The Sun. — London, England, 1847-03-03 00:00:00

Irttrb Mtfittou SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock I.IIPEIRINL PARLIAMENT, (THIS DAY.) - - HOUSE OF COMMONS. THE FACTORIES' REGULATION BILL. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) Mr. BECKETT then rose, but spoke in so low a tone that he weal for some time quite inaudible. He thought it would also be of some service if the Hon. Gentleman would accept a conditional Bill for short hours, for he was quite satisfied that, the working men were perfectly sincere in their desire to reduce the hours of labour. They had discussed the mea nitre over their pots of beer and pots of ale, and he was convinced that they desired that their families, at any risk, should be freed from the unreasonable exertio which they were now called upon to make. He bad consulted with gentlemen, not only natives of this country, but of America also, and all concurred in the belief that the reduction of the hours of labour would be beneficial. But he ltsd also the testimony of the manufacturers themselves, and 'he believed that the majority of them agreed that the cb.ange would be profitable rather than otherwise. If they took off this one hour they would take off that which was the least advantageous to the master, while it was most wasteful of the energy and the strength of the workpeople ; and if they granted this boon he felt assured that the mechanics' institutions and the schools of design, which were all open at that hour of the day, would be visited— arni lee must do the people the justice to say that they were always ready to avail themselves of the opportunities which these institutions offered. To take off twe boars front the daily labour of the workpeople would, hriwever, in his estimation, prevent the manufacturers from competing with the manufacturers on the continent, and he believed that the House - would not act so unwisely as to alter the decision to which they had so re peatedly, and of late so decidedly come, for were they to d o so th e y - would be stultifying their legislation, and reducing the character of the House; while, on the contrary, were they to take an eleven hours' Bill, they would meet the requirements of the workpeople without injury to their masters, and cone to a satisfactory settleneent of the question. Mr. WARD said that this question had been So frequently and so fully discussed that he should not have said a `angle word but that he felt his silence might be miscon strued. The Hon. Gentleman who had jest sat down had stated that if the House were to come to any decision contrary to that at which they arrived before they would be lowering the character of the House and gainsaying their own opinions. But what bad been the history of this question under that House. Why, when the Noble Lord, the late Member for Dorsetshire (Lord Ashley) had brought forward this question last year. it had been negatived by a majority of ten, and yet when it was brought before the House this session—without the slightest change of circumstances, without a single new idea being thrown cut, and without a single new reason being adduced—it had been carried by a majority of eighteen. Already there had been four decisions on this subject, and each was almost contrary to the other. He did not, therefore, think that the character of the House of Commons would in any way be reduced by coming to a decision different I from that at which they had arrived last year, or that because they legislate in one way in the first instance and in another way afzerwards. They had for years past been legis lacing for the direction of the workpeople in the manufacturing districts, and, whether for good or for evil, they had produced great results upon their destinies. The ques tion was now whether they should re-consider the determi nation at which they had already arrived, and it was the o l'ision of the Hon. Member who had just sat down, that if they decided upon are eleven hours' Bill they would for ever set the question at rest. But he (Mr. Ward) believed that such a decision as that would not meet the views of the Hon. Member for Oldham ( Mr. Fieldeu), or of Lord Ashley either. Mr. FlELDEN—Certainly not. Mr. WARD—The Hon. Member for Oldham, with charac teristic candour, said no. Nur was it at all likely that it .would, especially as it was always described as a boon to be given to the working people, and without which of course they would not now be satisfied. But they had nowcome to a point when it was absolutely necessary for them to con sider whether they could safely legislate on the subject. God knew that he was as anxious for the promotion of the welfare and happiness of the working people as any man, but he great'y questioned whether this was the right way to pro mote that happinaoa If it were safe, let them by all means give to the worki t e e people an eleven hours' Bill or a ten hours' or oven an eight hours' Bill. Give them, by all means, if it could be safelj- granted, four hours for domestic enjoy men t, and four hours for recreation. Give them by all means the possession of such opportunities as would relieve them from the toil of slap ry, and at the same time enable them to partake of such pleasures as would exalt them in their own estimation, and induce a constant feeling of self-respect ; ' for if all this could be done it was plainly the duty of the House to take measures for its accomplishment; but they ought to consider well what was the safe path before they entered upon any new plans like this now before them. Ile himself stood in a painful position on this question, for he was not only opposed to a large portion of his constituency, but to several of the members of the Government under whom he served. It appeared to him by allowing this principle they would, so far as be could perceive, be only adopting the pra tics, and indeed the principl e a l so, of the trades unions. ]'hey combined to keep up the rate of their wages, and that alone was the object of the present movement. Did they think that any of these people would take a ten hours' Bill with only ten hours' wages? Certainly not—not a man of them. Their object was pleinlyto reduce the amount of work, without at the same time reducing their remuneration. Not that he blamed them for it, for they had a natural right to protect this, their only property. He was anxious to take this opportunity of correcting an error ipto which he had fallen some months ago. He had stated that, in the manufacturing districts, a parent was prevented from apprenticing more than one or two of his sons to his own trade, but on inquiry he had discovered that it was only in two or three of the smaller and more insignificant branches of the Sheffield trade that this unnatural restriction existed. But he contended that this measure never would benefit the working classes unless they at the same time supported the amount of their -wanes; awl it' they did that, they must inevitably in terfere with the comp , Aitit•ii of our manut:acturers in foreign markets. It seas ef little censcquence whether the article to be atii:cteu was cutlery or cotton, for just in proportion 0 the extent of the interference with this compe tition would be the loss occasioned to the workmen. He had now had considerable experience of the wants, the necessi ties, and the interests of the working classes in the manufac turing districts, and this was the conclusion at which he could not help arriving, especially in those trades which hail to contend with the French and German manufacturers. About 7 per cent. of the articles made at and exported from Nheflield went to the markets where they would meet with these goods, and under what a manifest disadvantage, then, would they be placed. If they adopted free trade in one instance, they ought to be consistent, and carry it into every department of business.—(llear, hear. ) Instead of doubting the judgment of the working classes upon these great truths, he knew that they were fully alive to them. All the sympathies of human nature must be in favour of this measure, but common sense and sound reason was opposed to the principle of less labour with the same pay.—(Hear, hear.) It had been trumpeted forth that this measure ought to be passed because the manufacturers had got free trade; but the House forgot that the benefits i f :free trade could not be obtained in a single year. It re quired time to carry out the principle of free trade, and make its effects felt in every part of the globe, and therefore it was unwise to pursue this anode of reasoning. His objections to this measure were as strong as ever they had been, and he should certainly giee his vote in favour of the motion of the Honourable Member for Winchester. Besides, the time when this measure was brought forward was most unfortunate, and inopportune. Food was dearananufastures were depressed, trade was falling off, and yet the House was called upon to entramtnel the manufac turers with the provisions of tnis Bill.—( Hear, hear.) Why mot allow them first to recover from this depression before they ventured to try this experiment? He was ex tremely anxious to see the condition of the ope rative bettered, but he did net think this measure was calculated to effect that object, and as it was highly objectionable in many of its provisions, lie must vote for the amendment of the Hun. Member for Winchester. Mr. BROTHERTON felt deeply impressed that the time has arrived when they ought to legislate upon this sub jeef. The labourers were forced, say what they would, to work so many hours per day in an unhealthy atmosphere, and the time had arrived when it was necessary something should be done to remedy this state of things. If they were always to adhere to the strict principles of political economy, the functions of the House would be greatly restricted. They had already interfered with the law of landlord and tenant, with masters and apprentices; they had placed restrictions upon railways and hackney coac h es , an d w h y h a d t h ey done so? Why, because those were exceptions to the general rule, and this question of factory labour, toe, was an excep tion. If all men were humane and juit, there would be no necessity for legislation of this sort. It man was born simply to labour and live for a given time, there would be no necessity for legislation of this sort; but man was created for higher and nobler objects than this, and in order to ensure the realisation of these objects—in order to render man more humane than he was—in order to improve the social and moral conditions of the masses, it was necessary that the Rouse should at once legislate upon this subject. Some Hon. Members asked, why not let the matter be left to be settled between the masters and the men ? Well, had it not already been referred in that way, and what had the snasters done ?—(Hear, hear.) Why, they proposed nothing, and the workmen went on toiling and suffering as before. lion. Members could form no idea of the sufferings of the labourers, since some were stronger than others, but still the weak had to work the same number of hours as the strong. At present combinations of capital rendered those hours much longer than was consistent either with health or strength, and it was with the view of seeing such combinations counterbalanced by the strong arm of the law that he wished to see this measure passed. When a boy be had suffered severely from the existing system, and he resolved then, that if ever he had the power he would use his strongest energies to bring about a better state of thins. This was a question of degree and not of principle. Some Honourable Members held out to the working classes that if . . this Bill were passed it would tend to reduce their earnings. Why, the same argument was used in 1829, when Sir R. Peel brought forward his Bill for reducing the hours of labour be low 14 a day. It was then predicted that production would fall off, and wages go down. But those expectations had nut been realised, for while production had increased there had been a corresponding augmentation of wages. He had deeply considered this question, and he was ccnvinced that it was expedient, in a commercial as well as every other Point of v • iew to concede it to the working classes. He had alway s been ' of opinion that legislation was necessary, and he iu the las t to see a measure brought forward, though it was of all patties. t hour, that wai c ilculated to meet the expectations 'II 'had seen women who were pregnant corn- Tolled to labour d e ur . ln t ; those protracted hours. Mr. blautly__ hr. BItO Vtivarr y N are not compelled to work. work, Hon. Gentleman said were not compelled to they 1 ' c, but they had no choice, they were compelled to 1,,, i ,k . re-1 i i n c l e a ‘ r :a ) ge s or injure that the Bill would not He believed sincerely the masters. Time workin g classes woul I '. tained a tealiours' Bill._ (11 , a o r t be satisfied until they oh- , air JAM ES GRAHAM. said lie h ati listen e d of the Hon. Gentleman wh o had just sat to the spee c h 1 unft.igned pleasure, and he was sure the Roe with the most so with equal gratification , on account of ()nee had also d one He confessedto , until he heard the statement circumstance. which he r ferred, lie was not aware that the Hon. Gentl , man he ministered, with his own hands, to his p ersona l wants aa ad a labourer in a factorv.