The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-03-05 00:00:00

Pottrg. LET man, although in love, he wisp, And let his tongue e;plain his eye*, Nor let him ogle all day long, Nor waste his time in empty sang ; Let him. to make his suit secure, Talk of his house and furniture ; Or, let him talk of his lands in Kent, The cruel fair will soon relent ; In tenderestecstacies, will soon, Without a tear, a frown, or swoon, Answer the question with " Oh! ah ! I think you'd better see Papa." THE LONDON PRESS. 4111011 THE GUARDIAN AND PUBLIC LEDGER.) We have never denied that some measure of severity, even one of extraordinary coercion, was necessary to suppress the disturbances in Ireland. Urgent and im perious necessity, we suppose, called upon the King's Government to protect the King's subjects in that part of the united kingdom against the open violence of law less mobs and midnight assassins. Of course we were bound to assume that some evidence of the murders, atrocities, and other illegal acts alluded to in Earl Grey's speech, would be submitted to both Houses of Parliament by his Majesty's ministers. That the noble earl did not overstate or colour the facts we are well convinced. That Ireland was and is in the deplorable state represented by the first minister of the crown we never entertained, and do not now entertain, the slightest doubt. But despite all this we do not think that a measure of such overwhelming severity, which places the life, liberty, and property of every man in Ireland at the mercy of the Lord Lieutenant and a military tribunal, should be justi fied by the conviction of any man or set of men, or should rest upon evidence which even the most fastidious could reasonablquestion. Certain we are that neither the Duke of Wellington, nor Sir Robert Peel, nor any other members of the conservative party, had they been the responsible ministers of the crown at the present junc ture, would have introduced such a bill for the suspen sion of the constitutional laws of Ireland, without giving to Parliament and the nation the most complete and sa tisfactory body of evidence in justification of the necessity of the measure. We should not have asked the delay of a tedious examination of witnesses by a parliamentary committee. This would have been a sort of toleration of crime. It would have sufficed had a return from the judges and special commissions, and affidavits from ma gistrates, clergymen, and resident gentry—from military officers, police constables, and others in Ireland—setting forth the nature of the disturbances, the details of crime, the prevalent insecurity, the dread of life—and establish ing by such local, direct, and incontrovertible evidence, the sad necessity for arbitrary and even despotic mea sures. With this we are sure that every intelligent man in England would have been satisfied. But this ministers have not thought fit to do. They introduce the bill on their own responsibility—they base it upon private evidence—they hazard it upon moral conviction, and they fortify it with something like the notoriety of the facts. This is the chief fault we have to find with the bill ; for it is the most vulnerable part of it, and that which will be made a handle of by the factions for purposes which we need not describe, for they are rendered sufficiently manifest by the instinctive love of popularity which stimulates the conduct of the scribes of the Times newspaper. We throw out these hints, but with great diffidence, for the benefit of the conservative party. It is now plain that a most furious opposition will be made to the bill. Lord Althorp indirectly hinted, at the meeting of the Three Hundred on Tuesday last, that if his former friends should desert him, and he should fail in carrying it un impaired by the aid of the conservative party, he and all his Majesty's ministers would instantly tender their re signations. , This certainly would be a very fearful cala mity. The Whigs resign 1 Lord Grey and all his little ones cut off "at one fell swoop !" Lord Durham and Sir John Hobhouse deprived of their salaries !