The Sun. — London, England, 1857-07-08 00:00:00

That is the real meaning of " the previous question"— (Hear, hear ;)—but I ask this house—l ask right hon. gentlemen op the' reasury bench—is the present ate un propitious time for bridging this question under the con sideration of Parliament ? Is not Ireland quiet ? Is there not peace throughout the whole of that country ? Are not all the various classes of Ireland in a prosperous condition.? I venture to say that if at any time you could proponnd with safety a change in the Government of Ireland it is at the present moment, and I am therefore astonished at the course which my hon. and learned friend intends to adopt. I could understand a bold persistent denial of the value of the change hich I propose. I. should not have much regard for the intellect of the man who ven tured enchdenial—(a laugh)—but still I should understand it. I cannot, however, understand an hon. gentleman who says, " I admit the truth of your proposition, but I think you brin g it forward at an unpropitione period." Unpropitious ! Why, is the present time as unpropi tious as 1850 ? I have in my hand a curious document relative to the proposal made in 1850 by the noble mem ber for the city of London—whom I am afraid is not present—then Prima Minister—for abolishing the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and establishing a fourth Secretaryship of State. I have here the names of the members of the present Government who voted in 1850 for the bill of the noble lord (Lord J. Russell), and I will read them for the satisfaction and edification of the House, (" Hear, bear," and a laugh.) I will take them in alphabetical order. They are,—Mr. M. T. Baines, the Hon. E. P. Bouveri s , Lord E. Bruce, the Hon. W. F. Cowper, Viscount Duncan, Sir G. Grey, Mr. W. G. Hayter—(laughter)—Mr. H. A. Herbert, Mr. E. Horseman, Mr. R. Keating, Mr. H. Labouchere, Mr. G. C. Lewis, Mr. W. Monsell, Lord Mulgrave, Mr. R. Osborne, Lord A. Paget, the HOn. E. H. Stanley (now Lord Stanley of Alderley), the Hon. C. Villiers, Mr. J. Wilson, the Right Hon. Sir' C. Wood. (" Hear," and a laugh.) There are now living six gentlemen who have been secretaries to the Lord-Lieutenants of Ireland. Four of those gentlemen are Irishmen, and all six voted for the abolition of the office of Lord-Lieutenant. They were the Right Hon. H. Lewbouchere, Sir J. Young, Mr. Horsinan, Mr. H. A. Herbert, Lord Naas, and Sir W. S )merville. Lord J. Russell being at that time Prime Minister, must have brought in the bill to which I refer with the approba tion of his Cabinet, and among the members of the Ca binet who must he regarded as ,persons acquiescing in, agreeing to, and approving of the measure of the noble lord, I find the right hon. Sir F. Baring, Lord J. Russell himself, Lord Clarendon, and lastly the name of Lord Palmerston. (Hear, and laughter.) It so happens that Lord Palmerston did not vote upon the question, but etill I have a right to assume that he approved the pro ceedings of his chief. I cannot suppose he would with hold his vote for the purpose of saying subsequently that he did not approve, the measure ; neither can I suppose it possible that any of the gentlemen who now grace the Treasury bench will so far fgrget themselves and their former votes as to oppose my proposition. (Hear, and a latigle.) I can't imagine that they will so far forget what is due to their pesition as members of the Government, as members of this house, as representatives of the people, as honest men—(hear)—as to forego and forswear their words, and to vote against me on this occasion, , even upon the pret e nc e of the " previous question.' (Hear.) Mine is a plain and simple proposition. ft ie to do away with the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland ; it is an appeal to the house to make Ireland really a part of the great kingdom to which she belongs, and to abolish the last badge of conquest ; for recollect that Ireland was not united to England in the same manner as Scotland. (Hear, hear.) Scotland had never been conquered ; she stood upright before us, and met us on equal terms ; she was united as a kingdom over which we never pretended to exercise real control. That was not the case wile Ireland. Unhappily for her—unhappily for ourselves— we conquered Ireland ; we introduced into that country a system cf rule that was a disgrace to England ; few happily for Ireland, and happily for this country, we have outgrown the mischief and the misery of conquest. (Hear.) We are now a united people ; and I ask this house to do away with the last badge of slavery which we imposed upon Ireland, to abolish the Lord-Lieuten ancy of that country, and to make her what she ought to Le—a fractional pare of the great king&l m to which she belongs. I therefore move without hesitation, "That in the opinion of this house the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ought to be abolished." (Ceeere.) .Mr. HADFIELD seconded the motion. The SPEAKER having put the question, _Mr. M'CULLAGH said his objections to the motion were twofold. First, that it was not a proper mode of dealing with this important questi .n ; and 2dlY, that the session was so far advanced that it would be impossible, if the house affirmed the proposition, to introduce a bill feunded thereon, and pass it into a law this session. The motion of the hon. and learned memb.r for Sheffield, whilst it proposed to abolish the office of Lord Lieute nant in Ireland, did not propose a substitute, neither had he shadowed forth a plan. Since the union, 120 statutes had been passed with reference to Ireland, 50 of which appled ex'lusively to that country on every subject of legislation. Even now, when so mach was said about the identifi'ation of interests, there was great difficulty in applying English legieletion to Ireland, and a greater dislike to extend the principles of Irish legislation to England, as was shown last session, when it was pro posed to establi.h a constabulary throughout England. Then, again, there was in Ireland a stipe n di a ry magis tracy, which it was not proposed to extend to England. Oa a review of all the circumstances, and having again reiterated his objections to the motion, he called on the house to support him in moving the previous question. Mr. GROGAN objected to the amendment as a post eonement of the question, considering the house should at once come to a decision upon it. He opposed the mo tion of the hon. and learned member for Sheffield, which was simply an abstract proposition to abolish the office without any arguments in its favour. Mr. WHITES'IDE said that if it would be the means of procuring complete identification of legislation for the t vo countries, he would readily vote for the motion of the lion, and learned member for Sheffield; but believing it would not produced the desired effect, he would vote against it. He admitted the government of Ireland was badly managed, but Were the office of Lord-Lieutenant was abolished, there were many things connected with it that required serious consideration. He certainly was not now so enthusiastic in its retention as he was in his younger days, woad when a plan was propose I for ice abolition ho would give it his most earnest attention. The tranquillity of Ireland must not be taken as an in dication of the people being contented with the system of government adopted there, and ha assured the house that if Ireland was as far distant as Canada, the ex cu tive government might be blown down as easdy as a Louse of cards. (Hear,) He considered that the policy adopted in the government of Ireland was erroneous. They could not agitate—it was against their principle. (Laughter.) But they hoped to gain such a numerical strength en that house that they could compel the .ministry, with or without a Lord-Lieutenant, to govern .Ireland properly. No material authority was exercised by the Irish executive. Any material improvement was lemilened by the circumlocution office. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said that nothing had been -advanced by any hon. gentleman on the other side, with . one exception, in favour of the maintenance of the Lord Lieutenancy. The offiie was a very ancient one, and one that could net hastily begot rid of. Bat if this vote should be passe it would be for the Government to con . eider what steps should he taken to prepare for its aboli tion. He remembered when the noble lord the member 'for the City of London had advocated the abolition of the Lord-Lieun nancy. Elie regretted that the noble lord was not in his place, but be knew that while the noble lord would not press the matter to the present inconve nience of the Government, his opinion on the question ha I undergone no change. A great deal had - been said against con trali, , ation, but thew!) were times when cell . traiisation _would be an advantage. The pra3ent eye• tem wan roundabout and um a eetectory. (Hear, hear.) Ireland was governed by a double executive, and the t weakened each other. Ho. complained of the in decency of the constantly recurring condemnation by one viceroy of the conduct of his predecessor. It had been said that the lord-lieutenancy was necessary to the maintenance of the court in Ireland, but he asked what difference there was in this respect between the relation between England and Ireland, and that between England and Scotland ? and why, if the re moval of the court from the former country bad not been injurious, any evil - should he apprehended from it ire Ireland 57 years after the Union ? So far from ab sentees being increased by the abolition of the office, he thought it would be very materially diminished. The - removal of the Lord-Lieutenancy would not de-nation alise Ireland, but would unP rovincialiee her; she would be as much a notion and more imperial. He agreed with the honourable member for Sheffield that it would . be removing a badge of conquest, and he should not re cede from his vo t e of 1850, but should support the mo tion of Mr. R:mbuck. Mr. VANCE said that if he di I not think the removal of the Viceroy wool I as injuriously affect the whole country as it would the city of Dublin, he should not oppose it for the sa k e o f ono- city, as he held it would be injurious to th e interests of the country, he would oppose the motion to the last. • Mr.. BAG WELL should have expected from the great reformer of the day somethi ng b etter than the pulling down of an existing institution. A very clumsy fellow might pull down, but it required an architect to build up. It was injudicious to propose a reform not called for by the people. Some of the hon. gentlemen who had spoken in favour of the motion were Irishmen, but . strangely, had been unable to obtain seats for their native places. They sat as English members and s p o k e . as Englishmen. Unless the Irish people made a move in this direction it was not competent for Englishmen to legislate on the question. The Parliament which car ried the act of Union could not fairly be called an Irish Parliament. There never was a country so swindled out of its rights as Ireland at the time of the Union, Which, indeed,. was necessary, but whic h was carried by unfair means, and the people of Ireland were not really consulted on the question. He hoped the house would con sider this question in connection a ith the feel ings —the prejudices, if