—(llear, hear.) He conside re d that this reflected great honour on him—(Loud cheers)—and it gave him great pleasure to sit in that House w ith the Honourable Gentleman on a footing of perfect equality. The speech of the Honourable Gentleman was a convincing proof that even t he humblest person might rise to stations of wealth, and honour, and industry, aided by an unblemished character.—(Cheers.) lie must be permitted to say, that the honourable Gentleman had given full effect , .TH2 817 N, LONDON, _WEtiNZBDA Y EVENING, MARL.I a j 1847. to the senttraants of his youth, but it was natural that he should have done so; still he could not help observing, that the Hon. Gentleman's success, and the fact of his being a Member of that House, afforded a proof that the most honourable acquirements were even compatible with the, labour which persons employed in factories were in then habit of undergoing.—(Hear.) He could not, however, with great respect for the Hon. Gentleman's experience, yield to the doctrine which he had propounded, that they should consent to give way to what he (Sir J. Graham) considered the prejudices of those engaged in factory labour.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Gentleman had not correctly stated the great question at issue, as he said the ques tion was, should they compel women and children to work twelve hears a day or not? Now he (Sir J. Graham) said that that was not the question.--(Hear, hear.) The ques tion was—should they, by indirect legislation, restrain large masses of industrious men willing to work twelve hours a day from working that period for tie purpose of earning their livelihood, though they were willing to do so? Would the House put that restraint upon them? Was it wise to do so? He was perfectly willing to admit that where such large masses of the people were employed, the principles of political economy ought to be applied. The science of poli tical economy appeared in some quarters of the House to be treated almost with contempt ; but he had always considered that the science was not only the great rule to be observed with a view to the acquisition of national wealth, but for the equitable distribution of it— ( Hear)—and he doubted very much whether their legislation would, in the long run, Le found safe, if the principles of the science were much departed from. But if he could satisfy his judgment that a departure from its principles would really conduce to the interests of the working classes engaged in the particular branches of trade referred to, he should not hesitate to act in opposition to their dic tates. The Hon. Gentleman made one observation, which he (Sir James Graham) was bound to say he thought conclusive evidence against the measure ; but he grieved to *ay that it did not carry the con viction with it which the Hon. Gentleman wished. He asked it' it was to be laid down as a principle, that to eat, to drink, to work, and to die, should be the lot of a large proportion of his countrymen? Alas! he (Slr J. Graham) was grieved to say that such was the lot of vast masses, but truth compelled him to say, that the lot of labourers, not only in this county, but throughout the civilised world, was but eating, drinking, working, and dying. That was but the sum of human life decreed by the Almighty. It was a grievous truth. The lot of man was to work for his sub sistence, and were they by legal interference to make him follow a life of ease and comfort, or by legislation so to in terfere with and to add difficulties to his existence, as to em bitter his lot ?—( Hear.) He was prepared to say, that having given his best attention to this subject, having viewed it also as a political question, he was still of opinion that such a Bill was not required. He had listened with attention to the statements of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to the influence of the foreign trade on the revenue on former occasions, when labour was restricted, and its influence on the work ing classes themselves, and he was thereby warned that the adoption of such a measure was not required, and that it would, by restricting the quantity of production, seriously in jure the revenue. He had little to add to the arguments of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward) with reference to the effect of such a measure on the working classes themselves. The Hon. Gentleman had made some reference to the amount of foreign exports, and stated that the exports of co ton had not materially diminished. Now, he held in his hand a paper which had - been circulated that morning —(Hear)—giving an account of the trade and navi gation of the country, and containing a statement with refer ence to the exports fur the year 1846, as compared with those of 1845. It dealt with the cotton, woollen, linen, flax and silk trades. The whole declared value of exports of this country in 1846 was 51,279,0001.; of this, cotton, linen, woollen, flax and silk, constituted 37,385,0004—(Cheer5.) being somewhere about four-fifths of the whole exports. The value of the :cotton exported in 1846 was 17,726,0004 as compared with 19,156,0001. in 1845, showing a falling off of near 2,000,000/. sterling in the cotton manufacture alone, as compared with the preceding year. The value of linen exported in 1846 was 2,839,0004 ; whereas in 1845 it was 3,036,006/. The value of linen yarn exported in 1845 was 1,066,000/. ; but in 1846 it was only 907,0004 The value of the wool exported the same years presented a similar result. On silk there was a small increase, as, in 1845, it was 766,0004 but in 1846 it svas 837,000!. These constituted the staple manufactures of the country, and he found the difference in their declared value to be somewhere about 15/. per cent., as compared with 1845. He had already said that the arguinent of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was wrong; he would now" proceed to deal with several important admissions made by the Honourable Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department, which appeared to him conclusive evidence against interfering with I.bour in factories. lie said that he would not be a party to a delusion that this altera tion, if adopted, would not necessarily lead to a reduc tion in the amount of wages. In the present condition of the country, when prices were rising, ari d w h en wages had fallen, - from the cessation of employment, it ap peared conclusive evidence why no interference should take place. The admission, a most important one, was next that heretofore in dealing with this object they had the c incurrence of the masters in what they had done ; but that was not the case now, for a memorial had recently been presented to the First Lord of the Treasury in opposi tion to the measure, and signed by a large majority of the manufacturers, saying that any interference with the hours of labour in factories could not but be fraught with great danger. The Hon. Gentleman, having exclusive sources of knowledge on the subject, from the confidential reports of the Factory Inspectors and others, stated that the health of tho workers was not impaired by the labour which they were compelled to undergo. But there was another admission, which had even a more practical bearing on the subject than those he had enumerated. He agreed with his col leagues, and with the Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment, that the concession of a ten hours' Bill would be *aught with danger; that it would be most inexpedient, and that he was prepared to take his stand on an eleven hours' Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Now, no doubt the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Oldham (Mr. Fielden), when he addressed the House in reply, would state that an eleven hours' Bill would by no means satisfy the work ing elaAses, that they would never rest contented until their hours of labour were abridged to ten hours a day. Therefore the proposition of the Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for time Home Department, which he thought was fraught with danger, would be of no avail, as the working classes would not be satisfied with it, and would continue to agitate for a ten hours' Bill. This was a conclusive argument why they should not depart from the understanding which had subsisted fir half a century without. having been injurious to the interests of those concerned By such a measure they would render it impossible for ma chinery to run for twelve hours. At present, by the use of relays of children, working shorter hours, and by other ar rangements, the factories have bent able to remedy the inju rious eincts which would have arisen from former legisla tion. But what was the course which they were now invited to take ?—that no consideration should influence them in permitting children to work in factories. Ile believed that, practically speaking, since the commencement of the present century, the hours of labour in linen and woollen factories had been limited to twelve hours. Four-fifths of the exports of the country consisted in their woollen manufacturer, and one-half of the declared value of their exports consisted of their cotton trade ; and what, he would ask, would be the inevitable effect of an abridgment to eleven hours upon the master manufacturers ? Why they must either submit to a diminution of their profits, or they must raise the price of their goods, or they must lower their wages, or they must cease to manufacture.—( Hear. hear.) Could they raise the price of their goods or increase their profits ? Foreign com petition prevents them, and renders it impossible. Unless they cease.to manufacture they must lower the ravages. The lion. Member for Salford, who understood the question very well, admitted that by limiting the hours of labour they must diminith the quantity produced. But did he forget, that if the quantity was diminished the amount of wages would be materially reduced? The foreign trade and the home market would still require an evel supply as at the present moment, and fresh manufactories should be built to afford it ; that, in his opinion, would be a fruitless, extravagant, and prodigal waste of capital. The machinery at present in operation was of two kinds, old and new. There was some old machinery running for twelve hours, which did not produce a quantity equal to new machinery, which only ran for ten hours. The effects, then, of this measure would be the de struction, by Act of Parliament, of a great mass of valuable property.—(Beer, hear.) lie would draw their attention to this most important part of the subject : they were about to create a reduction in the amount of wages at the very moment when, by a severe dispensation of Providence, the price of food was very high, and still con tinuing to rise—at the very same moment when, from a natural cause, the prince of the raw material was enhanced from a short supply. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated that even at present a great many mills in Manchester were working short time, and that no fewer than 2,200 hands were out of employment. Moreover, it was not the case as formerly, that the high price of food raised the price of labour. From the artificial state of society in which they lived, oscillations in trade would inevitably take place, and, as a necessary consequence, bring with a diminution i❑ the demand for the article, i a diminution in the hours of labour. Was there sense. then, was there justice in prohibiting the labourer from working twelve hours when the state cf trade allowed it, thus preventing him from saving and preparing for the time when a decrease in his wages would take place from the fluctuations in trade? He had on so many former occasions stated all the objections which he entertained to this measure that he should be unpardonable if he detained the House by again repeating them, but he was bound to say that a deep sense of public duty had compelled him stedfastly to resist a measure which he knew to be grateful to a great number of his fellow-conntrymen. In looking at the question, it was impossible for him to overlook the great principle of commercial policy which had been introduced into the country. He would ask them under what circumstances they were invited to pass the meaAire. All prohibitory duties had been removed—the corn-laws had been repealed—the Navigation Act had been suspended. Lord GEORGE BENTINCK.—How long will they con tinue so? Sir JAMES GRAHAIf.—He was stating nothing which was not a matter of fact. Prohibitory duties had been abolished, and protective duties had been so much lowered on foreign produce, that foreign manufactures were ad m i tte d and entered into direct competition in the home market with their own goods. They had established , the . most perfect freedom of c ommerce, and his Right lion. }mud the Member for Tamworth might well exclaim, when surveying the em • Aire of commercial freedom which he had contributed so much to enlarge— " Hic ego nee metes rerum, nee Tempora pono Imperium sine fine dedi." —(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Newark said that they should put a curb upon these manufactories, that they should make them f;el their riders ; and that such a course wou:d not Make them the less beneficial. Was that the spirit of the Commons of England? To put a "rein and a curb, and to make them feel their riders." I[e hoped and trusted that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had no such feeling or no such de sire respecting the great interest upon which the pros p,ri!y of the country depen !s.—("llear, bear," from Lord John Russell.) lie feared that the measure, if adopted, . - was (xactly in the spirit of the Member for Newark. It would be a curb and a bridle, under which he believed the inanutacLuring interest would fret, and to which it would not submit. The measure would be a tax upon inachin,ry—it would be a limit to the earnings of industry —(Hear)—it would be a tax upon wages—(Hear, hear) — which, if it were extended to all trades, would be a burden intolerable.—(llear, hear.) It was most painful to him to resist a measure which was gratetul to a large portion of his fellow -countrymen, but with.a firm conviction in the purity of his motives, he was compelled to record his vote against the measure. Sir GEORGE GREY said, that having expressed his siiee onlytill•ose for a f ew moments on account of what had fallen from The ljghtiliglihton. i four r r aGdemorigsseionGsrevy 31hoicrii.hadEw Gentlemana e r r o Baronet ( h S a i d r James stated e . in e his t former speech made the present Bill. The first admi ss i on arguments against 011 that the Right Ho- -nourable Barotet had attributed to him was, that the effect of the Bill would be to reduce the wages of the working classes in proportion to the reduction of time. He (Sir George Grey) had never made an admission so large. All he had stated was, that the tendency of the measure would be to reduce the wages of the factory labourers, but not that the reduction would be equal in extent to the re duction of the hours of labour. He stated that, notwith standing the improvements of machinery, no increased exer tion could enable the operatives to do the same amount of labour in eleven hours that they could do in twelve—the earnings of eleven hours would not be the same as the earnings of ten, or the earnings of eleven the amount of twelve hours ; but he never denied but that other causes would operate to keep up the rate of wag es: the difference of years, and the varying con dition of th commercial and manufacturing markets. Though wages might be less, he had never admitted that the reduc tion would be equal to the alteration in the hours of labour made. He said there would be a reduction, but other causes would operate to lessen the effect of the alteration. The second admission attributed to him was, that the success of the Government legislation onfactory labour depended mainly on the employers,—that they had willingly concurred in the change which was made. Now, he had never said that the employers had given their willing concurrence to the mea sure, but he said the successful result of it had arisen from the fact of the great majority of the employers of factory la bourers_cc-aj erasing with the operatives in carrying out its provisions.—(Hear, hear.) So far from stating that they had concurred in the measure, lie said they held the same language then as now, that the abridgment of the hours of labour would bring loss and ruin upon them. They had, he was glad to hear, been disappointed in that expectation, and as the warnings they had given the House about interfering bad not realised their forebodings, he was of opinion that if the Bill had passed there was every reason for supposing they would again be disappointed, while he had no doubt that, as before, they would cease all opposition to its enact ments, and concur with the operatives in carrying the law into effect.— (Hear, hear.) He had next been represented by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir James - Graham) as stating that factory labour had not a prejudicial effect on health. In answer, he must say that he had never made so large an admission. When young persons laboured for twelve hours a day in a factory it count not be pre sumed that their health would not suffer. But what he did say was, that the returns of the Regis trar-General did not. bear out the inference that large manufacturing towns were more unhealthy than other large towns; as, for instance, Liverpool as compared with Manchester. The Right Hon. Gentleman had also repre sented him as frightened at the danger that might arise from the passing of this Bill. He certainly said that in any change which they made they should proceed with caution and circumspectien, considering the views of a great portion of the employers of factory labour and the excited feelings of the operatives regarding this measure; and that therefore he would prefer an eleven to a twelve hours' Bill. But he did not say that even if they passed a ten hours' Bill there would be danger. He would vote in Committee for an eleven hours' clause, though were that rejected and the ten hours' clause affirmed, he would still consider it his duty to give the Bill in its remaining stages his cordial support. Lord JOHN MANNERS oflered a few words of explana tion in answer to the Right lion. Baronet; they were to the effect that he did not say he wished to curb the manufac turers by the Bill, tut that he supported it because it would regulate the proceedings of manufacturers, and do justice to all concerned Lord MORPETH said he was desirous of stating briefly the le to be intended to give, because already the sub ject had been fully discussed; and he must say he had not come to the decision he had, without many misgivings. He assented entirely to the principle of reducing the hours of labour, but at the same time he thought in doing so they should proceed as cautiously as possible. He was, therefore, in favour a voting to go into Committee, and then should support eleven hours; but he must say, at the same time, he did not share in the confidence of his Right Hon. Friend (the Home Secretary), that if the eleven hours' clause was de feated he would support the Bill for the ten hours. The main reason for his agreeing to vote for going into Committee, was because lie believed there was a point of honour involved in it, as something had been held out to be done when the restrictions on the importation of food were removed. He was further fortified in the vote he was about to give by the proceedings of Mr. Marshall, of Leeds, a gentleman entitled to every credence and respect. That gentleman had tried working eleven hours, (The Noble Lord here read an extract from a letter written by Mr. Marshall, to the effect that he had reduced the hours to eleven beers a day, and yet, though the reduction of time was 3 per cent. the reduction of produce was only IX ! per cent.—(Hear, Lear.) Whether from greater punctu ality and attention on the part of the workpeople, such was the reeult, and it gave them great confidence in the legislation they were about to carry into effect. He feared there was but too much truth in the statement of the Right lion. Baronet (Sir James Graham) that the lot of the working classes was only to eat, to sleep, and to die.—(Hear, hear.) Yet still he thought something ought to be done to mitigate, if possible, this state of things, and if the reduction of the day's labour to eleven hours would do so, it should have his support.—( Hear, hear.) There was a great and growing tendency on the part of the working classes to attend mechanics' institutions and read ing.roome,, and if this Bill gave greater time for such a pm , pose, their legislation would not be in vain. Representing, as he did a great constituency deeply interested in the ques lion of factory labour, he would not support any measure which he believed would have a tendency to injure their prosperity ; but thinking the change to eleven hours would not have that effect, after due consideration he had decided to give it his support.—(Cheers.) Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said that the Right Hon. Gentleman who had lately addressed the House with such ability, said that this was not a Bill to limit the hours of labour to ten hours, but a Bill to prevent them giving labour to adults in factories. There was also an argument which fell from the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for Colchester which rather surprised him, after the course he had taken last year. When it was proposed and carried that protection should be done away wi.h, they heard no thing of the vested rights of agriculture—( Hear, hear)—they heard nothing of the vested rights of the tenants in their long leases, but the Right Hon. Gentleman spoke of the vested rights of the manufacturers in their machinery.