The Sun. — London, England, 1857-07-28 00:00:00

first 3ut iud üb ge) ons ror ble vaS lot tus the ida Military mutiny is to he put down, the Government can not he trinted with the settlement of the amennt of force to be applied and the means by which success is to be achieved, what confidence could be placed in them at all? Therefore, if I agreed that this was a military mutiny only, oven if I was of opinion that the force they recommended was not sufficient for the occasion, I shoal I leave the resporeifdlity to them, and if they failed in their object from want of means Parliament would be able to exact a due account. But, concluding, as I de, that this is a national revolt, I do not think that the means announced by the Government are adequa'e to the occasion. Let us consider what aro the u.eans "with which the Government intend to save our empire. We heard at first of 14,000 men to be sent out, but nearly one-half of that amount con sisted of reliefs. Some 6,000 of these men are to fill up vacancies among the European ranks in India; so that, althoug,h the total numlyr of troops to be sent out amounts we are now told to 20,000 to 26.000, yet the additional force we shall furnish will be only 18,000 or 19,000 men. Of that number, how many can be fairly estimated ever to appear in the field? There will be the percentage of loss from the voyage, the percentage of lo=s from climate, and the casualties of warfare, even before actual war has begun. You cannot expect that Of those 18,000, or 19,000 men more than 15,000 fresh troops will arrive on the Yield in India. To my wind, our efforts should be on .a much greater scale. There should be not only an advance from Calcutta through Bengal, but also an expedition advancing up the Indus, and I am not certain that the ;latter is not the more important of the two expeditious. it is only in that manner you can embrace and command your emp r and the means announced are not elevate to a de rnonstration of that kind, and it could not be done unless the noble lord takes much bolder steps than he scorns in lined at present to adopt. I think he ought to call out the only call them out, but embody them ; and I do not understand, unless the noble lord does thi4, now be can maintain the war with effect. Besides it is of the ut most importance to establish in this country a powerful and ample reserve. How can that be done unless you not only call out but embody the militia ? The noble lord said the other night, in reply to some observations of mine, that he saw no use in calling out the militia, except to make that a means of recruiting the regular army. No doubt it is a high privilege and a noble duty for the militia to recruit the ranks of the regular army, but I cannot agree that it is the first duty of the militia. Their first duty is to defend our hearths, and I do not see, not caring to allude to the present state of Europe, but simply re garding the alarming condition of Asia, what steps can be taken for the proper maintenance of oar national defences unless the militia be called out and embodied, and the noble lord comes down to the house to ask for ample means to prosecute the war in which we have embarked. I have made these observations as to force, and I should not have ventured to make any criticism upon the acts of the Go vernment upon this subject if I h a d b een a bl e t o agree with them as to the causes of the disturbance. But to my mind that is not all that wo ought to look to. Even if we do vindicate our authority with complete success—if we do revenge the insult that we have received—if we rebuild the power that has boon destroyed, it appears to me that we have still a very great and responsible task before us, for it is impossible, even in the moment of action, to drive from our consideration not merely the future of India, but I also the present con lition and feeling of the great mass of the population. We may pour our legions and our fleets up the rivers and through the provinces of India. We may be successful, but to my mind we should add to that suc cess and doubly strengthen our force—and I am prepared, for one, to give atiy support to her Majesty's Government which they may require for that purpose, if at the same time we should say to India that supposes she is aggrieved and outraged—to India perhaps despairing of pardon, ' Although we will assert with the highest hand our autho rity —although we will not rest until our unquestioned Su premacy and predominance are acknowledged, f rom the Punjab to Cape Comoriu—it is not merely as avengers that We appear." I think that the great body of the populati in of that country ought to know that there is for them a future hope. I think we ought to temper justice with mercy —justice the most severe with mercy the most indulgent. But how are you to do that ? What step are you prep %red to take? How are 3ou going, let me ask, to govern India, when, as I have heard, it has been circulated on the highest authority that the native army in l3engal no longer exists? Has the house well considered the consequences of so easily saying that as the native :may of Bengal has no longer any existence we should subs Ante it by English regiments ? I do not wish to vi e w th e ques ti on as a quest i on o f fi nance. This country is in that condition at the present moment which will not permit us to dwell upon such considera tions. But suppose you had 100,000 or 200,000 English men in India, could you govern India with such men? You might as well talk of governing India with a House of Commons. (A. laugh.) Why, the supposition that you are to havo nn army of Europeans to govern India assumes a complete revolution, both in your external policy and in your internal administration. (Cheers.) How are you to invade kingdoms like Pegu, how are you to conquer coun tries like the Punjaub with men of English constitution ? Row could they journey through those burning deserts and Perform those actions which now are with facility per formed by the native troops? You could not do it. Look at the position of the English regiments in In lie. We hare been obliged to guard them up to the moment of those bat tles which they have been called upon to fight, and which they have invariably won. Well, then, what is to be said of your foreign policy ? It no longer exists. You must entirely change all your relations with the States coter minous with your Indian empire. But look at your internal administration. Cau you levy your revenues with English troops? (Hear.) Are English troops to he put at every outpost ? Are they to escort the money from your treasu ries ? Are they to perform all those duties which now are With facility performed by those whose nature and organi sation adapt them to live and work in that country ? It is totally impossible that you can over govern 100,000,030 of Men merely by European agency. (Hear.) You must meet that difficulty boldly and completely. Well, then, the course which I recom mend is this: —You must at once, whether you leave received news of success or of some defeat, tell the people of India that the relations between them and their ruler and Sovereign Queen Victoria shall be drawn nearer. (Loud cheers.) You must act upon the opinion of India on that subject immediately; and you can only act upon the opinion of Eastern nations through their imagination.. (Hear, hear.) Y ou oug h t to have a Royal Commission sent by the Queen from this country to India immediately to inquire into the grievances of the various classes of that population. (Cheers.) You ought to have a Royal pro clamation to the people of India, declaring that the Queen of England is not a Sovereign who wi'l countenance the violation of treaties—(sheers)—that the Queen of England is not a Sovereign who will disturb the settlement of pro perty-- (hear, hear)—that the Queen of England is a Sove reign who will respect their laws, their usages, their eio - toras and, above all, their religion. (Hear, bear.) Do this, and do this not in a corner, but in a mode and man ner which will attract universal attention and excite the general hope of Hindosf an, and you will do as much as all Your fleets and armies can achieve. (Hear, hear.) But to do this you must act with vigour. You must send to that country the men who are most entitled to such office, and Who shall appear in Hindostan and demand possession in the Queen's rame. If that be done sirnulteneously with the arrival of your forces you may depend upon it your military advances will be precipitated, and I believe your ultimate success will be insured. (Hear, hear.) Sir, no one cam be more sensible than myself that I have most iin perfectly treated this great question. I may be asked why, with those convictions, I have ended these observations only with a motion for papers. It may be said that if the Niewe of the Government and -those I have expressed ap pear to be so contrary, " Why don't you assert your opinions in a resolution, and call upon Parl anent to sanc tion it ?" {Hear, hear.) I will state the reason why I have not taken that course. I thought it was of very great importance that at this emergency the Parliament of England should not shrink from entering into a dis cussion upon this question. It appeared to me that if We were to return to our counties in silence we should have abdicated our functions—(loud cheers)—and lost all claim on the confidence of the people. It is at these moments that we who are the great council of the nation should stand forward to be the guides and guar dians of the people of this country. The opinions of the Government upon it have not been expressed in such a decided manner—they have nit bean adopted so long that I can despair to find that their minds will rise with the occasion, and that they will embrace a more vigorous and larger polisy than they have hitherto seemed to imitate or recommend. I cannot renounce the hope that even the discussion of this night, after others may perhaps have been listened to more competent than myself, may elicit from the Government a declaration which may carry seine hope and confidence to the people. If they should take that course, see in what a position we should then be placed. A united Parliament and a strong Government are two circumstances most necessary in the difficult posi tion in which we are placed. That is aconsideration winch has influenced my mind. It is not that I myself, on this or on any other subject upon which I might recommend a policy would shrink from responsibility ; but I wish to show to Europe and to Asia that it is not the desire of a Parliament to overthrow a Ministry to stave an empire. I trust, therefore, that this discussion will at least elicit such a declaration of policy on the part of the Government that the only duty of the House of Commons in future will be to support it with cordial sincerity. If they do nottake that course—if they do not take sufficient means, and public disaster occur—deep will be their responsibility. We shall meet again perhaps sooner than this house ex pects; and if they neglect their duty to their country, I, for one, will not shrink from responsibility. I will then appeal with confidence to an indignant people and a deter mined Parliament, and I will ask them with united ener gies to save an en.laugered empire. (Great cheering.) Sir, I beg to move that there be laid before his House :-1. Copy of any min-ate or despatch addressedto the Govern°, - General of India, by his Excellency the Cornman ler-in- Chief, the late Major-General the Hon. G. Anson, dated on or about March, 1856, relative to the state of the Ben gal army. 2. Copy of a report en the organisation of the Bengal army, drawn up by the late Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Napier, and transmitted to his Grace the Duke of Wellington, Mr. V. nun" said it was impossible to deny that the right hon. gentleman bad made a very remarkable speech, but at the close of his three hours' oration he was tempted t 3 ask what was the use of it. The right hon. gentleman bad charged the Government with treating this grave ques tion of the mutiny of the Bengal army with levity. He (Mr. V. Smitb) denied that he had ever so treated it.. When the right hon. gentleman put a question to him in reference to it, he answered it as well as he was able ; and if he did not exhibit that anxiety the right hon. gentleman thought necessary, ho could only say that while he hoped and