—Old Bur dett deprived of his expectations I—Lord Anglesey ca shiered I—Lord Plunkett and the " young Hanibals" sent back to the place whence they came I—Mr. Spring Rice and Mr. Poulet Thomson both drummed out ! Oh, shade of Charles James Fox, this would be more than their country could bear, or the genius of English his tory could record without a tear ! But the Times tells them to resign, and we for once say " Amen I" to our honest contemporary. The world will not come to an end one moment the sooner. It is impossible that any set of ministers could place the na tion in a more deplorable condition. Even Mr. Hume as premier, with fifteen Greeks for his colleagues, could not make us worse. Under these circumstances is Lord Althorp justified in calculating upon the support of the Tories ? Let us beware here 1 If the Noble Lord, after being deserted by a larg e portion of his Whig friends, is enabled to carry the Irish Suppression Bill by means of the Tories, what will the nation say ? Let us pause and consider this with cool deliberation ? The character of the party is at stake. It is for them to decide whether they will be rendered responsible for Whig measures— for measures which they themselves never would have originated without inquiry—and which, if they should be carried under these peculiar exigencies, will, to a 'moral certainty, be placed to their account. To sustain the Whigs in office is one thing ; but to be made respon sible for their measures, or their blunders, or their most arbitrary and obnoxious proceedings, is quite another thing, and in the present state of the Tory party a very serious matter. To support the Severeign in his endea vours to suppress rebellion in Ireland is their duty as loyal men ; but the King is not responsible for the mea sures of his minister, who must bear all the odium of defeat. Besides, if they support Lord Grey in carry ing the Suppression Bill, will they not, in some measure, be bound to support the Church itobbery Bill ? And how do they know that the King approves of that bill ? There is a matter of conscience, and an oath, which bind his Majesty to the Protestant Church ; and these must not be lightly tampered with in a laud which is not yet quite .depraved by revolutionary and infidel principles. For these reasons we would most respectfully advise the Conservative party to be extremely circumspect in the choice of subjects which they may be called upon to support. They have already suffered severely from acting upon Whig principles; let them take care, there fore, lest it be said, to parody the words of Moore— " Th e trail of the Whigs is over them ail." (FROM THE TIMES.) The city election ternijnated yesterday; Mr. Lyall is the successful candidate. At the election in December the one of the returned members who stood lowest on the list polled 565 more votes than Mr. Lyall on the present occasion, and imp more than Mr. Alderman Venable S; are we to infer that the city is already tired of the reform bill, and pants for the return of the good old times of Toryism, and contracts, and Bank restriction ? The Paris papers of Wednesday, as we mentioned yes terday, derive their only interest from their remaks on the situation of the Duchess de Berri. None of .them ,seem to lend any credit to the report of a marriage; but siren on the showing of the royalists, all the liberal jour nals agree that a marriage would b as fatal to the ab .Aurd assumption of, he regency as the frailty which it is invented to cover. ~::~ ..< THE LIVERPOOL ST.ANDAMJ. We insert, in agether column, the quibbling note and the inadmissible propositions of the Dutch Envoy, M. Van Nyevelt, on the sth ult. It would be needless to add anything to what we have previously said of the pro crastinating manoeuvres and ambitious objects of his master, the King of Holland. We hope that the recall of this minister is to be a prelude to a change of conduct, and that his successor in London will see that "honesty is the best policy." (FROM THE ALBION AND EVENING STAR.) THE ADJOURNED pERATE. The " Reformed" House of Commons has now been sitting for a month—what has it done ? It has chosen a Speaker, voted an Address to the King, and some Exche quer-bills for Lord Althorp. And is this all ? Yes — this is positively all the public bwiness which, as yet, the "Reformed" House of Commons has got through. Have the members then made holiday all this time? Has the Speaker's office been a sinecure during this honey moon of parliamentary reform and legislative duty ? No ! truly, the house has been constantly occupied with talk — with long, loud, laborious talk, almost exclusively upon Irish atrocities and Irish grievances, and principally by Irish members. How long is this to go on ? How long is the admi nistration of Great Britain to sit and be brow-beaten by Irish agitators, while the business of the country stands still ? Have the King's ministers no energy, no ability, no strength, to put an end to this scandalous spectacle of successfUl effrontery and official humiliation ? The de bate on the first reading of the