— (Cheers.) Hon. Members spoke of the tailing cif of their ex ports, and argued from thence that this was not the time to introduce a measure of this kind; but the fact was that foreign nations, with a degree of policy which this country might well copy were protecting their home manufacturers; and their policy was strikingly apparent in this, that while the cotton exports of Britain had decreased, the exports in their machinery had increased 25 per cent. The Hon. Gentleman who opened that debate, asked if they were to stop at ten hours, and he argued that they would not, because Mr. Oastler had at some period ad• vocated eight hours. Why he would tell the Hon. Member that ten hours was the period most consistent with hmuau strength, and therefore it was that they fixed this period. But the lion. Gentleman said that they should not interfere with labour, because in all past experience such a course led to further interference. The lion. Member argued a degree of ruin to those manufacturers from these interferences; but, although this ruin had been often threat ened, it had not yet arrived ; and they had already reduced the hours of infant labour from 89 and 90 hours to 66 and 70 hours per week, The Hon. Gentleman had referred to the evidence of six operatives and some clergymen in favour of unlimited labour. He (Lord G. Bentinck) could bring forward a host of evidence in opposition to such a principle. He would give his support to the motion for going into Committee. Mr. MILNER GIBSON was desirous of making a few ob servations before recording his vote on this question, and he would confine himself as closely as possible to the real sub ject before them. The Noble Lord had not confined himself to the question directly before them ; he had referred to commerce, and the mercantile position of Europe, and seemed, if he might use the expression, to wish to interfere with the vested interests of manufacturers, because at some former period, the interests of the agriculturists had been affected by some measures which had passed that Hcuse. He wished to discuss the proposition on its own merits. The Right Hon. Member for Dorchester had so well pointed out the interests connected with the question, that he would not travel over the same ground. The cotton manufacture was the greatest interest connected with it, it formed nearly the half of the manufactured exports of the country. and therefore any interference with it must be carried out only of er the most serious consideration. It appeared that the various opinions of the master manufacturers were re gulated entirely by the amount of time they worked their own machinery, but he must say, from his knowledge of the feelings of the master manufacturers, that they were in general opposed to the measure. The Noble Lord who had last spoken said that the late Corn-law legislation was an interference with vested rights. The Corn-law was a restraint upon the commerce of the country, and therefore it was removed, because it could not be shown to be beneficial to the country, and it rested with those who proposed the present restraint upon labour to show that it would be beneficial. The onus probandi rested with them, and they had not shown that the restraint would be productive of benefit. Ile thought that any restraint upon labour was per se an evil, and in the present instance it would be peculiarly so. When they legislated for children they showed that the compulsory leisure given to them would be of benefit to them, but now, when they proposed to inflict a restraint upon adults, they had alleged no such reason. They proposed to fetter free agents upon no ground or authority whatever. As a member of the Government, he did not coincide in the opinion that this mea sure was or could be a desirable one ; on the contrary, lie thought it one which ought to be avoided. , They had not as yet been correctly informed how far it would be sae to go. Some proposed eight hours, iome ten, some eleven and eleven and a half, and each stated that any variation from the time lie stated would be in jurious. When the advocates of tho measure differed so essentially in the amount of time to be allowed, he (Mr. M. Gibson) did not think that he had even the argument of authority to support this Bill. He would again observe ground ntdhe them that in i f t 'av w ou ou r ldof causeit. S,a n )m equalsuri how much the supp or t ers of th i s measure varied in the argumentspo rtd t on a t d du lw ee d g distribution of labour amongst a greater number of hands, and others again declared that they would not support the measure if they thought it would diminish the wages of the operatives Therefore he said that his Hon. Friend, the Member for Finsbury : ought not not to be so easily satisfied that this Bill would not reduce wages by 25 per cent. It was, indeed, evident that the Hon. Gentleman was not satisfied with the precise results that might follow this measure, for he had moved for a Committee of Inquiry, but had been re fused, and he was just now as much in the dark as ever. Then another Honourable Gentleman was quite ready t o allow of the reduction of wages, for he believed that a far greater benefit would be obtained than that which would be lost by the reduction, for such leisure would be granted, that there would be the opportunity for improving the moral and intellectual condition of the working people. For his own part he was quite ready to vote for this Bill, if it could be shown that it really would be for the benefit of the people themselves, for he believed that the moral and phsical condition of the working people was an integral element in the prosperity of the master-manufacturers of this country. But it appeared to him that such had not been shown ; nor could lie perceive in the conflicting statements of the advo cates of this Bill any sufficient authority to justify the oPiLioll. And they had done nothing whatever to provide for this intellectual un'l social improvement of the people ; for all that they desired to do was to turn them ' out of the mills.—(llear.) The Honourable Member for linaret.borough had stated this matter could net be settled between the master and the men without legislation, and yet in his speech the other evening he had alleged that so general was the feeling that the whole of the Workmen would enter into a general combination not to work more than ten hours of the dav, that it would appei.r, according to his own showing, that legislation was unnecessary to effect the object. Then it was alleged by the Noble Lord the Member for Newark (Lord John Manners), that one of the consequences of the over working of the people, was the destruction of between fifty and sixty per cent. of the infant population of the manu facturing districts before the children had arrived at their fifth .year, and this lie ascribed to the long absence of the mothers from their homes. But did this Bill provide any sufficient remedy? Certainly not; for would not the same evils be likely to arise from the absence of the mothers eleven hours instead of thirteen, and would there be any less occasion than there was now for the employment of per sons to look after those children. Then, again, it was in evidence that the loss of infantine life in other parts of the country where there were no menufactures was fully sixty per cent., and how did they get over that? The same causes were not in operation, and yet the same results had followed, and why should they then ascribe them to factory labour ? Then, again, the Ho nourable Member opposite said that he would exclude women altogether from the Bill, and how then was the dif ficulty to be got over, and what advantage would it be to pass the Bill at all ? Another Hon. Member had stated that by shortening the hours of labour they would prevent the practice of eating opium; but for thi s he could see no suffi cient reason, for as it appeared to him, the people would be just as likely to continue the practice of eating opium as when they were obliged to work thirteen •hours, instead of eleven. And as to the assertion that this excess of exer tion was conducive to the demoralisation of the people, and that it caused them to sit boosing and drinking gin in the public-houses on the Saturday afternoon and on the Sunday mornings, they had the testimony of their own advo cate, Mr. Harrison, who had stated that his chief reason for desiring the measure was that it would reduce wages and prevent the people from spending so much in gin. and thus aid the cause of general improvement. Then as to the assertion that this Bill would be of service in giving opportunities to the children in the factory districts, they had the testimony of their own fac tory inspector that the effect of the last Bill was to prevent the employment of children altogether in mills in Scotland, and that so far from its having been instrumental in the pro motion of education, it was the fact, as stated.by the inspector, that not a single school had been erected in the whole of his district for the education of the children of factory labourers. He contended that the past legislation had nothing to do with the measure to fore the House. The question of chil dren was not now before the House. The bill referred to adolescence and to adults. Drunkenness and other vices were more prevalent in the higher classes than they were at that time, and the example set them had no doubt its influence upon other classes. Let them not, therefore, claim for their factory legislation the credit of the improvements which were now happily pro. greasing in the country. But the factory inspectors were not all unanimous as to the efficacy of that very legislation. He saw an instance of the advantages of legislation in the fact that had been exhibited in one of the London police , courts a few days ago, where a number of women were brought before the magistrate because they had been found winding cotton into balls after half-past eight in the evening. The offence was not that they had worked for so many hours a day, but because they had been balling cotton after half-past eight o'clock, and this was in an age when prostitution was rife upon their streets. There was no legislation in that case, but because some poor women, rather than beg, or go upon the streets, chose to wind cotton after half-past eight o'clock they were brought before the magistrates for their unexampled audacity. What miserable mockery of justice! What wanten tyranny was this!—(Hear.) If this Bill was intended as a benefit to the cotton districts, why did they stop there? why not extend the boon to other operatives ; why confine their favour to cotton-spinners? Why in the very head-quarters of the friends of humanity—in Dorset shire there was no sign made of raising the rate of the labourer,or of elevating his social condition.—( Cheers.) Why, if the labourer in Dorsetshire got only 7s. or Bs. a week—why, in that case, not make the farmer give 10s. a week to that labourer. The principle was the same. Hit were right to confer this favour on the manufacturing artizan, why not extend the same favour to the agricultural labourer? —why not extend their legislation to nurses in hospitals? They worked for some 16 hours a day, and therefore were tit subjects for the friends of humanity. It was right, if t h e labour in factor i es was proved to be severe, t hat they should extend their legislation to those em ployed as nurses in hospitals.—(Hear, hear.) Why not also extend it to washerwomen?—(Hear, and "Question.") That was the question, for Ire held if they extended protection to a certain class that it was bu'_ right to extend it to all classes of her Majesty's subjects.—(Hear, hear.) Washerwomen stood more hours than the labourers in factories; and he had been informed by a medical gentleman that the greater number of out patients in the hospitals were women of this class, as from standing long they were afflicted with varicose veins and ulcerated legs. If the system of labour was to be carried out, let it be extended to all classes of labour, and not to one. He was opposed to any interference with labour. It was etrange that at a time the evil of the want of employment was so much lamented in Ireland, that they should propose a restriction of the hours of labour. Why, if they were to reduce the hours of work in Ireland one-sixth, 88,0001 a year would be withdrawn from being expended in labour. In Scotland, if they re duced the hours of labour, 430,0001. a year would be withdrawn from b e i ng expended in labour. He could not understand why more than a million of money should be withdrawn from the operatives of Lancashire.—(Hear.) The argument was still more strange when uttered by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, as he wished to send the money of the State to Ireland for the purpose of employing the poor of that country ; yet he wished t o r es t r i ct w h a t e v e r labour could be pro cure d (Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland were not troubled with too much work.