believed for the best, her Majesty's Government were preparing for tho worst. He had net endeavoured to make light of the evil, but merely to state the view the Govern ment took of it, and the course they were pursuing in re gard to it. All that they had heard from India justified him in assuming that the Indian Government were taking "the necessary means to meet the difficulty, and were san guine of being able to overcome it. The right hon. gentle men had taken a very different course, for instead of his statements being calculated to allay the alarm of the public —the course he had taken was fraught with mischief. If there had been any comfort and consolation in the last news from India, it was to be found in two points ; the first was that there was not the slightest symptoms of a national revolt ; there was not a tithe of evidence of any such thing, nor had the right hon. gentleman produced any evidence to prove the existence of such a thing, although he had said that there was a national revolt. Another con solatory circumstance contained in the last information from the East was the assurance that no native Pt ince had any connection with or was concerned in these transactions. The right hon. gentleman, however, kept away that solace and consolation, and stated broadly that there was a con spiracy among the native princes. There was not a tittle of evidence of any such conspiracy, and he (Mr. V. Smith) was glad, when the right hon. gentleman was pro ceeding with those statements, perceive, by looking at the clock, that the hour was past when the India mail of that night was closed, and that there was no chance of these statements of the right honourable gentleman going forth at the present moment to India.. He denied that imputation in the name of the native princes—he denied it in the name of the Maharajah of Gwalior, who had done so much to_ assist us, and who b a d o ffered 10)01, for every prisoner that was brought in by his troops, and in the name of the Rajah of Puniair ; and ho deuie.l the state ment of •the right hon. gentleman when he said of those native princes who had been our staunch allies that their only desire was to betray us. However he might admire the eloquence of the right hon. gentleman, he could not but regret the inexpediency of the course he had adopted. As to the motion itself, it was nothing ; and one part of it was a motion for papers which did not exist., namely, any minute or letter addressed to the Governor-General of India by the late commander-in-chief, dated about March, 1356,-relative to the state of the Bengal army. fie had made every inquiry in his office, an 1 a search had been made at the India-house, and the only minute or despatch of March, 185 from the commander-in-chief related to the leave given to certain officers of different regiments, and ending with an expression of his wish that there should be no further withdrawal of any regimental officers. With reg kr,l to the other paper moved for, a report on the organisation of the Bengal army drawn up by the late General Sir C. Napier, and transmitted to the Duke of Wellington, the despatch was founded on a totally different subject •to that to which the right hon. gentleman had alluded ; for it related to the defence of the frontier of India, and especially of the Punjaub, in the course of which an incidental ref renco was male to the state of the troops, but as it mainly, if not altogether, related to the defence of our frontier, it would be most unedvisable to produce it, especially as the other part of it relating to the troops did not bear out the statement of the right hon. gentle nan. Besides, the report was made in 1849 to the late Duke of Wellington, who took no notice of it, nor bad any notice been taken of it by any other commander-in in-chief ; so that neglect in that respect could not be at tributed to the Goveonment. He did not think that it was necessary for him to follow the right hon. gentle man into the details of the dissertation on the state of India into which he had gone, and the circumstances connected with which he said had been going on for several years ; and therefore his strictures did not apply to the present, any more than to any recent Government; and they certainly applied to the Government of which the right hon. gentleman was a member, for he had ex tended his censure on the Government of India from 1848 to 1756. The right hon. gentleman said with perfect truth—and in many of his observations he (Mr. V. Smith) entirely concurred—that in anything which related to a change in the condition of India, it would be well to con sider who was responsible for that change. (Hear.) It was quite true that India had been for years iu a state of transition—that is, there had been an attempt made to adapt the customs and opinions of this country to the civil and military service of India ; and the reason of that was, that in the House of Commons the question of India had been taken up in a peculiar way, and an attempt had been made to engraft on our Indian empire our own cus toms. Whether that was a wise coarse or not he could not say; but the right hon. gentleman had solved the question, for he said that all the evils which had arisen in India had arisen from our going too fast. What had been stated by the right hon. gentleman with regard to the alteration of the Hindoo law of marriage —and he believed the sight hon. gentleman went so far as to object to the abolition of Suttee—(Mr. Disraeli : " No, no.")—Well, at any rate, he spoke of the abolition of Hindoo ceremonies, but he believed that all that e the right hon. gentleman had stated on that subject, and the effects which had been produced, was perfectly tine; there could not be a doubt of it. But it was caused by the irresistible force of public opinion in the country, which no Government. could hope to resist. The right hon. gentleman said that by making these changes, we interfered with the native authority, we interfered with the native religion, and disturbed the settlement of native property. The right hon. gentleman had gone very mi nutely into the quest on of the interference vata the native authority ; and the right hon. gentleman commented on the minute of Lord Daleotei on that subject. He (Hr. V. Seal tb) had a great admiration for Lord Dalhousie in which no doubt the right hen. gentleman would agree with him ; but he was not prepared to say that in this respect Lord Dalhousie did not go too far in his policy. It must, how ever, be recollected that Luel Dalhousie's policy had been more than once rejected by the Est India Company and the home government. The right hon, gentleman was not correct in supposing that the system of adoption by the na tives of India was extended beyond their kinsmen and to strangers. This question was a grave and most important one, and one which was well worth the attention of the House of Commons and of aniernblies, such as committees and commis ions, more calculated to sift and examine into it than the House of Commons. Every estate should be considered by itself, and the question should not be consi dered as a system ; for each estate in the case of the fail. ure of issue was surrounded by its own circeinstanems and peculiarities. But the right hon. gentleman said in the most sweeping way, that the abolition of the system of adoption had been the cause of the revolt. If the native princes had been indignant at the treatment of the Rajah of Sattara, they would mod. probably have shown it, and when it was said that the Nizam ought to have shown some fee!ing on the subject, it was, in fact., admitted that he had.not taken offence. Perhaps, however, when the speech of the sight hoe. gentleman was analysed le India, we should have a shoal of Indian princes corning over here and getting eminent lawyers to bring their cases before the House of Commons. Not that the right hon. gen tleman ha I over interfered in any of these cases, nor had he been at any time mixed up with Indian affairs until the occurrence of this mutiny, which had caused so much excitement, when he had taken so much pains in the preparation of the eloquent speech he bad delivered that evening. It would, however, have been better if the right hon. gentleman had exercised some reserve on this question, for although he (Mr. V. Smith) was aware that the difficulty of a Ministry was the opportunity of an opposition, yet it would have been bet ter on such an occasion as this to have been somewhat more reserved. The next thing which the right lien. gen tleman said had awakened the wrath of all India was the disturbance of the settlement of property, and he alluded to the commission which had inquired into the system of the Jagheers and Zemins. The right hon. gentleman spoke of these holdings as freehold, but they were more in the nature of feudal tenures, for many of them were held by military service, such as keeping a certain number of horses ready saddled and battled for service with the Rajah ; but the tenure was not such as they could claim from the Rajah himself; and often when a Rajah died, , they bad to pay a thumping fine; and on the whole, the holders of land had been rather benefitted by the change of landlords. But the reason of the issuing of the commis sion was the gross frauds which existed in the system; and the commission was not appointed to inquire into the titles to land, but into the system of fraud which prevailed. No doubt the issuing of the commission had caused dis content among the fraudulent proprietors, and he eh eild be gled. to know where a law did not create discontent among those upon whom it pressed hard ? Therefore, to charge the Esst India Government as having given great offence generally in this respect, was an exaggeration hardly compatible with fact. The right hon, gentleman, in the third place, referred to a subject of the greatest isn't deepest importance, the interference with the religion of the na tives of India. This was a question of great delicacy. The right hon. gentleman was wrong on oee point, when he said that this was a new system. , That was not the case, for it had been going on for years. The mutiny at Vellore was V.1 , 1188d by that very systew. What was said on that subject by the historian of the mutiny at Vellore? The right hon. gentlemen then read, in a very low voice, an ex tract from a book, which was, as far as we could gather, to the effect " that considering the impossibility of is Coal- . bination between the Mahometans of the Deccan with the Hindoos for pus poses of disaffection, there was no reason to seek for causes of the mutiny ; it was the result of the obtrusion of religion on the troops by the military authori ties ; it was an error to suppose that the In liaise were so bigoted with regard to religion as not to admit of contro versy; but compulsion on the subject of religion was what they dreaded ; it was believed that the Government secant to compel them. to become Christians. This lesson was one of great seriousness, and ought never to be lost sight of ; there ought never to be any grounds of suspicion given to the troops that there would be any interference with their religion " That was no doubt outs of the grounds of the statement of the right hon, gentleman in which he (Mr. V. Smith) entirely concurred. The missionaries were always treated by the natives with the utmost respect, for they considered them to be only employed in the performance of a great and sacred duty ; but when missionaries were found among the members of the civil service and the mili tary service; when (there need be n, hesitation in men tioning hls name) men like Colonel Wheeler were found preaching in the bazaars, and distributing tracts to the sepoys, then they not unnaturally believed that there was an intention to subject them to compulsory conversion ; and it had been intended to instruct the Governor• General to interfere and forbid any missionary efforts on the part of members of the civil and military services. At the time of the mutiny at Vellore this question excited the greatest in terest in this country, and several papers were published on the subject, one of which was written by a relative of his, Mr. Sidney Smith, in which it was urged that if this mis sionary zeal went on among the troops mutiny would be the result; and it had turned out that that which had been pre dicted in 1823 had come to pass in 1857. Those things had arisen, not on