they would—of the Irish pr o pie. elzt e would be q u it e ti m e to legislate upon a the subject, wnen the opinion, and th a t any people of Ireland expressed an measure that might be introduced should proceed fr om private individual. r u l e ea G r. o ) vernment instead of from a Mr. MAGUIRE repudiated the morbid over the abolition sentimen talities of gentlemen who would t W of the Lord-Lieutenancy, r evould not mourn over the lost liberties of their coupnia,yl::of those who were indifferent when the great Ireland was converted into a Bank, and Parl iament -house of in resisting the national appeal on behalf of liberty, who were now so anxious about the retention of a y 'eh royalty and a mock court. He was unwilling ti e r a subject of this minor importance should be swellen into one of primary magnitude, and he was bound to say_ whatever unpopularity he might gain by it in Dublin— that the calm and able exposition of the right hon. member for Canterbury had made a considerable impres sion upon his mind. The two hon. members who re presented the millinery interest of Dublin (a laugh) had, no doubt conscientiously discharged their duty faith fully to the " shamocracy" of that city ; but he pro tested against the exaggerations of which he had been guilty. One of them had spoken of the Lerd-Lieute nauts as the promoters of the arts, science, and commerce of Ireland. (Hear, hear from Mr. Vance.) Why, in what parts of Ireland did commerce flourish ? Was it Dublin, or was it in Belfast, or in Cork? What had the Lord-Lieutenant ever done to promote commerce ? Thank Gad 1 there was no Lord-Lieutenant in Belfast, and he was sure he was delighted that there was none in Cork. They got on well there ; their merchandise and trade prospered, and they. were not a whit less intelli gent or independent because they never saw the Lord- Lieutenant. They wanted neither a Carlisle nor an Eglinton to make them industrious, intelligent, enter prising, and an hon. gentleman could only be excused on the ground of excess of zeal who told them, who knew that the office wasa sham, that the Lord-Lieutenant had promoted thecommerce of Ireland. The other hon. mem ber for Dublin stated that the tranquillity and prospe rity of Ireland were attributable to the Lord-Lieutenant. Was not that immense exaggeration ? He didn't hesitate to say that it was downright blasphemy. (A laugh.) He. r epeated it most deliberately, the prosperity of Ireland was owing to the Great Being who presided over the destinies of mankind. He had given them abundance. He had blessed their harvests. It was that Great Being who had removed the load of misery from the hearths and homes of the people of Ireland, and the Viceroy had in no way con tributed to bring about that happy Change which he (Mr. Maguire) as a Christian man recognised, and attributed to the mercy of God alone. (Hear.) He contended, then, that the attempt to trace these blessings to a mock sceptre and a sham Court was downright palpable blasphemy. He had no doubt that the Government were much indebted to the present Viceroy, because he fully admitted that he had made himself most popular in Ireland. The noble lord had mastered the national dances—(a laugh) —and he did verily believe that he was equal to anything in that way, from the dash and splendour of Sir Roger de Coverley to the intricate mysteries of the double shuffle. He was sure the noble lord had mastered these dances out of respect to the people, and in order to place himself upon a good foot ing with them, (Laughter.) He had done as much also to eulogise Irish bulls, and to indicate the points and perfec tions of Irish pigs, as any viceroy who had ever gone there. (Renewed laughter.) Moreover, he had spoken in the most amiable way of the national trades, and he had done great service to the Government in a political way, for not even Coppock was a better electioneerer than Lord Carlisle. The noble lord, so far as it was possible for a lord-lieutenant to be so, was omnipresent during the elections, in county and in borough. Nothing was too great f r his genius, nothing too small for his power of detail. There was not a borough in the country but he had a finger in the pie. (A laugh.) The noble lord, then, was undoubtedly a good electioneerer; but what benefit he had ever conferred upon the people of Ireland had yet to be discovered. He (Mr. Maguire) had occaaionallygone to the castle, not to bow and scrape before sham Majesty, but upon public business, when the Lord- Lieutenant had been obliged to admit practically the mockery of which he was the embodiment ; for it was evi dent to every one upon those' occasions that the Viceroy was a kind of post-office, an electric wire, through which a message might be sent, a vehicle for conveyance, but no thing more. " I am not of the Cabinet, I must consult the Cabinet.," was the only answer he could give. In the same way the Secretary for Ireland, if any representations were ma le to him, was obliged to confess that he, too, was a mockery, or scarcely anything better. He could not venture to exprees an opinion of his own : all ha could do was to promise to consult his superiors. (Hear, hear) He had come to the conclusion that there must be some re sponsibile officer pla,ced on a level with the other members of the Cabinet, to whom Irishmen could go to represent the wants of the country, and by whom something like authority would be exercised. So long as some arrange ment of that sort were not made Ireland would 'continue to be in that degraded and anomalous position to which the hon. member for Dublin apprehended she would fall if the Lord-Lieutenant were withdrawn. As to the removal of the courts of law, he should resist such a proposal by all means in his power, and he believed it had been shown pretty clearly that the diversity of the laws made it utterly impossible that the courts of England and Irelan 1 could be amalgamated. Then it was said that Dublin would be injured by the withdrawal of the Lord-Lieuten ant. He had once an idea of that sort before he had given much attention to the subject, but he did not think so now. No doubt it would be a blow to that bas'ard aris tocracy, that wretched assumption of gentility, utterly at variance with honourable industry and independence, which was generated in Dublin by this miserable abortion of a Court. (Hear, hear.) There was more real independ ence in any little town in Ireland than in Dublin. The in fluence of the Castle was most injurious to Ireland, but in nothing was it ' felt more seriously than in the dem oralieation of Dublin society. There was wretched ostentation and glitter without, and hard miserly pinching within. The gentleman of 7001. or 800/. a year was not contented unless he could get his daughters presented at the Castle. He came up to Dahill), hired a house, and in order to keep pace with the ambitions barrister and the aspiring attorney he had to screw his miserable tenants, and in the end became himself a patriotic pauper —all to bask in the smiles of a Carlisle or an Eglinton. (Laughter.) He did not, however, intend to vote for the motion of the hon. and learned member for Sheffield. (Loud laughter.) He was aware that this declaration was not a very logical de duction fr om his speech, and the laughter of hon. gentlemen did not take him by surprise. But he should not support the motion for the reasons given by the hon. gentleman who had moved the previous question, and for the reasons , which would actuate the majority of those who were about 1 to vote against the motion. He did not believe that there were 10 gentlemen who were in favour of the retention of the Lor 1-identenant. (Cries of " Oh !") Were there 20, then? Thera were certainly not more who, if it were put to a plain question of aye or no, should the Lord-Lieute nant ba retained or not, would vote aye. But the hon. member for Sheffield was not in a position to offer an equi valent. The Government alone were in that position, and until some definite substantial plan were laid before Par liament, he should not vote for any such motion as this. The hon. member for Dublin, who last spoke (Mr. Vance) had done more than any one else to show the true nature of the Dublin feeling in favour of the retention of the office. He made it a great national question ; but what did he ask ! Compensation for Dublin ; not for bereaved Cork, or for heartstricken Belfast, but only for widowed Dublin about to lose her Carlisle. (Loud laughter.) To speak in official langnage, he was ready to give his " best and fairest consideration" to any motion which came legiti mately before the house, backed wjth the weight of the authority of its proposers, and not proceeding from a private member, who could do nothing to carry out his proposition, When a definite plan was thus laid before the house he should bo prepared to support it, and to run all the risk of the terrible consequences—the destruction of Irish nationality and the extinction of the Irish race, which the hon. member for Dublin apprehended would flow from the withdrawal of this miserable sham of a Court. It had been said on a former occasion that this measure would drive all the gentry from Dublin; but the answer given by the noble lord the member for London to that was that it would be far better for them to be on their own estates minding their own business, and he was old-fashioned enough to agree in that opinion. The hon. member for Dublin complained that not even a baron would be left in Dublin. The solitary Irish duke was gone, all the mar quises were gone, nobody was left but a baron and a bishop, and these, too, would depart, with the Lord-Lieutenant. But if the withdrawal of the splendid Court of a Viceroy would drive all these great people away from Dublin, how was it that it didn't keep them in Dublin now that it was there? (Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding his objections to the retention of the Viceroyalty, lie should, for the rea sons he had stated, vote on the present occasion for the previous question. Mr. HORSMAN said that the hon. and learned gentle man the member for Enniskillen had stated that the Lord- Lieutenantlhal made appointments in Ireland to which the Secretary of State for the Home Department would never be a party. With that flash of eloquence the hon. and learned gentleman had vanished, • and had not since ap peared in the house. It had been constantly urged that the appointments of the present Lord-Lieutenant had been given almost exclusively to Roman Catholics; but the fact was, that in point of nu m b ers , emolument, and in fluence the great majority of the appointments of the pre sent ILkl-Lieutenant had been given to Protestants. When the present Lord-Lieutenant went to Ireland he made the arrangement that, in regard to appointments, personal qualities and services should bo the first cl dm, and poli tical influence the second ; and during the two years he held office that rule was not, as far as he was aware, de parted from in a single instance. (Hear, hear.) In tho case of assistant barristers, the appointments were of that kind that even those who .were disappointed spontaneously declared their conviction of the high moral effect which must be produced throughout the country by such excellent nominations. (Hear, hear.) It must be recollected that a few years since Ireland was a mystery and