—(llcar, hear.) They were not bur dened with the many " demon steam-engines," as the Honourable Member for Weyineuill (Mr. Bernal) had styled them, but lived as it were in pastoral simplicity, without energy, because they had no regular employment. The cotton trade had not long taken root iu this country—it had flourished, and was flourishing; but if they restricted it, it was possible that it might decline, and that the country would suffer from the serious injury which would thereby be done to one of the greatest staple manufactures of the country; for it should be borne in mind that when large quantities of our manufactures were exported, the capital of the working man, embodied in the produce of his labour, was being carried to other markets, and that he was thereby turning it to the beat advantage. In return for a reduction of the hours of labour by a legislative enactment, those who sought it had not offered anything tangible—nothing which practical men could accept, and therefore he felt it his duty to oppose the Bill.—( Hear.) Lord ERHINGTON was perfectly convinced that the s atmosphere inhaled in the mills would render eight hour.' work more pernicious shah twelve hours in a better ventilated mill. lle would therefore propose amendments which would empower the inspectors to remedy such defects. He would desire that all the inspectors should be medical men.—(Hear.) Sic &PEEL said that he had waited in vain for some Hon. Gentleman, a decided advocate of the measure, to reply to the speech of his Right Hon; Friend. He expected to be in a small minority on the present occasion, and lie was desirous to record, under adverse circumstances, his continued objec tion to all interference with the hours of factory labour. There was a mathematical problem of great difficulty, which was, what would be the point at which a body would rest, if exposed to the attraction of three great bodies? This was called the problem of the three bodies, and was one of difficult silution. He hoped the Noble Lord (John Russell) would be able to give a public solu tions of this problem, as he was at present surrounded by three great bodies; and it would then be seen whether the question would remain at rest or preponderate one way or the other.—(Laughter.) Before he concluded he had a word to say on a subject not immediately connected with the subject before the House, and in reference to what had fallen from the N o bl e Lord the Member for Lynn. That Noble Lord h a d assumed in his speech that the result of the relaxation o f the prohibitive a eystem on commerce and the reduction o f d uty had been previousaporgatisne policy of lust y ear , i nasmuch as the ex ports of years, the present year had f a ll en far below those of the last. Now whenl f re protectivethe or porrodh e would system refer to s L in operation, he would fi n d t h at the fluctuation between former years was much greater than i t h ad been between last year and t i duties could not be the cause of what h e a ll eged. The following results would show the t rut h of this Experience had shown since th ey commenced the al teration of the protective system, that inst ea d of the exports th e e present, and that, t h erefore, the reduction of falling off they had greatly increased. Thi s would be shown by taking t he years from 18.13 till now ' ; in 1843 the declared value of the export s o f this Cowl try was 52,271,0001. ; in the year 1843, 58,514,0001; in 1844, 58,554,0 00 /. ; and in 1815 , the decl are d value' was 60,180,000/.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") The exports of 1846 were, n o doubt, less than the exports of 1845, but former periods, when the prohibition and protective sys tem was in operation would allow similar results. In 183 G when protections existed, the declared value of their exports were 53,000;0 ; iri 1837 it was 42 000 00W , , showing a great reduction over the previous r • year. Again in 1838 the exhorts were 53,000,0001; in 1839 , 51,000 , 000/ . in 1840 they were 51,000,0001. ; in 1842, 47,000,00(1—(11ear,; hear); therefore the objection that the reduction of the duties of last year had occasioned the falling off this year in j the exports was not sustained, for it appeared the years of the protective system exhibited as great vicissitudes as the last two years. But were there not other means of expiaining the falling off? In 1846, they reduced the duties on many articles of importance, in continuation of the policy which they had begun three years before. Since then they had high prices in provisions not only in this country, but throughout the other nati ons o f E urope. And was it not . reasonable to believe that the high price of provisions, and thes. consequent reduction of expenditure in articles of luxury, or of articles that approached that character, combined w i t h the increase in the price of the raw material in an important branch of manufactures, were sufficient, independent of ordi nary circumstances, to account for the reduction of the ex ports of 1846, as compared with 1845.—(;-Tear, hear.) But, at time same time, could the Noble Lord show him in the history of the protective system. Now, under similar circumstances, as it regarded the price of food, and the diistress which prevailed in certain portions of the empire. The revenue buoyant, contentment pervading the great mass of the people, submissive to the laws existing, and patient resignation everywhere manifested. But he would ask the Noble Lord whet lie would have done untie!. the seine cin cumstances ? Would he have repealed the corn law of 1842, or the law of last year?—(Loud cheers.) Would he have done so, when they had the fact before them that during the pre s ent year they had imported no less than five millions quarters of grain, and yet the aver age p r i ce was 71s. a quarter?—(Rear.) now, to come to the question s he admitted that it would be a narrow and restricted view to argue this question on the rules of what was called political economy. The . Italians claimed for thems e l ves a mo re extended principle of political economy, while the English political economists were only acquainted with the mean s of acquiring wealth and distri buting it. lie l oo k e d a t this question as it affected the general interests of the country, and he viewed it with alarm. Why, at this time of comparative prosperity they were obliged to tax property to the extent of six millions for the purpose of giving food to those who could not get it of thems e l ves , an d w h at secur i t y had they for the continu ance of this r e l ie f b u t th e property, the machinery, and the labour of the manufacturer. Other na tions were s h arpened b y t h e l ove o f gain, and they were becoming powerful competitors in the markets of the world. It had been said that machinery had been exported in great quantities. They had had a Committee on this sub ject, and the result thew had come to was, that if they did not encourage the trade in machinery, other countries would take advantage of their ingenuity and make it for themselves The working man cou ld arr i ve a t Rouen, or other parts of France, in finirt een or fifteen hours. They might go there partly f rom cur i os i ty, partly from the hope of gain, and partly from the conviction that they would be well treated. They could no longer have that control over the English labour that they had at the time when locomotion was not so much facilitated, and when there was a prejudice against any removal from the workman's native land. Now they had. no command either over capital or over labour, 1%41 at that moment was greatly expended by competition, and yet they pr o posed now to place a legiBl.l- tive restriction on w o men and children—a restriction w hi c h would practically b e a genera l rest i ct i on u p on a d u l t l a b our. ( Hear, hear.) To a man who was in possession of health and desired 't o l a b our , an d who feared th e d ay of age, sickness, or distress, they might say that the measure would not affect hi m , b u t h e (Sir R. Peel) said t h at in a practical sense it was saying to him—that he should not work more ihau five days in the week.—(Cheers.) If tha t ' were to cut off two hours a day, that wou ld constitute twelve hours in the week. With the facilities which existed for the excess of labour, capital, and machinery, th ey" •- were about to place this restriction. If they could con vince him that there were perspective dangers—if they could convince that it was posible that the great manufacturers of linen, woollen, and silk, had taken such root in the soil, that they could not be removed. If they could convince him that it was for -the moral and intellectual improvement of the people and their general welfare, he should be almost tempted to yield to their arguments, for he - eh fully as much as they them selves felt that the welfare of the country depended upon an improvement of the condition and an elevation of the feelings of that class of society. He did not think that they were safe without it. They were educating them and giving them an intellectual improvement, and unless they also increased their comforts it would be a source of danger to themselves. The Hon. Member for Salford had made a speech most hono - urable to him, and he was in • fluenced by a feeling with which he (Sir R. Peel) in some de gree coincided. If he (Sir R. Peel) were asked, as he had reason, whether it was proper for young women and children under the age of fourteen years, he should say no. He was quite of opinion that eight hours was quite sufficient labour for t hat class. Was it, however, nut a question of compari a n between the amount of labour and the reduction of wag es, and consequently th e i r com fO r t s an d enjoyments? He did not deny that there would be advantages in a moral point of view if they looked upon the question only upon that point. But it would be followed by a decrease in the comforts of the operatives. It would be an anomaly to legislate if they could say that a man was to work oily five days in the week and be paid for six; and even it' they did succeed in doing so, the masters would endeavour in consequence of the competition to obtain the old amount of produce in the shortened time. Would not that be more injurious to the physical strength of the women and children than the proper time being given to perform a certain amount of labour. Would it not be more healthy for these women and children to perform eleven hours' work in eleven hours than to be compelled to perform eleven hours' work in ten? Let them consider it as they would, he should still say that this reduction of wages was nothing more nor less than in come-tax.— (Hear.) It was so, for what else could they make of it, and if they were to impose this restriction on the labour of an adult man, they would just be laying upon him an income-tax to that extent.—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) Supposing a manufacturer had 1,500 people employed in his premises, not engaged in the process of the manufacture, but necessary for the conduct of the business, by this restriction of the hours of labour, they would supposing each of those persons earned sixty pounds a year, just deprive them of one-sixth of their income, and they would lay upon them a tax, not of 2/. 