire, had alluded to the instance of Sir Robert Wilson, but the present inter ference was not that of single individuals, but of numbers. The noble lord had referred to the speech delivered by Sir James Mackintosh upon a question somewhat similar to the present; but if he understood the bearing of that speech aright, its authority would be but of little effect with regard to the question at issue ; for it appeared to him that Sir James Mackintosh's main argument was that the Government ought not to shri n k from enforcing the existing law of the state, but at the same time ought not upon the mere remonstance of Spain to adopt a new course of legislation. It was, in fact, an argument against enacting new laws at the dictation of a foreign power. He would, however, contrast with that speech the speech delivered on the same occasion by the Judge Advo cate (Mr. Robert Grant), who laid it down as an illegal act for individuals to carry on war after the state to which they be longed had declared its neutrality. How then, he would ask, could those who declared the hostile expedition fitted out for the service of Don Pedro to be no violation of neutrality re concile that opinion with the sentiment advanced by the Judge Advocate ? 1 hat right hon. gentleman laid down this "irrefuta ble position—that when a neutral nation knowingly permitted the levying of troops for the service of oue of two belligerents in a foreign country, by which levying the fortune of the war there carried on was materially influenced, then the neutral state which permitted such a course of proceeding was depart ing from the character of a neutral and assuming that of an enemy, and an enemy of the worst kind, because not a direct one. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord had also referred to the conduct pursued by Mr. Canning with respect to the contest between the Greeks and the Turks. He had stated that Mr. Canning forbore to interfere to prevent the enterprises of indi viduals during that contest. But what was Mr. Canning's opi nion with respect to a state of things, when the subjects of a state demeaned themselves in a manner different from the line of policy adopted by the sovereign? When on that occasion complaint was made, what course did Mr. Canning pursue, and on what principles did he act ? The proclamation issued by the King in Council, dated Oct. 4, 1825, would sufficiently . show. The principles laid down in that proclamation were in the strictest accordance with the expressed opinions of the Judge Advocate to which he had before referred. But what was the conrse of policy now pursued ? His Majesty's government was declared neutral, and yet the enterprises of individuals calcu lated to bring that neutrality in question were winked at and allowed. He. could not but lament to hear such doctrines avowed, for could the same principles be applied to France or the United States ?—or were they only applying them to Por tugal, because Portugal was a weak state ? (Hear, hear.) — Let them suppose the case of an insurrection in La Vendee, and Charles X. living in the palace of Holyrood, would he have been permitted to make levies of men in this country, and send them forth under the command of British commissioned officers for the purpose of subverting the authority of Louis'Phillippe in France? Would the government, after complaint made of the unauthorized nature of the acts, have ordered the release of the vessels, and refused to hear additional evidence of the illegality of the transaction when it was offered ? It would be impossible to act upon such principles. Above all, it could not certainly be allowed that British commissioned officers should em loi their skill and bravery in the service of foreign states , an the government must surely consent to recall them. — He now came to consider the propositions submitted to the house by the gallant member. To the first of those proposi tions he could have no possible objection, because it merely stated the regret of the house at the continuance of hostilities •in Portugal. But he could not extend the same feeling to the next, which stated the conviction of the house in the judicious policy pursued by his Majesty's government with respect to Portugal. Why ? Because he deprecated the hostilitics,—he disapproved of the policy. He would go further and say that he believed those hostilities would never have occurred but for that policy. The second proposition was a complete non sequitur from the first, and one in which he could by no means agree. He could not help remarking that while his Majesty's government showed little disposition to observe neutrality them selves, they were extremely anxious that other states should preserve it. He had read a correspondence inserted in the Augsburg Gazette between the government of this country and that of Spain, in which the latter was interdicted from interfer ing in any-manner in the Portuguese contest. It was laid down as a principle in that correspondence that the independence of Portugal would be a phrase without meaning if her sovereign were to be imposed, not by the declared will of the people, but by the bayonets of foreigners. Now, he contended, that not withstanding the breach of fidelity committed by Don Miguel, there was proof sufficient of his holding his power by the will of the people. This, indeed, was the only question to consider— did