embarrassment to all. Since that she has ex perienced a famine and a rebellion, but she had since had good seasons. Ireland was, however, an agricultural coun try, and should there be bad seasons, he was afraid we might find that her temporary prosperity had concealed weaknesses which there had not been time to eradicate, and thus Ireland might again become to us a source of great anxiety, embarassment and expense. (Hear, hear.) He therefore thought they should approach any hasty changes in the government of Ireland with great caution. The question had been put in many ways by various speakers, but he should wish to look at it in an Irish point of view, and to inquire whether the existing executive tended to conduce to the good government and well-being of the Irish people. He objected altogether to the pro posal in reference to the law courts, for helbelieved that the expenses of bringing suitors, solicitors, and others to Lon don would be ruinous, and that the removal of the courts would be tantamount their abolition. It would be im possible for the Government to adopt the resolution of the hon. and learned gentleman, because if the resolution were carried, the lord lieutenancy would be condemned, and it would be the duty of the Government to provide an equi valent. With the carrying of the resolution, the responsi bility of the hon. and learned gentleman and the house would cease, bat with the adoption of the resolution, the responsibility of the Government would commence. So long, therefore, as the Government were unprepared to pro vide an equivalent, it would be imperative upon them to oppose the resolution which had been submitted. He thought this was a question which might well be left for future consideration and for a future declaration on the part of the Government as to the course they would think it desil 4ble to pursue. Mr. P. O'BP.IEN looked up on the question as one of contract, for a t the time eof the union the Irish people were assured that theL Lords d o ls rLieutenancy ,oiri e th st e ab o l in isla ce ed s , h a o n n d ld it iz e , v ses th u esdntthheolison. member f s o li rm a nahriscßosluLirgAthiKtninElgreland. opinion of the people now that retained. It was idle to talk of a remarksad noblemeni w (M ho r.. li M ad agu lat i e r l e y ) filled wasth the muchLor(l indebted Lieutenancy toHe d c thoughtCarlisle Ire land sfn their great exertions in its behalf. Lord PALMERSTON—There is no denying the na i por tance of the question which th e h on . and lelearnedmemher , for Sheffield has brought under the con s id erat i on of the house. It is one with respect to which, however, those who entertain opposite opinions might equally vote for the motion of the hon. gentleman who has moved the previous question , • because my hon. and learned friend wh o ma d the original motion bas thrown down on the floor of th e house an abstract resolution, which, if it were adopted b the house, ought to be followed up by some practical mea surenen.ri for car friend the le r a e v so e l s u t t oot ion u i h n e t r o s th effect. task But of finishing s p u g and learned that which ho wishes to begin; and, without suggesting any arrangement whatever by which the Government of Ireland is to I,e carried on, simply proposes, towards the nelusion of th e sess i on , a resolution the effect of which is to condemn the existing state of things—to render that state of thins inefficient for the purposes of government during a long course of time, and then abstains even from hinting at the arrangement he would substitute for it. Now, I think that is a very inconvenient mode of dealing with a great and important question of this nature. It is very well for hon. gentlemen to propose abstract resolu tions, and to leave it to the Government—if the house should affirm such resolutions—to devise mdane of carrying them into effect; but I conceive that this is not the manner in which grave questions of this kind ought to be treated in the discussions of Parliament. I think, if any hon. gen tleman has satisfied his own mind that the L erd-Lieutenancy of Ireland ought to cease, he is bound, when he makes such a proposition to the house, to suggest for its consideration such an arrangement as he thinks calculated to supply the place of the system which he a:ks the house immediately and by a single resolution to condemn. With regard to the question itself, I am bound to say that it is one which is surrounded with great difficulties. It is quite true that in 1850 the Government of the day not only pro posed the abolition of the office of Lord-Lieutenant, but at the same time suggested a plan for the administration of affairs of Ireland upon the cessation of that office. The hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Roebuck) mentioned the names of the members of the Government who voted on that occasion. He also mentioned the names of those who must be supposed to have con :urred in the measure, and among them he mentioned mine. I don't know at: this moment how it happened that I was not present at the di vision ; but, undoubtedly, aea member of the Government, I concurred with my colleagues in the measure which was then submitted to the house. Difficulties arose, however, with regard to the system which was proposed as a substi tute for the Lord Lieutenancy, and those difficulties were so serious that the measure was dropped, and a similar proposition has not since been submitted to Parliament. I confess that I, for one, am not prepared at the present moment to propose any arrangement which would bo satis factory, as a substitute for the Lord-Lieutenancy. Treat ing this merely as an abstract proposition, it must be con fessed that, in the present relations of the two countries, it is difficult to argue that a separate establishment, like that of the Lord Lieutenant, is necessary for, the conduct of af fairs in Ireland. It is difficult to maintain that the con tinuance of that office is essential to the prosperity of Ire land, or even to the good government of that country. At the same time it must be confessed that many local advan tages result from having in Dublin an authority with whom residents in Ireland can communicate personally, to whom they can state face to face their wants or wishes, and by communication with whom a great number of local questions which it would be difficult and tedious to arrange by correspondence may be settled without subjecting the persons interested to the inconvenience of coming over from Dublin to London. (Hear, hear.) The question is, therefore, far from being so simple as the hon. and learned gentleman seems to imagine, when he proposes by a single vote of the House to cut short all the difficulties of the case. It is needless, however, to say that, even if the Go vernment had determined upon any arrangement which they deemed satisfactory as a substitute for the existing system, it would be utterly impossible toexpect them tosub mit their plan to Parliament at this period of the session. (A. laugh.) lam sure upon reflection my hon. and learned friend will feel that it would not be conducive to the inte rests of the public service that the house should, at this moment, condemn by its vote an existing institution which as has been well observed, has been maintained for a long period, and should leave that institution un der the censure and condemnation of Parliament without any definite idea being even suggested by the mover of the resolution as to the system upon which the affairs of Ireland are to be in future conducted. I shall therefore certainly vote for the previous question, and I think those hon. gentlemen who agree with the hon. and learned member for Sheffield, that iu the ab stract the office of Lord Lieutenant may be dispensed with as well as those who deem it is essential to maintain that office, may with equal propriety vote for the motion of the hon. member for Yarmouth (Mr. M'Cullagh), because there cannot be a donbtthatthe resolution of the hon. and learned member for Sheffield is one which, at the present moment, it is inexpedient to affirm. The hon. and learned gentle man (Mr. Roebuck) said that those who voted for the pre vious question would admit their acquiescence in the mo tion with regard to which the previous question is pro posed. 'I beg leave to differ from the hon. gentleman on that point. Those who vote for the previous question de clare, in effect, their opinion that, for whatever reasons, it is not expedient that the house should, at this moment, come to a decision upon the resolution which has been sub mitted to it. Those, therefore, who vote for the previous question give no opinion, and imply no opinion, upon the subject on which the previous question is moved, but they simply declare that the resolution is ono which it is not desirable that Parliament should assent to at the present time. lam glad that my right hon. friend the late Secre tary for Ireland has done justice to Lard Carlisle, whose conduct in the administration of his Government has, I think, been most unfairly represented in the course of this debate. lam convinced that no man who every filled the office of Lord-Lieutenant entered upon it with a more sin cere desire than was entertained by Lord Carlisle to con duct the administration in the manner the most conducive to the interests of Ireland and most congenial with the feelings of Ireland. I venture to say there never was a man who more completely carried his heart into the per formance of his duties than Lord Carlisle, and I think every man acquainted with the present state of Ireland will admit that his intentions have been fully appreciated by the Irish people. Indeed, I believe I may say there never was a Lord-Lieutenant who possessed more fully , than does Lord Carlisle the confidence and affection of the people over whose affairs ho presides. In the adminis tration of the patronage with which he is invested he has been actuated by no motive whatever except the desire of promoting the general interests of Ireland ; and I think if the prosperity, the tranquillity, and the good feeling of the country can be assumed as good evidences of the me rits of the person by whom the government is conducted, we have ample testimony that Lord Carlisle's administra tion has been most successful. It is unnecessary for me, from the ground I have taken, to go into a detailed examina tion of the arguments which have bon urged either in fa vour of or in opposition to the abolition of the office of Lord-Lieutenant. I have already stated that in the abstract I think it would be difficult a priori to maintain that the continuance of such an office is absolutely necessary. On the other hand, I think it is evident, from what has passed in the course of this debate, that there would be great diffi culty in providing a satisfactory substitute for that office, and I skull, therefore,*vote for the previous question. Mr. DISRAELI—I hope the house will allow one who is neither an Irish member nor has been an Irish Secretary to take some slight part in this debate—(hear)—and that they will permit one English member,who holds no official position, to offer a few remarks on the motion of the hon. and learned member fer Sheffield. This motion is unques tionably one of no ordinary character. It proposes to make a very great alteration in the administration of Ire land; and I