18s. 7d., but to the whole amount of the ten pounds which they lost through this restriction, and take from him not 3 per cent. but 10 or 12 per cent. of all that he obtained. He would read to them the opinion of a very high authority on this subject, and the opinion which that authority expressed was pregnant with truth. In the passage before him, it was stated that the working classes, in a time of prosperity, participated in the benefits en joyed by their employer?, but not to the same extent as they suffered from deprivations in the times of adversity, so that it was absolutely necessary for them to realise some surplus, for in the time of adversity it was sure to be all absorbed. And this effect would be wrought by the endeavour to repress wages through ill-advised legis lation. By this means, also, they would deprive them of the opportunity laying by the 501. or 101. which hadso often proved the foundation of the future fortune and independence of the family, as had been most ably and most admirably put by the Hon. Member for Salford. And what an advantage was it for the father of a family to call his children around him and say that now his strength was exhausted, and they must labour for him. This he knew was the case with hundreds in Lancashire, for lie himself could name at least ten individuals whom he could remember when a boy as carding 255. a week, all of then were at least worth 10e,0001. each. But when would be, the opportunity of obtaining these advantages, if this paralyzing measure were to be passed? In the present opportunities tor she extradition of labour, would not any in telligent workman take a third class train to Dover, and take his skill, his industry, aye, and his English character too, to some place where there would be no restriction on his earn ings. He would take the evidence of two families, one of which consisted of nine individuals with 18s. a week, and the other of seven individuals with 9s. a week. In the first family after paying 10s. Gd. for bread, and 3s. Gd. for their other necessariea, there was 4s 6d. left fur sugor, tea, clothing, and other necessaries. In the second there was only .ss. Gd. for bread, there was left not five shillings, but nine pence for clothing, medical attendance, and all the other casual ex penses of a family. The Right Honourable Baronet then cited the evidence of the Rev. Mr. Huxstable and other gen tlemen who had made inquiry as to the possibility of a labourer with five or six children living on ten shillings a week, and who had received no satisfactory answer. Ile concluded by declaring, that he attached the highest im portance to the elevation of the working classes, and he voted against going into Committee on this question, not because he wanted a permanent fund for the purpose of taxation, but because he beleived that the Bill would interfere with the comforts of the people; because lie believed that it would endanger the great resources of the country; because he believed that it would cripple their energies and dissipate the national wealth; and feeling, as he did, special obligations to the working classes of this country—believing, as he did, that this restriction would not be for their interest, he reconciled himself to promote by his vote their welfare, although he might offend them in doing so.—(Cheers.) The gallery was then cleared for a division, when there appeared— For the amendment lOO For the original motion Majority The House then adjourned (without going into Commit tee) at a few minutes atter Six o'clock. FREE CITURCII ►SITES.--Mr. Matheson, M.P., was prevented from voting, as he had intended, in favour of Mr. Bouverie's motion last night, from having been ac cidentally detained in returning from the country until too late for the division. ----- REGISTRY of BIRTHS and DEATHS DURING THE WEEK ENDING FEB. 27. Deaths registered in the week. Births registered in the week. 1 Males... ... ... 520 Males ... ... ... 759 Females ... ... 524 Females ... ... 719 Total ... 1,044 Total ... 1,478 LONDON AND WESTMINSTER NK.—(THIS DAY.) The annual general meeting of the proprietors of this company was this day held, at the Bank sa Lothbury, for the purpose of transacting the ordinary business of the company, and also fur the purpose of submitting for con firmation the election of Joshua Walker, Esq., who had been nominated by the board of directors as a director in the room of Patrick M. Stewart, M.P., deceased; and also for the pur pose of appointing three directors, in the room of Thos. Fern combe, E,q., David Salt mons, Esq.,and 11. Bosanquet, Esq., who retired by:rotation, and who, being eligible by re ap pointment, offeredthemselves for re-election, and also to con sider the propriety of appointing two additior.al directors, and electing the same should such be considered necessary. The chair was taken at one o'clock, by D. SALOAIONS, Esq., who, having stated the übk'ct of the meeting, called upon the S‘cretary to read the report. The SECRETARY accordingly proceeded to read the report as follows : " The directors had to commence their thirteenth annual report with expressing their deep regrect at the death of their esteemed colleague, Patrick Maxwell Stewart, Esq., M.P., a regret which they were sure the proprietors would feel equally with therm& vas. " The vacancy occasioned by this lamented event had been supplied by the election of Joshua Walker, Esq., subject to the confirmation of the present meeting. " The profits of the past year, after defraying the total ex pense of the establishment, making allowance for all bad and doubtful debts, and paving the income-tax, amounted to 74,175/. 15s. 9d. Out of these profits the directors had paid 'ast September a dividend at the rate of 6 per cent. per annum fur the half-year ending the 30th J une , an d t h ey now declared a dividend at the same rate for the half-year ending the 31st December. They also declared a bonus of eight shillings per share, which was equal to 200 per cent. upon the capital. After the payment of these dividends and this bonus, making together 54,0004 there would remain out of the profits of this year a surplus of 10,175/. 15s. 9d. to be added to the reserved fund, which then amounted to 98,424/. 12s. Id. "The directors considered that the time had now arrived for distributing the ten thousand unappropriated shares. They had accordingly determined to issue them to the present. proprietors at par, in the proportion of one to every four shares already held. The details of this arrangement would be stated to the meeting, and subsequently-communicated by a circular letter, addressed to each shareholder. The paid up capital of the bank would then amount to the sum of 1,000,0001., and the subscribed capital 5,000,000/." The report went on to state that---" With the extended business and capital of the bank, it was desirable that there should be an increase in the number of the directors. It was therefore proposed to the present meeting to appoint two additional members of the board. Should this suggestion be adopted, the meeting would then proceed to the election. Two gentlemen, duly qualified, had declared themselves candidates, and had given the necessary notices. Those gentlemen were Henry Buckle, Esq., of the firm of Messrs. Buckle and Co., merchants, and John Garratt Cattley, Esq., of the firm of Messrs. Cattley and Carr, Russia merchants. "The three directors who retired by rotation were Thomas Farticombe, Esq., Alderman, David Salomons, Esq., and Henry Bosanquet, Esg., but being e li g ibl e, t h ey off e red themselves for re. electiou.'' • The following profit and lass account of the batik was laid before the meeting : Payment of th e di v id end on Sept. 10, 1846, £ s. d. at the rate o f 6! . per cent. per annum, for the half-ye ar en di ng June 30, 1846 24,000 0 0 Payment of th e di v id end, now declared at the rate of 6/. p er cent. per annum, for the half year ending Dec. 31, 1846 Payment of t h e b onus of two per cent., now 24,000 0 0 declared Balance of una 16,000 0 0 ppropriated profits... 98,424 12 1 £162,424 12 1 Balance of unappropriated profits on 31st December, 1845 ... . • Net profit o t t h e year 1846, after defrayi ng the 88,248 16 4 total expense of management, paying the income-tax, and making provision for all bad and doubtful debts £162,424 12 1 Balance of unappropriated profits £98,424 12 1 The balance -sheet of the company up to 31st Deeember, 1846, Was also read to the meeting by the Secretary:— Dr. £. s. (.• To Pr o p r i etors for paid. up capital ,864 To the P u bli c for deposits ... . 32806 ,724 0 0 To the P u bli c f or circular notes ll 3 To pr o fit on the past year 74,175 15 9 88,248 16 4 To Lest, or Su r pl us Fund £4,250,013 3 4 Cr. G wernment securities 2,720 By other secur i t i es... ,67634.575 1 10 BY cash h i h and £1,250,013 3 4 The CHAIRMAN then said that it was his duty to call upon the meeting to receive and adopt the report which had just been read. He would take the opportunity of making a few remarks upon some of the items in the report. The first part to which he would call the attention of the meeting was the sum made and earned by the bank during the last year, arising from the legitimate business of the bank.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Had the directors felt inclined to go into a business of a more hazardsus character, they might have been enabled to divide upon the present oc casion a larger dividend than that proposed in the report. rxs.a s - esees The total earnings of the company during the past year had been 74,175/., which upon a pail up capital of 800,0007. would be equal to about nine per cent.—(Herr, hear.) The amount of earning was during the past year greater than it had been in any preceding year.— ( Hear, hear.) The directors had continued to make additions to the reserve-fund, in order to insure a continuance of the safe and sound mode of conducting the business of the com pany, wkich had hitherto characterised the management of its affairs. That reserve-fund now reached, in round num bers, to a sum of nearly 100,000/.—(Hear, hear.) This fund had arisen solely from the annual savings of the bank over the 6 per cent. interest which it had paid to the proprie tors, and arose from the legitimate transactions of the bank. With respect to the payment of 6 per cent. diva; end, he thought the directors might have, if the = y wished to obtain a little temporary eclat, divided something more than that rate of interest; they thought it, however, more necessary to have a large reserve fund to fall back upon, than to in crease the rate of dividend even to 7 per cent.—( Hear.) The next part was the increase of the capital of the company. With respect to the capital of the bank, he would say that the bank was intended to represent a capital of 5,000,000/. They began business with 1,000,000/. In the years 1816 and in 1841 new shares had been issued, and the directors now proposed to put the apex on the lei ramid, the base of which they considered sufficiently broad. by propi.sing that the capital of the eompany should be made tip to the full amount of s , o oo,oool.—(He a r, hear.) These new shares would be issued at par, and the vreue of them would, if they were sold in the market at the present time, realise a:profit of 50 per cent..—( Hear, hear.) He did not anticipate any difficulty in the trans actions of the bank during the ensuing year, but still he had no doubt but that ample opportunity would be afforded for the employment of the increased capital then asked for. With respect to the increase of the number of directors, he wo u ld say, that great responsibili ties were thrown upon the directors. A large capital was to be taken , care of, which was in itself a heavy task, and also the duty of employing that capital, which was of still greater importance. He thought, there fore, that the proposed accession to the strength of t he board of directors would be cordially concurred in by the proprie tors.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the mode in which the proposed shares were to be issued, and the amount to be paid, he would inform the meeting that the directors haVing come to the resolution to issue the remaining 10,000 shares, in order to complete the capital stock of the bank, and thereby augmenting the paid-up capital from 800,0001. to 1,000,000/., they had resolved that those shares should be offered to those proprietors who stood registered in the books of the bank on the 15th inst., in the proportion of one new share for every four shares which they held ; that the shares should be issued at par, viz. 20/. each, and that the payments should be 71. per share on 15th April, 6/. per share on 15th July, and 71. per share on 15th October. They had also decided that every proprietor being the holder of a fractional part of four shares, should, on the payment of his last instalment in October, stand a creditor for the amount of premium realised in the market upon the sale of such frac tional part, which amount would be allowed in part-payment of the last instalment upon the shares, and in the case of a proprietor being the bolder of less than four shares, and en titled to the fractional part only of a new share, such pro prietor would receive the amount of premium which such fractional part might have produced, together with the dividend payable in September next. No interest was to be allowed for prompt payment, and interest at the rate of 51. per cent. would be charged if the instalments were not paid on the appointed days. The directors had also resolved that the receipts for the instal ments should be transferable on delivery, and that the new shares should be entitled to any dividend that might be de clared in the transactions of the bank, commencing on the Ist of July next. These arrangements he hoped would be satis factory to the proprietors.