The Sun. — London, England, 1847-01-20 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIA3IEN T. HOUSE OF LORDS, Jan. 19. THE QUEEN'S PROGRESS. At a quarter before two yesterday the royal cortege pro ceeded from Buckingham Palace in the usual order, and by the- accustomed route, along thelMall, through Horse Guards, Whitehall, and Parliament-street, to the Lords' entrance in Old Palace-yard. The whole line of the procession was much more crowded, notwithstanding the gloomy and uninviting aspect of the day, than we ever remember to have seen it on any similar occasion. The terraces on the Mall, the magnificent flight of Carlton steps, and the windows and balconies along the route were thronged; and in the Park itself there has scarcely been so great a multitude collected, since the files in celebration of the great peace of 1815. IL was a matter of general observation amongst the people themselves, and we heart it attempted to be accounted for by several on the ground, that there were so many people out of work. But the cheerful countenances, the respectable attire, and the happy and contented bearing of the general mass, gave a practical and emphatic contradic tion to that supposition. Indeed, her Majesty could have observed nothing, in the appearance of these con gregated thousands of her subjects, which must not add to her conviction that, despite of the somewhat cheerless character of the time, she continues to reign over the happiest and most loyal, as well as the freest and most powerful, people in the world. She was every where greeted with loud and hearty cheering, which she acknowledged with manifest satisfaction, evidently de riving from it much consolation towards the painful task which she was about to undergo, of calling the atten tion of her Parliament to the sufferings of a large por tion of the empire. The conduct of the vast multitude in every direction was remarkable for good order and good humour, and it is as just as it may be expedient to observe, that the con duct of the police- along the route was exceedingly courteous and forbearing, even when the unintentional pressure of the crowd might give excuse for some slight ebullition on the part of the younger amongst those en trusted with the preservation of order. On her Majesty's return from the House of Lords she was saluted with greetings even more enthusiastic than those which had gratified her on her progress down. Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen opened Par liament yesterday in person. The interior of the House of Lords commenced wear ily, a brilliant aspect, notwithstanding the heavy atmos phere, at an early hour. Before one o'clock most of the seats in the body of the House, and the galleries usually devoted to distinguished visitors and to strangers, and the press, were filled with elegantly. dressed and beautiful ladies. There was a numerous attendance of Peeresses, The many-coloured garments and elegant head-dresses had a beautiful effect. The corps diplomatique arrived at an early hour. They occupied seats to the left of the throne. There was a seat at the right and left of the - throne, that on the right being the seat of the Prince of Wales, whose arms it bore. Amongst the Peers who arrived at an early hour we noticed the Earl of Charleville, the Bishop of Ely, Earl of Wicklow, Earl of Glengall, Earl of Hatherton, Lord Carew, the Bishop of London, the Earl of Zetland, the Bishop of Exeter, the Marquis of Clanricarde, Eatl Dalhousie, and nearly all the distinguished Peers. The whole of the Ministers who are Peers were pre tent. _ _ _ The following judges were present:—Mr. Justice Pat teson, Mr. Justice Coleridge, Mr. Justice Erie, Mr. Justice Wightman, Mr. Baron Platt, Mr. Justice Colt man, Mr. Justice Williams, the Chief Baron, the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Mr. Baron Alderson, and Mr. Baron Parke. At half-past one o'clock the House became so dark that the throne could scarcely be seen from the reporters' gallery. The chandeliers were consequently lit—an unusual occurrence either at the opening or prorogation of Parliament. We cannot call a similar occurrence to mind : the general effect was in consequence materially heightened. Shortly before two o'clock the Lord Chancellor took his seat on the Woolsack. The Duke of Cambridge arrived nearly at the same time. The Duke of Wel lington arrived at two o'clock, and was received by the Duke of Cambridge with " Why, Duke, you look quite young." The Duke truly appeared in excellent health. At a quarter past two o'clock the tiring of cannon and the heralds' trumpets announced the arrival of the royal cortege at the Houses of Parliament. After a short sojourn in the Robing-room, the Queen and Prince Albert, accompanied by the officers of State and of the Houfehold, entered in the usual form. Both her Majesty anti her 1i ) . ival Consort appeared in excellent health and spirits. he wore a magnificent tiara and stomacher of diamonds. As the foggy nature of the weather had by this time departed the coup was magnificent in the extreme. Having taken her seat on the throne, and commanded the assembly to ho seated, and the Commons having been summoned, the Lord Chancellor presented her Majesty with the Speech. Her Majesty then, in a clear, silvery voice read the following Royal Spveeh:— My LORDS AND GENTLE7,IEN, It is with the deepest concern that, upon your again as sembling, 1 have to call your attention to the dearth of pro visions which prevails in Ireland and in parts of Scotland. In lrelantl, especially, the loss 4 , f the usual food of the people has:been the cause of severe sufferings, of disease, and of greatly increased mortality among the poorer classo. Out rages have become more fro - rent, chiefly directed against property ; and the transit of provisions has been rendered unsafe in some parts of the country. With a view to mitigqte these evils, very large numbers of men have been employed, and have received wages, in rursnance of an Act pa-sed in the last session of Parliament. some deviations from that Act, which have been authorised by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ltlancl, in order to promote more useful employment, will, I trust, receive your sanction. Means have been taken to lessen the pressure of want in dis• tricts which are most remote from the ordinary sources of supply. Outrages have been repressed, as far as it was possi ble, by the military and police. It is satisfactory to roe to observe that in many of the most distressed dist,icts Vie patience and resignation of the people have been most exemplary. The deficiency of the harvest in France and Germany, and other parts of Europe, has added to the difficulty of obtain ing adequate supplies of provisions. It will be your duty to consider what further measures are required to alleviate the existing distress. 1 recommend to you to take into your serious consideration, whether by in creasing for a limited period, the facilities for importing corn from foreign countries, and by the admission of sugar more freely into breweries and distilleries, the supply of food may be beneficially augmented. I have likewise to direct your earnest consideration to the permanent condition of Ireland. You will perceive, in the absence of political excitement, an_ opportunity for taking a dispassionate survey of the social evils which afflizt that part of the United Kingdom. Various measures will be laid before you, which, if adopted by Parliament, may tend to raise the great mass of the people in comfort, to promote agriculture, and to lessen the pressure of that competition for the occupation of land which has been the fruitful source of crime and misery. The marriage of the Infanta Luisa Fernando of Spain to the Duke of Montpeniier has given rise to a correspondence between my Government and those of France and Spain. The extinction of the free state of Cracow has appeared to me to be so manifest a violation of the Treaty of Vienna, that I have commanded that a protest against that act should be delivered to the Courts of Vienna, Petersburgh, and Berlin, which were parties to it. Copies of these several papers will be laid before you. I entertain confident hopes that the hostilities in the River Plate, which have so long interrupted commerce, may soon be terminated;: and my efforts, in conjunction with those of the King of the French, will be earne:stly directed to that end. My relations generally with Foreign Powers inspire me with the fullest confidence in the maintenance of peace. GENTIgIIEN OF TIIIC HOUSE OF CoMmows, I hive directed the Estimates to be prepared, with a view to provide for the efficiency of the public service, with a due regard for economy. IkIT-lionDs AND GENTLEMEN, I have ordered every requisite preparation to be made for putting into operation the Act of the last session of Parlia ment, fur the establishment of local courts for the recovery of small debts.. It is my hope that the enforcement of civil rights in all parts of the country to which the Act relates tuay, by this measure, be materially facilitated. I recommend to your attention measures which will be laid..before you for improving the health of towns, an object the importance of which you will not fail to appreciate. Deeply sensible of the blessings which, after a season of calamity, have been so often vouchsafed to this nation by a superintending Providence, I confide these important mat tertto your care, in a full conviction that your discussions will be guided by an impartial spirit; and in the hope that the pretieit sufferings of my people may be lightened, and that their future condition may be improved by your deli berative vded ern . After the deli very of the Speech, the cortege left the douse almost in the manner in which it had entered. The whole ceremony did not occupy twenty minutes. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, on leaving the House were warmly cheered. The Lords re-assembledaTilock. We observed in the House, Lords Stanley, Brougham Lansdowne, Mon tford,.. Ils,therton ( mover of the Address) : Carew, the Earl of. Eglinton, M arquis of Clanricarde the Berl St. Germa!ns, the Earl of Clarendon, the Duke; of ingha Richmond, and Rutl an d, and several Buck " other Peers. SELECT VESTRIES. The Marquis of LANDSDOWNE gave notice notice that i t was his intention, on an ea rl y da y , to bringin a Bill for the better regulation of Select Vestries. , TIIE QUEEN'S SPLI,,CIL The LORD CHANCELLOR then, irk (. ue form, pro ceeded to read her Majesty's Specch. At the close of the reading of the Speech, Lord lIATHERTON rose and said—My Lords, it is now my duty to invite •your Lordships' e onsideration to the 1.:,1% Address which I h ave the honour cf proposing in reply to the speech of her M ost G rac i ous Majesty, which you (.-- ' have just heard read. Th e con di t i on cf Ireland justly ~- 4 forms a prominent topic in that speech, and I am sure ...*: .7;; the important circumstances connected with it will I 44 • fully entitle me attempting any justification of it. — f , . 