think we ought to-night to have placed before us very distinctly and precisely the reasons why such an alteration is, in the opinion of the hon. and learned mem ber for Sheffield, and those who think with him, not only expedient, but necessary and instant. (Hear.) Ido not understand that any reasons of that kind have been placed before us. The charges against the office are of a very ge neral character ; nor are they such that even were they true would justify immediate and precipitate legislation. (Hear.) Aa far as I can collect from the course of this de bate, the charges against the office of Lord Lieutenant may be ranged under two head+. Under the first it may bo said that the office is of a deceptive character. It has been styled by an hon. member—not once, but twenty times— in the course of his speech as a " sham"—the English of which word I doubt, and the Parliamentary use of which I have always deprecated. (Rear, and a laugh.) The reasons brought forward to show that it is a "sham" leave not brought any conviction to my mind; (Cheers.), It has also been said in the debate that to a certain degree the office is a ceremony and a pageant. Is the house prepared to abo lish it for that reason ? As far as I could listen to the ob jections of the hon, and learned gentleman, I must, say that they are objections which would apply to almost every high office in the state; and if it were not blasphemy— (laughter)—to Use the expression of the hon. member for Dungarvan (Mr. Maguire), I am not quite sure they would not apply to the monarchy itself. If you come to analyse all the arrangements and all the forms which sur round the fulfilment of office, I am not quite certain that the highest offices of this house msght not bo proved to be what the hon. gentleman (31r. Maguire)styles a "sham." (Renewed laughter.) You might analyse the fulfilment of public duties, and you might prove that a clerk —au unknown clerk—in a Government office, might fulfil per haps, all those functions which attract so much public attention, and excite so much the public confidence. You might reduce government to much more simple and rude forms than at , presont. But having done all this—having destroyed all sentiment and all responsibility —some day an awful crash will occur, and then you will discover that all this time, while simplifying the forms of government, you have been in effect destroying all the sources of autho rity—(hear)—and I might observe, in passing, that the very speakers who tell us this office is a sham— that it is a perfectly idle and inefficient form—tell us at the 'same time that it meddles withieverybody and everything—that there is nobody whom it does not corrupt, and that it is all potent at elections—yes, the power which is described as absolutely inefficient. What I 'want to impress upon the house is this, that we are Called upon to make a very con siderable change in the administration of Ireland, and that we have had nu case placed•before us. (Rear.) lam not prepared to say that the form of administration which exists in Ireland is the one best adapted for the state of affairs in that country ; or that it is the best calculated to deal with all the circumstances which it has to control and contend with. At the same time Ido not agree with the noble lord that it is 'an anomaly to have a different admi nistration for Ireland and England, because the circum stances of the two countries are the same ; for I do not admit that the circumstances of the two countries are the same. Bat passing from that view, I say it is absolutely necessary to have a clear case before us ere we sanction a change of this character. And therefore nothing but a feeling of general discontent acting upon the Government, or some similar influence, could justify the House of Commons, particularly at this moment, in entering upon the consideration of such a question. The hon. and learned gentleman, however, evades that view of the case. In 1850, we had the question fairly before us ; but I would appeal to every one who remembers those times whether the substitute offered to us did not sink before the repeated discussions in this house. • There was no in disposition on the part of the house to sanction the prin ciple supported by the hon. and learned gentleman ; in deed, I believe, successive majorities sanctioned that prin ciple; but when we had to consider the substitute placed before us by the Government, I would ask any one pre sent who was a member of the house at that time, whether he will not bear witness to this, that night after night— for our debates were very much prolonged—gave as the inevitable result of discussion, that the substitute of the Government was generally considered totally unsatisfactory and inefficient. Well, sir, no ono can say that there is any thing in the circumstances of Ireland that demands such a discussion, or that necessitates this change at the present moment. No one will deny that, probably, at no period Ireland was in a more tranquil or in a more satisfactory state. lam not anxious to prove now that it is owing to the establishment of the Lord Lieutenancy that this tran quillity is attributable, but, simply that it is coincident with it. Well, what is the reason that we should come for ward now to effect so considerab'e a change in the mode of administering Ireland? And this brings me to another ob jection which is urged against the office. It is said that not only is the Lord Lieutenancy a sham, but that it is a a en t : i ,corruption. That was the second head of accusation against th e o ffi ce. B u t w h a t proo f i s th ere o f this cor ruption? I do n o t thi n k that i n ou r debates at this mo ment we ought to go into the ancient history of Ireland, or obfwnetthteo that oagffito as ht to discuss the character of the office of Loyd Lieutenant a t th e t i me of t h e un i on or b e f ore th e uon ee e o t we h t a o , e speak knownof i t th echaracterwithinown times and experience. Now, take the last 20 years, during which I h ave h a d exper i ence of this house and of public affairs, and I want to know what evidence have we before US that the excrciee of authority on the part of the Lord Lieutenant was an intriguing and corrupting exercise of THE SUN, LONEON, WEDNESDAY EVENINGi s JULY 8, 180. authority? (Loud cries of "hear, hear.") There may or nrayponolittihcaal result; a managementwoancdiospfu—who is there that men; te that, however, i ;but who ought to object to such conduct ? But I want to know, has there been no intriguing—has there been no exercise of patronage in England during those 20 years, as wall as in Ireland? (Loud cheers.) Let us meet the question fairly. Why, sir, as Belgium has been said to be the battle-field of Europe, so Ireland has been the battle-field of parties ; and we have had accusations and counter-ac ousations'respecting the exorcise of patronage there. There is no doubt about that. Sometimes we are told that a particular Lord Lieutenant , gives all the patronage at his disposal to Protestants; and in another year we are told that the Lord Lieutenant dispenses all the patronage at his command to Roman Catholics. But remember, this country is a country of parties; and so it has occurred that during the last 20 years gentlemen from Ireland, of the Roman Catholic religion, have been followers of one party in the state ; while gentlemen from Ireland, professing the Protestant religion, have generally been followers of the other parts in the state—the distribution of patronage fol lowing the arrangements of party. But now that we live in calmer times, and consider subjects in a more tranquil spirit than formerly, no one can attribute this natural party exercise of patronage to corrupting and improper in fluences. Now, sir, take the last lOyears—take the time that has intervened since our last discussion upon this subject —take the periods of office of three Lords Lieutenant who were noblemen or differentopinions , to illustratemy mean ing upon this subject. But first let me say, we are asked to put an end to this office upon the ground theta a mockery. Now, an argument of that kind would tell equally well against the governors of everyone of our colonies. I might be told that the Governor General of India was a " sham" just as well as the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland is. Again, you are asked, to put an end to this office because it is corrupting in its influence, not one single case having been alleged in which corruption has been exercised. ( Hear, hear.) Well, then, to revert to the periods of office of three noblemen who have filled the appointment of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. You had the Earl of Clarendon, the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He exer cised the office in times of considerable trouble and excite ment. I don't suppose that any one will pretend that the exercise of his office was a mockery or a sham ; but what ever may be the difference of opinion as to the administra tion of Lord Clarendon, there is no doubt her Majesty con sidered his services so signal that she bestowed upon him the highest honours within the power of the crown. I need hardly say a word as to a noble friend of mine, the Earl of Eglinton. His viceroyalty was not of any great duration, but it was of a character so remarkable, that it remains in the hearts and recollections of those whose interests were the concern of his administration. (Cheers.) But we are told to-night that Lord Carlisle is a dancer, and that he knows the difference between a bull and a pig. Sir, I had the honour of a seat in this house during ten years when Lord Carlisle sat here, not only as a minister of state, but as a secretary of a Lord Lieutenant, who held office in the cabinet; and lot me remind the house those were not or dinary times. The House of Commons then reckoned amongst its members a greater number of considerable men than perhaps it ever before held. There may have been individual members more remarkable than any who flourished within these walls at that time, bat, undoubtedly there never was a period whe n so grea t a number of dis tinguished men were to be counted in the House of Com mons than during those 10 years Lord Morpeth took a great part in our discussions. He was one of our very greatest debaters. He was remarkable for his .knowledge, for his accomplishments, ant for his command of eloquence. (Hear, hear.) He was the man who, as Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, -was that responsible minister for Ire land of whom we have heard so much. But the hon. gentleman (Hr. Maguire) will allow me to say that it was not complimentary to a House of Commons, where Lord Morpeth filled so consid era bl e a space, andheld so consi derable a away, to say that, having come to Ireland, that noble a dancer, an d only able to decide between the merits of b e ll e and realordl point wasonly bef ore W.. We are pigs. al That leads me to theh ways here contend ing about forms of goveenment ; but, after alt, govern ment greatly depends upon the character of the individual; and the question is, when you are talking about sham monarchies, and the intrigues and t . of the corrup lone Cas tle of Dublin—the question is, whether you have not been enabled through the machinery of the Lord Lieutenancy, to place in Ireland as y our chief administrators