bill for the suppression of disturbances in Ireland is again adjourned—adjourned after three nights' discussion, or declamation, or what ever it should be called, chiefly by persons whom we are absolutely ashamed to instance as occupying the atten tion of the legislature of Great Britain m reference to important affairs 1 Is it to be supposed that if the King's ministers were what they ought to be, that these nits or gnats of debate, would continue to wriggle and buz be fore the face of the expectant country, and make us ashamed of our legislature ? What is Mr. Stanley about ? for to him alone, among the ministers, can we look for the power to do what is needful. Surely he cannot think he does enough when he grapples with such a man as Mr. O'Connell, and overthrows him! There needs but a plain tale to overthrow Mr. O'Connell—he has power in his words, but in nothing else. His character is mean —his knowledge-confined and local—his acts grossly in consistent—he is unworthy of being the personal anta gonist of the British ministry—let Mr. Sprinc , Rice be employed to answer him, and Mr. Whittle Harvey be retained to worry him, and he is sufficiently disposed of; but, in God's name, let the affairs of the British empire be discussed in the British House of Commons, and let this vile Irish froth be blown away. But ministers, forsooth, would not be thought to " dic tate." They are not so squeamish about dictating when any mischief is to be done. They talk, too, of - the diffi culties thrown in their way by the " forms of the house." Forms of the house ! They were made for its conve nience, not for its obstruction. Would Mr. Pitt have been impeded by forms of the House, wielded by bullies or whifflers ? No, nor would Perceval, nor Castlereagh, nor Canning, nor Sir Robert Peel. If Sir. Robert Peel had even last night felt it his duty to guide the house to a decision without further adjournment, or to adjourn to this day, instead of postponing this already too much post poned first reading to Monday, can any one who wit nessed the effect of his speech last night, suppose that he would not have effected his purpose ? Certainly not — but this brings us to say a few words on. SIR ROBERT PEEL'S SPEECH. There has not been in modern parliamentary history a more successful speech than that of the right hon. baronet last night. Sir Robert Peel, if he do not possess the very loftiest attributes of oratory—if he fail in the stern dig nity of Pitt, and the resistless energy of Brougham, makes up for all, as a parliamentary speaker, by his in comparable skill. He does nut waste his strength upon the exposure of an individual, or endeavour to'persuade by force. He contrives to give dignity to method, per suasiveness to the simple suggestions of common sense, and great power to circumstances which, in other hands, would be common-place. Above all, he suits his argu ment not only to the exact matter before the house, but to the particular stage of its discussion. His mind being made up to the propriety of reading the bill before the house, a first time, he endeavours to bring the house to be of his opinion—he will not enter upon the details, which he cannot but perceive are somewhat shocking in the sight of those who are accustomed to pride themselves in the enjoyment of political freedom. • This is only the first readingthe principle of the bill is the only thing to be established, and that, according to him, is merely that measures must be taken in addition to the ordinary law, for putting down the dreadful state of crime in Ireland. Nothing could be more successful than his speech was in the establishment of this position. Never was a more complete or decisive impression made upon a deliberative assembly. If, indeed, we are asked how it happens that Sir Ro bert Peel, being a leader of the Conservative party, care fully abstained from throwing any blame upon the pre sent Government, through whose mismanagement the state of Ireland had become so dreadful as the described ? —if it be demanded of us why Sir Robert Peel, with the exception of some strongly cautionary observations on the subject of " confiscation," spoke more like an adhe rent of the Government than a leader of the opposition, we can only answer that we suppose he deems it to be his duty to support a Government which, bad as it is, is less bad than the state of things which might be appre hended, were it broken up. This is our conjecture—if wiser heads think they see farther into the mystery than we do, they are welcome to their opinion. Sir T. Tyrn•hitt, late Usher of the Black Rod to the Lords, died on Sunday, at Calais, after a painful illness. It is be lieved his pecuniary embarrassments were the occasion of his retiring from office and quitting England.