4 s , (Hoar, bear.) kyr the first time f or a l o ng period ...:"..?..11_, 1 - -tki-t ~./ t -I THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY _EVENING, JANUARY 20, 181-7 on the Continent of Europe, that generation had almost passed by, which had witnessed for a brief space the horrors of war, and that now rising had experienced the blessings of peace; yet it had had the means of contrasting the horrors of the one with the blessing of the other. He believed that on the Continent, also, there was a general appreciation of the blessing of peace, and a sincere desire that the tranquillity was net to be frivolously and uselessly endangered. He could not say that he looked with satisfaction on the state of our relations with foreign countries. Amongst the Powers of Europe there was one with which, in his humble judgment, it was more essentially necessary for this ccuntry to be on terms—not of amity merely, but of cordial co-operation and union. He re ferred to that great neighbouring state with which we had of late been on good terms. Throughout the world, and in every quarter of the globe, there were numerous points of 'contact, and which, in the event of soy bad understanding between England and France, would be turned into points of collision. He did not intend to offer any lengthened observations on this question, but he certainly could not refrain from expressing his regret at much of what was contained in the correspond ence that bad taken place between her Majesty?s Government and the Ministers of the other Governments. Up to a certain period they bad acted on a feeling of mutual confidence, and there was a probability at the present moment of an interrup tion in that state of amicable feeling, from this course not having been persevered in. He also must deplore that between the representatives of the respective countries interested in the question to which this correspondence referred (the mar riage of the Infanta of Spain), there should have been so much recrimination and exhibition of petty feeling. He must confess that he was of opinion, that what had taken place in refer ence to another question, had effected this subject, namely, what had taken place with respect to .Cracow. He did not mean to express any opinion on the annexation that had taken place, but he had no hesitation in saying, that there was insult and discourtesy shown towards the Government; or that, if France and England had been on amicable terms, that that insult and discourtesy would not have taken place. Now he approached a question which was unfortunately more interesting and important to the people of this country than anything that could be connected with foreign policy. He re ferred to that awful visitation which had afflicted from one side to the other, the sister island. He was confident of this, that for the prevention of the present evil, or the pal liation of the present misery, and for the purpose of rescuing this country from the guilt of permitting a large portion of the population of Ireland knowingly to starve, that there was no sacrifice and no effort which Government might call upon the people to make which they would not willingly accede to, whether these might originate with the members of their Lordship's House or the other House of Parliament, and he would further venture to assert that the sentiments of the re presentatives would be echoed by the public sense of the country. He spoke not in any captious spirit of the measures which had been already taken by her Majesty's Government. He knew that the extent of the visitation had in a great mea sure come upon them by surprise,—he knew .that when that visitation came, there was a difficulty of obtaining correct and trustworthy information on the subject; he knew that even the best efforts of Govern ment there would have much of local interests to overcome, because the best reparations of the Government would be more than counteracted for the petty purposes of local advantages. He knew—and he spoke it not disrespectfully of the people of Ireland —that in the administration of relief, and more espe cially when that came from the public puree, that the distribu tion of these funds demanded a degree of circumspection not required in any other country. That great errors had been committed by the Government no further proof was required than the speeches of the mover and the seconder of the Address, and the passing of the Labour-rate Act had had only the effect of diverting work from channels in which it could have been more profitably employed. At a time when every l a ndl or d was using his best exertions to meet the calamity with which his tenaetry was threatened, a power which he could not withstand interposed to prevent his employing his capital in the mode most advan tageous to himself and useful to those around him ; and he was compelled instead to employ that capital in filling up impracti cable hollows, lowering invisible hills, and the effect was that enormous sums of money were scattered for the purpose of making the face of the conntry absolutely impassable. Well, then, his Noble Friend, the mover of the address, said (and he, Lord Stanley, might be permitted to say that he did not concur with those who censured the Govern ment for the course they had taken) he thought that the Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland was justified, in the circumstances in which he had found himself, in exercising a wise discretion to remedy tha effect of a law which he found so inconclusive, even when his measures went beyond the strict letter of the law. He had no fault to find with Government for abstaining in the exercise of their discussion from calling Parliament together earlier than they had done, but if there were a point upon which he should be disposed to take exception to the past pro ceedings of Government, it was, that they had adhered too closely to the principles of political economy. The doctrines of political economy were framed, no doubt,. to meet general circumstances and general evils, but it was impossible for any man to say that cireumstsinces should not arise of so grace and important a complexion as to compel Government to discharge the doctrines of political economy, and act according to the dictates of political experience. Now, for instance, they learned from one paragraph in the Speech which had been delivered from the throne, that means had been taken to lessen the pres sure of want. What those means had been, he presumed they would hereafter learn, but it was mani • fest that there were large and populous dis tricts in Ireland whose sufferings had been considerably augmented by the unhappy omissions of Government, through the zeal they had exhibited in favour of political economy doc trines. Now, had Goverment established granaries and depots in these large and populous districts, where the people could have purchased food at reasonable, hut still profitable rates, it would have had the effect of throwing into the market the stocks of speculators who were waiting for famine rates.— ( Hear, hear.) He regretted that they did not avail them selves of their power, where there was an intention on the part of certain individuals to withhold supplies from the market for the purpose of raising prices higher. He heard his Noble Friend on the cross benches (the Duke of Wel lington) say that these steps .had- _ been taken by the late Government. He believed that this had been the case, and the effect. had been most advantageous in those 'quarters where a scarcity of supplies existed, or where inter ference, such as he had referred to, had been attempted. bl ow he said that there was no effort which the Government called upon the country to make, which would not be responded to, to relieve the distress.—(Hear. ) There were two or three mea sures which had been distinctly referred to in the Speech. One of them was stated to be a temporary tree • sure, and referred to the increasing for a limited period the facilities for the importation of foreign corn. There was another measure, which as he stated was not understood to be contemplated by her Majesty's Government, but as a temporary measut e, and which, in that character, he agreed would be less open to objection than a former one in troduced. He meant the temporary measure to be introduced for the purpose of affording a greater amount of tonnage to this country. He believed that if they examined into the re turns of the amount of corn in this country, and on that sub ject there were many conflicting statements—(Hear, hear.) they would fnd that the amount of corn in this country was much underrated. There could be no doubt that in America there was a very large proportion of corn waiting for transpor tation to this country, and there could be no doubt that the transportation of large proportions of that corn was kept back by the want of sufficient tonnage to bring it over to this country under the existing laws, and the result had been an enormous disproportion in the price of corn grown there and of corn in this country.—( Hear, hear.) Large profits were realised by the corn traders and importers, and as a temporary measure he did not think that there could be any general feeling of opposition to the introduction of a large proportion of tonnage into this country. He hoped that they would not think that those connected with the agricul tural interest were in the slightest degree opposed to it from the consideration of the medium of protection, of which it • would deprive them. the supply of corn would not lie did not, however, wish to express any positive opinion with reference to that remedy. It had . been admitted, and he was glad of the admission, that the: greatest part of the difference of price would go into the pocket to pe ri l o i by her e ra r t aj r e a s r t a y r 's ta G f o a v r e a r i gnn of the foreign corn importer. For then they had prospects manent nature. he expression that the measure being passed, in the slightest degree increase, or the price in any way dimi nish, and the loss to the revenue would go lbue i r n inn t i . gs i h the pockets pockets of the importers. He did not understand whether heaesfmeo ins ialt teapapr,iucrwep,ho c en h do the h e Govern mentusen one umseend Govern ment was the at oe fs m pae e te a ec s mh u e .O s fr oa rrya referredlimited would not be likely to concede. It had also been ob aicdrogr corn. If distilleries argument t f f s a urg the ei w ta w r a e loitd ladri i n troduced iodfcrt served, that the absence of all political ex c it ement i n the land afforded a favourable opportunity for attempting to benefit the country. He thought that although the opportunity existed, it was not an eligible one, and it would be impossible to fulfil sweeping promises made without the fullest co-oper at i on o f t h e two countries. In legislating on this subject they should pro coed on two axioms. z:ith e y should proceed on thi s p r i nc i p l e, in the first place that the people of Ireland were entitled to be supported ou t of the property of the landholders, should be relieved there by the and that pauperism people of Ireland themselves. It haof d late years been the habit to grievously abuse the landlords of Irel. nd. No w he did not stand there as the defendant of the Irish landlords. They f ren the same l should not regard the landlords o Ight as e duties did not de they did those of this coun tr y . rights. volve upon them, for they. h a d not the same Their properties were in several instances crowded with a clas s o f neither improve the la n d persons, turncoats at will , w ho would themselves, or permit their landlords to do so , but remained upon it in the same condition , wretched themselves, and impo verishing the land. He himself was aware of several instanc es when had 8 when the efforts of the most con siderate s been thwarted by this very character; and it should be recollected,of the that public feeling in Ireland was in favour _ _system. A blamed for the con'in landlord in this country would not be u d under such circ um . ance of the evils that affli c ted Irelan at! they would not ad opt stances. He trusted, therefore, th any rash or h as ty s t e p s in reference to this subject. He did hope that no rash attacks would be made upo n th e un • laws of re a l p roper t y , b u t th a t they should rather be unani mous in adopting measures of a more useful character and ent interests of Ireland more calculated to advance the permanent on this sub ject But there was one important point bearing u believed He there were which had been totally lost sight cf. e triflin aid a associated companies prepared with semis on reproductived r public works , and he thought as those public w or s we e liarly adapted to securing the permanen t emp oyment ofpecu the people, he did hope that they would meet with the encourage. ment of the Government who ought to give a sufficient mer cantile and political security to insure the due and proper in vestment of capital in those undertakings. He did not think it necessary for him to occupy their attention at any greater length, but he must be allowed, in conclusion, to state what he set out with at the commencement of his observation', namely, that pro vided Government would exclude from their measures those religious and political topics which had always abstracted the mind of Ireland, and made it unhappily the battle field of party; provided the sole aim of their measures should be the improve ment of Ireland; he was satisfied that all matters of a party_ consideration would be sunk in a desire to assists the Govern ment, who might rely upon the cordial co-operation of those who occupied the Opposition benches. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, that after the speeches of the mover and seconder of the Address, which were replete with information acquired personally, or by reading, connected as it was with one of the most painful topics that could be met with in the course -of their Lordships' ex perience, with these addresses so lately before their Lordships, he did not feel himself called upon to add any. thing to their statements, but he remarked that in the course of the Noble Lord's (Lord Stanley) speech, his Lordship was in duced to depart from the rule he had laid down, the rule, in fact, he had made with himself at the outset. The Noble Lord had admitted the • enof discussion on the mespe iency sub ject, where no evidence was before their Lordships; but the Noble Lord proceeded in his (Lord Lansdowne's) opinion to do more, for he founded a series of observations on the most im. perfect evidence, and asked their Lordships to express an opinion upon it. He (Lord Lansdowne) in the words of the Noble Lord, would revert to the two great topics which at pre sent pressed themselves prominently on the attention of the public, namely, those events which might so greatly affect their foreign relations, and those which related to the state of Ireland, on beith of which he was prepared, at the proper time, to afford the fullest information. He would ad dress but two or three words to their Lordships, not so much in justificatieti of the Ministry's past measures—for these of years Ireland appears no longer to he the arena of political agitation. The question, therefore, which we have now to consider is no longer a question of party interest, or of party opposition, or of party policy, for it has pleased the Almighty in his wisdom to inflict upon that country a wide-spread famine, unequalled, I believe, in past history, certainly not to be paralleled in the history of modern times. It is truly an overwhelming infliction, failing, unhappily, upon many millions of the population of this kingdom. The population of Ireland since the year 1792 that is during the last 75 years—has exactly doubled. The potato, during that period, has been an article of food in common throughout the whole country; and it is well known, that in every year that has elapsed since that period, doss n to the present time, that the potato has become more and lore an article of exclusive subsistence of a large portion of the Irish people; not only, however, was it the principal article of subsistence of the cottar and the peasant, but it has been the chief article of subsistence of the small farmer; and not only even was it the principal article of subsistence of the small farmer, but I believe it has also formed the prin cipal article of subsistence of a large portion of the population residing in the suburbs of large towns. His Lordship then proceeded to say that potatoes formed not only the sustenance of the people themselves, but the sustenance also of the animals which they reared. The value of the potato crop, it was estimated, amounted annually to sixteen millions ; and when their Lordships considered the immense amount of sustenance which it afforded, some idea might be formed of the awful misery consequent on its failure. The failure of that crop had brought on a famine that not only proved destructive to the poorer classes, but threatened the existence of every man of every grade in the community. The union workhouses were tilled to overflowing, and so crowded had they become that they were obliged to close the doors against further admissions. He had also to state, in reference to this, that many of these houses were bordering on the brink of bankruptcy. By the Labour-rate Act, passed at the close of last session, presentment sessions were held in 293 baronies out of the 326 baronies of Ireland. In some of these the sessions were held once, in others twice, and in a considerable number of them three times. It was thought, when that Act was passed, that it would meet the extent of distress then anticipated, and it then received the approbation of all parties. He was not aware that any person in authority at that time foresaw the extent of the calamity, or denounced the measure as inadequate. In this state of things it became absolutely necessary for the Lord-Lieu tenant, in communication with the Government of this country, to consider what was to be done for the purpose of continuing to employ - the people, and to do it on a principle satisfactory to the landed proprietors, anti not ruinous to the ceuntry at large. There were two paths to be taken, and one was to assemble Parliament to devise other measures ; and the other was, for the Lord-Lieutenant to take on himself the direction and management of the public money as he best could under the circumstances. It was impossible for any Government to have taken a wiser course than the one which the present Govern ment did in not adopting the termer alterna tive. There would have been the long delay before Parliament assembled, and a long discussion when it did. The Government bad sufficient experience in guarding against the greatest evil of all—which would have been suspense—which would have been pending during the proceedings of assembling Parliament, and during the discussion little or nothing could be clone by the landed proprietors, and the landlords of course, in that state of suspense, would only wait to ascertain the result of their deliberations. If the Lord Lieutenant took on himself the exercise of a just discretion, and determined, as far as possible, to accommodate the di rection of the existing Act of Parliament, by adopting such an extension of its powers as would permit it to be applied to the occupation of the people in private and usefal works, and to do so, under such regulations as to insure to the public the benefit of any money-expended. Bet to do this it was by no means operative, so as to admit of the employment of the public money exclusively in drainage or the reclamation of waste lands, for many of the landowners had no land which required draining, and some of them had already accomplished these works, and very little ad vancement was made tinder Mr. Labouchere's Act. A very usual complaint was made, and a very natural one it was indeed, that the Irish landlords could not guard against the injustice of the double tax. A man who had released his lands from any charge, was not released from 1 his contribution to the baronial expenses. In this state of things it was natural that they should cry out for the area in is hich the present levies were made to be extended to the electoral districts. He congratulated the Noble Duke for his suggestions, which he had made sonic years ago when the Irish poor-law was brought limier consideration, and his objection to the very serious mischief which would arise to every area in the district being compelled to support the ex pense of its awn poor. He always regretted that his valuable suggestions were not carried out.—(Bear.) There was also another Act under which authority was given to grant 50,000/. fir employment in public works, such as fisheries, and other works of that description. But it was so clogged with inconvenient provisions that it could not be turned to present material advantage. Ireland was cm - isequently in this condition, that there was at present a stop put to drainage in that country, which was to be deplored, because it afforded the means of giving beneficial employment to the labouring classes, particularly in the summer months. To show that this would occur he need only mention 1 that draining at certain periods could rot be carried lon, for oats had to be sown in the land as in next month, fur instance, aid drainage must then necessarily be suspended , The Labour-rate Act must then cease, because in many districts it would be impossible to find objects upon which to expend the public money. It would be necessary, therefore, for their Lordships with the otla r House, to devise some other modes of employing the people of Ireland. It was not his in tention to repeat what he had heard as to what those modes should be, nor would he wish to provoke just then a discussion on that subject. He admitted its paramount importance and the right of the public, deeply interested as they were in the question, to be made acquainted with... all that related to it as soon as . possible ; but it would be the duty of the Minister of the Crown, and he would, as soon as it could conveniently be done, bring this important question under the consideration of the other House of Parliament. Such was the statement which he felt it his imperative duty to make to their Lordships, and if he had omitted anything which he should have stated, there were so many of their Lordships so inti mately acquainted with all the affairs of Ireland, that these omissions would be amply supplied. Besides, his Hon. Friend the Noble . Baron who was to second the Address, and who was so beneficially connected with the barony of Wexford, would be able to • atone for any inaccuracy of his. Well, it was highly desirable that for this purpose one should cernpare and examine the condition of society and property in England and Ireland. Nothing could be more disproportioned, nothing could be more dispiriting. In England they had a large proprietary ; they had residing among them a vast moneyed intre t— a moneyed interest not con fined to this metropolis, the most extraordinary place of resort in the world—but an interest extending to every port in the kingdom, and gene-ally spread over the whole surface. They had, besides, on the estates of these landlords a thriving and substantial yeomanry ; they had a long-established and • desirable or ganization with the law under which they had Iso long lived. There was scarcely a parish in England in which there were not means found admirably adapted to render assistance to the most humble classes in any crisis of the country. But how . different was the condition of the people in Ireland. '1 here were, no doubt, several wealthy proprietors there, and with respect to the trginizetion of that country, undoubtedly it was the fact that there was an aptitude for organization for po litical purposes; yet it was unfortunately the ease, that for any practical or useful pure: se there was a remarkable want of this virtue. It was true, indeed, that for some years past several Acts of Parliament had greatly improved. the social and moral condition of the people He would illustrate the relative 'positions of the land lords and tenants of Ireland, by some analogies, which would bring the thing home to the imaginations of the Noble Lords whom he • was addressing.