men of energy, experience, and position? Ido not say that rea sons may not be alleged vhy a change should not occur, but I have not heard them. I am not quite prepared to say that you may not devise a more rational and precise form of administration ; but I recollect one of the most expe rienced members of this house, then Prime Minister of England, aided by the knowledge and wisdom of a power ful cabinet, did bring forvard this scheme, and that it did not stand against the discassions of a House of Commons favourable to the measure. I must, therefore, proceed with caution before I sanction a general resolution like the pre sent. I think the alternative offered to us is ono which we ought to adopt. Ido net thiuk that under any circum stances we are justified in voting for the motion of the hon. and learned member fur Sheffield, unless what might be called " the enormities of the office" were so obvious, un less the public discontent was so overwhelming, or the Ministry of the day so involved, that the House of Com mons ought to come forward and call upon the Government to vindicate this wrong, and offer a remedy for such a pro scribed and acknowledged evil. But that not being our position, I don't see what other course we ought to take under present circumstances than to avoid giving any de ' cision on the question beyond saying that we do not think the present a convenient moment to discuss it—for that, I understand, to be the real interpretation of our voting for the previous question. All I wish to protest against now is the interpretation which hag been put upon that vote by the hon.and learned gentleman—namely, that it is an acknow ledgment of the principle which he lays down. That I think to be quite a gratuitous interpraation of our vote. Under general circumstances, it would be more conve nient that a question should be fairly met and discussed, and that we should say aye or no as to the merits of a reso lution like this ; but I do net see how we could do that unless the Government are prepared, if they accept the principle laid down, to bring forward some practical sub stitute for the administration of Ireland. But they are not prepared to do that, and, therefore, I think we (Ake a pru dent course in voting for the amendment, and'thus express an opinion that it is not convenient at the present time to discuss the motion of the hon. and learned gentleman. Let me observe, in conclusion, that in voting for the previous question, I beg to state that I do not in any way admit the principle which the hon. gentleman wishes us to accept, and I reserve to myself the right, at the proper momens, to offer upon this subject a matured and unshackled opinion. (Cheers.) Mr. CONOLLY having borne a part in the discussion which took place with reference to this question some years ago, and when it was brought before the house in a regular form by the Government of the day, might be al. lowed to state very shortly the reasons which had induced him to alter the vote which he then gave in favour of the abolition of the office of Lord Lieutenant. He would ac knowledge that it was mainly owing to the opinions ex pressed by the late Duke of Wellington that he had been led so completely to change his views upon the subject. ; (Cries of "Divide.") The position of Ireland was peculiar, and it required on that account a mote direct interference of the Executive. That was the opinion of the Duke of Wellington, and it was one which he at least would not be disposed to treat with levity or ridicule. He (Mr. I Conolly) lived in the vicinity of Dublin, and ho e,uld very I well appreciate the value of a more independent society in I that city; still ho believed the benefits of the proposed I abolition' would be partial and insignificant when placed side by side with the advantages and safeguards derived from the presence of the Lord Lieutenant. Mr. ROEBUCK rose to reply. It had been said he had brought forward this motion in an imprudent manner ; now let him at once say no other course was then open to him than that which he had pursued. He recollected hearing Sir Robert Peel once say, upon being asked what he would do in a particular conjuncture--he would let them know when he was called in. (A laugh). Well, just so ;it was enough for him, a private member, to point out a par ticular defect, and until he was called in the need not feel bound to offer a remedy. The right hon. gentleman the member for Stroud had said that, when the functions of the house on this subject ceased those of the Government would begin. Now that was quite natural. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord at the head of the Government said that if there was a Parliamentary division against the office now, the session would close with a Parliamentary Stigma on the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland : but was not there already a stigma of that kind affixed to it by the vote of (1810 ? It was stated that the Lord-Lientenancy was so important an office that any one seeking for its removal should state grounds for that movement. (Hear, hear.) He had done so. He had objected to the office on the ground of expense, and also on the ground of the irre sponsible nature of the Present Irish Government. (Hear, hear) He thought these were very cogent objections. In taking the course he had be (Mr. Roebuck) had followed the example set him in 1850 by the noble lord the mem ber for the City of L mdon so far as a private member could follow the example of a Prime Minister. It was not his (Mr. Roebuck's) province to suggest a scheme of Government. In the re:g • nof Queen Anne, when it took three week s or a m onth to travel to Edinburgh, a Lord- Lieutenant was not asked for Scotland, though it was then being united to England. He asked, then, why, now that Ireland was within eleven hours of England, a Vice roy should be continued in that, country ? (Hear, hear.) As to the panic got up about the alleged intended re moval of the law courts that was simply foolish. (Hear, heaa.) No statesman could think of such a scheme. It was no part of Lord J. Russell's scheme in 1850 ; and after all Parliament had done to bring cheap law home to every man's door (Hear, hoar)— it was a " sham" to say there was any fear of the law courts of Ireland being abolished or removed to this country. What did the Lord-Lieutenant do? Could he do anything? Nothing. When asked to do any thing his Excellen c y sa id , " I mus t consult my superiors." Re had not the power possessed by the Governor-General of India. He no more governed the people of Ireland than did the groom that waited on• him. He (Mr. Roebuck) knew he should be in a small—a miserable minority; but he had been too long a member of that house to be asto-. nished at any change of opinion amongst hon. gentlemen. Certainly the change on this subject was a great one; for, when in 1850, there was a vote of the house in favour of the abolition of the Lord Lieutenancy, there was danger in Ireland; but now there was nothing there but peace; still he was quite prepared for having his proposition re jected by a large majority, however consonant it might be with reason and good policy. (Hear, hear.) The house then divided— For the previous question... ................. 115 Against ........................................... 266 Majority The previous question was thereupon lost, and the mo tion Was not put. ELECTION PETITIONS. The SPEAKER announced that he had that day received a letter from Mr. Coppock, the agent for the petitioner who complained of an undue election for the borough of Taun ton, stating that it was not his intention to proceed with the petition. The right hon. gentleman further announced that the agents for the petitioners against the return for the boroughs of Newpo r t an d P o rtsmouth had also writt en to hive to say that it w as no t their intenticn to p roceed with their respective petitions. It was then ordered that no further proceedinzs should be taken by the. house upon the three petitions above named. THE NAVY. Sir C. NAPIER rose to move for returns relating to the reserved steamers and the steamers in commission at the various ports. The hon. and' gallant gentleman said he understood that the First Lord of the Admiralty intended to oppose his motion on the ground that it would furnish to foreign Powers information which it would be wiser to keep from them. There was nothing, however, in the returns for which he asked that ,anybody who went down to Portsmouth, Plymouth, and other stations might not easily pick up ; and therefore such a plea for withholding these particulars was wholly idle and fallacious. The only nformstion given to the house respecting the navy was omprised in Wet estimates ; and whether the money they voted was judiciously spent they had not the proper ma terials submitted to them for judging.. Non-professional gentlemen who looked at the Navy List would fancy that we had a respectable fleet, but in reality we bad no fleet whatever for the defence of this country. The ships stationed at Sheerness, Chatham, Portsmouth, and Davenport were wholly unfit for service, and were not manned at all. The few ships that we had on the home station ought at least to be efficient. With regard to our steamers we had several very bad vessels which were origi nally cut down ; and out of the whole force in England we had not a single ship that, according to the notions of the present day, ought to be kept in com mission. Instead of baying our worst ships stationed here in time of peace we ought to have our bast. The expense of keeping a good ship in commission was not more than that of a bad one. At present the navy was entirely de nuded of men, although a short time ago the First Lord of the Admiralty told the house that the navy was so popular that he could not get rid of the men, and that when they were paid off they entered again immediately. Yet, an order having been sent down that the continuous service men who were entitled to their discharge after 10 years' service might have their discharge at once if they thought proper, not less than 1,503 men at Portsmouth claimed the privilege, and asked for their discharge. He was also told that all the first class boys, who had been trained with great care, and were getting useful, were offered their discharge as well as the apprentice boys, and that every one of them also took their discharge. Ho did not blame the Admiralty for this, but he was sure that if the House of Commons were asked for men for manning the navy they would be happy to vote them to-morrow. A. pamphlet on the state of the navy had been published. within the last few days, which was well worthy the at tention of the house and the Government. At present the state of the navy was worse than when the late war broke out. Then we had a small though efficient squadron, and we had more ships ready for sea than we had at present. The hon. and gallant admiral, amid marks of impatience on the part of the house, proceeded to read a comparison from the pamphlet in question between Cherbourg and the ports of England, to the disagvaetage of the latter. He would say nothing against the efficiency of our ships on foreign stations, but he contended th a t i n G rea t B r it a i n w e had not a force sufficient, nor could we get it within a short time. The First Lord of the Admiralty, on moving the navy