account of any action on the part of Govern ment, but because of the religious zeal which had been ex hibited in this country and in the House of Commons for the conversion of the natives of India. If, before the occur rence of this mutiny, he had ventured to say in his place in Parliament that the proceedings of the missionaries in India should be prohibited, such. an expression of opi nion, would have been received with a shout of disapproba tion in that house and the country. It had been most erroneously contended that India was a field for missionary labour; and in the House of Lords a nobleman remarkable for his ability and good sense had gone so far as to say that it would be better to lose India than to attempt to stop efforts for the conversion of the natives. The sight hon. gentleman mentioned Mr. Halliday ; but the procession which that gentleman tried to prevent was one which was repugnant to all humanity, namely, for the purpose of carrying out the ceremony of swinging on hooks. The hon. member for Perth had asked him (Mr. V. Smith) whether it was the intention of the Goveonment to put an end to the custom of swinging on hooks, and he replied that if a cessation of the custom could be caused by appeals to humanity and by persuasion, it would be done away with ; but th a t decidedly no attempt would be made to pot a sto p to it by force, Mr. Halliday proposed, immediately after the Sontal insurrection, that the whole territory should bo handed over to the missionaries; but he (Mr. N. Smith) forbade it. The right hon. gentleman ought to distinguish c ern e d concurred, at t th e r w in ,his matt er b e t ween the acts of individuals an d th e a cts of the Go vernment ; aud so far as the former were con cerned, results e that right h ha o d n. gbeeenune produced,man.The right he en tirelyhon. gentlem an next reverted to the question of annexa tion, and aga i n he ( Ur. V. Smith) said •th re gard to e,an nexation, as h e h a d sa i d with regard to adoption, if it was to be considered as a system, he entirelyobjected to it. But he did not obje c t t o annexation in those cass.which the right hon. gentleman had described. He must say that g the government w the right hon, gentleman was rather unjust to Lord Dal housietions in which h this a r d e respect , for place he under b e only with the eaonfntehxaat noble lord. Bat there were several annexations before that, as in the case of Scinde under Lord Ellenboroueh ; and indeed the annexation of the Punjaub, th oug h it 'was finally settled . by Lord Dalhousie, was begun before his time. Mr. DISRAELI —That was a conquest. Mr. V. SMITH—Yes ; but a quarrel was provoked in order to lead to that conquest, and ho thought that observa tion equally applied to the annexation of Scinde; nor did he see that there was so much difference in an annexation which was the result of a quarrel, and one which was the result of the system of adoption. While he was speaking of annexation he must say a word on the subject of Oude, which was a subject of immense importance. The right hon. gentleman had said that that was a question which ought to be treated by itself, and he touched on it but lightly, and ho (Mr. V. Smith) would follow his example. The right hon. gentleman said that Onde was annexed in ' 1856 ; but it was well known all through 1855 that it was about to be annexed, and from then up to the present time not a word had been said about the annexation of Oude ; and that being so, he had a right to consider that the House of Commons did not think the Subject one of such pressing interest as to induce them to take up the matter. No doubt the annexation of Oude was of great importance, THE SUN', ONP but when the right bon gentleman talked of the rights of the native princes, ho should remember the wrens of their subjects. The subjects of the King of Oudo wore kept in subjection by means of our forces; we had a resident there and troops also, and we were reap msible for every act done there. If we had withdrawn from it, the result would have been complete anarchy ; and Lord Dalhousie, think ing that such a state of things as existed in that country ought not to exist under our rule, thought it better to annex the kingdom in the manner in which he did. He (Hr. V. Smith) would not now enter into the question of whether it was done in the hest manner or not, but he believed it had been with the least possible offence to the feelings of every one. The allowance to the S )vereign was large ; and since the annexation there had been a great improve ment in the social conditien of Oude. Theright hon. gentle man had assumed that the mutiny in the Bengal army arose among the Oude sepoys, and that because they were dissa tisfied with the annexation of Oude. The right hon. gene le man might be correct when he said - that there ware 70,009 Oude sepoys in the Bengal array; he (Hr. V. S.bith) thought that that statement of the nuelgoar must be erroneous but ho would take it to be correct. If there was discont •nt among these sepoys, it was because they had had a mpao poly of patronage in Owl°. The Oude sepoy, after he bad enlisted, if he felt himself aggrieved, communicated with his friends in Oude, who went to the British resident and ho got redress at once ; and, in short, he enjoye 1 a mono poly of. the re Tress of grievances. But when the right hon. gentleman said that they were withdrawn Prim their homes, he could assure him that the contrary was the fact, for most of them were quartered in Oude, and whatever discontent they felt was caused by the withdrawal of the monopoly of patronage which they had hitherto enjoyed ; but he hoped that when they saw the improved condition of t heir country under the new system they would be more contented. One of the commissioners who was sent to Oude, Mr. Jackson, was now in England, and he brought with him the latest accounts, which went to show that a great improvement had taken place in the condition of the country. He thought he had shown that the attempt of the right hon. gentleman to connect this subject with the mutiny had failed. The right hon. gentleman then pro ceeded to tell them of the warnings which the Govern ment had received on this subject, and finding nothing about them in the papers, of the meagreness of which he complained, he said that there must be something kept back. If he (Mr. V. Smith) could have produced more papers, he would have done so. He had presented papers, in accordance with the motion of the Marquis of Clanri carde, in the House of Lords, from the Ist April, 1857. Sir J. PAKINGTON --The enclosures were not pro duced. _ . _ Mr. V. SMITH—The enclosures, which were very volu minous, were not produced, because there had not been time to get them panted before the motion of the right hon. gentleman came in. The right hon. gentleman did not pre tend to say that he wanted the papers for which he had moved ; his only desire being to have an opportunity of stating his views on this question. When, however, it vas said that the Government must have had information on this subject, he begged leave most positively to deny it. The right hon. gentleman had spoken of the transmission of the " pancakes" all through India, but the transmission of them had been confined to the native villages, and they had not been sent to any of the troops; while as to the troops refusing their furloughs, it was only in the case of ono regiment, and that took place in April, 1837, and it could not be said to have been a warning to the govern ment, who did not knew that it had happened until May. Another allegation of the right hon. gentleman was, that the troops never thought of revolting until they heard of the wars with Persia and China, and the consequent with drawal of European forces; but if so, the time was pecu liarly ill-chosen, for the revolt occurred just when the war with Persia was over, and the European troops returning ; and as to the war in China, no European troops had been sent there from India. As regarded warnings on the sub ject, which had been given to the government by the government of India, he was prepared utterly to deny that any such warnings hail been given ; not the .lightest indi cation of any disaffection among the troops had been sent home; or appeared in any paper which had been received by the government. On the contrary, the most perfect reliance on the troops was expressed, and in that remark able minute of Lord Dalhousie, in which, on going through all the question - I relating to India, the noble lord devoted only one sentence to the army ; but that was a striking one, for he stated there had never been an • army in a better condition than our sepoy army. The right hon. gentleman still persisted that there had been some such warning. Well, would he take the farewell address of Sir William. Gomm? (Ironical cheers.) Ia that address Sir William Genial said there never was anything like the discipline of that army—that it was in a most admirable state -of discipline. Sir William Gomin was tho com mander-in-chief appo'nted by the Duke of Wellington, and during the five years he hebt that office he found no fault with the army, and said that from their exemplary ob servance of discipline an I their actual state of efficiency they were troops of which any service might be proud. (Hear.) And thee with respect to what the right hon. r g i e t n y t . len T aa h n at ha g d ali d an es t cr ability, but of considerable eccentricity and some incon bffi° officer ra as Sir Cl a roan Napier'sof very fier y eminentaatho papers might spokeed in very data f l a somevo ur - a ° h s l t y " o c f Y t ' a e n se p ibf o e y i' e i . s discoveredop(ili n e io a u r, B iwn bear.) ewrehei xth ; h e ien s said that in many respects the sepoy was the finest soldier in the world—that an a young man he was good in action—that as a veteran , he was good in experience —and when he contrasted the sepoy with the Europeans, ho said that the sepoys boat them in height although perhaps net in breadth. Sir Charles Napier had been quoted as an authority with respect to tho Bengal army. He had served also in the Bombay army and the Ssinde army. Whilst in the Ben gal army he objected to the promotion entirely by seniority of native officers, and preferred the system which prevailed in the Bombay army. He, however, never made that alteration in the Bengal . nraiy, although when commander in-chief he might have carried into effect such changes as he thought desirable. Sir Charles Napier had never come out as an authority until after the pulsacation of his memoirs, and he did not believe that the gallant officer had ever made any remonstrance on the subject to the Court of Directors or the Indian Government. He knew it might be said that Sir Charles Napier entertained a sovereign contempt for the Directors and the Indian Government — (laughter)—but still it was not fair to reproach them for not attending to his warnings when they had never re ceived any such warnings. (Hear, hear.) Now what other warnings had the Government received? The right hon. gentlemen stated that during the Russian war the Government had to much to do to be expected to attend to India. At that time the Government were constantly taunted, not with sending troops to India, but aith not withdrawing troops from India for the Crimea e and the hon. member for Devonport stated that twenty-five regi ments might 'have been withdrawn. The hon. and gal lant member for Westminster (air De L. Evans) stated that the East India Company's army was an admirable army, and that a portion of the European force might have been withdrawn from lndis. A great number of people were very wise after events had occurred, and it was easy to say that everybody might have seen cer tain things wore forthcoming. But he did not think many hon. members had given the country any warning a ith respect to these matters. Quite the contrary. Ho had asked many eminent and intelligent men who had come" horse, from India whether they wore aware of any disaffection amongst the native troops, and had been con stantly answered " No." What was the opinion of parlia ment on the subject in 18'.3? A committee sat in 1852, during the administration of Lord Derby. The question of the Indian army was discussed. The evidence of Lord 'Melville was taken, but nothing was recommended to be thine with regard to the Indian army. In 1853 the India Bill was passed, and a clause was