—(Hear, hear.) He would, there fore, move that the .eport now read be adopted, printed, and circulated among the proprietors. Mr. TITE wished to know whether the directors had made up their mind as to the amount to which the reserve fund should be allowed to reach ? He quite concurred in the pro position to add two directors to the number of the board. He wished to know what was the maximum number of directors allowed to be appointed to the board? The CHAIRMAN said that the directors looked upon the capital of the bank, as so much 6 per cent. stock, and they thought it necessary to keep up a sufficient reserve fund to meet any contingency that might arise; he hoped that the proprietors would leave the amount of the reserve fund-in the hands of the directors; he did not think that they would starve the present generation for the purpose of edinosity out of he " fund," as it fe had been ter called at he t last meeting He hoped that they would never be so unfortunate as to have to fall back upon the reserve fund for the purpose of equalising the dividends. e --( Hear, hear.) With respect to the number of directors, he believed the maximum was 24. Mr. WISHAW wished to know whether the directors thought, that after the issue of the 10,000 additional shares, they would be able to pay the same amount of dividend as at present ? The CHAIRMAN said, that as so much depended on the contingencies of the future, it would not be ad visable to promise any rate of dividend for the future, it would be a most disagreeable thing if, in order to keep the promise which might be made at any time by the directors to the proprietary, they should be obliged to fall back upon the reserve fund. Mr. LEVY objected to the name of " posterity fund" being applied to the reserve fund. lie wished that fund to be kept up to such an amount as might render the transactions of the bank perfectly secure; but still he did not see any reason why, if a dividend of 7 per cent. could be paid, and the re serve fund be kept up to a proper amount, that that dividend should not be paid.—( Laughter.) He thought if they could adopt the clearing system, the directors might be able to realise a dividend of at least 12 per cent. upon the capital.— (No, no.) That was his opinion, at all events. Mr. MAUDSLET thought it imps tent that the reserve fund should not be intrenched upon. He thought that an increase should be made in the salary of the clerks and officer of the establishment, now that the concern was in so flourish lug a state. The CHAIRMAN said that the directors had increased the salaries of the clerks by ten per cent. in the last year, and also in the present year. Joshua Walter, Erg., Thomas Farncomb, Esq., Henry Bo aanguet, Esq., Henry Bucket!, Esq., and John Garret Cattley, Esq., were unanimously chosen directors of the company. Mr. KINSHEAD moved that the sum of 4 5001, being at the rate of 3001. per annum, be set t.part as a remuneration for the services of the directors. Sir C. BURRELL seconded the motion. Mr. MAUDSLEY thought the proposed sum too much; be would move, as an amendment, that the sum should be 3,0001. per annum, instead of 4,5001. An Hox. PRoPaIETOR, whose name we could not catch, seconded the amendment. The CHAIRMAN said that he thought the sum of 2,500/, at present allowed to the directors, was a most inefficient sum. —( Hear, hear.) He wo u ld spea k frankly, it would not be supposed that a sum of one or two hundred per year could tempt him to do anything that was unworthy of him. He considered himself as a senior partner in a concern where 4,000,000/. of property was to be taken care of, and more than that, it was not only to be taken care of, but employed advantageously for the interests of the bank, and it was their constant care and anxiety that a sum of 80,000/. was drawn as profit from the paid up capital of the company, instead of a sum of 30,000/., which- it would only be worth if invested in the funds.— (Hear, hear.) He did not think that the proposed sum of 4,5001. was too much remuneration for the directors, espe cially as the number of the directors was to be increased. Mr. MAUDSLEY said, that after the speech of the Chairman he should withdraw his amendment, and would cordially support the original motion, provided the sum were placed in the hands of the directors to divide among themselves as they thought fir. Mr. We HAW proposed as an amendment that a sum of 3,500/. be paid to the directors instead of 4,500/. The CHAIRMAN said he must say that he felt considerably hurt by the manner in which the proposition had been re ceived.—(Hear, hear.) Ile would, however, proceed to put the amendment. A l'nopmETox said it was a most miserable exhibition to be squabling about a paltry few hundreds per annum to the directors, by whose services it was that the company had a reserve fund of 100,0001., and to whose exertions they owed their present prosperous state.— (Hear, hear.) Mr. LEVY thought that the sum proposed was quite little enough for the services of such men as the directors of the compan y . lie would, therefore, support the original mo tion.--(Hear, hear.) Mr. WisitAw then withdrew his amendment, and the ori ginal resolution was agreed to. The Cumumax returned thanks. The thanks of the meeting were then unanimously voted to James W. Gilbart, Esq., the general manager, and the other officers of the bank, for their zealous and active ser vices in promoting the interests of the bank. J. W. Girmaicr returned thanks on behalf of himself and the other officers of the bank. The CHAIRMAN stated that the dividend and bonus would be payable on the 10th of March inst. Mr. TITE moved that the thanks of the meeting be pre sented to D. Saloman, Esq., for his able and courteous con duct in the chair. Mr. LEVY s econded the motion, which was carried by ac. clamation. The CHAIRMAN returned thanks, and the meeting then broke up. PETITIONS ON PRIVATE BILLS. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(TIIIS DAY.) (Room 22, before Mr. Examiner Saturn.) °Prom) CASES. Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Improvement of the Ferry between Ferry Port-on-Craig and the North Shore of the River Tay. In this opposed case it was decided that tha standing order had been complied with. South Metropolitan Waterworke. This opposed case occupied the remainder of the day. Adjourned till to-morrow. IMPERIAL PARLIAMEI4T. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 2. POOR-LAW (IRELAND). The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from the rate-payers of Enniscorthy complaining of the present Poar law in Ireland. RAILWAYS IN IRELAND. Earl FITZ WILLIAIII presented a petition from the grand jurors of Wicklow, in favour of railways in Ire land. He was not going to enter into a long die cussion, which had been decided some days ago in another place ; but he did ?lot think he would be doing his duty to wards England, if he did not offer a few observations to their Lordships. He had often drawn the attention of their Lord ships to the resources d Ireland. The effect of the resent calamity in Ireland would not be confined to the mer e loss of the article of food, but would operate most disastrously in other ways; and it would, therefore, be necessary to provide means of employment. Twenty-four or twenty-five millions, more than half the rental of the country, had been destroyed. The rental of this country was 62,000,0004, and if 90,00,000'. had been destroyed, would not English gentlemen consider it a case calling for relief of the most comprehensive character. He did not think that the proposition which had been intro duced into the other House for granting money for the con struction of railways was an ill-advised measure, as he consi dered, if it had been passed, that it would have gone far to remove the distress. He did not think that it would have been a substitute for the works that had been going on for the last six months ; but still a measure of the kind to which he had referred, would have given employment to vast numbers of the people. Certainly the measure did not deserve the ridicule which had been cast upon it. What was wanted was to make the land of Ireland as productive as possible, and this would have been a step in the right direction. On the Con tinent, they would find that all great public works were car ried out by the Governments of the various countries People in this country were too apt to judge Ireland by England, and to consider that great public works could be carried out in the same way as here; but if they waited until private enterprise carried out public works like railways, they must wait for a considerable time. The state of Ireland prevented the capitalist from embarking his money in Irish speculaiivnre ,ssaseesses; --ssessoos s sess s reasesesa s. , ,e,,.;v:izatosatteeswo as He did not wish underealtie the Ines et ens ;11 111 ' 46 ar half which had been made to the landed proprietors in Ir e!a_t)o-i; but he did c on sid er th at t h ere h a d b een a ver y g reat di.poter_ to over-rate its eff ec t s . H e h ear d t h a t a ll the landlords t. looking for a share of it, and he would remind the Hon! e o h ol. a! if such were the case , and if it were divided, it woul.d,, en i, amount to nineteenpence per statute acre. He did n o . t e " . .bl i e that there would be some lucky individuals who would Iv a be to improve their eats:es by the loan, but they would " 'a individuals, and it should be their desire to improve the s. e .nd try generally. If a proprietor of twenty thousand acre to improve hi , es tate, with an income of 4,00iL a year, wanted Q uid he could not barrow less than a sum of 10,000/., y ear. hieh immediately subject him to a repayment of 6.50/. e : l wore He gave credit to Irish proprietors for a great d them, good sense than the English press were willing to gi_ v _r d t hink and he believed that any prudent Irish gentleman twice before he would embark in a speculation which would _ et of which him to such a large immediate outlay, and the be 3e t s ., , which would be only prospective, after a long series of i l;, , and after repealed negotiations with lessees, aneen b7 _ we re and ociupiera. He believed that the Irish proprietors.. the more prudent than they got credit for. But what was 1; th e lush gentlemen themselves proposed. They p w ow ob. r° P se w itio; wisest thing that had been suggested for the last six in , they proposed the substitution of re-productive for nos p rod tive works.--( Hear, hear.) They called aloud for"thieot:ablfog tion of railways ; and although a little s i might be introduced in the carrying out of t he s i c tern, still the good would greatly PreiNl'he the He must say that the suggestions made in Ireltud for L t the prevenient of the country were worthy of attention. 