estimates, stated that this country had only 42 steam line-of-battle ships, while France had 40, and he added that France, having 90,000 men available for the purpose, could melt her fleet, while we could not. There were no ships in Efigland from which to draught the men required to man a fleet, and it would be impossible to find them suddenly. Instead of sending out screw ships to foreign stations the Admiralty sent out sailing ships ; but if it were found ne cessary to recal them they could not come home with the same rapidity as screw vessels. It appeared from a recent debate in another place that all the troops going to India were to be sent out in sailing vessels, and one noble lord stated that sailing vessels would convey them faster than steamers. If so, why were we building screw steamers at an enormous expense? No doubt, there were delays in calling at the Cape andcoaling, but if the screw vessels took the same course as the sailing vessels and used their coals in a calm, there seemed no doubt that they would make quicker voyages. The Governnaent,in sending sailing vessels to foreign stations, should also remember that if we were at war it would be a great advantage to an enemy to carry his steam force to our colonies, when he would there have to encounter only sailing vessels. Where would the First Lord get men in case of war if our ports were blockaded, and our sailing vessels abroad were n able to get home ? He blamed the - Ministry for not asking for more men. He found by the estimates that . the number of our naval force amounted in the present year to 52,135 men, but from that number 5,700, the amount of those engaged in the Coastguard. service, must be deducted, so that the number of effective men, including the marines, was not above 46,453. That he reg ar d e d an insufficient force, and he must therefore urge upon the Government the ex pediency of taking active steps to remedy a state of things which he could not look upon in any other light than as dangerous to the safety of the county. Ships were like fortifications. They became utterly useless if they were not properly manned, and seeing that other countries were busily engaged in drilling their seamen and manceuvering their fleets, lie contended it was high time for the right hon. bart. the First Lord of the Admiralty to do something to place the navy of England upon an equally advantageous footing. The gallant admiral concluded by moving for the following returns : " Return of the names and rates of the reserved steamers at each port, their horse power, whether high or low pres sure, screw or paddle, number of officers,.men, and boys, engineers and stokers employed to take care of them, and how many were ready for commission on the Ist of June, 1857 ; and, similar return of the steamers in commission at the various ports, with their crews, how many Coastguard men are borne on their books, the number of coast volun teers enrolled, and how .nary have been called out and drilled." Mr. BENTINCK seconded the motion. Our navy in its present state could not be maintained, he considered, as efficient even according to the details of the service which bad upon a former occasion been fuinished Ly the right hon. baronet the First Lord of the Admiralty himself. Those details distinctly proved that our naval force was not now sufficient to meet the requirements of the country in case a war should unexpectedly break out. He trusted the earnest attention of the Government would therefore be directed to the subject, and must say he was astonished to find that, while money was night after night voted for comparatively insignificant purposes in that house, the estimates for the navy were sought to be cu t d own t o the lowest possible amount. (Hear.) Sir C. WOOD, who was very indistinctly heard, was understood to say that he scareely deemed it expedient to follow the hon. and gallant admiral and the hon. member for Norfolk into a discussion with respect to the general state of our naval force upon a motion such as that before the house, especially when he took into consideration the circumstance that when he had, a short time since, moved the naval estimates he had entered largely into detail in connexion with the subject. He had upon that occasion stated that he thought the number of men which he asked the house to sanction would be found to be sufficient, and he did not think that anything ha 1 since occurred in re ference to our relations with foreign countries which ren dered it expedient that that number should be in creased. The number of seamen and boys which had been voted, for the service was 31,000, while the num ber of marines was 15,003, making a total of 48,000 effective men, and not 46,453 as the hon. and gallant ad miral had observed. That number was exclusive of the Coastguard, which amounted to 5,700 men, and taking all the circumstances of our po ition into account he saw no good reason why the country should be put to the expense of maintaining a larger force. We had, it was true, this year no home squadron or squadrons of evolution, but that owing, as ho had before stated, to the fact that we were engaged in hostilities with China. The Government had not deemed it desirable, in the absence of a large portion of our fleet in that quarter, to ask Parliament for money to constitute a home squadron, bearing in mind that when those hostilities wore at an end the fleet would return and constitute a squadron of that nature without the necessity of having recourse to any additional expenditure for the purpose. He might also remind the house that we now possessed a larger naval force than had ever yet been voted by Parliament in a time of general peace. .If a war should unexpectedly break out ho believed that the country pos sessed a fleet quite able to cope with any force which was likely to be brought against it. The Government were the best judges of the chances of war, and it certainly was not desirable in time of peace, and with no prospect of a con flict, to keep up such a naval or military establishment as it might be expedient to maintain if the country were on the eve of war. He found in certain correspondenc e which took place in the reign of Louis XV. a maxim laid down which was well worthy of attention. It was, Do auything but go to war with England ; keep her in a stets of alarm, so that she may think it necessary to keep up an enormous army and navy, and that will exhaust the resources of any country. That maxim involved a cau tion worthy of being attended to ' • and he was sure th a t no British House of Commons would ever refuse to vote the number of men which the Government would deem neces sary in case of emergency for the eafety of the country. He was glad that the gallant admiral had spoken in terms of praise of the system which had been established with re gard to tho coast volunteers, because he believed that that system tended to provlde a good reserve of seamen. With regard to the returns moved for by the gallant admiral, he could only say that whatever information any foreign Go vernment might derive, with regard to the force of Ilia country, from private sources, it was a universal rule not to publish any official statement upon the subject, and, therefore, he felt it to be his duty to oppose the motion. Mr. LINDSAY thought that so far from any danger re sulting from foreign Powers being made acquainted with the number of ships which this country had at her dis posal, it would be a great safeguard, because he believed that such a list would be shown as would m a k e any P ower think twice before venturing to come into collision with them. Admiral DUNCOMBE entirely disagreed with all the observations of the gallant admiral. He for one did not wish to see ships run away, and, as to fighting, the gallant admiral had given them little chance of doing that when ho had a fleet under his command in the Baltic. General THOMPSON suggested that the best way of imp oving the efficiency of the navy would be by increas ing the nu►nber of marines. At present there was only about One marine to a gun, and he was sure that a captain of a ship would prefer having three or four. Thera were a groat many persons in England, who from the old naval prestige of the country felt a• natural inclination to go to sea, and many of them might be induced to join the ma rines, or rather the marine artillery, in which many passed midshipmen who saw little chance of being promoted to be captains would be glad to take the rank of ensign or second lieutenant, Regiments of marines might be placed in Malta, Gibraltar, Plymouth, and other places, whence they could be conveniently called upon when their services were required. In case of a drawn battle in the Mediter ranean or the Baltic or elsewhere, the marines would form a useful reserve. He therefore thought that an increase in the marines would be of great use. Sir J. ELPHINSTONE said that the country required men, and not ships, of which she already possessed the finest in the world, but how to man them upon a sudden emergency was the difficulty which required to be dealt with. The hon. and gallant gentleman concluded by com plaining of the manner in which seamen - had been dis charged, not only in this country but in other parts of the world. Mr. HA.NKEY moved the adjournment of the house, complaining of the length of time bon. members had been kept in attendance. Sir C. WOOD hoped his hon. friend would not press his motion until the subject then before the house had been disposed of. Sir C. NA PIER then replied, amid loud cries of " Di vide !" which rendered him almost inaudible. He vindi cated the accuracy of the figures quoted by him as to the number of seamen, and accused the hon. and gallant ad miral (Admiral buncombe) of ungentlemanlike and dis honourable conduct in the observations he addressed to the house. Admiral DUNCOMBE rose to order, and called the at tention of the Speaker to these unparliamentary expres sions. (Hear, hear.) The SPEAKER—The use of those words by the hon. and gallant admiral certainly escaped my notice ; but I cannot doubt that as his attention has been directed to them he wilt withdraw those expressions, which are, as the hon. and gallant admiral must know, quite unparlia montary. (Hear, hear.) • Sir C. NAPIER—The house must remember that I re ceived very severe provocation, (" Oh !" and " ( 4 € 10 *.") The hon. and gallant admiral reflected on my conduct when commanding in the Baltic, and said I had given the fleet no opportunity of ti g htin whereas he must have known perfectly well that it was impossible, (" Order, order ! ) If the house i s of opinion that I oeght to with draw these expression s I will do so. (Hear, hear.) of Sir C. Napier was h ear d among th e The SPEAKER then p u t th e q ues ti on when the voice tion to his own motion. ' • "Noes,"' in opposi- The motion wee accordingly negativel. Sir 0, NAPIER said there had been a mistake. Re thought the Speaker had been putting the motion for adjournment. (Cries of " Order !" and laughter.) Mr. FIANKEY said he should now press his motion for adjournment. The house divided. Tho numbers wore— For the adjournment l4O Against it Majority —36 The house accordingly at once adjourned, at 25 minutes to 1 o'clock. Mr. Gregory, Mr. Leslie, and Mr. Steel were accidentally shut out from voting against Mr. Roebuck's motion for the abolition of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Lord Galway paired against Mr. Roebuck's motion, with General Windham, for it . • _ _ _ Lord Newark paired for. with Lard A. V. Tempest against, Mr. R oebuck's motion. Mr. Pugh paired in favour of Mr. MrCullagh's motion, with Mr. Scholefield against. PARLIAMENTARY DI VISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 7. LORD LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND. Motion made, and question proposed, " That, in the opi nion of this house, the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ire land ought to be abolished : Whereupon, previous ques tion put, " That that question be now put." The house divided :—Ayes, 115 ; Noes, 266. AYES-115. Adair, H. Duncombe, A. Pakenham, Colonel Adderley, C. B. Dunlop, A. Pease, Henry Adeane, H. Ellice, E. Pechell, Sir G. Alcock, T. Elton, Sir A. 11. Philips, R. Anderson, Sir J. Evans, T. W. Piikington, J. Archdall, Capt. M. Ewart, W. Portman, W. Ayrton, A. Ewart, J. 