the people of Portugal, or did they not, approve of Don Miguel as their sovereign? What were the facts? The second city in the country had been for several months in the posses sion of Don Pedro. Had any of the constituted authorities, — had any orders of the state,—liad, in short, any class of the peo ple declared yet in his favour? Neither temptation nor oppor tunity were wanting for such a display. Don Pedro was, in fact, supported alone by the aid transmitted to him from Eng land and France. (Hear, hear.) What, then, under those cir cumstances, would be the consequence of his success? Should that event occur, then, indeed, it might be said that the inde pendence of Portugal had become a mere phrase; for he would be seated on the throne, not by the consent or support of the people, but by the bayonets of foreigners. (Hear.) Let the aid he derived from our forts and arsenals be withdrawn from him, and he would be immediately compelled to leave the country. The best feelings, the pride, the honour of the Portuguese, revolted at the attempt to impose his rule over them by foreign aid; and, if the attempt proved successful, indignation would, for ages to come, be universally felt throughout the nation. If his Majesty's ministers, in their anxiety to secure the peace of Europe, had thought fit to interfere in the internal affairs of Greece and of Holland and Belgium, what right had they to interdict Spain from interfering in those of Portugal, especially since they had not themselves maintained a like neutrality How much more right had not Spain so to interfere upon the principles of intervention avowed by his Majesty's ministers ? For how much snore dangerous to Spain the continuance of hostilities in Portugal! Why, he would ask in conclusion, was not Don Miguel recognized two years ago, when the whole peo ple of Portugal were satisfied with his sway? What the vote of the house might be on the present question he did not know. For himself, disapproving as he did of the policy pursued by government with respect to Portugal, deeming it both unjust to the Portuguese people and dangerous to this country; and thinking, besides, that the success of the favoured party would be fraught with still more danger and injustice, he should refuse to give his assent to the propositions brought forward that night. (Loud cries of "Hear.") Lord J. Russm,L, in explanation, said he never denied the right of the Crown to interfere to prevent the levying of men for foreign service, but only expressed a doubt of that right being practicable of enforcement in many instances. Lord P I,NIKUSTON said that it was singular the hon. mem bers who opposed the proposition should object to the coming to a decision on the question on the ground of a want of in formation, since no such tenderness or compunction had been shown in another place when the selfsame question was dis cussed. To come, however, to the subject more immediately before the house, he believed that it was the fact that the per sonal character of Don Miguel was the reason which induced the late government to order, in the first instance, our ambassa dor from Lisbon, and afterwards to abstain from renewing friendly relations with Portugal. The right hon. baronet had said that, in 1830, the time had arrived for the renewal of those relations. But was there not a great difference between the state of things in that country then and since ? There was then no civil war, and the authority of Miguel was recognized. But how did he acquire that authority? In the capacity of lieutenant to his lawful Sovereign, he illegally assembled the Cortes, and, in defiance of every principle of honour and good faith, got himself proclaimed Sovereign. When, after Wards, the civil war arose, it was in the power of his Majesty's government to adopt the cause of Donna Maria if they had thought fit, for it was an admitted principle in the law of nations that when a civil war arose in consequence of there being two competitors to a crown, any foreign nation may espouse the cause of either of the parties it pleased. But they had come very early to a different decision, not certainly with the view of conciliating the neutrality of Spain, for long before the expedition sailed from the Brazils government had upon general principles, and not to secure a particular object, made up their minds to the course of policy they had pursued. When shortly afterwards a Spanish army assembled on the frontiers of Portugal, the government did say to the Court of Spain, if you interfere in the contest by carrying arms into Portugal, we will revoke the decision to which we have come, and take the part of Donna Maria. It was for the purpose of watching the movements of Spain that Lord William Russell was subsequently sent out to Portugal. The greatest difficulty was experienced in enforcing the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act, because it re quired proof which it was almost impossible to obtain, except from the parties themselves against whom the act would operate. (Hear.) The government had not done anything or omitted to do anything inconsistent with the character of neutrality which they had assumed. The principle of the present go vernment was non-interference in the affairs of other countries, and all that they required was, that other nations should them selves pursue the same system of abstinence. Much had been said in depreciation of the adoption of a course which)was likely to bring about a collision between the two branches of the legislature. He admitted that it. would be a great misfor tune if such an event should occur; but at the same he must say that the affair had not originated in that house. (Hear, hear.) It could not fail to be known to the promoters of the decision which had taken place elsewhere, that it was in oppo sition to the general feeling, not only of the House of Com mons, but of the country. Col. EVANS and Sir SAMUEL 'WHALLEY supported the mo on, and on a division the numbers were — For the motion . • • . . 