The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-02-01 00:00:00

wii ch l r e nti , % e t - rr i Feb that w ark, and . and• ! I.liffset: THE LONDON PRESS. STRAY ; THOUGHTS ON TILE BALLOT.. IF the ballot would secure secrecy, it would• take. away Ike responsibility of electors, and stifle public opinion. If it would not secure secrecy, its great protective object would be unattained. {n every county, city, and borough, there.will be found, under all conceivable circumstances, a number of electors who will state openly to whom they give their votes. Personal intrepidity, public interests, and private feelings, will always ensure publicity to a certain extent. In eourse of time, the electors who avow their opinions would come to be considered the independent class ; and those who vote in secret would loss their moral influence with the rest of the community y by degrees, the system wold v in tipwa.,z,- I he likely to wear itself out, but not without engendering suspicion, distrust, and feud. Local influence, in many places, is so clearly ascertain ed, that the numerical strength of a candidate or a family can be counted with accuracy. That strength we will suppose sufficient to constitute a positive majority to carry the election. If, under the vote by . ballot, the can didate who heretofore wielded that numerical power were throvvn out, he must see that he is thrown out by the fall ling off of a portion of those who are within the reach of his personal control. Taking it , for granted that lie can not distinguish those who voted against him from those who voted for him,'but that he is still determined to as sert his improper claim over their consciences, what is to prevent him from depriving them all of their tenements, and so punishing friends and enemies alike for the sake of maintaining the family principle? We are told at once that he could not do this—that, however he might act towards a part, he could not treat the whole with such dangerous despotism. But if that be the case, as no doubt it, is, why may not the whole unite now publicly with as much efficacy as they could combine secretly under the ballot ? If the landlord cannot contend with the whole when leagued in private against him, can he contend more effectually with the whole when it is sustained by public opinion ? That the Duke of Newcastle has no right to do what belikes with his own is an established fact. The advo cite for the ballot is the very man of all the world to prove it to demonstration. But let us apply the same principle to electoral rights, and see how it will work. Has the elector a right to do what he likes with his vote ? Just as much right as the Duke of Newcastle has to do what he likes with his property. The vote and the property are equally held in trust, and the elector has no more right.to do what he likes with his vote than the Duke has to burn his house, or do any other thing tending to out rage the good of the community at large. They are both responsible for the discharge of their trust; but take away the responsibility, which would be effectually done by the ballot in the case of the elector, and there is no se curity for the public interests involved in the execution of the trust. _ _ Would not the ballot, if it succeed in the working as its friends anticipate, give the preponderance at all popu lar elections to numbers over property and talent? We think it very plain that such would be one of its effects. :Would . snch preponderance be adapted to our scheme of rnm goveent, which is of a mixed mode, and _endeavours to adjust the fair proportions of property, talent, and numbers ? If numbers carried all we ought to have a de mocracy at once. If the three denominations of power are to have a share, and, as nearly as, possible, an equal stiare, is not the ballot inconsistent in its application, and ealCulatedto Work an alteration, not in the purity of the legislature, but in its form.? We apprehend, that the far ther the inquiry is pursued, the more reason we shall find for believing that the ballot is really not so well calculated toimprove the constitution as it is, as to substitute a dif ferent constitution in its place. The advantages of a new system remain for after-discussion; but it is right it should be seen that such consequences would be likely to lbw ultimately from the adoption of secret voting.— THE WHIG MINISTRY. Lord Grey is beginning to taste the sweets of his li beral system. His friends are doing exactly what every body knew they would do—and nothing but the assist ance of the Conservatiye . party can rescue him from their clutches ;—they have him, and they hold him ; and at present he puts a o-ood face upon it, and talks of being prepared to go " all , lengths." Mr. Stanley, however, whose abilities are of a much higher class than those of most of his colleagues, has told the country that nothing but the support and coun tenance of the Conservatives can enable the ministers to beat the radicals; and this he said at nearly the same moment in which the Right Honourable Mr. Thomson was advocating the most violently nitra-radical principles, and the adoption of the ballot; and certain it is, that Mr. Thomson- has since gone about, saying that his speech upon the occasion was approved and sanctioned lay Lord Grey—a fact which, without meaning in the slightest degree to impugn Mr. Thomson's veracity, we the more readily believe, because the speech, which was no. doubt cooked by the Premier, and repeated by his son at Aylesbury, was by far the strongest and most un equivocal manifesto yet exhibited to the country. The strange part of all this conduct is, that Lord Grey haS been now upwards of half a century constantly mixed up in public and official life, and must know that with a House. of Commons such as he has contriVed to get together, no Government can be carried on. He never could have been so blind as not to anticipate what has already come to pass, or expect that lie could stand a. 4 a Minister against the assaults of his friends, when he had given them power