—Morning Herald. Don Pedro, it is reported, has' been detected by his troops in an attempt to desert them and leave Oporto. The troops generally appear to be in a state of mutiny and insubordinatiou, and many of the English, if St. Giless be in England, were in prison. The best thing, for aught we know; for the troops to do is, to seize Don Pedro, to hold him as an hostage for their pay, and if no Jew contractor will rAdeem him, to sell him to DonMi _ . . . goel or any body else for the 44i4vint .of their . bill.— G4Orcktu. FAMILY ARRANGEMENTS.—Lord Ponsonby, brother. in-law of Earl Grey, was lately appointed ambassador to Naples, of course with a hantkonie allowance for outfit, &c. His 144414 W hardly reached his cletipa.tion, and could not have commenced housekeeping, before the xe ceipt of a kind mission from his , considerate relative, ad. vancing him to the more lucrative embassy to Constan tinople, with, we ptestnne, aoother.,wpie splendid outfit than the fortopr. By the last adyices . we It that the Hop. Captain Grey, bop of Earl Grey, had.arriwecl ip the bay of Naples, in One of his Majesty's frigates, to convey his uncle to dmstantinople. Happy nation ! to have its most important concerns.converted into snug family par ties.— Guardian. 1).(na: MAGisrit..Krbs.--Shcridan, lashing _Cumberland,' said the stage vas beeioning a ehapplof ease to the Old Bailey. Sir Llauciius H.uuter and the Lord Mayor reverse the shaft of the Attire. They ka up in opposition to Keeley anci Liiton ' • they nia)ce minor theatres. of the Mansion-house und Qiiihlhall; and their farces are really injurious to Ow patentees; we hope the ch o wiberl,44l yvij prwegil agttiao tkivit.-414+ „ • LIVERPOOL PETITION. We take leave to call the attention of our readers to the speech of Lord Sandon on the presentation of the disfranchise ment petition, which we publish at length. HOUSE OF CONMONS, V4ll. 21. Lord Viscount SANDON.—I do not rise upon this occasion for the purpose of entering into a full iliscussion of the matter contained in this petition, as a more proper occasion will offer itself, whenever my honourable friend shall bring forward the motion which he intends to found upon it. I will only say, that, in the first place, the honourable gentleman must himself admit that three elections have passed over unimpeached, since , that on which he founded his original measure of disfranchise ment. And what, sir, I would ask, are the circumstances con nected with this petition? I cannot, indeed, help observing, that there are some strange peculiarities attaching to it. I would first . remark, that the petitioAers in this case are disap pointed parties,—parties who, having thought it worth their while to collect large sums of money for the purpose of esta- Wishing a ease against the late election, have shrunk from doing that which was done upon a former occasion, when simi lar charges were brought forward against the freemen of that borough—have shrunk from submitting their charges to the in vestigation of a tribunal—the only fit tribunal—one in which the judges are sworn, and the witnesses are sworn,—and, from a sense of the weakness of their cause, have preferred submit ting it to this house, sitting not in its judicial but in its politi cal capacity, wherein neither judges nor witnesses are acting under the sanction of an oath. I say that these accusers of the freemen of Liverpool have shrunk from that which was the only proper course; and that the very same parties, who originally introduced corruption into that place, who have since wheedled, and coaxed, and praised them, as long as any hopes remained that the freemen would become their tools, are now the parties who come forward to pray for their disfranchisement. Surely, if they had felt their case was strong, they would have laid it before the ordinary tribunal, an Election Committee. Sure I am there was no want of political hostility to myself, nor of de sire to seat my opponent, which could induce them to neglect that course. The only circumstance to which I can attribute the course which they have pursued, is the total, the absolute want of proof of the allegations set forth. I ueed not, I believe, assert my own freedom from any share in such practices, for I do not believe that I have been ever supposed to be connected with them; but from the solemn assurances of men of honour and respectability, who must have known