361 Against it . • • . . . 98 Majority in favour of the motion 263 FISHERY LAWS. . . Mr. H A I.COMB then moved for a select committee to inquire into the state of the laws regalating the fisheries in the British Channel. His object was to improve the present distressed state of the fishing trade, by removing those legal restrictions which fettered it, and favoured the foreign fisherman. Mr. RUTHVEN moved as an amendment that the enquiry be extended to Ireland. After a few words from Mr. A. Johnstone, Mr. Ruthven with drew his amendment, and the house divided on Mr. Halcomb's motion : For it.... 53 Against it.... 21 Majority ....29 On the motion of Mr. RICE, returns were ordered of the num ber and places of joint stock banks in England and Wales. Mr. PEASE inquired whether it was Lord Althorp's intention to introduce any bill or bills in pursuance of those ulterior mea sures to which he had adverted, as affecting joint stock banks and private banks, at the time he brought forward the bank charter question; to which his lordship replied, that it was his intention to bring in two bills during the present session, one to regulate the Bank of England, and another to regulate joint stock and private banks. Adjourned at half-past twelve o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, FRIDAY, JUNE 7. The Earl of RADNOR presented a petition from Folkestone against the 19th clause of the Local Jurisdiction Bill. The Duke of GRAFTON presented a petition from Lincoln, praying for a repeal of the malt duty. The Duke of RUTLAND presented a petition from Leicester, for the abolition of slavery. Lord SUFFIELD presented several petitions against slavery. The Bishop of LLANDAFF presented a petition from the clergy of his diocese against the Irish Church Reform Bill.— Adjourned to Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, JUNE 7. The gallery was opened at a quarter past twelve with a very thin attendance of members. Upon the bringing up of the Kentish Town Road Bill, Mr. HOME complained of the inconvenience and expense oc casioned to the parties passing a private bill through the house. Fifteen new clauses had been added to this bill m the other House of Parliament to concede to the opinion and wishes of a single individual there, and he thought the time had arrived when an understanding ought to be come to between the two houses on the subject. (Hear.) The simplest way would he to introduce a clause into every road bill like the present, mak ing the 15 clauses of the Geneial Turnpike Act applicable to it, and by that means the expense of £4 or £5 for the insertion of each Clause would be avoided. Mr. F. O'CONNOR said he was resolved to adhere to the de termination he had expressed of counting out the house when so much negligence was manifested in the attendance of hon. members on the presentation of petitions. Mr. HOWARD suggested the inutility of such a proceeding, as there were evidently more than 20 members present. The SPEAKER remarked, that although 20 members were sufficient to constitute a house at the early sitting, there must be 40 to keep it. The house was then counted, and there appearing to be but 30 members present, the house was accordingly adjourned. The house resumed at 5 o'clock. Mr. O'CONNELL, in moving for a return of the number o, writs sealed and issued in the Courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas and the law side of the Court of Exchequer during the last year for the recovery of tithes, stated, in pur suance of the promise which he had made last night, the name of a clergyman who had been guilty, as he said, of great op pression in the collection of tithes; it was the Rev. Mr. Sulli van, of Kilronan, in the diocese of Lismore. Mr. A. BARING deprecated the practice of entering into the discussion of matters which were not regularly before the house, but he must say that much of this irrelevant discussion was occasioned by the bad arrangement of the public business in that house on the part of his Majesty's ministers. No person knew when the most important matters for discussion were to be brought forward. Here was the great question of Irish tithes, about which the people in Ireland were meeting in arms, and yet there was the noble lord opposite sitting quietly at his case (a laugh), and no man knew what course he meant to take with respect to it; yet the noble lord had an order of the day on the hook for the second reading of a bill for the commutation of tithes in England, where the people 1 , ere not fighting on the subject, whero the bill would do little good one way or the other, and where he believed the people cared nothing at all about it. That measure could therefore be very safely kept till the next year. Would it not be