— Supposing it" poSsible that by some atmospherical influence an insect were found to infect all the bags of cotton which came into Manchester, so as to ruin the trade which sustained the population of the co un ty o f Lan cashire. Had their Lordships th en a dd resse d t h e great mill-owners of that country, in language like that which had been addressed to the landlords of Ireland, they would then have found congregated those parties who, although they would have cheerfully borne the burden for those who had been born and bred in their service, still their Lordships might expect that they would be addressed in language similar to this:—" We are now thrown on our resources, and are made responsible, in order to 'meet this great emergency, yet we ex pect that some partial relief ought to be ex tended towards us by the Imperial Parliament To bring this analogy more home to their Lordships! just Jet them suppose that last autumn there had been ‘ a failure in the wheat and oat crops of this country, would it have been right, or would it even have been expected, that the landed interest alone should be called upon to meet the calamity?—(Hear, hear.) He made those remarks spontaneously ; they had not been suggested by any party; but in performing the task he had undertaken, he thought he had right to express his views and feelings upon these various topics. Whatever might be the issue of this fearful calamity, it was, in the meantime, the duty of all parties, from the highest Minister of the Crown, down to the lowest member of society to use every exertion, and make every personal sacrifice if necessary, to arrest its further progress.—(Hear, hear.) - What would have been the condition of England had there been no channel between this country and Ireland ? Why it was perfectly certain that a vast amount of the misery would have been extended to England, for labo 3t ue the demand for labour was so great and the rate of wages so is calamity , he was high in many branches of English manufactures, that there i e ri r evitably have been a greater influx of unemployed ongst all prevail a s n :nto this country. Whatever might be the result of this rest must be left quite satisfied a . just determination would parties t to do their duty liberally, and the t o o, the hand of an all-wise Providence. That they should tion were used, he was cizrethe present suffering, if a little exer them better to understandele in, and then the past would teach pactie p t o xi s a ition and blessings of their esty ,. speech : Terures had been sug social condition. Two was sure, after accede to her gested by her Maj The first of a little consideration, their Lordship'', would give rise Majesty's request, and cordially adopt t r ern d those measures was to throw open the ports for; a and do away with all restrictions upon the importres e en r; l", It might be conterdel by some that this would unnatural speculation, and serve to Al! the pocket§ of a few its. dividual merchants. Some partial evil of that descrip tion might possibly result from the measure, but still it would be small indeed when compared with the good the measure must inevitably confer upon the country. With respect to the other measure, relating to the admission of sugar into this country, their Lordships must bear this in mind, that the price of barley at this time was .Ios. per quarter higher than at the corresponding . period last year. Besides, the brewers had raised the price of beer, while had sugar been more plentiful in breweries, this evil could never have arisen. It would be their duty to give these measures their best consideration, and to see whether the request of her Majesty with regard to them could not be readily acceded to There were other measures not mentioned in the Speech which he thought it necessary to be adopted for the purpose of carrying out any plans for the improvement of Ireland. For instance, the laws relating to real property ought to be in some measure modified, and he was glad to see that this sub ject had been placed in the hands of a Noble and Learned Lord who was remarkable for his per sonal ability and vast experience in such matters. Her Majesty simply stated that, with reference to the marriage between the Infanta of Spain and the Duke de Montpensier, sbe had ordered copies of the correspondence which had taken place on that subject to be laid before them ; and with regard to the annexation of Cracow, that not only would the correspondence on that matter be laid before them, but she also stated that she had commanded a protest to be made by her Government to the Governments of Austria, Prussia, arid Russia for the violation of the treaty, by which the independence of that republic was secured. He must, however, take the liberty of saying, in his private capacity, that such a violation of a solemn treaty deserved the denunciation of all who were interested in the stability and strength of the kingdoms of Europe, and he could not help saying that Austria was the last country which ought to have deviated from the principles of that treaty. If from the distance of that republic it was impossible to interfere, it was necessary that the strongest protest should be entered against the proceeding, and as far as England was concerned, he believed their Lordships would concur in the general abhorrence with which it had been regarded. The next paragraph of the Speech referred to the sanguinary and cruel war which devastated the southern part of South America. With regard to it he had to state that, long as he had been connected with a commercial and manufacturing district, he had never heard any complaint preferred against the late, or the present Foreign Secretary with regard to the manner in which they had managed affairs in that quarter. With regard to their amicable relations with other countries, he was sure their Lordships would join in the hope expressed as to their continuance. With reference to the sanatory regulations referred to, he was sure that they would meet with very general approbation, and he sincerely hoped that measures ter that purpose would not be long delayed. With these plain observations, he should conclude with moving that an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, which, as usual, was an echo of she Speech. Lord CAREW (who was very indistinctly heard) said that, in rising to second the motion of his Noble Friend, he could say, and say with truth, that he had always been reluctant to address their Lordships, and they might, therefore, judge how contrary it was to his feelings to be compelled to bear his testimony to the misery and destitution existing in Ireland. That reluctance was increased by the knowledge that the present state of want and misery was peculiarly felt by that part of the country. to which he was peculiarly bound by every tie of birth ; but he was urged on by the conviction that if he did not address them it would appear as if he were shrinking from his duty. Exaggeration of the misery would be impossible, and amplification would be useless. Last year an infliction fell upon the food of Ireland, and this year it had fallen more heavily, particularly upon that food to which the people looked for sustenance. They well knew that the poorest portion of the Irish people depended upon the potato for existence. There was an universal complaint of extreme distress and famine. It might be said that it was an unsound state for the people to be depending on any single article for food. That was, however, the case, and that food had been stricken by the inscrutable visitation of Providence, and the people were starving in other countries; and in better regu lated countries employment was the surest test of prosperity ; but in Ireland employment was not sufficient for the people.—( Hear, hear.) The potato was there produced with the greatest facility, and that facility had produced a population more than sufficient for the labour to be performed. In that particular portion of Ireland called the Skibbereen county the visitation had been most severe, and it was that portion of the country in which the potato was formerly most prolific and best as regarded the quality. In many parts the people were starving. Such was the dis tress in many cases that the small farmers were consuming that portion of their stock which in former years they had kept for seed. They were now coming upon the public works, and each day added to their numbers. It was necessary to carry fcrward the Labour Act. The re sults that had followed these experiments, had, un fortunately, not been as desirable as could have been wished. And here he must do justice—justice which was not always done—to the landlords, and justice to the farmers, who did not shrink from making themselves liable for the repayment of the sums which had been contributed for the benefit and provision of the poor. But the evil effects of the good intentions of those who desired to avert and ameliorate the distress existing in this peculiar manner were unfortu nately many. The whole country came under one gigantic scheme, and as it must have been in some degree experimental, it was impossible to blame them for not haying succeeded in the first instance, or being able to carry them out.—( Hear.) In some cases the works could not be overseen, and the consequence was that there was a waste of the funds. In some instances there was in fact an actual refusal by the necessary parties to act, and in others a considerable unwillingness, which almost amounted to the same. The difficulties were so great that they had to struggle against hope.—( Hear, hear.) Starvation was hard to bear, but it was his firm hope—it was his conviction— his. belief—that when it pleased Providence to relieve the people of Ireland from the present famine infliction, it would lead to the regeneration of that country. Allusion hail been made in her Majesty's Speech to the cessation of political excitement. It was well known that there was no country in the world an which greater political excitement prevailed than in Ir•laad, and the natural ground of quarrel between Protestant and Catholic was that of their faith. It had liven his duty in conjunctions with the deputy-lieutenant of his own county ( Wexford) to organize the different committees appointed in the several districts, and he had endeavoured in every iestance to employ those whom lie considered the most discreet and trust worthy in the different neighbourhoods.