the fact, I feel an equal conviction that there has been no corruption whatever on the part of my committee. lam confident, not only with re gard to myself, but with regard to my committee, that they nei ther committed, 'nor connived at, bribery or treating at the last election. so numerous a body I cannot pretend to say, that some indisMeet friend may not have given a glass of ale, but that either bribery or treating was either committed or con nived at by my committee, I feel the greatest confidence in de nying. The petitioners state, that they hail meant to consider the Reform Bill as a sort of quietus for the past, if it had not failed in effecting its purpose—the purifying the elective body. I no not mean to deny that upon one occasion, there was great and notorious bribery ; it would be impossible to deny it; an Election Committee conducted the investigation, and their ver dict confirmed and substantiated the charge • But Ido deny that since that notorious case there has been bribery at any subsequent election,—l say that three elections have taken place since that notorious case, and those three elections have gone by unimpeached. Au honourable MEMBER.—Hear ! _ _ Lord Viscount SANDON.—I say again—unimpeached; be cause against two, not even a rumour has been raised; and against a third, vague rumours only, which cannot be held to be sufficient proof of guilt, in the absence of any satisfactory evidence of the charge. But these parties say, that if the Re fiorm Bill had done its work, they would not have prosecuted this affair. If they dare not attempt to prove corruption, what do they mean by the Reform Bill not doing its work, but this, that Alas " not worked" favourably to them ? that it has not, as they expected, secured the predominance of a certain party n the place ? If, indeed, the Bill had so "worked," I believe his petition would never have been heard of But they shrink from attempting to establish their case in the ordinary, the only proper way ; they shrink from resting their case on the evidence, which they could bring forward as to the last election—they dreaded, I doubt not, lest their petition, under such circum stances should have been voted frivolous and vexatious; but they take advantage of the effect of former proceedings on the character of the freemen, of the effect of the broad and general allegations they . have been so long circulating as to the conduct of the last election, and trust to these circumstances for a suc cess, which a stinted investigation would never have secured them. I shall on this occasion_say nothing further, as a future opportunity will be afforded for entering more at large into the subject. 1 only wish at this momeut to enter my protest against the-abject etttre-petitieners, awl.the allegations the have ad vanced. - Mr. WASON.—The noble lord began his observations by de precating a discussion upon this subject, at the present mo ment ; and he immediately followed up this remark, by making a series of assertions, which I have no doubt he believed to be true ; but which I, in my place, declare I believe to be wholly destitute of foundation. The noble lord appears not to have read the allegations contained in the petition ,• for he has not once adverted to the fact complained of—namely, that the may ors of the town of Liverpool have, for many years, been elected through bribery and corruption. Lord Viscount SANDON.—Not of late years. Mr. WASON.—Why, I certainly must say, that, of late years, the money has been wanting wherewith to bribe and corrupt the electors of the chief magistrate. Lord Viscount SANDON.—Oh ! oh ! Mr. WAsoN.—I hear the noble lord's exclamation of "Oh, oh," but I will tell him, that at the very last election, (which was contested in 1827, between Mr. Potter and Mr. Robinson,) the office of chief magistrate of the second town in England, cost the successful candidate nearly £BOOO. Will the house, I ask, suffer the seat of justice to be thus purchased by bribery and corruption—and to be made the means of corrupting the free men and lower classes of the people of Liverpool ? Will the house receive the assertions of the noble lord in opposition to the allegation of 3000 inhabitants of Liverpool,—who state that their chief magistrate is elected through bribery and corrup tion? I say, that the noble lord is not warranted in observing that the petitioners have shrunk from doing that which is right; and I think it better, at once, to state what is the fact, and what it is that has given rise to the noble lord's animadversions upon the petitioners. Sir, they are politically opposed to the noble lord, who states, that they. have "shrunk" from prosecuting their charge under the provisions of the Grenville Act, for fear of their petition being, by a committee of this house, voted frivolous and vexatious. I know there ale many hon. gentle men near me, who have sat upon committees on election peti tions, and I would only ask them how many petitions have been voted "frivolous and vexatious ?" I believe that there have not been more than four or five such cases since the passing of the act. Lord Viscount SANDON.