inserted giving addi tional power to the Board of Control to i ncrease the Europe's-re army. Now, ,great jealousy had always been entertained respecting any addition to the Queen's troops in Indio. That jealousy displayed itself on &Ir. Fox's bill, and had been felt ever since that time, and the number of Queen's troops was always limited to 2.),000 men. An other consideration connected with this subject was that of finance. The right hon. gentleman stated that the finance of India had this peculiarity—that it admitted of no addition. There were no means of diminishing the expenditure. A late Governor-General, now in the House of Leeds. said that he had tried every means of dimin ishing the expenditure, and found it impossible to tlo so: The right hon, gentleman went at some length into the cane's of the late mutiny. He had no desire to blink that question, but should have considered it unadvi.nable to enter into it had ho not been forced to do so by the remarks of the right hon. gentleman. It was quite premature to say what were the causes of that mutiny. The right hon. gentleman called it a national revolt. Many people con sidered it a military mutiny. With the information at present in his possession, ho considered it impossible to say whether it was a military mutiny or national revolt. If it was a military mutiny it was impossible to suppose there had not been some mismanagement in the army. At Meerut there was no deficiency of Euro pean troops, and the first intelligence that arrived con vinced him that there were a sufficient number to quell any mutiny, and ho was surprised at what had occurred afterwards. What had occurred at Meerut was this. Eight.T;five men were condemned for disobeying orders, and were manacled in the presence of their comrades. Now if any suspicira had been entertained that those comrades would not submit to such a thing there ought to have been a sufficient number of European troops to compel them, or the step ought not to have been taken. He considered it altogether unaccountable that there had been no-pursuit of these men over a hoe of road 35 miles in extent, and as level as the floor on which he was then standing. He could not help saying that he believed there must have been some mismanagement in the affair. (Hear, hear.) One of the principal causes assigned for the mutiny was the withdrawal of officers for civil and staff purposes. That system had been going on for 60 years ; last year, in order to obviate the difficulty, an additional captain had been sent out to each regiment„ ,Many offi cers contended that the system which had been so long in existence was perfectly defensible, and that the parties thus detached acquired a general knowledge which made them more useful. Besides, the presence of officers in great "washers was! not always considered an advantage. It was not to the number of officers withdrawn that the evil was to be attributed. He believed that the natives tone e someT be h een sometimesofinformedh were not so m uc h i mpressed with the idea that we wanted f to Christi an i se t h em as to de-nationalise and de-Indianise hm t . oa they position o s o cp spoke thatrkeatpartiesootmf el tashhst late was C y l see v ap e i o. very much h earsthere had, changed. bee n a He h great iseverence between the officers and the men, that the conte mptuous, nigge "niggers" d that (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) He was glad to find that on a recent occasion the chairman of the East India Company had strongly impressed this point upon the minds of the young men whom he was addressing. There was another Lorderd the C h an ad Canning beentg alteration hamti i madeoa e n s go fvh ehe had Bombay meant a n d Madras been informed did not affect the matte r m so a l ddiee r h soldiers n w at the t ic h il e enlist menttime—he in the Be nga l army, The alteration had been n,and given f. no m be a l n ieve h d ad th s a t t atedthat remonstranc e it in the Bengal army. T he right hon. i against gentle man by objecting to certain processions. If any offence h a d been given, Lord Canning had lately amply compen sated for it by etating his determination not to allow the processions of the natives to be interfered with, and he had i h c e h ar reflected the th ea put his veto on an act relating t o th e su b ur b an police, highestet of credit lBs3 a o new n lord. a which would have interfered with suc h process i ons. That was legisla tive council had been established, w hi c h was endowed with powers which did not exist befor e . Th a t b o d y h a d brought forward measures for the pu r p ose o f promot i ng ( t H e P C a which European and English objects without any reference to the natives, and he trusted that what bad taken place would be a warning to them not to meddle with the reli gion of the people. The right hon. gentleman had alluded to the question of education, and he (Mr. V. Smith) should say that he did not wonder that the natives, who bad been accustomed to see women condemned to the most complete seclusion, should have been startled at the introduction of a system of female education. The truth, however, was, that it would be impossible for England alt oge th er to re nounce that policy of improvement which had already led to the removal of such practices as the sacrifices to Juggernaut. Cut th 9 same policy had giveu, rise to con- r UF.SDAY EVF..N LNG JULY 28, af;s7 trine that the tenure of land was an evil, and saemedto think it an injustice to th., state w' en land got 'nto privat 3 hands. If it was ight that the disaffection in the army was but a reflex of what was passing in the national mind, the course which they would have a right to pursue was clear. There were two modes of governing India—the one by an over whelming force, which would involve an increased army, the disbanding of the native troops, and the abandonment of all our schemes of education and improvement. The other was by associating the natives in our system, by adopting the course adopted by the Humans in their Asiatic provinces. He was sorry to see that Lord Ellenborough seemed to approve of the first of these courses, which was all but impossible. It was not the system which he advocated to introduce what was called a European system into India. No one who knew India would think of introducing self-government or repre sentative institutions--nothing but a despotism would suit India. But what ho himself and Indian reformers said was, that Indian, interests ought to be considered equally with European interests. India would be more useful to us as a rich and thriving ally, not as a weak and powerless de pendent. He wished that the right hon. member for Buck inghamshire hid called attention earlier to this subject. Both sides of the house seamed to think India as caviare. He had never vituperated the Indian service—(oh, oh)—he respected ,it—but as long as it retained its rococo doctrine of centuries paSt—it would never reach the point it ought. But now that the statesmen on bath sides seems determined that a wise policy should be adopted in India—this would do more than ever had yet been done to redeem the affections of the Indian population. Mr. CAMPBELL considered that the Government of this country should not be embarrassed by discussions such as tho present, but that they deserved the credit of the country for the energetic steps they had taken. The right hon. gentle man objected to the annexation of Oude ; if, like himself, he had travelled there 15 years ago, and had been in danger of losing his head, he would have told a different story. He re gTe tted the speech of the right hon. gentleman opposite ; he had never heard a more unpatriotic or injudicious speech ; and he recommended him to destroy every copy he could meet with. Mr. WHITESIDE protested against the doctrine that the subject was not then to be discussed in the House of Com mons. If this was not the time when it was to be discussed, what was the time ? Were they not to di,euss war when they were at war. This was not the doctrine 'respecting India of Fox and Burke. '1 ho right hon. gentleman opposide had contradicted himself when he characterised the movement as • a miserable revolt, and then said that it came home to all the interests in the country. He had the good fortune to know Sir C. Napier. He had often discussed Indian matters with him. Sir C, Napier might sometimes express himself in a de cided manner, but was he wrong ? He had written a minute history of the revolt, which had occurred immediately after his arrival. He first found that the Sopoys received a multi tude of letters, such as they never received before. He then received a communication from Sir Colin Campbell; informing him of the imminent movement -in his own troops which he had checked by such decided measures as rendered revolt im possible. Sir C. Napier found that things were going on so similarly in his own troops, that he had no doubt of the movemement intended among his own troops. - He took- mea sures accordingly, and suspended the order he received from the Governor-General, for which he received a reprimand, which caused his instant resignation: Sir C. Napier left on record his opinion that Delhi should be defended by 10,000 picked men. He never said that the Bengal army was in a state of disorganisation ; on the contrary, ho said that it con tained some of the finest troops in the world, but he found a different system of promotion in the Bombay army, where promotion by seniority proceeded on a diffzest principle, and it was upon this that he acted in his 'conduct towards the two armies. Brigadier Jacob has pointed out eight evils which rendered discipline impossible in the Bengal army— not only in extraordinary mutinies, but in its every day can duct: Col. Ja vb with this view, described the manner of mounting gnarct of the sentries. The first thing a Sopoy did was to strip naked, dabble in the water, and then go to sleep, an I it was out of his blanket that he wont without his musket, when the sepoy on guard called out to him to relieve him. He thought that the papers, barren as they were, con tained more things which threw light on the cause of the mutiny. H 3 did not think that the missionary proceeding; had anything to do with the movement, as the Hindoos took especial pleasure in religious discussion, besides which, the Americans, who had no territories in India, had successful missions. Lord Canning had said that the mi-sionaries were right in urging the Government to promote education. True, it was difficult for any Christian to say that he would not encourage the missionaries, but the question was whether the cour., , e taken was not likely to be really injurious to the cause. Lord Ellenborough was too energetic a man for these times, for if he thought a thing was right he would do it. (Hear, hear.) Many deputations had waited on the honourable gentleman, wuo had received them very politely, and promised nothing. For his part, if the existing evils were remedied he should rot care what were the means taken, but he hoped that positive steps would be taken to remedy those evils. Mr. V. SMITH did not mean when he said "a miserable" mutiny, to imply a contemptible one, but a calamitous one. He had not said that it was only a military mutiny. Lord J. RUSSELL. - Sir, I am one of those who had no wish that this house originally should have entered into' this discussion. Sir, the hon. l and lea nod gentleman who has just sat down has truly said that this is an awful calamity; but I cannot conceive anything less tending to the advan tage of this country or of India if this discussion arising out of it is to end to night, as the hon. gentleman seems to wish it may, and the hon. and learned gentleman who has just spoken confidently predicates that it will. From what I gather from the speech of the hon, and learned gentleman, ho finds fault with the government fer what they omitted to do, and rather thinks that the right hon. gentleman the President of the Board of Central is in corepetent to fill the office he holds. The right hen. gentle man who moved for papers pointed.. out tho evils which afflicted Indi,t, and expressed his opini n that the Govern- ment should place itself mo•e in connection with India, and show the people of that country that it had no interest in the violation of treaties—no interest in ills disturbance of the country. 