'Lepton, G. Bantle, H. Fergus, John Robartes, T. Barnard, Thomas Ferguson, Colonel Roupeli, W. Baxter, W. Ferguson, Sir Robert Salisbury, Enoch Beaumont, W. Finlay, A. Sclater, George Berkeley, F. Forster, Charles Siieridan, R. Biggs, John Gaskell, J. Sheridan, H. B. Black, Adam Gilpin, C. smith, J. B. Blackburn, Peter Glyn, G. Somerville, Sir W. Brocklehurst, J. Goderich, Viscount . Stafford, A. Bruce, H. A. Griffiths, C. Stanley, Lord Butler, C. S. Rackblock, William Stapleton, John Byng, G. H. C. Hantinty, , Robert Stirling, W. Caird, J. Harris, J. D. Start, H. Cairns, H. Henniker. Lord Talbot, C. Cavendish, Lord lickigsoii, K. Thornely, T. Cheetham, John Jackson, W. Tollemache, F. Cholmeley, Sir M. Johnstone, Hope Tomline, G. Clay, James Jones, D. Trelawney, Sir J. Cobbett, J. M. Kershaw, J. Vane, 'Lord H. Collins, T. King, L. Warburton, Major Colvile, C. R. Kinglake, A. Watkin, Ed ward Coningham, W. Kingscote, Capt. R. Watkins, Col. Cox, W. Kiunaird, A. Whitbread, S. Craufurd, E. H. J. Langston, J. H. White, James Crawford, li. W. Lennox, Lord A. F. Williams, W. Crook, J. Lindsay, W. Willyams, E. , Crossley, F. Locke, J. Wise, J. 1 Dalglish, R. M'Clinteck. John Woods, Henry Davfe, Sir H. R. F. Melgund, Lord Davison, R. Moffat, G. _. TELLERS. Denison, W. H. Morris, D. Dillwyn, L. L. Nicoll, D. Roebuck, J. A. Dunbar, Sir W. Paget, C. Hadfield, George NOES-266. Adams, W. H. Foster, W: 0. Mowbray, J. R. Akroyd, E. Fortescue, Hon. F. Napier, Sir C. Annesley, Hon. Hugh Fortescue, C. S. Nisbet, R. P. Antrobus, E. Frazer, Sir W. Noel, G. Bagwell, John Frtestun, Colonel Norreys, Sir D. Baines, Rt, Hon. lii. Gard, lt. Norris, J. T. Ball, Et Garnett, William North, F. Baring, T. Gifford, Earl of O'Brien, P. Raring, T. G. Gilpin, Col. H. O'Brien, Sir T. Bernard, T. - Glyn, G. O'Connell, 13 Bernard, W. Gordon, Lach'an D. O'Donoghoe, The Batnurst, A. A. , Greenall, Gilbert O'Flaherty, A. Beach, W. • Gregson, Samuel Ossuleton, Lord Beale, S. Grenfell, C. I'. Owen, Sir J. .IS . .amish, F. Grenfell, Charles W. Packe, C. Beecroft, G. Grevillc, Colonel F. Pakington, Sir J. Bennet, Capt. P. Gray, Captain Palk, L. Bethell, Sir It. Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Palmer, R. Brake, J. Grey, R. Palmerston, Viscount Blakemore, T. Grogan, Edward Peel, Sir R. Boldero, Col. H. G. Grosvenor, Earl Peel, Gen. Booth, Sir Rt. Gore Gordon, Brampton Pevensey, Viscount Bot field, B. Gurney, Samuel Philipps, J. Bouverie, Hon. E. P. Hall, Sir Benjamin Potter, Sir J. Ilouverie, P. Hamilton, G. A. Pr;ce, W. Bowyer, G. Hamilton, J. Pryse, E. Brady; J. Harmer, Sir John Pugh, D. Brantley-Moore, J. Harcourt, G. G. Puller, Christopher Brampton, T. W Hansard, Michael Ramsden, Sir J. Brand, Hon. H. Hatchet!, John Ramsay, Sir A. Briscoe, J. Hay, Lord John ltaynharn, Viscount Bruce, Lord E. Heard, J. Rebow, J. Brace, Major Henchy, D. s Ricardo, 0. Buchanan, Walter Henley, J. Ridley, George nackley, Gen. ' Herbert, H. Robertson, P. Bulkeley, Sir R. Hill, Lord A. E. Bolt, J. Birder. J. W. Hodgson, a illiam ltosell, F. W. Bunbury, W. B, Hopwood, John Rust, James Burrell, Sir C. . Horsfal!, T. Sandon, Viscount Bury, Viscount 'Toward. C. Schneider, Henry Butt, I; Howard, Lord E. Seymour, Denby . Buxton, C. 'Wilson, G. Smith, V. Buxton, Sir E. N. Inghain, R. Smith, Sir F. Calcraft, J. Ingram, 11. Sinollet, A.. CaStlerosse, Vis. Jervoise, Sir J. Somers, J. P.' Campbell, R. J. R. Johnstone, H. B. Somerset, Colonel javendish, C. C. Johnstone, Sir J. Spooner, R. Cavendish, G. C. Jolla:, Sir W. Stanhope, J. Cayley, E. S. Jolliffe, IL Stephensoa, Robert Child, Smith Keating, Sir 11. Stuart Lord J. Clark, J. Kendall, N. Stuart, Colonel Clifford, C. C. Ker, Richard Sturt, C. Clinton, Lord li. King, Edward Sullivan, Michael Clive, It. Kirk, W. Syketi, Colonel Codrington, Sir C. W. Knatehbull, W. Tancred, H. Codrington, Gtn. Knatchbull-HugueiSen Taylor, Colonel Cogan, W. H. F. Labouctiere,Rt.tion.ll 'I ay-or, S. • Colebrooke,- Sir E. Langton, W. G. Thompson, General Conyngham, Lord F. Langton, H. G. Thornhill, W. Conolly, T. Laurie, John Tottenham, C. Cooper, E. J. Lcgh, G. C. Townshend, J. Cowper, W. F. Lennox, Lord H. G. Trail, G. Coote, Sir C. 11. Levinge, Sir It. Trermis, C. Cowan, C. Lewis, Sir G. 0 . Trullope, Sir J. Cubitt. W Liddell, it, G. Truman, C. Dashwood, Sir G. Lockhart, A. E. Turner, J. A. Mos. , It. Long, W. Vance, John De Vere, S. E. Lowe, It. Vansittart, G. Disraeli, 13. Luce, T. Vansittart, W. Dodson, J. Al acarthy, Alex. Verner, Sir W. Du Cane, C. Mac irtney, George Villiers, C. Dundat ' F. Macaulay, Kenneth Warldron, Laurence Donne. M. Mackie, J. Warre, John Du Pre, C. M•Collagh, W. We!by, W. East, Sir J. Mogan, W. Western, Thomas Egerton, W. Maguire, J. F. WeAhead, Joshua Ellis, Hon. L. A. Matins, Richard Wickham, FL Elphinstone, Sir J. Mang'es, C. 'Williams, B. Ennis, John Manners, Lord J. Willoughby, J. Esmonde, J. Marsh, M. Wilson, A. Fagan, W. Martin, C. Wilson, J. Farnham, E. Martin, P. Wingfield, R. Far-mhar, Sir M. Massey, W. Wood, Sir C. Fitzgerald, J. Mathe3on, A. Wrightson, W. Fitzroy, Henry Mil er, Taverner Wynn, Col. Fitzwilliam, C. Mills, Arthur Wynne, W. Fitzwilliam, G. ' Miteliell,T. A. Folambe, Francis Moody, C. Forde, Colonel Morgan, 0. Forster, Sir Geo. lidostyn, E TELLERS. Flayter, W. Mulgravo, Earl o From the London Gazette of Last Night. BUCKINGHAM PALACE, JULY 3. This day had audience of her Majesty ; the Duke and Duchess de Montpensier, Brother-in-law and only Sister of the Queen of Spain. Their Royal Highnesses were at tended by Don Juan Tomas Comyn, Charge d'Affaires of her Catholic Majesty at this Court : Also the Prince of Hohenzollern Sigmar;ngen. His Serene Highness was attended by the Count de Bernstorff, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from he King of Prussia at the Court of her Majesty : To which audiences their Royal and Serene Highnesses were introduced by the Earl of Clarendon, K.G., her Ma jesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and conduct° I by Major-General the Honourable Sir Edward Cast, K.C.H., her Majesty's Master of the Cerem mies. WAR-OFFICE, JULY 4. The Queen has been graciously pleased to ,make and ordain a special Statute of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, for the appointment of the undermentioned officer in the East India Company's Service to be an extra Member of the Military Division of the Second Class, or Knights Commanders, of the said Most Honourable Order, viz. :—Msjor-General John Bennett EL:qtrsey, C. 8., Colonel of the 6th Regiment of Bengal Li4ht Cavalry. BOARD OF TRADE, WHITEHALL, JULY 7. The Right Honourable the Loris of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade and Plantations have received, through the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, a copy of a Despatch from her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris, enclosing a copy of a French Imperial Decree, admitting mules and horned cattle, sheep and gcats, into Algeria, free of Import Duty. - - - - REDUCTION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT: The Lords Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury having certified to the Commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, that there was no surplus of actual re venue over the actual expenditure of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the year ended the 31st day o f March, 187 , 7. The Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt hereby give notice, that no sum will be applied by them on account of the Sinking Fund, under the provisions of the act 10 Geo. IV., cap. 20, between the let day of July, 1857, and the 30th day of Sept., 1857. A. Y. SPEA.RMAN, Comptroller-General. National Debt Office, Ist July, 1857. WAR OFFICE, PALL MALL, JULY 7. 3rd Regiment of Dragoon Guards—The removal of Cornet W. R. Corballis from the 16th Light Dragoons, as stated in the Gazette of the 19 th June , 1857, has been can celled ; Cornet 13. J. Daveney, from the sth Dragoon Guards, to be Cornet. 7th Dragoon Guards—Robert S. Cleland, Gent., to be Cor net, by purchase, in succession to Lieutenant Costello, promoted. Royal Artillery—Second Captain L. H. Denne to bo Ad jutant, vice 'Farmer, who resigns the Adjutancy only. The undermentioned Assistant-Surgeons, from the Hos pital Staff, to be Assistant-Surgeons :---James H. Fie. nimore, Jeffrey A. Marston, M.D., Stephen H. Dicker son, Alfred J. L. Hepworth, William Fletcher, Francis H. Forshall. 28th Regiment of Foot—Ensign E. Brett to be . Instructor of Musketry ; Lieut. H. Thackwray has been permitted to resign his Commission. 32nd Foot—Ensign John Garforth, from the 46th Foot, to be Ensign, without purchase, in succession to Lieut. Rudman, promoted to an Unattached Company. 38th Foot---Ensign John Mayo to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Robert C. Franks, who resigns. 47th Foot—Ensign George Pigott has been permitted to resign his Commission. 48th Foot—Captain F. C. Trent, from half-pay 48th Foot, to be Captain, vice Brevet-Major Cam Sykes, whose Brevet Rank has been converted into Substantive Rank under the Royal Warrant of 6th October; 1654. 60th Foot—Captain the Honourable John Colborne, from half-pay 77th Foot, to be Captain, vice St. John, who exchanges. 85th Foot —The second Christian name of Ensign Frede rick A'Court, appointed from Gentleman Cadet, Royal Military College, on the 19th June, 1851, is Holmes. 91st Foot—Charles Holloway, Gant., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Blacken, who retires. 95th Foot—rinsign Alexander Fawcett to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice James G. Johnson, who resigns. 96th Foot—Ensign John Alexander Browning to be Lieu tenant, by purchase, vice Day, who retires. 99th Foot-- Henry R. Sayce, Gent., to he Ensign, by pur chase,.vice Grenville, promoted. UNATTACHED.—Brevet -Major Cam Sykes. of 48th Foot, to have hie Brevet Rank converted into Substantive Rank under the Royal Warrant of 6th October, 1854. BREVET. Lieut.