much better now, in nearly the middle of June, to bring forward a measure which was much more pressing, and which, though few persons cared any thing about it, would also occupy the time of the house at some length ? He rose for the purpose of asking the noble lord, for as yet nobody knew what he meant to do, Whether he meant to press the English Tithe Commutation Bill this session, or whether the noble lord intended to bring forward the ques tion respecting Irish tithes, and when Lord ALTIIORE said that, as usual, the hon. member who had just sat down took the opportunity of making a severe attack on his Majesty's government In answer to the hon. member's question, he would say that it was his intention to persevere in the present session with the English Tithe Commutation Bill, and also to bring on the question respecting the Irish tithes. Ile had a notice of motion on that subject for Wednesday last, hut as there was no house it fell to the ground. It was,' how ever, his intention to bringit on on Monday next, and on that day he would move, in a committee of the whole house, certain resolutions as to the tithes of 18.31, 1832, and the present year. The hon. member (Mr. Baring) complained of the arrangement of public business in that house by ministers ; but if the hon. member would consider what had been done in the house, and the state of the order book, he would see that it was imposs: for ministers to get on faster than they had done. When the long discussions into which the house had been so constantly led on matters which tended to no practical result, were taken into consideration, and when it was also considered that ministers had only two clays to bring on the public business, so as to have the precedence of the other business on the paper, it would be seen that the fault of not going on faster with the business was not theirs. He would repeat that it was his intention to perse vere with the English Tithe Commutation Bill,—to move the resolutions respecting the Irish tithes on Monday,—and after the discussion on the subject of colonial slavery should have been gone through, to goon with the Church Temporalities • (Ireland) Bill. EAST INDIA CHARTER. Sir It. PEET, wished to know from the right hon. gentleman opposite whether he meant., during the present session, to bring forward the question of the East India Company's charter? It was a most important subject, and it was necessary that those who were interested in it should be acquainted with the intentions of Government. Mr. C. GRANT answered, that the subject would not cniy be brought forward this session, but that he should open tlia question on Tuesday next COLONIAL SLAVERY. On the motion of Mr. Stanley, the house resolved iteelf into a committee of the whole house to take into consideration the resolutions for the abolition of slavery , which ha d been laid on the table by the right hon. gentleman on t he 14th of May. Mr. BERNAL, the chairman, having read the second tesolu tion—" That it is expedient that all children born after the passing of any act, or who shall be under the age of six years at the time of passing any act of Parliament, for this purpose, he declared free—subject, nevertheless, to such temporary re strictions as may be deemed necessary for their support and maintenance." To this resolution amendments were moved by Mr. Hume JusE 11, 1833. and Mr. Buckingham, both of which were negatived without a division, when the original (the second) resolution of Mr. Stan ley was put and carried, after which — The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Monday. Sir A. AGNEW moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable local authorities to change Saturday and Monday fairs and markets to other days; also for leave Co bring in a bill to enable the elections of officers of corporations, and other public com panies, now required to be held on the Lord's-day, to be held on the Monday or Tuesday next ensuing. After some short discussion,' the hon. baronet withdrew the first motion. The second was agreed to. The hon. baronet then brought in the bill, which was read a first time and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday next, and to be printed. On the motion of Mr. S. RICE a select committee was ar pointed to consider the charges on the civil list of his late Ma jesty which remained unprovided for. STAFFORD ELECTION. On the motion of Mi.kr...licEaeOMniittee was ordered to in quire into the corrupt practices alleged to have prevailed at the late election for the borough of Stafford. The committee to consist of 15 members. 