—There was one case last year. Mr. WASON.—The noble lord says there was one case last year. Be it so: that is one of the number I have named. Now, although they are opposed to the noble lord, these peti tioners have that sense of justice which induces them to forbear from entering into an inquiry as to the validity of the noble lord's scat in this house. But, sir, the fourteen days prescribed by law are elapsed (for it would have been inconvenient for the noble lord to have made such impptations had only twelve days passed over.) The noble lord is not nice about casting impu tations upon those very respectable persons who have signed the petition. I say, however, the noble lord is not justified in the course which he has pursued; and that his vituperation of the petitioners comes with a bad grace from him. I maintain that, upon the occasion of the last election, a drunken freeman was carried on the coach-box of the noble lord's carriage, the noh!e-lord himself being inside ; and that at the polling booth, the deputy of the returning officer refused to take the votes of many of the freemen, because they were in such a beastly state of intoxication. The candidate who was opposed to the noble lord polled 600 votes ahead of him on the first day; and I will ask how will the noble lord account for the circumstance of his having been returned, ultimately, by a majority of 145? Will he say that the old freemen did not hold back till the last day, with a view to snake their votes so much the more valuable? I du most cordially support the prayer of this petition; and I have thought it my duty to make these observations in justice to the petitieners, who pray only for an inquiry. I feel con fident that, with the exception of the noble lord, thew will not ' be found two gentlemen in this house, who would wish to re fose a fair inquiry into the allegations of this petition. Mr. T. GI,ADSTONE.—AS I am aware that the assertions Made by a successful candidate, as to the purity of his sup porters, are always received with due caution by this house; and happy to have it in my power to bear testimony to the truth of what has been stated by my noble friend. I happen to be in possession of the whole amount of the expenses incurred at the last election of the noble lord; and I feel - confident that if the statement were submitted to this house, not one of its members would leave it without being satisfied that, after defraying the legal expenses, nothing could be left for corrupt practices. I tini fax from impugning the respectability of the individuals who have signed the petition now offered to the house; but I do think it most unfair that, after they have slunk away from their first intention of attacking the scat of the noble 101, they should bring such allegations against him and his supporter contained in this petition. Thejhon. member who hi down complains of the noble lord, because his coast' perhaps, not quite so sober as those of the seat represents. We have heard a great deal of the ei to be produced upon the old constituency of Livt Reform Bill—that cure for all our grievances. No are the facts ? I can state on the authority of a hi, officer, that at the recent election, more than om old freemen registered as householders, and fully might have so registered. So much for the effects o) form Bill. There is another important consideration with the prayer of this petition,—that is the injustice I be inflicted upon the hundreds of persons admitted to doin since the notorious election of November, 1830. protest against the unfairness of the whole of this and particularly against the manner in which the contained in the petition are made to bear upon the n 4 Mr. WARBURTON.