— (Hear. ) It was astonishing that so much patience was manifested by the people of Ireland under this infliction ; but now he could assure their Lordships that there was no heart left in Ire to support these distresses. Even the little boys wh n going to school appeared heart struck, and destitution and depression were but too visible in their faces. Ile would take leave to disabuse their Lordships of a prejudice, but tco prevalent, arising from the purchase of arms. It had been asserted that the money which had been given for the purpose of charity had been expended in the purchase of arms. He could assure their Lordships that the pnr chasers of arms were to be found principally among the farmers, and only for the purposes of self-protection. He would illustrate this fact by a circumstance which came within his own knowledge not many weeks ago. He had seen adver tised that 600 stand of arms were to be sold in his own county, and he was exceedingly sorry to observe it. With the view, therefore of ascertaining who were the purchasers, he wrote to the editor of the paper, and he would take leave to read to their Lordships the substance of his answer. He told him (Lord Carew) not to be alarmed about the sale of fire-arms, because it was not unusual for newspapers to insert advertisements which might not be in unison with the feelings of the proprie tors. The fact was, that it was a speculation of the Birming ham gun-makers, and it was sufficiently notorious that John Bull made the most of his markets. The sale, however, did not meet their expectations, because only 30 sta n d were sold out of the 6'_ O. The Irish people considered this a dispensation of Providence, which they were obliged to submit to. Lord STANLEY said it had of late years been the practice of Government, except upon extraordinary oc casions, to abstain from introducing into the Speech delivered from the Throne, and from the Address to be moved in answer to it, in both Houses of Parliament, any topics which were calculated to'give rise to the expression of hostile opinions, or to lead to lengthened debates. On the+ other hand, it had been the prac tice of those who were placed in opposition to abstain from introducing into the discussion anything that was calculated to give rise to controversy, or to interfere with the respectful acknowledgment or ready acquiescence to take into consideration those measures and topics touched upon in the Speech from the Throne. Of course, how ever, there had been occasions of momentous import when the public exigencies required the Government to break through this rule, and introduce into the Speech matters which had given rise to extended controversy; while, on the other hand, there had also been occasions when the Opposi tion to the - Government had felt it to be their duty at the outset of the session to introduce into the Address, in answer to the Speech from the Throne, amend ments which they might also think required immediate con sideration. No such extraordinary circumstances now ex isted, and it was, therefore, not necessary to inter pose any amendment or obstacle in the way of the adoption of the Address.—(Hear, hear.) Ile could not but recollect the peculiar circumstances under which the Go vernment at present occupied their seats. He must do them the justice to say that they had attained their present position by no opposition of a factious nature. Indeed, he might go so far as to say they had attained it by no act of their own—indeed, they had been placed in office by circumstances over wnich they had no control. He believed many of them with sincere reluctance exercised the great responsibilities of office, and whatever might be their poli tical feelings, he was sure that both in that House and in the other House of Parliament there prevailed a general impres sion that, under existing circumstances, Government had a peculiar claim to the forbearance of Parliament. But he would go further. Whatever might be the peculiar claims which the circumstances that called them into office in August last entitled them to, they ought, nevertheless, to be relieved as much as possible from embarrassing amendments coming from the opposition. Great and heavy responsibilities were pressing upon them, and every man should, therefore, abstain from throwing any unnecessary abstacles in the way. He could, therefore, promise her Majesty's Government, that so long as they abstained from unneces sarily interfering with the institutions of the country, so long as they should resist the exciting inducements that might be held out to them by their more violent: supporters, so long Government might be satisfied, they would receive the cordial support and co-operation of Noble Lords sitting on his , own side of the House. He could not refrain from noticing what he considered to be a very significant omission in the Speech from the Throne There had been no allusion, no reference whatever, to the finan cial condition of the country. This omission might not have excited much attention had not the recent returns exhibited j an increase in the revenue, and he thought it very significant that no notice whatever had been taken of that increase. There had been for various reasons a large increase in the consumption of oxciseable articles, which, together with the large importation of foreign produce, accounted for the increase in the revenue, but that could not be taken as an indication of the increased prosperity of the country, as there had been no corresponding increase in the latter. There was another indi cation also, that this was not an increase which could be de pended upon. There had been lately a great reduction of the premium on Exchequer-bills. Some time ago the premium on them was 40 per cent., but latterly it had come down to 5 or 6, and he expected, or apprehended, that it would be the painful duty of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to raise the interest on them. He saw already that a considerable export of bullion had taken place, and he was afraid that before six months had elapsed the excess of imports over exports would indicate a still larger amount There was no apprehension to be entertained of the inter ruption !of the general peace of the world, but he confessed that he did not altogether find that confidence which he, for one, fully entertained before certain events alluded to in the i Speech, and which had given to place the growing conviction in this country of the impolicy of the course which had been Ipur sued. e 'believed that a cause which some years ago would inevitab have produced a war would be repudiated by the good s rise of the present era as insufficient to lead to such a consequence. He was sure that in a s, commercial nation like this powerful and capable df great exertion in war, peace was not only desirable, but necessary. He believed that the conviction was deeply rooted iiithe minds of the people of this country, and gthough '.W YI~ ~. could be better explained when he had the proper documents in his hand—but with the view of replying to one or two ex pressions of the Noble Lord, which he thought were rather undeserved on the part of the Government. It had not been expected, when the measures ref relief were brought forward, that there would have been that extraordinary demand for work, and that extraordinary precipitancy which led to the execution and undertaking of works manifestly use less. When he introduced the measure he repudiated the doctrine that useless, instead of useful works, should be undertaken, but he considered that roads could not he accounted as useless. The object was to give employment, and to improve the country, as also to stimulate the landlords to undertake the improvement of their own estates. The Noble Lord did not question the Act of Lord Besborough, who, being himself in the House when the Act was passed, thought Troper to extend the Government advances to those who might be willing to undertake works of another kind, fle was alto glad to perceive that the Noble Lord did not approve of the propriety of assembling Parliament to give legislative effect to that alteration. He agreed with him that the resident gentry of Ireland were much better employed in Ireland, where their presence was so necessary to encourage, to regulate, and to promote employment ; and he had no hesita tion in saying that had they not been present, there would not have been that alleviation of the calamities which their presence caused. But the Noble Lord said that he was not prepared to disapprove of the measure which her Majesty's Government intended to bring forward to meet this state of things. He did not intend to go into the question of the profits which would attend the removal of the duties on the importation of foreign corn, but the question was not where the profits lay, but what would add to the amount of human f-tod under the most terrible visitation which the country ever witnessed. No consideration of the kind would ever in- fluenco him—not even if every shilling went into the pocket of the foreign grower. Did the Noble Lord not know the state of the country. He was not ashamed to say that whatever might be the wisdom of the Legislature in its govern ment hitherto, and whatever might be its wisdom, either before or since the late Corn Act, he would stand by it, if it were only for the purpose of bringing 100,000, 10,000, or even 1,000 quarters of corn into this country. The mass of the people in Ireland were dependent on the potato for support, and that having failed during the last two or three months, it would be impossible to feed them, without an increased sup ply to alleviate the sufferings of five or six millions of people. With reference to the introduction of sugar into distilleries, he must say that it would be a permanent measure. At the same time, he believed that when the Noble Lord came to look at the measure, he would find that it had been made with a view to benefit the revenue ; and, at - the same time, it would not always be the interest of the parties to employ sugar instead of malt. With regard to the navigation laws, that would not be a permanent measure ; but still, he thought that it would be for the interest of the country to receive corn as France did, viz., from vessels not belonging to the country, or to the country in which corn was grown. He, therefore, trusted that they would not immedi ately suspend the laws en the restriction on the importation of corn into this country. He did not wish to enter upon the question as to whether or not the Government might not have provided some better measures to meet the state of Ire land, prepared, as he was, to meet this question shortly. But ho could not help entering upon the question, as it had been alluded to by the Noble Lord When the Noble Lord (Stanley) had brought political economy to bear on this subject, he was bringing this science forward in its most vincible point. He thought, under all the circumstances, he most repeat what he had already stated, that the Government had acted wisely in the course they had pursued. It was stated, however, that they could not purchase enough of grain, but that teey would endeavour to equalise and regu late the supply in such a way as to produce the least possible inconvenience; and it would hereafter be his duty to state to the House the manner a n d th e extent to w hi c h d ep o ts were established under that promise. There was ore other point upon which he wished to touch before he sat down, namely, the point which related to the recent proceedings in foreign states. His Noble Friend opposite had seemed to assume that with a change in the Ministry a change in the foreign policy was brought about. But his Noble Friend was mistaken. The foreign policy of the present Government was identical w'th that of her Majesty's late advisers, and hereafter lie woad produce documents connected with the subject, which would pmsmti treaty :I.lo:ea:fieollsktaiuveetteoa swgeyy firhai, matters, the wished sufficiently nynoheegttevdcoihhri cee s tpyeehtrh a : onse t derpoa i smreer s rus f beeyaueug y esasnsghente t fgttentt h ohehotr e onosfa i nets r dGtievhht eth:Leoor, proceedingouvi sf o steertp r ossrh d ecuutnl ea isobembhecjedeNei subject, c;mn i rof s toeiatbEeirn t l Imeil h dhnh, dto a qaese;L t durcl xser(ol i elai relinquished. hnhse. welfare speedily d a teteogoi t e(fd i budta o ivhirdi eeer nnyneaa t uolddci o rertti h. less wse f baprh o detei r oct.e: ehtafthhthi the foreign d t likely to come to a termination, more happily, h was to be hoped, to resume that feeling which from year to year, he would say from day to day, he hoped to see paramount ; he would be glad to see such a feeling, established on a firm and satisfactory basis.