-Col. Robert N. Phillips, of the Provisional Da pot Battalion at Chatham, having completed three years' actual service •in the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel on lst June, 1857, to be Colonel in tho Army, under the Royal Warrant of. 6th Oct., -1854; Lieutenant-Colonel John Henry Francklyn, 0.13., of the Royal Artillery, having completed three years' actual ecrvice in the rank of Lieu tenant-Colonel, on 28th June, 1857, to bo Colonel in the Army, under, the Royal Warrant of 3d Nov., 1854. ADMIRALTY, JUNE 24. Corps of Royal Marines — Gentleman Cadets William Davis Welch to be Second Lieutenant; William Stewart to ba Second Lieutenant; Georgo Bentham Morris to be Second Lieutenant ' • Culet Robert Patrick to be S econ d Lieutenant ; Jacob Mortimer Wier Silver to be Sceond — Lieutenant. ADMIRALTY, JULY 1. Corps of Royal Marines.--ihe following promotions have taken place, under her Majesty's Order in Council, of the 13th September, XB5l, in consequence of the death of General G. Beatty, on the Fixed Establishment of General Officers of the Royal Marines ; viz. : Lieutenant- General Chas. Menzies, K.H., to be General ' • Major- General Thos. Wearing to be Lieutenant-General ; Colonel- Commandant and Deputy-Adjutant-General Samuel R. Wesley to be Major-General. COMMISSIONS SIGNED BY LORD-LIEUTENANTS. Northumberland Regiment of Militia Artillery—Chas. Clementson, Esq., to be Major. 96th Regiment of North British Militia, formed by the Shires of Ross, Caithness, Sutherland, and Cromarty— John Calder, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Smith, promoted. 5d Regiment of the Royal Surrey Militia—Lamorock Flower, Gent , to be Ensign. (This Appointment is substituted for that which ap peared in the Gazette of 30th June.) Royal Glamorgan Artillery Militia— Robt. Wm. Ache son Shortis, Gent., to be Lieutenant. 2d Derby Militia, Chatsworth Rifles—Ensign Thomas John Poyser, resigned; Ensign John Frederick Hurt, re- Biped. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED. Gustavus Gidley, share broker, Torquay, Devon. BANKRUPTS. Thomas Pearson, ironmonger, Calthorpe-place, Gray's inn-road, to surrender, July 21, at half-past twelve, and. August 25, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Lee, official assignee, Aldormanbury ; Linklater and Hack wood, Sise-lane, City. Henry Gladwell Mortimer, builder, Lee, Kent, July 21, at one, and Aug. 11, at eleven, at the• Court of Bank ruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Bothamley and Freeman, Coleman-street. John Faith, provision merchant, Cambridge road, Mile. End, July 17, at twelve, and Aug. 21, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Carman, official assignee, Aldermanbury ; Linklaters and Hackwood, Sise-lane. James Edgar, tea dealer, Bury Saint Edmunds, July 17, at half-past twelve, and Aug. 21, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Alder manbury ; Bennett and Paul, Sise-land, BuckLersbury. William Henry Lidhetter, corn dealer, Ton bridge Wells, Kent, July 18, at eleven, and Aug. 21, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basing hall-street; Church and Langdale, Southampton-build ings Chancery-lane ; Cripps, T u nb r id ge W e ll s . Henry Simpson, butcher, Ipswich, J u ly 22, a t h a lf-past twelve, and Aug.l2, at two, a t th e C our t o f B an k ru pt c y. Pennell, official assignee, Guildhall-chambers ; Aldridge and Bromley, Gray's-inn ; Jackaman, Ipswich. William Randall, hotel keeper. Maidstone, July 20, at half-past one, and Aug. 12, at one, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Guildhall-chambers; Linklator and Hackwood, Sise-lane. William Finch, the younger, paper dealer, Tipton, Staf fordshire, July 17 and August 7, at half•past eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. Whitmore, official assignee, Birmingham ; Hodgson and Allen, Birmingham. Tilden Smith, James Hiller, George Scrivens, and Francis Smith, bankers, Hastings, July 23, at eleven, and. Ong. 28, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whit more, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Langham, Bart lett's-buildings, Holborn. Matthew Wilson, commission - agent, Devonshire-square, city, July 20, at one, and August 12, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Nicholson, official assignee, Basing hall-street; Lawrance, -Plows, and Boyer, Old Jewry chambers, Old Jewry. Robert Falconer, dealer in manure, Kingsland Basin, July 22, at half-past eleven, and Aug. 12, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Nicholson, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Roscoe, King-street, Fins bary7squar9. John Doherty, coin merchant, Liverpool, July 3 and 31, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Turner, official assignee; Liverpool; Lowudes, Bateson, and Lowndes, Liverpool. George Jonathan Robinson, silk merchant, Nottingham, July 28 and 'Aug. 18, at half-past ton, at the Shirehall, Nottingham. Harris, official assignee, Nottingham ; Bow ley and Aehwell, Nottingham. Wm. Barfield, ironmonger, Blaenavon, Monmouthshire, July 20 and August I', at eleven, at the Bristol District Court. Acrarnau, official assignee, Bristol ; Bevan and Girling, Bristol. George Nicholson, cattle dealer, Newcastle-upon-Tyre, July 15 and Aug. 19, at twelve, at the Newcastle-upon- Tyne District Court. Bat or, official assignee, Newcastle upon-Tyne; Wright, Carlisle; Hoyle, Newcastle-upon- Tyne. _ _ SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. Thomas Hutchison, baker,- Tradcston, Glasgow. Archibald Thomson and Company, woollen drapers, Edin burgh. John Johnstone, blacksmith, Hamilton, Lanarkshire. Walter Morison, butcher, Aberdeen. Country Dlark.,..,ts. LIVERPOOL-JULY 7. Tho market to-d iy was rather slenderly attended by millers and dealers, and the business was quite in retail, and for consumption, at similar prices to those prevailing on Tuesday last for all articles. HULL- JULY 7. We have had a fair supply of wheat for the time of the year in to-day's market, with a free sale at the rates cur rent last Tuesday. Foreign of fine qua , ity meets fair sale, but inferior neglected. Barley in more request. Beans scarce, and no Egyptians on the market. Linseed is again dearer, but oil is dull, and cakes, owing to the fine rains, the turn in favour of the buyer. Wheat, English red, his to 70s ; white 68s to 745; oats, 28s to 303; barley, 40.1 to 46s ; Indian corn, 40s ; linseed cakes, Hull, 101154 to ill Os ; ditto, foreign, 81 to 0/ ss; rape cakes, 61 ss. to 617 s 641; guano, El. to 131. 105; bones, 1.17 s 6d.; flour, 30s to 325; tares, 303 to 403. NEWCASTLE-JULY 7. Only a moderate business passing in wheat at Saturday's rates. There is some inquiry for rye, and holders require al advance of is to 2s. Barley and oats inoctive, and no change in other articles. LEEDS, JULY 7. --- • - Tho reported arrivals of wheat are good, and there is a fair show of fresh qualities. The trade rules slow, holders generally dem .nding Friday's rates, which millers refuse to give, consequently littlle business results. Barley no minal. Beans maintain the prices of last week. Oats and other articles unaltered. Average prices of grain—Wheat, 65s 13d ; barley, 41. s 01 ; oats, 30s Odd ; beans, 463 Od ; peas, 38s 6d ; rye, -a. Od. COURSE OF EXCHANGR.--YESTERDAY. smsterdom.••••••••••• 11 18 Gibraltar .... •••• •• •• •• •—• Ditto, three months .. 12 % Leghorn 29 85 Rotterdam 12 % Genoa ........•....... 25 85 Antwerp .• •• •• •• •• •• •• 25 52% Milan •• ••••• •• •••• Brussels .... • • ........ 25 52% Venice Uamburgh •• •• •• •• 13 8% Naples •• •• •••• 42% Altona ..... ••• •... •• •• .• Palermo .• •• Paris 25 2714 Messina .. 129 Ditto, three months .. 25 67y Lisbon .. 52% Marseilles .•••••• • • • • •• 25 70 'Oporto .• ••••••• • •• • • •• 523 Bourdeaux ........ itio Janeiro •• Franklort-on- Maine .... 119% Buenos Ayres•••• ••• • .. Berlin •• •• •• •• •• .• •... • • New York,6'o days' sight •—• Vienna" •.•• • • •••• ••••10 31 Philadelphia •• • • ...... frieste.• •• •• •• •• .• .. 10 32 PRICES OP BULLION, PEA OZ. Petersburg . 37. Foreign Gold in Bars X 3 17 9 ..• •• •• •• • t, l• .1 • 4874, Portugal Gold Coin •• 0 0 0 Ganz 49% %lexicon Dollars 0 0 0 B•srce i ona .• •• •• •• •• •• • • New Dollars •••••• 0 0 0 ........ - Silver in bars 0 0 0 Neatly all the French corn markets are reported lower, owing to the favourable appearance of the crops. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —We have read with much pleasure Du Barry's report on the cure of Indigestion (Dyspepsia), Flatu lency, Constipation, Nervous, Bilious, and Liver Complaints, Cough, Asthma, Consumption, and Debility, without medi cine, by Du Barry's Food. The following are a few extracts which appear to merit the attention of many ;- 7 , Cnre No. 47,121:—.‘ Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Wal tham-cross, Herts ; a cure of extreme nervousness, indiges tion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies." Cure No. 48,314.—" Miss Elizabeth Yeoman, Gateacre, near Liverpool; a cure of ten years' dyspepsia and all the horrors of nervous irritability." Cure 51 , 415 .—Oystermouth, Swansea, 24th August, 1853.—Bilious headaches of frequent occurrence, which my wife had been subject to for many years, have been removed by Du Barry's salutary Rovalenta Arabica Food.— E. J. BUTLER. Cure 51,41 d. Gower, near' Swansea, August 21, 1853. Thi r t y years ' d rea df u l suffering from rheumatism has been removed by Du Barry's delicious Revs,- lenta Arabica Food, in five weeks' time.—Wnauma Supported by testimonials from the celebrated Professors of Chemistry, Dr. Andrew 13re ; Dr. Shorland ; Dr. Harvey ; Dr. *Campbell ; Dr. Gattiker ; Dr. Wurzer ; Dr. Ingram; Lord Stuart de Deeies ; the Dowager Countess of Castle atuart ; Major-Gen. Thomas King, and many other respectable persons, whose health has been restored by it, after all other means of cure had failed. For further particulars rasposZ • ing this invaluable food our readers are referred toDu Barry's advertisement in another part of this paper. B IR T II S. OF A BON. On the 7th inst., the wife of Richard Shaw, Esq., Park road, Stockwell. On the 6th inst., at 43, Porchester-terrace, Hyde-park, the wife of Palmer Alexander Buller, Esq. OF A DAUGUTER. On the 6th inst., at Oak-lodge, Southgate, the wife of Samuel Sugden, Esq. On the 6th inst., at St. Leonard's-on-Sea, the wife of Octavius John Williamson, Esq., barrister-at-law, Gloees ter-terrace, Hyde-park. MAItRIED. On the 7th inst., at St. John's Church, Upper Holloway, Arncldus Gouda, Esq., of Amsterdam, and Watling street, city, to Eliza, youngest daughter of J. D. Brown ing, Esq., of Upper Holloway. . . . On the 7th I.nst , at the district church of St. Paul's, Ball's-pond, W. Grain, Esq., of the Grange-road, Canon bury, to Sarah Elizabeth Mills, eldest daughter of John Goddard, Esq., of New Bridge-street, DIED. On the 6th inst., at Orme-square, Bayswater, Francis Henry Brooks, Esq., of Chancery-lane, banker. On the 6th inst., at Croydon, Joseph Neatby, formerly of Newington-place ' Kennington, age d 83. On the 6th inst., Miss Mash, of 8, Ses.more-place, May On the sth inst., at Tottenham, Mr. W. Simons. On the sth inst., the Rev. Geo. Rons, rector of Laver ton, aged 71. On the sth inst., Mr. Joseph Wilson, of Beaufort-street Chelsea, aged 73. On the 4th inst., at Stone, Staffordshire, Chas. Bromley, Esq., aged 6L. On the 3d inst. - , David Homo; Esq., of Dalston, aged 76. On the let inst., the Right Hon. the Earl of Morningtons aged 70. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO "YOUNG of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the counts of Middlesex, Wednesday, July 8, 1857. ha br pr cli ce Pe CI At En pri fea poi life rev der aric anc tior am pop Neil the Jul que tras ing be; Fag tak are Is a