—If I understand this matter co, attempt is made by the petitioners to unseat the no, What the petition more particularly refers to is, the practices which prevail in regard to the election of opal officers of the town of Liverpool. The hpn. who spoke last, states solemnly that no undue prat. place during the last election at Liverpool for members in Parliament,—either on the part of the noble lord, or who mipported that noble lord. Now, I would ask, hi possible,—in case where two great parties are opposed other,—that any individual can make a positive assertion what may or may not have been done by either party, circumstances of this description. Why, sir, an ar de porter of either candidate may, without the knowledge other human being, himself tender a bribe to an elector not, then, a very fit inquiry for this house to make, as to individual voters may not have induced others to vote side or the other? I really feel that it is our basin" that an inquiry be instituted into the allegations set this petition. Lord Viscount SANDON.—In answer to the obs the hon. member for Bridport, I will only state that who is acquainted with Liverpool can have any doubt erroneous nature of the statements that have been made subject. BENETT.—I beg to assure the noble lord, that servations that I have addressed to the house, I had 0 0 tion to refer to him. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table. 44; s a ;,Z krtd r Lin 0— r " ou °,wr lit"B4 11 1 0 " ca -s,en )rters, app ho hai iv nst ituetA - aof PO 7Y. Far. 1 ;ffects el , i' d ,„ s tes c NH41 11 %. i cO g rW b P,° : s o lt: r74H AL-.1:-"41°P , e .. r 2o 'nif t, ale-half °` h th l °. 31. ally tivo• 20 rum, !ets of the rtan (ll), 17 tktihil.Qt In i t oisi....„ J noa nn,. r t h d i ectionotorthr ebhaletc:,::: a 1: : 11 ri d e s : he noble °, ll tez unia is, the d Prawn In of the, " rh o" arr Lon. get''' . I b,, ns, practices , f3 b 2 e ts, !tubers to ter a l',° l ord, or of s fi n : . Hater ask, how. CI Crary )posed t o c 0 ,(1, asse rtion i i ,,, au, (to r party, it. °r in ar dent ia nigr )wledge of and,eo t elector. ~ 0 ...,‘,p fl, as to W' . ti ,7 Ns to vote 00 i li -e. °r • to h °l 'd , r 1 )usiness A 0 , and co. s set iv' ?atesk tiz lore 1 observati lnd ec... that no P e 7 . W a s :n that ho madeal itnaasoi?!) t:::.:,.,,,,s:bri4t : 4 l 4Hhpe ! I had no A' -- 1 , 45 ~. . uxd „ , b 'Bel( hle. " ( f 3 u ghs-tt ! ai,',l )r Fe , 7 ow 'IN C%' 4 111 " c ann , tili_... 3 , I 'Lott... ;lll „. 0 rat , L, To, ss to vo o 1 14g ~- ' 0 and , 0 • k, .0 preL , Itu s , ter filen I ', l na co Le fresult lt .` "l, 1" ; that I feat 'eo R e . me to tI1) 5 .1-.....38,,,?!, FOREIGN INTELLIGE FRANCE. PARIS, Feb. 26.—Since I sent off the express to morning with the news of the secret marriage and • of the Duchess of Berri, I have seen many of her f: conversed with several of her enemies ; and the res inquiries and conversation amounts to this, that I Duchess of Berri is not married. I have not come to elusion hastily, nor without hearing the cOnflieting . s tate of her friends and foes with patience and attention; repeat that I fear very much indeed that the duchess, married. The friends of the ministers of Louis phith the adents of the goverment, have declared to me, that 3 4 the Duchess has been the mother of a child, a little g Italy, since the revolution of 1830; and that the govell is in possession of a proces verbal of all the facts and ell stances of that accouchement. Her enemies also obserf, the steam-boat Carlo Alberto was seized in February, l' that in May she was in La Vendee—that from May, I°' February, 1833, Is a period of nine months—that the 4 therefore, of which the duchess is enciente could not have the offspring of a marriage in Italy unless her husband panied her to France,_ since the duchess does not yet el to be confined ; and that if she be married to an Italian and if he has cohabited with her in La Vendee during t p nine months, the government must have known his They also add, that if she be married, why does she nol the name of her husband, and afford the government! , portunity of examining into the truth of the statement she is in prison. The friends of the duchess reply that they are surpri" her being enceinte—that this fact is to them a deathbloo whether she be secretly married to some obscure Italian or for the sake of form or appearances, and with whom she have cohabited in La v endee, they care but little-- Charles has abdicated, and the Duke d'Augouleme has the same thing, the Duke de Bordeaux is their only 1101 1 ' the only living personification of their principles—that were not to be really the son of the Duke and Duchess of Louis Philippe would be the legitimate King of France . that there would be nothing to prevent his being croi Rheims as that legitimate monarch. That the duchess" sign or rhos ld write_a_cleelaration of her own infamy d o deed appear to them to be surprising, and