—(Cheers.) In the present state of the na tion, and even after what had happened, he was not prepared to say that even then there was any impediment to a good understanding with the Government of France in any object which might be useful to the one comely cr the other. He felt it necessary to say this after what had fallen from the Noble Lord, and he did not ex pect that he would seek to administer an amount of rain or censure to any Member of the Government, for such mea sures as they might have passed ; but, having done so, it was desirable that the further consideration of this matter should be carried on in such a manner as to give no offence to another end friendly country. He did not know that there was any other thing on which he required to observe in the speech of the Noble Lord. He did hope to be permitted when these questions came before the House, to go into the facts core fleeted with them, but more particularly into the question of the affairs of Ireland, and he felt that it would be due to this House and the country, to give the utmost attention to the assurance which the Noble Lord had given this night, that when these questions came to be submitted to Parlia ment, it was not his intention to offer them any factious opposition. He was aware that the measures which might be introduced would in some degree interfere with certain interests, but when submitted to their Lordships they would require the greatest co-operation on the part of all Noble Lords, they would require to be considered in a cordial I spirit in order that their aim and end might be fully carried into effect. But he begged to be further understood, that when he spoke of interfering with certain interests he did not mean to say that the rights of properly, the preservation of which, inviolate, formed the very best safeguard fur public morals and social order, should be at all injured, because the first s'ep to anarchy and confusion would be to give an undue advantage to one class at the expense of the other. It was his intention on Monday next to Moto for some papers on which to found some measures which her Majesty's Ministers considered might ameliorate in a great degree the distress at present prevailing in Ireland. Lord BROUGHAM said, that in his experience of thirty_ seven years in the Imperial Parliament he did not recollect the Legislature to have met, and the Crown to have addressed them, and the Government to have come together, under circum stances of more grave importance than the present. It was only necessary to mention Ireland to bid all agitation cease, and every voice of anarchy to be hushed into silence. lie would make no professions of cordiality or moderation in the remarks which he should feel it necessary to address to their Lordships that evening, for they were now in that condition in which a speech on the one aide was made, calling for unanimity, which was met by a speech on the other, ex pressing the utmost cordiality, yet, at the same time, filled with a different sprit. He owed an apology, perhaps, for in truding himself upon their notice at all, but he conceived, that in a crisis like this, when party animosities should be thrust on one side, and the good of the empire only considered, that it was the duty of every man, to the utmost extent in his power, to lay those things before the country which he con ceived were for the country's benefit. It was simply on that ground that he now stood forward. He wished to lay aside those ordinary topics which lay immediately in his way before he proceeded to consider the lamentable, not to say dis astrous, condition of the sister kingdom. Though he might no': be satisfied with the measures of the Government, he did not altogether blame them for their policy, but, as events had happened, he did not know that it would not have been de zirable had they met for business at an earlier period. He conceived that the impolicy of the measures of the Ministry could be easily ascertained,—first, that the Irish Labour-rate Aer was found to be a great failure ; second, that the Lord Lieutenant had deviated from that Act; third, that Mr. La bouchere's letter confirmed it; and, lastly, that the million of money which was voted last session was found to be quite ino perative. All this gas a ground of regret that they had not met a little earlier, when those disasters might have been prevented. He differed from the Noble .Lord that sat beside him thus far, that he (Lord Brougham) would have the ports open; but he would concede to that Noble Lord, that under the old corn-law, when wheat rose to 70s. a quarter, they had only Is. of duty to pay ; whereas, under the new corn-law, they had 4s. to pay. Under these circumstances, he thought that the ports ought to be opened. A great deal of discussion had taken place, in consequence of their relations with foreign nations being endangered by the policy pursued by a neigh bouring nation; and it was alleged that the people of this country felt deeply interested in the matter. He assured their Lordships there could be no greeter mis take. He believed that the wives and daughters of this country cared as much for these royal marriages as they would for one in Le Verriers' newly discovered planet, if the inhabitants there married, or were given in marriage, lie would further remind their Lordships that when one of the most politic monarchs, who ever sat upon the English throne, the great William, had embroiled the country with a conti nental power, leading to a campaign unequalled in the annals of British history, until excelled by the most splendid victories of the Noble and Gallant Duke who sat beside him, the great Marlborough was obliged, through the apathy of the People of this nation, to retire from a country which he had so greatly glorified. He was well aware that the same apathy p.evailed on the continent as in this country. A good understanding was always valuable to the people of both countries, and that it ought, therefore, more to be encou raged. The breach, therefore, that had taken place was deeply to be lamented, because the good understanding that had pre viously existed, was the precious oil which relieved the friction of the machinery where the interests of the two nations came in contact with each other. Indeed, these contacts became points of friction, and the preservation of the entente cordiale was of ignite value ; because, as he had said before, it was the obvious means of relieving the friction, and preventing collisions. lie lamented that any thing should have happened to put any thing in the way of the continuance of that valuable good understand ing ; but he heartily hoped that the interruption would be much shorter than was anticipatedf being thoroughly con vinced of its utility, being thoroughly persuaded, of his personal knowledge, of the great desire and ardent wish which pre vailed in France, that the best possible understanding should once more be established between the two countries ; and he fully expected that nothing would hereafter occur to prevent such a consummation.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the attention good reatened debates upon this subject he did hope and trust they woulfdrohm eadav m e none. because while it could tend to serve n the distress andorseuoffprerreisnsgipnugo measures debating the subject might very possibly have the effect of diverting the ir trustedT The gO , O d t h u e n r d e e fo r r s e t a , n t d h i a n t g h e h a s d h , o u i lned ca Ireland.—( f s ha u e r to e : s 0 r no more only n Hear,b plans oereen o f f to broken rhiae s l le . e si ub a jp t e i eni Hetg tone not in substance, and, if the matter were dropped, things would soon resume their former aspect.—( Hear, hear.) Per haps their Lordships would now permit him to say to od a few owrds with regard to Cracow. Now, they s on a different footing towards Russia than to France, and the Minister of the day was not justified in using strong expressions towards the former without he was prepared to follow it up with other steps. But nn no oc casion ought a Minister to use language of vituperation to. wards another state, unless he were prepared to go further. It Was not only the duty, but, under certain circumstances, Go vernment was bound to protest against particular measures of a foreign power. The Speech, in fact, in the present case did protest in a proper tone against the recent proceedings o f Russia, Prussia, and Austria, with regard to Poland. He had been represented to be , these Powers take the la w into their own considered the proceedinhgeseawnseer,e even, aunsptipfinesdinegvcenrabeyowthteodbee- bhtf bee dn c r e e stnehot dangerousn u pr for stater tatthee them to ; hands. penalty England a n i f i d t Francehe alalleged e had h ton bond owawiths enforced,the question, the and law of nations ought to have been appealed to on the subject— ( Hear, heal . ) Next to maintaining a good understanding with France , it was of the utmost importance for this countr y to he upon terms of amity with Austria.—(Hear, hear.) The policy of England was bound up in the existence of such terms of amity, but the same necessity did not absolutely exist with regard to Prussia. Still,.-however, Prussia was more to blame than either of the other powers. Cracow, no doubt, was objectionable to Russia, but how it could be so to Prussia he was at a loss to understand. Russia, however, required the extinction of Cracow, and Russia consented to it, but‘it woulo have earned itself more glories and.more respect had it stood against the plan. He esteemed the abilities of the ruler of Austria, and the learning of the King of Prussia, and yet he believed that they I would do much by the establishment of free and liberal institu tions in their several states to blot out the stain upon their national character, which the Cracow proceedings had cast upon them. The Noble Lord who moved the address,almed them by describing the alterati ons i n th e L aws o f Pro3erty, which the new measure for relieving Ireland would bring about, but the Noble Lord did not go very fully into the subject, because he omitted t o say any t hi ng about local courts, and such tribunals.—( Hear. ) Now it was important that this branch of the subject touched upon by the Noble Lord should be deliberately considered by their Lordships; but he was very much afraid they would not have the opportunity of making amendments or alterations in it, and he would tell their Lordships why. They would Lave to agree to the measure whether they approved of it or not, The mea sure would be made a money Bill, and how could their. Lord.. ships, in the existing state of things, refuse to sanction it?— (Hear, hear.) To obviate this difficulty, if the House of Corn- MODS did not wish to monopolise the collective wisdom of the country, the plan should be agreed to in the shape of resolutions, and he was convinced _ neither the other House of Parliament nor the country would have cause to regret such a course. Their Lordships had not so much to do as the other House, and they had therefore mere time for discussing and improving such measures.