3ut what is to be the result of all this. Is it to be as tae hon. and learned gentleman the member for Ennis killen seemed to point out, a vote of censure on the proceed ings of the Government, or what the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckingham intimated, some strong measure declaring that the Government of India had hitherto been a tyranny ? I admit that the awful calamity which has hap pened in India is enough to affect the heart of every man in this metropolis But is it enough that the House of Commons should have a debate pointing out every sort of evil, new blaming the East India Company, now the Govern Lent, now Lord Dalhousie f,,r the policy he has pursued for the last ten years, and that they shall separate without any decitration wh ttever as to what is to be done. That appears to mo not the course which the House of Commons ought to pursue. I should be very sorry indeed, the debate having been brought ou, that we should separate without some deelarat'en upon this important subject. The right hon. gentleman has very ably, and in a most eloquent speech, stated what ho thinks is the responsibility of the Government in the Matter ; he has pointed out the injustice done to the native in setting aside the rule of adoption, the disturbance of landowners in their titles—he pointed out the disquietude of the soldiets with respect to their pea :essions and the occupation of their lands —but the right hon. gentleman on all the tellies on which he dwelt, with great knowledge and great felicity, never ven tured to say that the great mass of the people of India were suffering under oppression. What are tie general merits of the case ? I do not mean to say that iu some of the inatanoes mentioned both by the right honourable gen tleman, and by the honourable and 1 arned gmtleruaa, the Governor-General of India may not have bent in the wrong. I am not prepared, and the house, probably, is not pre pared, to come to a definite judgment on that. One thug however, has always struck me as the result of Lord Welles ley's dksabing the native princes, and that is that if they had carried things to an extreme, a violent revolutionary war must have ensued, but which was prevented by their being taken into our protection. lam quite sure that to leave every one of them at full liberty, and to assist their troops when their own people were driven by tyranny into resistance, is not a course wo ought to have taken. Then it may be said that thou . 4ll a revision of the titles of land is an arbitrary proceed ing, yet if those titles aro falsely held, I do not think it would be just to abstain front such an inquiry. It is impossible for us to say at this moment that injustice has been done by Lord Dalhousie to the people of the annexed territory, or whether, on the contrary, ho has not done great good. The question of the soldiers' grievances, undoubtedly, requires grave con sideration ; nor am I readyito say that different governments have fully investigated the matter, and I believe that Lord Wellesley himself objected to the system of disciplining the llndian army. But it must be admitted that we could not hold India with native troops alone; and perhaps one of the worst proceedings is that of taking officers from the army and employing them in the civil service, in which Lord Ellen borough and Sir C. Napier were as much in fault as any one. The natural result of that is laxity of discipline. In the olden times of Warren Hastings and Clive, the men who went out there spent their lives in India, and were entirely absorbed in the habit of Indians ; they were consequently likely to have a considerable influence over the minds of the natives. But now young men who went out to India hoped to get back to England ; they kept up a correspondence both by lettecs and newspapers with the old country and did not sympathise with India at all. I own that we have trusted too much to our native troops. Three hundred thousand have been spoken of as composing our Indian army. I should say that an army of 50,000 British and 100,000 natives would be quite as efficient. I think that the giving great facilities for justice and improving the land and spreading education is the proper way to improve India, and I believe that in that the company have not been much to blame. The hon. and learned gentleman said that justice was of no country, and went on to find fault with the Government because they said that a person in India who changed his religion should not forfeit his estates. I always understood that one of the most barbarous laws which formerly afflicted Ireland was the law which made Roman Catholics formerly unable to possess land. I think the first question on which the House of Com mons ought to express an opinion, is that it ought to support the Queen's Government in this matter, so as to strengthen the efforts they aro making. (Hear.) We should also support measures which would tend to invigorate India. The Queen's Government must first resort to fore to put the mutiny down. We ought to do everything we could to lend it a help ing hand in this matter ; and feeling as I do upon this sub ject, I shall make no apology for proposing the following amendment: —" That an humlie address be presented to her Majesty to assure her Majesty that this house will cordially support her Majesty in aay measures for suppressing the dis turbances in India and any measures that may be requisite for the permanent establishment of tranquillity in that im portant portion of her Majesty's dominions." Some expres sion of opinion like that appears to me to bo necessary, and if it is for this house to move in the question, it should be to assure her Majesty that it will support such measures as will ensure that her Majesty's subjects may live under a just and beneficent rule. (Cheers.) Mr. MANGLES was of opinion that the motion of the right hon. gentleman conveyed little or no information to the house, and that the arguments he had advanced could be easily refuted. He had not expected that the right hon. gentle man the member for Buckinghamshire would have gone into the causal of the present state of things in India. The India.), Government which might be supposed to have the earliest means of ascertaining those causes, were not informed of them, but the right hon, gentleman seemed to have no diffi pulty in the matter. The right hon. gentleman said that this was not a mere mutiny, but a revolt on the part of the Indian population. But, so far from the native princes siding with the natives, they had been found supporting the Gov Tn ment, and the same remark applied to the landowners and zomindars, who were loyal and had rendered assistance ttotraet Indian Government. The fact alto strongly stood no revolt. revolt. where there had been no sepoys there h.adotbeeerns, h n the ca, eof (rittr.) lathes() particulars, therefore, - Ist hon, gentleman broke down. "In'nthe Pnujaub, also, the rig.. the native no , pulation were with us. This was our most re and if that people were opposed. to us on ac cent conqueu, they o ught to be th e first to rise up ; but count of conques, he had been informes..l that to a man the population of the ,rour, an d they were rendering us as . Punjaub were iu our fa , ,is. The causes of disaffection" sistance against the mutiny. ~ ad dwelt were as well known on which the hon. gentleman ... the right hon. gentl e _ to the committee of 1853 (of '- nen . t-- ov ( e h r e je a s r . , herrahre)—fobuunt man was a member) at this he now sought t o introduce them as di e. Mangles) denied. : en& e succes- leman on dation of those c auses, however, ho (Mr. . S tress had been laid b y the right bon. th e a bandonment of the p rinci p l e o f ado pt io n in siderable uneasiness in the minds of the poop); of India, and should ba pursued with great caution. He s'rould n ixt pass to a consideration of that mast important po:n;, the remedy to be applied to the existing evil. The right hon. gentleman said that the Government were not send ing out a sufficient number of troops to India ; but the fact was, that they were sending out more than Lord Can ning had thought necessary. They were sending from this country 20,000 men ; and, besides, there were to be two regiments stopped in their way to China, and two regi ments were to be sent from the Cape, while 500 men were to be dispatched from Ceylon. He had not the slightest doubt hut that the arrival of successive European regiments would produce the greatest awe throughout India. The effect pro lured on Orientals in warfare by the presence of Europeans was something, he believed, which it was hardly possible to imagine ; and under its influence a European ge neral could plunge with impunity into hazards which, with another enemy, it would be most unwise to encounter. The right hon. gentleman wished that a royal commission— which would of course supersede the Governor-General — should at once be sent out to India. Bat it appeared to him (Jr. V. Smith) that it would be highly inexpedient to saperiede, at the present moment, a governor in whom they could place the greatest trust; and such a governor they had at present in Lord Canning. The noble lord had committed uo mistakes. On the contrary, he had cor r cted the mistakes of others, as in the case of Mr. Colvin, who had committed the grievous error of offering au amnesty to the mutineers—an error which Lord Canning had done everything in his power to remedy. He (Hr. V. Smith) said that with a view to immediate altiou it would be most unwise to supersede Lord Canning, bat it was very possible that a commission might be usefully employed with the sanction and under the authority of that noble lord ; and the Government bad informed him tLat if he wished for such aid they would be prepared at once to appoint a com mission composed of either civil or military men. The right hon. gentleman wished that the Queen's name should be connected with everything done at present in India, and he recommended that an assurance should be given to the people of that country, in the name of her Majesty, that while the most vigorous measures would be adopted to suppress the mutiny, humanity and judgment would be (xercised in dealing with their future condition. But he (Mr. V. Smith) did not believe that the issuing of a pro clamation on the subject would b necessary to convince the native population that, while the rebellion would be severely suppressed, the quality of mercy would be exer cised in the subsequent proceedings of the British authori ties. It should also be remembered that the Parliament had deliberately placed the government of India in the bands of the East India Company, controlled by the Crown, and that the constitution so established must necessarily be carried into practical effect. The right hon. gentleman talked of rapidity of improvement in India, but every mea sure which may be devised for that improvement should be referred—first to the governor of the presidency, then to the Governor General, next to the Legislative Assembly, after wards to the Court . of Directors, and, finally, to the Boa! d of Control. (Hear, hear.). That was the systern which Parliament itself hadchosen to provide for the Government of India, and of course it was necessarily unsuited for rapidity of action. That was, however, a question which must be left for consideration at some future time. Par- dament might distrust any of the authorities which it had itself established for conducting the administration of India—it might distrust the Governer-General, or it might distrust the Court of Directors, or it might distrust the President of the Board of Control. And when ho said the President of the Board of Control, he could not help remembering that it had been stated by an eminent autho rity in another place that a thorough distrust was felt in the gentleman who at present filled that office. That had been said by a nobleman whose authority on Indian matters he (Mr. V. Smith) very highly appreciated; and he only &hided to the subject for the purpose of observing that the noble lord who had just used that language was in the habit of seeing all the disaffected gentlemen who came from India, that he was known to entertain a vindictive feeling against the East India Company, and that that feeling might perhaps extend to the President of the Board or Control, connected as he was with the company and with the Government. In the position in which he (Mr.. V. Smith) was placed, ho