they cannot cite it with her usual strength of mind and supposed firs'. character. As, however, the government has already to its friends, that it will keep the duchess in custody low she shall be brought to-bed'of a child, and that it will hav e her friends and enemies present to witness the event, so doubt may be entertained on the subject, her friends ' their intention of suspending their opinions until the,, shall have taken place, and until it shall be known whet,'" duchess was married in Italy or not, and to whom and and whether she has cohabited with her husband as 10 3 'i wife within the period of nine mouths from the birth °' child of which she is now pregnant. Of course the friends of the new dynasty are in a s tate 0 ' and excitement difficult to describe; ana it is useless t', i that if the duchess be not married, or has not lived olv husband during the last nine months, her disgrace and would be the most favourable event to the ch nasty 01 Philip. Indeed, her friends are deserting her stand' s , anticipation, and the Duke of Bordeaux will suffer I 'l faults of his mother. ANCIENT STATUE.—They have just found, in one sewers of ancient Athens, a splendid statue, supposed to Thesus : it is naked, and of the heroic size, about that; Belvidere Apollo, of the finest marble, and best style of l turc, and perfect excepting the head and feet. The former covered a short distance from the statue, and, from the f, corresponding with the neck, may be easily replaced. ple, with three columns erect, has likewise made its apP from below what was 'supposed the ancient town : to se o ,l ' treasures buried there; the whole of that part of the site be excavated to the depth of about eighty feet; but they , little money to lay out, and the people are so impatient t' on the spot, that the whole will shortly be covered in and up for ever.—Liter ary Gazette. A At Tours MADAME LA DUCHESS DE BERRI was and many a violent and opposing opinion given respect ° conduct, its motives, its consequences, and the 4.00, ought to receive. Some with the spirit of chivalry stil their boSoms, declared their reverence of her as a wok; a mother, and that - merely considering her as such, any political reference, they would shelter her, or tight le whenever chance might throw her in their way. Others' her the Hyena of France, who would not care if its rice' blood; so that she could sail upon them to the capital establish despotism, bigotry, and the Bourbons; and ee man, who had got something to fight for, having had 6 , some property unexpectedly bequeathed to him a s hay. before, declared that he should think himself justifie(t l , tolling her with his own hands, if she should happell into them. This ultra patriotism caused such " Wild uproarious din" of dissentient voices that we walked off, to get out of tbt, ing of it, kit without as within, we found ourselves ans l tical commotion and excitement. The quays were e l with troops, going down the Loire, into La Vendee; the, with spectators, and the beautiful promenades with dr y fashionable people, attracted by the military music, floated on the evening breeze; whilst the mysterious , telegraphs, were exchanging their portentous signs, as they could be discerned, from the east to the west, with' gence of the troubles in Paris; from the west to the ea' the intelligence of those in La Vendee • and as they solo leaned to one side, sometimes to another, sometimes dl" i all their arms wide to the heavens, sometimes sudden tracted them, they seemed like inspired Pythonesses, 11 ' the fate of empires, yet unintelligible, even to they' wrapped in secrecy, and knowing not the import of the which they conveyed.—l could not help smiling t o s ee the crowd, at such au interesting moment, a man with which he had taught to drum, at the word of comula l varied his directions to it with admirable tact and "Now my brave little fellow, give us a roll for the triculot —now another for the lilies of France—now one for Chav Then seeing this did not take,. he added, "and a gee lance of him—now one for Louis Philippe, and so he 0 ' the little creature obedient to all his commands, lung' the timidity of its nature, and beating its tattoes Al oe, crowd, according to the secret signs it received. DO. master was probably more versed in secret con - multi than he chose to acknowledge, as we heard afterwards, and his little companion were put wider arrest.—Sir Ise. . Loire._ 4 4 3 arti Ervin i t i 4 ll3( 81,04 Co me l enti bita' 1 4 , ,rw , rotn Ala fr, 4 04 Ilit ,f3 .• / ;* • 't , 20 . • • • od ;Ste.: eu r(i tk• ['zit. 11 zit ir;ii