—( Hear, hear.) Their Lordships ought, to he careful that a line— a broad line—was drawn between measures intended to be per manent, and those of a mere temporary character, passed aril agreed to, to meet a momentary expediency, or a passing evil. Surely their Lordships ought to have some power of discussing all these measures, because, come up to them in whatever form they might, in the present state of things, they could not be rejected. But measures agreed to in a time when sufferings of the most heartrending description pervaded theJand, rendered the more heartrending, because,more touching the patience —the almost inimitable patience with which it seemed to be borne—where scenes of suffering and misery were being .enacted daily, the parallels of which were not to be found even in the pages of Thueydides, on the canvass of Poussin, or in the dismal chant of Dante, could never be intended to be permanent, and, therefore, it was, that he urged upon their, Lordships the urgent necessity of taking care that no perma nent measure should be agreed to in times so har rassing and exciting. The importance and necessity for this caution, was fully proved in the case of the Labour-rate Act. That measure had failed; there was net one man out of a hundred who agreed to it last year who was not now prepared to surrender and give up its benefits. That measure was passed in exciting and distressing times to meet a momentary emergency, though still intended to be perma nent, and it had failed. He t rusted, therefore, a strict line would be drawn between measures of a permanent character and those only intended to serve temporary purposes. In proof of the evil results of hasty measures, he would refer to the Bill passed in Mr. Pitt's time, in the year 1797, relating to cash payments. That was intended to be a temporary mea sure • but how long did they think it lasted ? Why, it con tinued for three-arnl-twenty years, and its hasty repeal then was nearly as mischievous as the Bill itself. Let them take care, therefore, that their temporary measures would not be productive of the same results. The present evils under which they laboured were bad enough, but he was very much afraid that the next year's crop would be also sadly. deficient. The Labour-rate proceeding had taken away the labourers of the land, and there had been no attempt to raise a crop for the coming year He deprecated, therefore, any rash legislation on the subject, for he believed that ili-advised measures would cause a greater amount of evil than they were intended to cure. With regard to . the absentee landlords, he differed widely from his Noble Friend who moved the address. Gene rally speaking, an absentee landlord had a goodagent who filled in a great degree the duties of the absentee owner just as well as if he himself resided in the country. He, was not disposed to think that the Irish absentee landlords acted in a different manner. Lord HATHERTON—My observation did not apply to the large proprietors. The great mass of the Irish absentee land lords are small owners. Lord BROUGHAM—Then where did they live? He could not believe that they had been so neglectful of their duties as had been represented. lie would, at all events, hazard one observation, that nothing could be more dangerous, or more calculated to entail misery upon the Irish people, than to in duce them to believe that when in a state of destitution they had a claim upon the imperial revenue. He believed that to inculcate such doctrines would prove fatal to industry—ruinous to the future interests of the country, and superinduce a thoughtlessness and extravagance totally indescribable. It would be most particularly mischievous to the Irish people, who were so sanguine in their hopes, so confident in their delusions, and who easily relapse into their habits of indolence. They were not to judge of the Irish labourers by such of them as visited England to cut down the harvest, for a better class of labourers he never saw. He could undertake to say that they never took a chicken along the whole course of their journey, and they worked extremely hard, and endured great privations during their stay. But that was not the character of the labourer in his own country. Therefore nothing ought to be done to induce him to suppcne that his wants were ready to be supplied by the Treasury of the empire. Let them - have advances by lean, but let care be taken that it be properly appropriated, usefully applied, and the interest paid, and the principal repaid by the parties who obtained it, and who were locally benefited. He did not think that any Government, however strong, would dare to make such a proposal to the English people, and he could not conceive a. more frightful scene than would he dis closed if two or three millions were given in this way. Among the various strange statements whidi from time to time came from that country, as proof of the evils of the con nexion, was one from the Right Rev., or he should rather say the Archbi.hop, M'Hale, to the effect that pensions, to the amount of sixty millions, had, during the last half century, been imported into this country, but he forgot to state that they had been all paid for.—( Laughter.) He presumed at was some such consideration of this kind which induced one authority to ask for the present distress forty millions and ano ther sixty millions. He objected to any gifts of the kind. Let the money advanced to help them be paid back, both principal and interest. '1 hat was the only security they could have for the ultimate good of the Irish people and the prevention of those evils which now distre,s the coun try. Ho considered the present contributions in this country for the relief of tho distress in Ireland were chiefly valuable as indications of. the good feeling of individuals, and he had no language to describe the naked atrocity of a charge, contained in one of the Irish papers, to the effect that the money was sent over to make converts to the Protestant religion of the starving population. Nothing so false as that ever before came under his notice. Many excused themselves from contributing on the ground of the payments into the savings banks of that country, and the subscription to what was called the "rent," but these subscriptions were paid by one class, and the. misery endured by another. They should see when the time arrived what the measures were, which the Government intended to propound. But with regard to what had been stated by the Noble Lord behind him (Stanley) in reference to depots of supply, he begged entirely to dissent. Cases might arise in singularly circumstanced countries where such a course might be deemed advisable, but anything of the kind on a large scale, such as was contemplated, would, he conceived, be exceedingly dan gerous and prolific of evil. With respect to the financial affairs of the country, it was well known that great sums of money had been employed in railway speculation. He be lieved that in a short time upwards of 6,000,000!. had been employed in -this country upon various railways. He hap pened to know that in France it was the same thing. _They had their financial crisis, and the Bank of France had gone down to 2,000,000/. Ho now told them that even if they had sent for corn to foreign markets, and sent goods to purchase it for their own distresses, they would not get it for anything but gold and silver. And it was the same with France. In the event of any interchange .of commodities, and the blessings of such an interchange would be felt by the whole country, the Bank of England would not feel it necessary to keep their dis counts raised to a quarter per cent. But they bad done it in consequence of the Bank of France, Supposing the Ameri cans were to say that they would allow their corn to be p. r chased without paying bullion for it, they could not purchase it, for the goods were not ready owing to the bad state of trade. The manufacturers had not shaped their supplies for any foreign demand, and that was in' consequence of the Go vernment sending fifty or sixty millions into the market and destroying private speculation. He did not mean to under rate the exertions that had been made for the people of Ireland or the sympathy felt fur the people, but he felt it to be his duty to mention these evils which it was pos • sible to put down by legislation. Facility . should be given for the cheap transfer and conveyance of land, with a due regard to the interest of the next heirs. He would conclude his remarks by apologizing for the length of time which he had occupied, and he would ask the judgment of the House whether he had not kept a promise, one, however, which he had never made.—(Laughter)—of not entering on any offensive or invidious topic. Earl FITZ WILLIAM said that he felt extreme satisfac tion at what had passed' in that House during the course of the present debate; and he trusted that the tone of the other House would correspond with what had taken place there, for he was sure, and he had the strongest opportunity of observing, that there had existed in the minds of . the English public an incredulity with reference to the existence of distress in Ire land, which he trusted would be removed. The obset vatioas which had fallen from many Noble Lords in the course of the present conversatiun, but more particularly in the moving and touching speech delivered by his Noble Friend who had seconded the Address—( Hear, hear)—and he trusted that noiwithstanding the low tone in which that speech was de livered, every word of it would, in some way or other, find its way out of doors, and sink 'into the minds and hearts of English people; er, if they had not felt as much alive on this subject as he had, he trusted it would excite in other minds more sympathy for the distress of their brethren in Ireland. There was, unfortunately, on this side of the channel, a dis position to incredulity of everything that happened on the other. He entirely agreed with his Learnedand Noble Friend, that there had not commenced a session of Parliament in the recollection of those who now sat in it under circum stances more awful than those which now presented them selves to their consideration. There was on the present occa sion some thing worth thinking about, and worth the while of every man who bad a .mind capable of thinking, t o turn all his energies,. in order to devise what could be done for that country. It was no common problem they had to solve, a n d depend upon it , it was not by small or half measures th ey could think of staying the calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Measures had been proposed, as far as he had been able to collect them front her Majesty's Speech, and as far as he could collect them from his Noble Friend with respect to all these miseries; He had nothing to say to them as far as they went, except that he approved of them. But whether they would go to the full length, or up to the full measure of those calamities, or whether they were capable of solving the problem. to be solved by legislation, he could not pretend to say. The question was one on which he entertained some doubt. Whoever was desirous of coming to a sound conclusion on this subject, must consider in his own mind w h a t ot h er great phenomena Ireland presented to their consideration. The great pheno menon of Ireland was its rural :p opu l at i on. O ut of 8,0,000 of people, seven-eighths of them were included under that denomination. It was clear to every man, that one-half of that population was capable of cultivating the country much better than it was now. In truth, notwithstanding, he re membered having offended a Noble Marquis, who sat near him in speaking on this subject, he would venture again to say that agriculture, except in a few instances, could scarcely be sa . d to exist in Ireland. Agriculture in England was car ried on as a trade, but speaking generally of Ireland, the It ish farmer and the Irish cottier tenant did not sit down on their ' land to carry on a trade, but to live, and any surplus went to the payment of the rent. As long as that land was inhabited, and - lived on by the cottier tenantry, they could never legislate for it as they did for the rural popula tion •in England. They might be deceived by the similarity of words, but they should not legislate for the two countries alike, because the tenantry in both countries were described under the same denomination„ The present Poor-laws in Ireland had been fraught" with mischief, and the whole system would continue so until the- surplus population of Ireland was drained. Irr the reign of chalice 11., there was a prohibition to the.fin portation of Irish cattle, and subsequently there wawa _ similar prohibition with respect to salt Meat from li-eland. He viis therefore inclined to think that there was a large pecuniary debt due from England to Ireland.