1 7 4 be House ought to remember that these improvements inn* .ney , carried on on a grand scale in order to meet a great eatk tee ; ‘ , But it was said that these loans from the Board of Work s . eoes s not to be repaid. What did the report of the Comulia' e l eerw l say ? They said, " that the re-payments were in g s ts of made with great regularity." With respect to the be n e ce 0 ( some of these works. He had been told that in conse4e en ow s the construction of roads in the county of Galway, the eu The had increased to an extent that he was afraid to sung' thos e House was perhaps aware th a t i n t h e county of laillsY°Biashe was one of the first h ar b ours i n th e wor ld . H e mean bee sod Bay. Well, a ro a d was f orme d to t hi s p l ace . an" s' ~Tcoro in 1837 there was not a single stone, and not 20 t Olll ' s p e d; exported, there was at that time 1,600 tons of grain exPl how , there were nine stores, and a very thiving PoP t l a ,,d of The Dean of Westminster had stated to him that the ' 3 ,, s itli Ireland, geologically regarded, was not to be compare d the land of England. Lord BROUGHAM—He only looked at the surface. , o f Earl FITZ WILLIAM —Without going into the elreat! sr what might be the v a l ue of a certain num b er o f acres. B e to the general value of land, there could be no comparison 0 , tween the two countries. The surface of the country studded with rocks and encumbered with mountains. Earl GREY—There are rocks in this country Ow' . L eaf Earl FITZWILLIAM said his Noble F r iend antn`,„,. him to dispute that q ues ti on w i t h hi m. S peaking as there were rot rock s sca tt ere d over t h e surface of t hi s coon',. The soil was different from that in which rocks were freq,7o The question was. wheth er or not t h ey were to raise freles°o the position of the more f avoure d portion of the Un i te d dom. He felt perfectly satisfied that they could not gel " the difficulty i n w hi c h th ey were at present plunged a? e a charity they might be a bl e t o a ff or d , it could on l y be re"e. permanently by some oti er means. ea Earl GREY said, he th oug ht th e measures w hi c h ha d be e St proposed by th e G overnment were calculated to nen e" of Ireland. The drainage that was proposed would 1: 1 4 0 ble the greatest ad v ant age . H e would remin d his for' Friend that the re were o th er measures to be brought bad ward. His Noble and Learned Friend on the W00 10 ' 1 ' 2.1 61 prepared a measure t o f ac ili ta t e t h e di sposal of rnnerche 1 1, estates in Ireland. Thi s h e conce i ve d woul d be "'"f so sirable, for th e p urc h aser wou ld come into possession °,oto estate which he could improve, and land was thus brought to the market whi c h th e purc h aser would buy wit h a Noble .001 said, he believed th ere was a vast amount of „.c-`Oll in Ireland, of whi c h f ew wire aware, and whic h sr.) required to be d eve l o p e d b y exertion.—( H ear , His Noble Friend had pointed out the great advantage' W He had arisen in some instances from the public works. rrsd (Lo:d Grey) nev er h ear d th at t h ese works had not e onf 8 0 advantages, and, as they were still in operation, god Lt oI continue to accrue fro m th em . O ne o f t h e most inWer's is these was, the navigati on o f the 'Shannon, whick wa s ' - rest progress, and whi c h h a d, d ur i ng i ts progress, con ferre d g t he advantages upon the p eo pl e i n t h at part of Ireland; but at r5O same time, he could not help thinking, through his Noble Friend's speeches, a sentiment that very dangerous character. He seemed to think Ireland was to look to England, and to the up on Government for aid, instead of trio ting and relsini o issi her own exertions. There was no such dangerous rle_; 100 as he was persuaded that no country could be foreen t tbiS opulence by the assistance of another. The wealth i , f or country was owing to the economy, to the small 'r ar er through a vast number of years, of the people, which han s , 3 te; mulated ar.d increased from age, and not by aid from th' or isisi but by individual, by private enterprise. His Noble,' d n ot that thereof seemed to think that Ireland was a poor country. and Mal his within herself the elements of her own success; but ; 1 00 14 Noble Friend would peruse Professor Keane's work hl ir isual see how great her resources were, and how mush in",: eoi sat enter prise might do to develope them. The iwl of the so il was one great step in that d i rec t i ou. odere d some places ro c k s h a d b een removed, and the so il re x . fruitful. In Scotland this had been carried to a grea t e as great blocks of granite had been removed, had been the result. Why, many parts of England were pro' years ago little better than mere bogs, of heaths which en ple duced no crops, but which had, by the enterprise o f th of this country, been rendered productive. It was for Ir.. r d e n to do the same-to depend upon herself, and not, as n the ".. ie s of his Noble Friend's speech seemed to apply, that in sWf o ir, of difficulty she was to depend upon Englancl• — "t;rshati hear.) It was a libel upon Ireland to I lk het she had not within herself the elements s in , in lAr own prosperity. He was not insensible to tbe lii t t e re it ; bait and fertile loot land, and was prepared to do his best to alleviate 6ped ire could not be removed at enee, but by degrees. . 11 land would depend more upon herself, and ) time she would become a prosperous nation.—( Earl that Iree Lord MONTEAGLE agreed with the Noble f her O ri land must look to herself for the promotion ti . onif prosperity; bid there were enterprises which cou ld cow . be effectually carried out with the aid of the In Scotland, fee instance, the Government, during no rec. r . that ineatrh.t. course of of famine, advanced money for the purpose of improving 't a d pike roads; and Mr. Telford, in writing on the subject , e , stated that Scotland had thereby been advanced " rations." Now, he contended that the carrying out of a T,lte. principle in Ireland would not fail to produce visiilar r e _ ae e ji c h j e fro . to 3 t h e e C j o n ; Ireland, in her distress, did not come for aid to Eneland.obwewod speaking in the Imperial Parliament, which w,a Vcontri• to dispense the revenues of the country, to buted her fair portion. She merely sought r penal Treasury of the Imperial Government, to whim. „whch tributed her lair share. But there was one thing to ; this country stood a l one . H e meant t h e re li e f which Dm9 a cid had bountifully ra i se d f or th e re li e f o f `lrelan d' not he was glad that 'the heavenly dime ha s is been extinguished by the angry and erroneous ate ~, of which had been put forward for the sole .ISV . P o- o f the putting a stop to the collection of money for the relief d been Irish distress. Even supposing all the measures that had we re passed with respect to Ireland were as effectual as th e y to stated to be, but if th ey were t h ey could not f a il to "arell encounter, at the best, a season of peril. 11'3., b 61n y thought that some suc h sc h eme as that propote d for t he Drummond and his co a dj u t ors was most expe dient o beli purpose of giving employment to the people on railwayasvol the relief which was being given began to relapse• to l et something of this kind were done they mus t continue ,a p st. mote public works a s th e y were compelled to do last 6e .,iglei They would but add to the difficulties of their positill i - e etor did not adopt othe r means t o f o ll ow t h em. He l u. • curred in the sentiments of the petition. The petition was laid on the table. Their Lordships then adjourned. • HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 2. SITES FOR SCOTTISH CHURCHES. of , Mr. BOUVERIE (i n cont i nuat i on) procee d e d t° -orb The people were in a frightful state of destitution, and ' fl o ,ided circumstances he should fan c y th e peop l e oug h t to be pr t , i ps' with pl a ce s i n w hi c h to mee;. and offer up pr a yers of ser r e !ion to th e great Gi ver of all good. But they werdiog' prived of all places of worship by the prove' not he had already related to the House. He ler, prepa re d to propose any specific remedy, bu t P o ll himself h e was per f ect l y ready and willing to go to i t be loe length of t h e reme d y proposed by his Honourable Fr i en d him —namely, to refer property required for sites to 0,04 judicial trib una l to h ave i ts value decided. That was t h e, C D he should in the case o f a ra i lway, and why sho'" excluded in this important instance? If a ra il which could do him no benefit, passed throug" by? park, he co u ld not o bj ect to it, and for 'riot He would remind the House that the reply in that eas e t Vibe that the public convenience was required. But it was n „ Q a to' convenience of the commonwea l th. A railway from Ire_A'a-tiott Dorchester could not conduce to the accomnin-peo of the commonwea l th, but only to the een/ e ., fl- slib of the publi c i n t h e ne i g hb ourhood, and the "oned of private individuals. On that ground, and that g r oo d alone the Legislature should interfere. Now was the C or o taken without compe nsa ti on . I t was dantnuns sine 1 1 60 . 0 1. But there were cases w h ere no compensat i on Was alAingi The Hon. Member then qu o t e d t h e Metropolitan nul..ourst Act, forbidding a ll t o l e t f or hi re certa i n b uild i ngs or Act. such as were contrary to the provisions o f the s ad Here he said parties were in the receipt of high rent,s; pyre perty. the Legislature stepped in and deprived them of their perty. The ime was the case of the Commons I", a , ie# Act, when commons, as any one knew, belonged to a f e at ea dividuals ; and yet they were deprived of these, and t ' a ot her the ground merely of the public health. He would quote ° an ted. ease, which was more in point than any of those he had quo the Under certain circumstances the Court of Session ha d the power to divide parishes, and the presbytery also h a d ()( power of taking the land of the heritorsg_rett, such parish so di v id e d, to the extent of f ou r fo : th o as glebe land and f or th e purpose of building a mans! refer, clergyman app o i n t e d to the parish. He begged, tn k e , ct ,i to move for a S e l ee t C omm i ttee to inquire into the suu-se„,hent Mr. EIVART secon d e d the motion. It was innu,T ee of upon any H o n. M em b er on moving for a Select Comm andr that House t o s h ow , fi rst, that there was a grierann e tree secondly, that by the appointment of a C om m Eo ri) some remedy might be suggested. He (Mr. , b e en thought the existence of a grievance ba n , o f s proved by his Hon. Friend—a grievance no less than 1 ;1 f t he great portion of the subj ec t s o f S co tl an d b e i ng depriven_aneer means of religious wor s hip, an d if t h at was no t a gg d b ig he did not know what was.—( Hear, hear.) a Bill Honourable Friend move d f or l eave to brin g in f o r upon the subject, as wa s d one b y the Hon. M e mber . d Perth last sessi on , it m i g h t perhaps have ihts that he was about to interfere with the bail too Sele- t private property. His Honourable Friend f a c objects in view in moving the appointment we re Committee—viz., to inquire and expose- I 'M' COnU nit tee. the legitimate functions of a Parliamentary the Pro- The people of Scotland were justified in saying that .e ot her an d tbs prietors of Scotland, however excellent they might be t respects, had proved themselves intolerant in this, al i g ht they had duties to attend to as well as rights. They say with their national poet— " A king may make a belted knight, , A marquis, duke, and a' that.' ust In • ow But whether they were marquis or duke, they o ul mainta i n . been sao, they had duti, s to perform as well as rights the founded in justice, he had great pleasure in se Because he thought the claims of the Free Church io ;er e motion. On the question GREY being put, Sir GEORGE said, in reference to the present uestion, he would hav e t o ca ll th e a tt en tion of the Hous e tn. what took place on former occasions when this s ubject wa' brought under consideration. He had hoped that tI e bring made and the debate thereon would have rendered the and that the ing forward of the suhject no longer necessary, comparatively few proprietors who refused sites would have seen the policy of being influenced by the feelings and gi: mons expressed by the House. On the first time tie subj!cfr came under consideration the Right lion. Baronet opPoo te (Sir James Graham) stated to his late lamented friend Mr. P. M. Stewart, that be hoped that the proprietors would sr the necessity of giving way on the subject ; or that if they did not accede to the prayer of the Free Church, tb5t. 11295. bring- l'u or k t he to 4 t eßi *llo Pell lile i met bete Sii pry duty tad