frequently felt it to be his duty to refuse claims and petitions put forwar I 11 , retire 1 East India officials ; and he h. d no doubt but those gentlemen in their disappointment often addressed themselves to the nettle lord to whom he had referred, and spoke of him (bar. V. Smith) in no very f avoura bl e languwe. But be was in the habit, on the (Aire- hand, of c ommunicating with persons who still contLued attached to a of the company, rugand those persons invariably shook thei r heads ged their shoulders at the mention of the name noble lord. (Laughter.) Ha could, he n and shrugged how ever, state that as lone as the noble lord should continue to give such advice as that which he frequently gave, and should supply adinira'tle suggestions for the Government of ludii, he should listen to those suggestions with the utmost deference and respect, and pass over with the greatest unconcern any coinplitneuts which he might .be Pleaset to address to him. (Hear, hear.) Passing to a subject of a less personal and more important character, he should observe that any deficiency created by the recent events in the native army of India should be supplied by the employment of the Queen's troops. But when he came to the question whether they should abandon the native army he answered no. (Hear, hear.) It would be impossible to govern India without the asAistance of some native regiments. He had at present in that country an. army of nearly 30,000 men, and the people of England would cover be prepared to incur the expense of main taining one-half of that force. The real remedy for existing was, he le;lieved, to be found in a reorganisation of the native troops; and that brought him to consider how these troops were composed. The Bengal army at present consisted in a great measure of high caste natives, auel more especially of Brahmins. Now it seemed to him that such an arrangement was extremely objectionable. There had been a limit of late to the employment of Bralmie s ; but there ought, he thought, to be a further limit in that directirn—(hear)—that was one of the Ties tiels which woi!d hareatter require the deepest' conside ration. He believed it was the late Sir C. Napier who had proposed that members of various creeds should be enlisted in he same regiments ; and it was manifest that men of different castes might be engaged to servo together. Men of high caste and of low caste, and of no caste at all, were employed in the Bombay regiments ; and the Bombay and Madras armies formed thebest models, as far es they were yet aware, on which our Indian military force should be organised, because they still remained faithful to the British standard, although he admitted that it was im possible, after the intelligence which had of late reached this country, to state with absolute confilenco, how long they might so continue. They took their families with them. That system might be improved. These were all circumstances that should be considered relatively to pr au o p a o d si o ca u v g a h l t ry a . lso It to was be a d tae different positions of • thearmy in In lia. There i t t i o i o n n t h ma that t b o o t n h e f r irregular made, and Lord Danonsie had suggeste 1 the withdrawal of two regiments of the Queen's cavalry, to be replaced by irregular cavalry. The regular cavalry of the Indian army bad, however, been much maligned. Another point was, whether the native artillery should be continued. He had no doubt whatever that it was a vary dangerous thing to leave the artillery in the hands of the natives-(hear, hear) -and ho thought it would be better to confine it altogether to European soldiers. These were paints which ho (Hr. V. Smith) threw out with g reat diffidence ; but they involved grav e ques ti ons A b e t ought to bein quired into. They were not, however, questions to solve, which required an immense stretch of military genius; and, therefore, he had no d o ubt they would be satisfac torily decided when this miserable affair was over. 'There ware now in India men perfectly ca pable of d , maing them ; there was Sir P. G ran t, now iu command in chief of the Bengal army, who had been sent to Madras at his (Mr. V. Smith's) instigatien, arid who was the first Com pany's officer that commanded Queen's troops. lie was a. man perfectly competent to advise in those matters-- a man of large ex p er i ence an d grea t kt owledge of India . Then there was Sir James Ontram, as e xcelled as a civilian as he was as a so ldier. His (g Smith V. Sth's,) noble friend at the head of the Government of India. thenfore, would not be in want of good advice, if he had any need of it ; but he (H r . V. Smith) vela quite sure his noble friend would waive a ll parses al feeling, if it was necessary for the good of the con e try, end accept assistance from auy quarter where it was avageble. Therefore, though he (Alr. V. Smith)saw clearly enough the immense difficulty, in the case, he was not without hope that the question would be settled. Cerl.ain lie was the set tlement should want nothing on the part of her Mejesty s Government—that no en erg y s hould be left undisplayed by them, and no means left untried to effect it. (Hear, hear.) The present was on , of the most awful events that had ever happened in the history of this country. (Hear, hear.) There never was a blow which fell snore suddenly, and which pro need a more profound impression on the public mind. Indeed, it was impossible to walk the streets of this metropolis and not see the excessive agitation which moved the people. He (Hr. V. Smith) thought that the right hon. gentleman might have abstained, therefore, from many of the topics on which he touched in the course of his address. The question was ono of th e greatest import ance, and if the house thought anything was wrong with those who hail its management, it ghoul l devote itself day by day and night by night to the task of investig thou, and change the circumstances as well as the persons in the wrong, if it was deemed necessary. But he (Mr. V. Smith) did nor think it advisable for the house to waste its time in fruitless discussion. If the house found any deficiency in those having the conduct of affairs--himself or any other—they ought to be made to give way and be, for one, would give way willingly if it wa s con sidered requi site for the prosperity of the country. If they saw a weak head or a faltering hand in those who held the govern meet, then they ought to wrest the power from their inno cent but enfeebled grasp. But if, on the contrary, the House of Commons thought otherwise, he (Hr. V. Smith) est:it'd them, in the name of their common country, not to disparage the government — not to enfeeble the hands they still wished to strike—end not to embarrass the under standings they may still think fit to take charge of the in terests of the country in the present awful crisis. (Hear.) Sir E. PERRY could not admit that the present was an inexpedient time for the discussion of the question. As to the mode in which the revolt was to be put down, he was glad to hear of the force that was to be employed. He wished, however,, that more force had been ex hibited at the outset, knowing the effect it would have had on the excitable imagination of the natives. Why not h ave se nt her Majesty's war steamers with twenty or thirty regiments within ten days of the receipt of the news from thisVountry The great question for present discussion was whether, what he believed to be true, was ao , viz., that the military revolt was but a reflex of the general feeling of the country. The soldier in India occupied a higher social position than in any Euro pean country, he was therefore more closely attached to his family. That feeling was increased by the extensive furlough allowed. He thought, therefore, that the condition of the soldier entirely precluded any cause of discontent. lie en tirely agreed with all that had been stated by the hon. mem ber for Bucks as to the causes of the outbreaks The policy adopted by Lord Dalhousie was the real cause of the evils which ha risen. The system of annexation had sta lk deeply into .iiative mind. It h a d opera t e d as the enunci ation of the same principle on the part of a governing race would have operated in the case of an European race. In addition to that, there had been a system of confiscation of private estates, on the grounds of b a d t i tle, wh i ch h a d greeted wide-spread disaffection among the higher (lasses of the na tives. The right hon. gentleman s a id t h e pol i cy o! anneea tion.disgusted the native princes, and quoted the statement of General Lowe. We were supported in our north-west pro ,vinces, by the Gveador Rajah, and yet this Rajah could have no affection for us, as we had taken one-half of his kingdom from him. He only Supp or t e d us out of fear, an d because he was afraid we should take the other half. (Laugh ter.) He approved of the policy of the annexation of Scinde, as he believed that the princes of that country had deeply offended us. But it was among the population of India that the disaffection in regard to annexe' ion chiefly ox sted, and h would read tolthe house 'series of statements which would con firm t at statement, which showed that the feeling was far and wide in the country. Could it be otherwise ? Could a series of lan 'owners be dispossessed without feeling aegrieved by it ? But the East India Company maintained the monstrous 49c- siou to kingdoms in India; but all that the Government bad done was to prevent the invariable succession from one per son to auo'her. No interference had been attempted with regard to the succession to property. Much had been said with regard to the Rajah of Sattara, into whose claims, which he denied, the hon, gentleman entered. The rajah was a more puppet set up by the British Government—(hear, hear)—but it was much better that the rajah should appear in the capacity he had held than end his days in a dung in (Hear, and a laugh.) The right hon. gentle nun bal referred to the opinions of Sir Charles Napier and Sir Thomas Munro on the subject of tenure ; but he (Mr. Mangles) was prepared with ample evidence from the former authority to show that the East India Company were not open to the censure which had been cast on them in this respect. It had been charged upon the East India C.)mpauy that they ought to have been aware of the state of the sepoy army ; but Sir Charles Napier himself ha I pu: on record seine very emphatic opinions in favour of the native troops. Sir Charles Napier, therefore, could not be said to have " warned" the Govern ment with respect to the state of the, Indian army, in the sense contended for by the right honourable gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire. The "grievances" of the s .poy army had beeu also alluded to. He (Mr. Mangles) believed that the sepoys had been much indulged; but he did not think the mutiny had anything to do with "grievances." He traced it to a frantic fanaticism found3d on a supposed intention to deprive the natives of caste. The mutineers were mad, under the impression that their c iste had been interfered with, aid wer s not in possesion of th err proper souses at the time of these o:tcurrov3 . es. No •se could yet tell whether they had not bcea acted oe by foreign influences. (Hear.) He entirely agreed with whit the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) had said as to the missionaries. As mere missionaries he believed t -rat these gentlemen would be rec3ived with respect and without susp:cion, but he agreed with tie right honour :ble gentleman that it, was of the last importance that Government should not be connected with the missionaries, further than seeing to their personal safety. At the same time he thought the Government ought to do all they could to reform the social manners of India, It was right that they should promote female education, and the society having this object in view, bad been labouring amongst the Hindoos for the last 30 years. He did not wish to tres pass longer on the attention of the house, though there were many other matters to which he would wish to allude. (Hear.) Mr. AYRTON moved the adjournment of the debate. The house then divided on the question of adjournment— ' Ayes Noes Majority against the adjournment -124 Mr. HADFIELD declared his deep regret that a debate upon so important a subject had been cut so short. Mr. DISRAELI—I bad no personal interest