—( Hear.) He trusted that the measures that would be proposed would be of that large character that would meet all the difficulties that existed in that country. The Marquis of 'WESTMEATH— There was no country in the world that had a larger stake in agriculture than Ireland. Notwithstanding all this, his Noble Friend had just said he trusted that Government would not adopt his advice. The remedial measures which had been proposed were entitled to respect, but he trusted that the tondition of the CouAtrY would not be put on merely vague premises. The Earl of RODEN - would take the present oppor tunity of saying a few words. He could very well enter ,into, tbe feeling of the Noble Lord who had drawn such a, picture 0f the wretchedness of, the Irish people—an amount of wretched ness that harrowed up the feelings. In the course of " e de week the whol food of the people of that country was stroyed. The e people of England felt acutely the state of the people of Ireland, and of this he had every day's experience to prove. He must agree with his Noble Friend when he blamed the Government for having agreed to the Labour Act The answer that had been given to that was,.that Government was not aware of the extent of the calamity that prevailed in Ireland. He could not omit referring to one circumstan ce that was of great importance to Ireland, and that was her beiug governed by a native. He would not be doing justice to the nobleman if he did not state that he was doing all in his rower to meet the distress of that 'country. He (the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland) was acquainted with the Irish character, and vie , therefore, qualified to give the Home Council the requisite eA., vice, and enable them to adopt the necessary measures. sne ., carry them out in the most judicious manner.— ( Hear, h ear./ There were many other points to which the attention of the House might be profitably called; and if his services in contri buting towards any beneficial measures were necessary, he would afford them , with the greatest pleasure.—( Hear, beau'') He had heard of the foulest aspersions on . the character o Irish landlords. He was in the habit of meeting these gentle nu n from day to day, and he admired the self-de vo tedness witswhich they gave of their substance to support the poer a ros e: them. He said to these good men, "Go on, and the t ruth may yet •dispel the clouds which ignorant minds have oast around you.' Earl HARDWICKE proceeded to show that it was in the power of Government to send any quantity of corn to supPlY the Irish people if they could only get shipping enough to_e" / T O Ve it. For instance, a few days ago there was in the' port of PP' verpool wheat, oats, barley, pease, &c., equal to 204,80 3 q ual b; ters of wheat, sufficient to feed 2,500,000 perso ns s m. t 7 period of one month. In the port of London he found 17 5, 9 1 ., quarters, sufficient to feed 2,100,000 persons for a month. Glasgow, 245,776 quarters, which was suffi c i en t to Of fee': 1,700,000 persons for the same period, making 4,625,936 quarters, being equal to the consumptionof 6, 300,Uw persons for a month, or 2,100,000 for three months. After a few words from Lord AUCKLAND, Lord STANTEY said he wished to ask the Noble MIN ats the Lord President of the Council, whether besides laYieg upon the table on Monday next the papers connected wit h Jre ; land, and stating the plans Government were prepared - to o d° P. ' for remedying the existing evil, he intended to take the se°s.- t of the House upon those plans. If the Noble Marquis did, 1 would be exceedingly inconvenient. a total The Marquis of LANSDOWNE replied in the negei Te. The sense of the House would not be taken upon the Gave °. ment plan till it came up from the lower House. S- The address was then agreed to, and the Earl of SHAFTS t 0 BURY, together with the Mover and Seconder nominated present it to her Majesty. ' Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jan. 19. The SPEAKER took the Chair et a quarter to two o'clock, and Lord John Russell entered tit two precise* There were present on the Ministerial benches/ the Premier, the Right Hon. Fox Maule, 'the Lord Advo08"" Mr. Gibson Craig, and Mr. B. Hawes. We observed op the Opposition side, Sir James Graham, Mr. 'le er ' 1;0 s , : 0 Goulbourn, Mr. pidncy Herbert, Sir F. Thesiger , Lincoln, and Mr. Cardwell. Colonel Sibthorp we's j al i present on the same side. Mr. E. Ba,nlces was seated Sir James Graham. At twenty-five minutes after two, Mr, Pulman, DePetl Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the bar of tbt: House of Commons, and summoned the Common s h r attend at the bar of the House of Lords, to be " e Majesty's Speech delivered. The Speaker, in his robes, attended by about 56 opt °f of the 150 Members present, proceeded to the H ouse Lords.. - . t he - minutesto -fivethree, On their return, at twent • fi A the .1 P . Speaker announced the reading of the Speech, ail - - House adjourned till a quarter to four o'clock. We omitted to state in its proper place that the leader:l -of " Young Ireland" was ranged on the Opposition side' while Sir R. H. Inglis, and several Members of the V W tcction party, were seated beneath the gangway The SPEAKER again took the Chair at Four o'clock and informed the House that he had, during 0. 3 . e. ter tions, issued his writ for th e e l ec ti o n of a new oleo he tel North Lincolnshire, in room of Lord W ors ley, r' o f had lately been raised to th e H o use of Peers, as fAa Yarborough. NEW MEMBES. his The Right Hon. E. STuurr took the oaths ao-A biog seat, on being re-elected for Derby, he lic hief resigned in consequence of being appointe d - Commissioner of the new Railway - Board. Color - el MURE took th e oat h s an d hi s seat for ile it y : frewshire, vacant by the death of the late P.M. Steword Sir MONTAG U J OHN C HOLMLEY t o ok t h e oaths on e his seat for North Lincolnshire, in the room of berth Worsley. East C a deceasOcl. - re' 1. 1 1 4 e R s t e e r s s u b or took r t e h e e m e e a f t I j i s e h a n n his ß d re b s y e : s E e s i g er ., Mr. up . MNIENLILSTrEesRe to lALgißlveEnAetSicUe,R.the par t of the First L or d o f t h e Treasury, that he should o n Tars' day next mov e f or a Committee of the w hole House to consider the questi on o f th e , l aws relating to l 88 solve importation of corn into thi s cou ntry. lie '` v°l " also, on the same day, move that the House do fr; solve itself into Committee on the navig a tion laws. „ c would also metre on Friday next that a Select 0 0 . 1`;., mitten be appointed to consider the law of sett, meet. On Monday the Noble Lord would (.. ' ny s r: the state of Ireland before the House, and on Foe, weA he would announce the order in whic h the ho ness of the House would be taken. F r iend Mr. PARKER, on the part of his Right Hon. ,es.. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, gave notice that on . ;n,,, e , day next he would move for a Committee of the 11%v on the Customs and Excise laws, and on a n early he would move the Sessional Orders of the House el' the Committee on Standing Orders. • be Mr. FOX MAULE said that on an early Olio would bring under the consideration of the Hous e ° relative to limited enlistment in the army. vionl a Mr..HUME gave notice that on an early dap be re' put; a question: to the First Lord of tho Treaso r S t ee latiVe to the intentions of Government as respect e d ids Poor-law Gomtnissioners, conseq.ucnt_on the proc eed of last. session. TREATY OF VIENNA. t The HoN. MEMBER also gave notice, that on tutst db - week he would call the attention of the Hous o b u r e of violation of the treaty of Vienna by the e e zu ' ef ir Cricow, and he would move the suspension of W e , ' o re meat of 100,0001. per annum which this countrY sent pays to Russia, in order to preserve that treaty violate tics' Mr. . EWAR'r gave notice that he would put tbied tioa to the Goyanment as to whether any reP ° been made respecting the Channel Islands. STATE OF IRELAND. lies t Mr. POULETT SCROPE said, that at the -Ir„teral opportunity he intended to bring forward a the that Ireland should have the benefit of similar la ws , n etr:.; England, more particularly as respected • m aking vision for her suffwring people. tgs' ENFRANCHISEMENT OF COPYHOL- the Mr. AGLIONBY gave notice that he should iliobitte: earliest possible opportunity ask a question of the re": Lord at-the head of the Treasury, as to whether s ":'eer port had been made by the Committee appointed to 1 0 . 0 41 tigate the claims of cepyholders to enfranClaseinen t ' . ,010 also whether any proceedings had been taken uPI W ere report, if such should have been made, as if " ° "hria% not the case, he himself. should move for leave t° ot ief in a Bill for that purpose. He also begged to gil, e "' e ye that at the earliest possible opportunity he wo uld for; leave to bring in .a Bill to amend the law for t clOsure of commons. IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. f t ee Mr. JOHN PARKER brought up a return. ° Ro t imports and exports of the United Kingdom dr °g year. IRISH PRODUCE. a tit/ Mr. WILLIAMS moved for a return of the (1 11- , l ll a ce! of 'corn, wheat, b'uiter, and other agricultural Pr°„-rged alSo the number of cattle, sheep, and swine i O P,I of into this country from Irel a nd du r ing each It on " the year ending Dec. 31, 184—Motion agreed to. NE W WRIT. ha The SPEAKER said, that durinf the recess he l Wes issued a writ for- the return of a Member for the - ern Division of Sussex. ._ _ r MURDER OF 'SEEM PRI SONERS. j olt. N . WARBUItTON wished to, ask the Eigil t be en the Secretary-at-War whether any inquiry ha% o f t he made as to the . truth of the rumour of 'the mu ter ..4 -- : t i t , Seikhs after the battles of the Sutl 'and, what W' w result of such inquiry. • • ej' the Mr. FOX MAULE said, that immediately a fter - b , attention of the Government had been drawn to thmtsder jiieict, he directed a letter to be written to the .Cemaltoort Chief in India, communicating •to • him the ',:f r ies in question, and requesting him tcftnake minute i.n ( l - 4 ,. 0 0 Into the subject. A letter had. since been re ceived i fs . Lcrd Gough, stating that a court of inqury had b e ip eri a to stituted, before which the person who was repera t'i have • written the letter which was - t h e -f o undation had rumour was called, and he acknowledged that 1 3 : 6 0 1 written the letter, and stated in that, tha t one Ipice prisoner had been shot for. springing - $ o ye- Fer , , ,,0 while the army were engaged in attacking shah.—(Hear, hear.).... The rumour in quesg o m p was a foul calumny—(Hear, hear) the British army, and he was glad that the Alen' &At° ber had brought the subject . forivard, so that the t he:. might be informed of the unfounded . natur-- e" calumny. - .. . . -' Tight WO% • Mr. I'. SCROPE said that, seeing the ~ his - —and aspersiVeo. in the Baronet the Secretary for the Home Departnieni' to _ _ place, he. wished to ask him if he could giYe House any returns with reference to the 'condition ii:),101.3, certain union workhouse in . Ireland, aheu, t e ' /sT not mention had recently been made ; li be he should move for such a return t° o f drawn up. At the same time he should asks qtiestiOn.b the Government as to the truth of the statercent will' 1 o f F;ar 5. was reported to have been delivered by the llountcashel at a meeting held at Fermoy, on rlblir it day last, and a resolution drawn up to the effect that 5 _ was attempted to cram more paupers into a already e ,ntaining 15,000 patients ; tliat in the 1: ward there were from three to, eigh t fever I)atiekg,;_:..4+ one bed; and that the week before last thirty-four dew— workhotit ._Ol _---.~