13 to be chosen by ballot on Tuesday next, at five o'clock, and two to be named by the house. The other orders of the day were then 'disposed of, and the house adjourned at a quarter past three to Monday. CONTEMPORARY PRESS. If men's words may be taken as indications of the feelings of their hearts, Lord Althorp dissapproves of the conduct of his own Factory Commission, and there is an end on't, for we cannot ex )ect the House of Com mons to legislate upon that wlri i he acknowledge s to be vitiated in the very core. N Drinkwater and Mr. Power must now admit, if they have a spark of liberality in their composition, that Mr. Sadler is capable of appre ciating not only his own conduct in censuring their pro ceedings, but their conduct likewise, whether as impartial commissioners or controversial letter-writers. The commissioners left Leeds on Tuesday for Brad ford, where their reception was still warmer, if possible, than at Leeds. At Huddersfield their greetings will cer tainly be equally strong ; and we do not apprehend that they will fare better at Keighley, whatever may be the case at Halifax. At Glasgow, we learn, the operatives departed from their first intention, and protested, as in Yorkshire and Lancashire. Lord Ashley's motion stands for the 17th instant. He is determined to bring it on; and the house, after all, will be called upon to decide, one way or other, without the promised report, at least, without a complete one. And surely the Commons of England, men of business and feeling, need no darkling commission to tell them whe ther ten hours of continued and anxious labour per diem be as much as tender infancy can bear.—Leeds Intelli b WEST INDIA QUESTION. We most readily insert the following, which we have received from the venerable author : LETTER FROM THE RIGHT HON. SIR JOHN SINCLAIR, BART., TO LORD VISCOUNT Si'. VINCENT, ON THE WEST INDIA QUESTIO'. My dear Lord,—Allow me briefly to lay before you the sub stance of some reflections which liaTe occurred to me on the West India Question. I must begin with remarking, that the public at large do not seem to be sufficiently aware of the great importance of that question. Nothing is thought of or dwelt on but the deplorable condition of 800,000 negroes, now in a state of slavery ; whereas. there are at least an equal number of na ti ve Britons dependent, either directly or indirectly, for their welfare and subsistence on the prosperity of those valuable settlements where slave!) , exists, and, consequently, who are essentially interested in the discussion. Among these may be enumerated, the natives of Great Britain now residing in those Colonies,—the colonial proprietors living at home, and the various persons supported by their expenditure,—the ship-builders who construct the ves sels • employed in the West Indian trade,—the seamen who navigate these ships and their families,—the proprietors of the West India docks in London, in Bristol, in Liverpool, and in Greenock (in the construction of which immense sums of money have been expended), and the number of persons they employ,—the manufacturers who furnish the West India popu lation with goods, to the value of several millions per annum, —and various descriptions of persons connected with the her ring fishery, who supply the colonies, to a great extent, with food. A multitude of other classes might likewise be enumer ated, who, in a greater or less degree, are deeply interest e d in this question. The whole will probably amount to at least a million of natice subjects. If the plan of emancipation indeed is not judiciously prepared, more mischief will accrue to our selves than the eager advocates of emancipation, who think of nothing but how to attain that object, regardless of the conse quences that may result from the measures they suggest, can possibly have contemplated. Another circumstance to be kept in view is, the necessity of avoiding, in the plan proposed, all measures of a complicated nature, or difficult to be understood. The point to be deter mined is, the relation henceforward to subsist between the master and the slave. The slave therefore, as well as the mas ter, must fully understand the whole details, otherwise nothing can follow but confusion, mutual distrust and 'general misery. If the state of slavery is changed into that of apprenticeship t the negro must be made to see distinctly not only the rights and privileges, " BUT THE DUTIES" which that new modification of his condition involves. Even those who are most opposed to the idea of man having property . in man, must be prepared to admit that the master has a claim upon his slaves, grounded on the subsistence and protection he has afforded them in infancy and childhood, be fore they were able to work at all, or before the value of their work was au equivalent for the expense of their maintenance. The master, in this respect, is in loco parenti s , and his claims upon his slave are similar to those of a father upon his children, on account of which the father is entitled to bind his son, at the age of 14, an apprentice to himself or to another person, for a period of 7 years. This suggests a very natural and obvious method of emancipation, in so far as regards the rising genera tion. All young persons of 14 years awl under might be ap prenticed till they are '2l, and afterwards entitled to their free dom. Tlie immediate benefits of this arrangement would be, that the master would have an interest in giving them such an education as would render them capable of liberty ; and an opportunity of conciliating their affections would be a fforded him, so that from inclination they would probably remain with him, "as hired servants," after their apprenticeship was over. With respect to grown negroes, the British Parliament ought to fix on a period, say three or five years from the passing . of the act, after which they shall at any time be entitled to claim their freedom. To resolve on complete emancipation at once, without any previous notice, or making any arrangement for such an event, would be a hazardous experiment to the slaves as well as to the masters. It ought at the same time to be de clared, that the slaves are not