in the divi• sion which has just taken place. Having had an oppor• tunity of expressing my 'views at some length on the condi tion of that country, which ;must now for some time occupy the attention of Eng'and, and considering that the motion for the adjournment came from tho other side of the house, I think I should have acte t not only with discourtesy, but also with a want of fairness, if I has not voted for it. lam con tented to have had an opportunity of expressing in my place in Parliament my general views on the condition of our Indian empire, and I do not lookupon the decision of the house,which e . - er way it might go, or in whatever form it might be demand ed, as being really anincident of any importance in the matter. The future is hid from us, and until the future is revealed to us it is quite impossible to arrive at any satisfacto y decision on these great events. Ido not therefore, solicit from the house any definite judgment, but I do think it of the last importance that the House of Commons, under such circumstances, should show to the country that it has given its attention and conside ration to events of such startling importance and interest as those which have occurred in India. I must avail Myself, under these circumstances, of my privilege for a few minutes to make some remarks upon the observations which have fallen from different hon. me - übers in the course of this debate, and as they shall be very few, I will at once refer to those which are of a personal nature. I can assure the President of the Board of Control that he labours under a great misapprehension if ho supposes that I accused him of displaying levity in the answers which he made to me on a former occasion in reference to this subject. As I am not in the habit of preparing any expressions whit h I use in this house, I would not myself venture to say that I had not made use. of par ticular words, but I can assure the right hon. gentleman that nothing was more foreign to my feelings than to attribute anything of the kind to him, and my friends around me tell me that they were perfectly unaware that any such expression had fallen from me. (Hear, hear.) I certainly did think, and I retain my opinion, that the manner in which the in formation from India was first received by the right hon. gentleman, and on a subsequent occasion noticed by one of his colleagues did convey to me the idea, which is shared, I believe very generally by the House and by the country, that the Government did not attribute that importance to these events which I think they deserved. (hear.) That is a point which, after all, time must decide, and I am not pre p ,red, and I never wished, to force the House to give an opinion on it. It has been said of me --and I hope the House will absolve me from egotism i❑ referring to it—that this is a new-born zeal of mine in the affairs of India, and the hon. Chairman of the East India Company said of me that I was the stormy petrel of Indian affairs, inasmuch as I never made a speech o❑ them except when they were in a disastrous con• claim These are observations easily made and easily believed by a majority probably of the House. I cannot suppose that there are many gentlemen who have watched my career with such cetical minuteness as to be able to say whether the allegation is a true ono or not; but, as it has been made, I may be permitted to say that it has not the slightest foundation, Certainly I can say with respect to Indian aff ars what I suppose every gentleman who has had a seat for some time iu this House can—that it is not a sub ject which one gets much encouragement to medcte with in this h fuse. The observations of the hon. chairman were a little inconsistent, because he owned himself, in the course of his speech, that on the occasion of the disasters in k ffghan istan I, occupying a very insignificant position in this house, did endeavour to attract its attention to the policy and to the causes which had produced them. But the hon. chairman says that circumstances or chance having placed me in a more influential position I did not exhibit tha' zeal for which I am now desirous of gaining credit in Indian matters. In 1853, 'the hon. gentleman says, I never favoured the house with any opinion upon India. But what is the fact? In 1853 not only did I trespass upou the house at almost greater length than I have done to-night, but I did all that I could to prevent the renewal of that charter to which the hon. gentleman owes the position which he at present occupies. It was at my in stance that my noble friend the member for King's Lynn brought forward the amendment which, if it had been carried, would have prevented the renewal of that charter, and I sup ported him to the best of my power. The hon. gentleman says that I was not a very frequent attendant on the Indian Committee of 1853. That sounds very well in debate, but when yon come to analyse the facts—and I feel that I really must ask the house to excuse me for entering into these details—you will find that the result, so far as the interest which I took iu India is concerned, is exactly the reverse of that which the hon. gentleman wishes the house to infer. It so happened that the inquiry into the expedi ency of renewing the charter of the East India Company took place when I was in office. The right hon. 'gentleman then at the bead of the Board of Control did me the honour to consult me—as I had then the direction of the business of this la-use—upon the form and mode in which that inquiry should be made. We finally resolved that there were seven heads of inquiry it was important should be entered into by the committee befero its decision was arrived at. The first head was as to the form of government ; the next referred to those great questions upon which I have touched to-night —the revenue, the tenure of laud, the interference of the Go. vernment with the religion of the natives, and other matters of that kind. The first head of inquiry was entered into during the year that I was in office. I sometimes attended, and though the pre sure of business was heavy upon me, I kept my attention fixed on all that took place before the committee. Next year, when wo were out office, the Go vernment which succeeded us came to the conclusion that, although the committee of the House of Commons charg.al with an inquiry as to what should be the future government of India for a long series of years had only investigated one of the seven branches which we had fixed upon— namely, that referring to the mere form of government—to the question of the double government, on which the country took so much interest—yet it was absolutely necessary, for the security of our Indian empire, that we should without loss of time legislate upon the form of Government, and enter upon an investigation of the other branches of inquiry after the act had passed. My noble friend the member for King's Lynn then brought forward his amendment—the mildest and most moderate which could have been proposed. All my noble friend asked was that the house should not legislate until all the heads of inquiry had been entered into. I supported him in that motion, but we were defeated, as we always were when we took a view of Indian affairs opposed to that which continues to exercise so fatal an influence. The hon. gentleman now says that I did not attend the committee. But can a man occupy a more contemptible position than to be a member of a committee of the House of Commens to in quire what shall be the new government of India when the House of Commons before that committee have half concluded their inquiry decide the very form of government that shall be adopted V (Hear, hear.) Why, it was a perfect meckery. I admit that from the moment the House of Commons passed that Act I no longer attended the Indian Committee. The bon. member did attend it, and if there is the slightest doubt on the subject I answer for the worthy chairman that he was sedulous in his attendance upon that defunct and obsolete society for inquiry into the condition of the country. I have been obliged to refer to evidence upon such subjects as the levying of revenue and the tenure of land, and if the house want to see an apology for unalloyed and unmitigated :con fiscation they have only to turn to the evidence of the worthy chairman. '(A. laugh.) He has now explained everything by what he terms the " frantic fanaticism" of the Sepoy. Ido not know what frantic fanaticism is, but when I listened to the chairman the other night I remember the hon. member who fills that mysterious and responsible office rising and telling us that his mission was to convert the whole of India to Christianity. (A laugh, and " Hear, hear.") I say that was frantic fanaticism. (Cheers.) Recommend me to this candid avowal of the Chairman of the East India Company, then, when our East Indian empire is in a state of e mergency. (Cheers.) I now come to the answer of the right hon, gen tleman the President of the Board of Control, which amounts to this—" You say we have had warnings of tbe s I h tte of the native army." I therefore expecte d that the right on. g tleman would have adverted to those features of Indian so ciety, history, and life, which I p laced before t the house, and o trace. But the the importance of which I endeavoured right hon. gentlemen almo st passed these circumstances with out notice. He treated them as old stories. But it is be cause they have been heard before —because they are old stories—because they_ are p e rmanent and enduring causes of m i sru l e —that I brought t hem before the house. If they had been the accidents of yesterday they would not have pro duced the events that have startled the most powerful coun try of the world. tut the great defence of the right h on. gentleman to the comprehensive view which I end eavoure d t o take was a technical, red-tape, Treasury, worn-out, and old-used ar gument. The right hon. gentleman says--" I w ill prove that we had no warnings. I will prove that we, Vie Govern ment of Great Britain, that I, th e Mi n i s t er of India, was more completely ignorant of the state of India than y i mag ine." The right hon. gentl eman spo k e with all the sim plicity that Mr. Hastings said was peculiar to Indian poten tates. I thought it quite po ss ibl e t h at the right hon.gen tleman had no informati on on t h e subject, but with good natured irony I gave him credit for some. (A laugh.) Atone time, indeed, I thought it possible that with this double Go vernment—with this Cerberus to watch over the affairs of India, with the Government at Calcutta, the Government at Leadenhall-street, the Goverment in Cannon-row, and all the complicated contrivances of this vast machine--I thought it possible that the right hon. gentleman might suc ceed in obtaining a glimpse of light and some slight fragment of Information. But I did not think it right to assume that iu these events which have alarmed a country and endangered an empire there had been in official quarters the gross igno rance which appears to have prevailed upon these subjects. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman denies that he knew anything, and protested his ignorance with a Plaintiv eness that is irresistible and a pathos that I field to without further struggle and argument with a Minister who, so far as India hi concerned, would lead us to believe that his Government is tha t mest purely ignorant Government, and also the most bibs gable (because there are some who believe that capability does not depend upon knowledge) —the most uninformed and most., ignorant Government that ever presumed to influence the' destinies of that country. (Loud cheers.) The right hon. gentleman has suggested that this debate is of no use. the noble lord the member for the city of London, who is not a stormy petrel but the balcyonbrooding on the waters—(a laugh)—and who, when the Government is in any difficulty, , produces a card—a conciliatory card—the noble lord, toe, does not see theme of this debate. Why . ; sir, have I not Sng' gested a measure that may have inconceivable importance in the future—the issuing of a Royal commission ; and have we not had au admission from the Gove nment that the pro. position is not only politic and practicable, but that per haps t will be adopted ? (Hear, hear) More than that I am not aware that this proposition may not have been already decided en. (Cheers.) Is that a debate without a result ? Bat then the right hon. gentleman says that if we have .a royal commission we must have a master mind. (A laugh.) The , ight hon gentleman sa} s, "It is all very well to recommend a Royal commission, but can you find a master mind ?" lam not surp ised that her Majesty's Minift Tis, 'r the admissions they have made, should find some cliff eu.ty . in discovering a master min'. (A laugh.) But I venture to observe to the Government that for the duties I wish the Royal commission to perform no master mind is neces-ary. The possession of those high qualities that command the con fidence of mankind —these are what we want. (Chners) What India wants is not a master mind, but the assertion of truth and justice and the sovereign power of the country. Let it be announced in an authoritative manner from the highest authority of this country that yon Will no longer sanction the violation of right, that you will respect your engagements, and take care that those who are your subjects shall enjoy their just privileges, and rest assured that you will do more than all the devices of all the master minds to secure the tranquility of India. (Cheers.) I come -now to the notice that I have placed on the paper. The right hon. gentleman says that I have moved for the production of ene paper that does not exist, and of another paper that cannot be produced. (A laugh.) Now, as to the first paper that does not exist. I read in an Indian newspaper, a year and a half ago, to which, therefore, it cannot be objected that it was an article produced with reference, to these events, a detailed account of a document drawn up by General Anson and submitted by him to the Governor- General. T: o military service is congratulated upon this step on the Fart of General Anon. The paper is sa dto describe the proposed constitution of the staff, and many other par ticulars are given. The writer awaits with the greatest anxiety, he says in conclusio-, she decision of the Governor-General on the subject. The man who wrote the article did not know the form of the document, and does not say whether it is a me morandum co• a desin:ch. All that I can do, th refore, is to give a description of that documen , , thinking that no Mids. ter would make a technical objection to its production, and that if it were in his posse sion it would be placed before the House of Commot sas a document of imp ntance. Now I have no moral doubt that a document of that description- is in existence, and was presented to the Governor• General of India. So much, however, for a document which is said not to be in ex st nee. Let ale next adve t for a moment to that which wll not be produced. The report of General Napier, according to the noble lord she member for London, is ha.. material and ins•gnificant. Has the noble lord, let me ask, rea that report? If not, how does he know that it is imams tern' or insign ficant ? I myself have not soon it, but I know men of the highest character who are familiar with it, :end who assure me that it is most materia' an i significant. I think it t erefore of the utmost importance that that document should be 1 id before us; but instead of it and as a substitute for the re port of Gen. Anson, which if produced would give us - ome busi ness-like information, we are, it seems, to have one of those dry constitutional platitudes which, in a moment of difficulty, the noble lord, the member for the city of London, mechani. cally pulls out of the dusty pigeon -holes of his mind (laugh. ter), and shakes in the perplexed face of a baffled House of Commons. (Renewed laughter.) The noble lord's is ono of thoso amendments which nobody can support, and which no body can oppose. (Hear, hear.) What idea, I would ask, can a commmplace so vapid give to this country, to Europe, or to Asia, of the feelings, the thoughts, and the opinions of the House of Commons at this moment? (Cheers.) It is, in short, one of those constitutional platitudes which 1688 would be ashamed of (Hear, hear.) We have, I contend, a right to possess information upon the important subject of this debate. We ought not to bring it to a close by assert. ing that which is after all nothing more than a mere rou' . ine expression of opinion. So far as I myself am concerned, I am satisfied that an opportunity has this evening been afforded we of stating, however imperfectly, my views as to the policy which we ought to adopt with regard to our Indian empire. The future must decide as to whether these views are or aro not correct. I shall no longer contend about the miserable question whether two papers should be laid before this house, or whether we should accept the commonplace which the noble lord, the member for London, has submitted to our consideration. I shall rest satisfied with having placed upon record, before we return to our respective con stituents, the principles which in relation to the important question in debate I profess, and the policy which I be lieve will be ultimately supported. (Cheers.) Mr. T. BARING and Lord J. RUSSELL rose together, and there were loud calls for the former, but he gave wa„ and Lard J. RUSSELL proo>eded to say that ho had not, as the right hen gent eman the member for Buckiughamsh're had stated, a n lied ;he words " immaterial and insigoifi. cant" to the repon of Sir C. Napier. He had ohs. rued that ho believed the report was immat rial to the decision of the quo tion at issue, but he had not used the word " insignifi cant" at all. Mr. T. BARING said the plot whether the system of doubly G ,vernment should be adopted or not had been tho roughly investigated by the committee before the bill for re newiig the charter was introduced into the house. If the rtgbt hon. gentheman then held the opinions he had ex pressed to-night, why did he not state them to the committee of whi h he was a member, and not reserve thrill for a time when affairs in India were in a crisis. The right ho 1. mem ber's speech consisted of nothing but what they bad heard before from the hon. member for Devonport. He had never ard a spe.ch from the right hon. gentleman with greater pain. Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman appears to be satisfied with his speech. I myself cannot pretend to answer for the opinions of other persons, but I must for any self say that I regret that a gentleman who possesses the talent of the right hon. member for Bucks, and who holds such a prominent position in this house and in the country, should have selected a moment of great difficulty and anxiety to bring forward this motion. I myself shall not go further into the subject than to say that I am content to stand upon the speeches of my right hon. friend the President of the Board of Control and of the hon. gentleman the Chairman of the Court of Directors, and to leave those two speeches as an tidotes to the speech of the right hon. gentleman. (Hear, hear.) I shall not enter into the main question, or detain the house by repeating s'atements which have already been made ; but I must say with regard to one paper • moved for by the right hon gentleman—namely, anassumed report from General Anson—the right hon. gentleman states that ho has read that report in an Indian paper--I can only say that the Government are not in possession of such a report, and there fore i is not in their power to produce it. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the report made by Sir C. Napier in 1849, that report undoubtedly does exist. The right hon. gentle man says that he ha, never seen or read it. Now I have read every word of it, and I can say that it is not a report upon the organisation of the Indian army, but that it refers to the means of defence against external aggression. It sets forth precautionary measures to guard against such a contin gency, and displays the sagacity and knowledge of its author ; but it is a paper the nature of which I submit to the house precludes its being laid befo al Parliament. (Hear, hear.) It does, I admit, contain some passa_ es relat,ve to the Indian army, but the purport of those passages i 3 not that which the right hon. gentleman would lead tee house to anticipate. I have no objection to tho production of the par ticular extract which relates to the construction of the Indian army, but I thi k after what has been stated, that the right hon. gentleman will not be anxious for i s production. I. sir, admit it is only right and proper that this house should be called upon to take into their consideration the events which have recently occurred in India, and I think that my noble friend the member for L'ndon, has justly estimated the feeling, not only of every man in this house, but that of the p,ople of this country, and has suggested a most proper course for us to pursue. lam sure that the House of Com. mons will agree, now that we are called upon to discuss the• recent unfortunate events in India, to adopt the terms of the amendment which has been moved by my noble Mend. (Hear, hear.) I am glad that my noble friend has moved this amendment, and I am sure that the House of Commons ought not to separate without voting the address which he has moved. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON wished to advert to what he con sidered to be an irregularity, From what had fallen from the noble lord he- understood that the hon. memler for Guildford had been reading extracts from that very paper for which his right hon. friend had moved, and which had been refused. Such a course was most irregular, and he hoped that the noble lord would make that paper public by laying it,on the table of the house. • Lord PALMERS t ON—I stated that the substance of thil great bulk of the pap r referred to by the right hen. gentle man referred to a subject different to the organisation of the Indian army. That part of the paper which relates to that subject alone I am perfectly willing to produce. Mr. DISRAELI—With the permission of the house I will move only for extracts from that payer to which the noble lord has Ceferred. General THOMPSON said that no notice had been taken of what was a most important part of the question, and that was the breach of faith towards the native troops, in fact it was the play of "Hamlet" being performed without a Hamlet. For his own part, he could only say that as yet he had heard but one side of the question, and he was content to follow up the old maxim, " audi alteram partem." The motion of the right hon. gentleman the member Mr Bucks was then negatived without a division, and the amend. meat propos. d by the noble lord the member for London d li ''.. unicipal Corporation Bill was read a thi r d ti me aid adopted. passed. The Lunatics (Scotland) Bill was read a third time aid passed. The New Zealand Government Act Amendment Bill Rae read a se: and time. The Insurance Companies Bill passed through committee pro brma. COURT OF SESSION (SCOTLAND) BILL.. Thie bill passed through committee. ' OXFORD UNIVERSITY• BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. AUSTRALIAN MAIL SERVICE. On the motion of Mr. BLACKBURN, a'return was ordered of the dates of arrival and departure of the steamers empinYed by the Peninsular and Oriental Company while performing the Australian mail service, showing how often and to what extent the vessels failed to forward the mails in regular course, and of the dates of arrival and departure of - the NOT*. ml steamers of the Peninsular and Oriental Colupaty . em. ployed by them in the mail service for the last two yearn s showing the rates of speed of each voyage. The house adjourned at two o'clock. _ __------ Holloway's Pills famed for the ; oVfEELTIiS v j _Holloway and derangement of the Stomach.—The liver b efo g j ustl y esteemed the noblest DEe Liver cure part of the body , an d fountain of life, thus it is when the ' springs. beco me poisoned life itself is thre a t ene d an d t h e s uffering patient is in the most imminent • • nent danger,:bat thousands have borne willing testimony to the power of this potent remedy, cleansing the blood from all impart. ties, s trengthening the stomach, discharging the bile, removing all obstructions, and eradicating disease with out leaving a trace behind.—Sold by all medicine ven ders throughout the world ; at - ProfessorHollowars tablishments, 244, Strand, London, and 80, Maiden-lane , New Y ork ; by A. S tampa , Constantinople ; A. Guidicy, Smyrna ; and E. Muir, Malta.' • • - . 4 I I.•` - .:8 , • .