compelled to accept of their free dom, lest otherwise the aged and infirm might at once be deprived of all means of subsistence. It should likewise be enacted, that from the instant the slave demands his emancipa tion, he shall not have any title whatever on his master or the estate for food, clothing, medicine, or shelter, but shall thence forward provide these necessaries for himself and his family Let the slaves also be informed, that when the poor in this country are maintained at the parish expense, they are bound to labour at any work pointed out to them. Why then should not the negroes, if they must depend on their former masters for subsistence, he subjected to the same obligation ? hY should not they be obliged to dig the ground, to break stones , to make roads, or to undertake other laborious employments ? The object of emancipation surely is, not to make them idle , " but industrious." It is proper here to observe, as a circumstance that cannot be too strongly inculcated on the minds of the slaves, that the British Parliament relies, with confidence, on their gratitude , for the great attention paid to their interests; whereas, in th e United States the case is far otherwise ; for by the fundamen tal laws of the American Union the southrn planters " are # 0 ‘!" ranteed" in the possession of as sure " A PROPERTY" in the ir slaves as in their lands and houses, and it is admitted that the last might as well be taken from them as the first.* As to the means of raising the £15,000,000, proposed to be lent to the proprietors of the slaves, there are certainly objections or the imposing of that sum on the planters,—or on the slaves, — on the British nation. But there is one mode that seems to rl! .. perfectly unexceptionable, b which the amount might be ou tained, without imposing a y : burden on any of these bodie!l namely, by authorising the Bank sof England to issue sm all notes, to the extent of 15 millions, to be lent to the proprietnrts of West India property at 2 per cent. ; and thus the sum mig li t be raised, necessary for completing the emancipation, withonf imposing any burden on the revenue, and with the advantagfe making an advantageous addition to the circulation of ° country. I cannot conclude without expressing my regret that the Se: cretary of State for the Colonial Department, whose seech the question has justly excited so much admiration and astonish' ment, should have taken up so unfavourable a view of the terests of the West ludian proprietors. It is impossible tha!sf eloquent an address must not have made a great inaproess on the house, and on the public. But questions of so e ? the cated a nature ought not to be decided on the impulse a moment, or the impressions made from hearing or p erusing, specimen of brilliant eloquence, but from a careful inquiry i of to, and a thorough investigation of the various p articulars so complicated a question, in all its bearings. . 11 Hoping that this great question may yet be arra r n u g i e n d ra i the manner satisfactory to the public, and without that e planters which they so much apprehend; and that Parlia e rn will, on the whole, consider it an advantage to postpone the period of emancipation, until some measures have b to prepare the minds both of the masters and of the been laves for so great an event. I remain, my dear Lord, very faithfully you rs, „ 133, George-street , Edinbu r g h, JOHN SINCL 29th May, 1833. Narrative of oß f uaru ll n e g s t i o d i en i-s e t e re i e n t t , h p e . C 7B o . urt A of pi L ,n on t q l : t3 l printedthat narrative proves, that the ministers of those days entert c at o ._, .th . e t hSeigehelsrt. p bß o lu- s: B i h b e' l B : tN i l d ea C ri: as , of the importance of the West India Colo' Hiss to the commerc ial and g en e ral interests of the em p ire. ble _ . KNOWLEDGE FOR THE PEOPLE; Or, The True Why and Because. Why are the Radicals still dissatisfied, notwithstanding alit that has been done for them? Because th e y have not yet g° what they deserve. Why do the Brummagem patriots dislike a "true Prince e' Because they gain more by counterfeit sovereigns. tie° Why is O'Connell such a favourite with them? Bees. his run, for gold has been a great hel p t o t h eir trade— 1ha391 enabled - them to pass twenty thousand bits of lackerod 113° upon his own "beloved countrymen." ~ w hen Why do the members of Par l iament cry "Question, es they are tired of a prosing s p eaker? Because the orator d not answer their expectations. Why is the House of Commons the only • place for 14r ' O'Dwyer? Because he has no place besides. hi, of Why did the Tail swear that this) , would respect the riK _ O , the Protestant Church? Because they do not consider to' selves bound in Honor to do so. 4 0 1 Why is Dr. Baldwin tired of Parliament ? B ecause he 1 of all pati`encp (patients.) Why does Ronayne absent himself from the House th r . ;j o ec' fourths of his time ? Because he is only a q uarter -sew" member. 13e' Why are the decent people of Cashel like waterinen? cauce they look one way and Roe another. in h is Why is O'Connell like aftsh? Because he has a Finn tail.—Waterford Mail. ry u{cvi LI/ v. 411441.. r ate TOE WORST PCN EVER PETIPETRITEIL—An ;beet} vs punster observed the other day that Cashmere sha.wls h t reminded him of (loaf people. On being asked whyike, ell; swered, "They all come from Persi a ; y ou can t here.'