and importance enough to govern him. Let him look at the state of the case—a day scarcely msses without the arrival of a deputation from some glass of people at the different departmental offices ' • em boldened by the first great attack upon his Lordship's hOu . se by Mr. Place and his friends; every clique of men who fancy their own personal interests are likely to be injured or neglected, send. off half a dozen of the most presentable members of their body to debate questions of state policy with the Government: The other day, when Sir John Cam Hobhouse in communicating with a deputation of this sort entered into a kind of negociation, and suggested that Ministers would endeavour to take off some of the assessed taxes, the members unanimously shouted, " No—all :" nor could he pacify them or induce them to listen to anything like a modification of their de- Mantis. • `Lord Grey, we repeat, must have always been aware that thiS must come to be the case, and he must, of all men, be aware that the wholesale abolition of taxes is an impracticability. Lord Grey was one of the members of that -Administration, who, having denounced Mr. Pitt's income tax as the . most tyrannical and oppressive tax in the world, doubled it as a Property Tax as soon as they came into office, and it is quite clear that if the dele gates :of England . force him to repeal all the Assessed raxes, he must come to some similar measure to pro vide for the expenditure of the country. As for the Whig opinion of taxation, some little no tion may be acquired of it by a perusal of the thirty nine resolutions moved by Lord Henry Petty in the HUI:Se of Commons, on the 31st of March, 1806, and the, speeches by which he enforced and recommended them. Nor can we omit noticing his Lordship's declared opinion, upon the Sinking Fund, delivered on the 28th of :M u that year—his Lordship said : "It was impossibie for him to make a better culogium on the TILE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. 1 / 4 -c\N i4Oittktiop.:of t4..sinking fund, than by showing what it had ah•e'ady, aone to prevent thk;a4iiinttle,tion of the debt, and hOw much of had been. actU4ly, extniguiShed by its oneratiiiu. If it had not been for this instituftein, it. was his opinion that, in stead Of. tieing charged wifft - theinterest of the present national debt, the country would be,Chariediiith the interest of the 120 millions which had been redeemed. The benefits of this wise institution were not merely prospective and a promise, but the country had already derived - the most considerable advantages froth it. .It "was a sY4tem which the .nation: should cling to, not "merely from the consideration of _good faith to' those who had advanced their money on the credit of its constant opera tion, and the security it afforded to the financial resources of the country, but they shoUld be attached Co it from the advan tages that had been found to result from it, and from its posi tive and tried utility." - • • •• • This was the expressed opinion of the whig Chancellor of the. Exchequer, the Ilresent Lord President of the `Council, in March, 1806.—Where is the sinking fund now ? His_lordship also introduced his,. measure of doubling the property tax, with an observation which is highly in dicative of an.intimate knowledge of popular feeling. "It was proposed," said his lordship, "at present to raise this tax to Len per cent.;—he thought it would be better to carry it to that point at once which might be considered its limit, in stead of proceeding by gradual augmentations, which would make the public uncertain to what point the tax would be ulti mately carried. It appeared to him that ten per cent. was the natural limit, beyond which it ought not to passoand that it would be better and more satisfactory to the general feelings to bring it at once to that point." We recall these words as likely to afford a serviceable precedent for Lord Grey in his present dilemma. As to the Guildhall meeting, it was scant in number; and despicable in character, but it has had one effect, that of proving to Lord Grey that all his official exertions to secure the return of the present candidates for the city have been woefully misdirected,---they are all pledged to the ballot, triennial parliaments, awl the overthrow of the assessed taxes as immediate measures, and his lord ship will find, when he casts up Mr. Ellice's list atain, • that a very much greater proportion of his lords ip's, friends will pursue a similar course than either of them had the slightest suspicion of, when they made their first calculation.—John 4u//. cruel, tyrannous,, infamous,, and all that,. would these measures be termed but we affirm that they, would be mikiness itself compared with the murderous despotism, the heart-rending irtjUstice.and'oppression which prevail at" present. Better have severity under the law than as sassination 'and robbery in defiance of it. Better that twenty men should be confined to their homes by . night than one killed and two plundered. Better have no masses-before the altar, thaminflammatory harangues in the chapels. Better, in short, that Ireland should be governed as St. Domingo is than it should be allowed to L be an eternal plague-spot on the face of Europe.—Guar dian and Public Ledger. THE " AGITATION" IN IRELAND. The Times this morning publishes a long article , upon the state of Ireland, rather better than those which it has been in the habit of giving—for Some truth there is, but dash'd and brew'd with lies, To please the fools, and puzzle all the wise. This article tells us, what is probably true— "That in the Dublin Evening Post of Thursday last there, are no less thau.22 distinct cases of attack upon houses and persons, reported as having occurred within the preceding week, in the counties of Wexford and Kilkenny only. The attempts upon the habitations were in every instance for the plunder of arms; those upon life or person seem to have heen from motives of revenge.! The journal quoted is again more.than probably right, when it says of Mr. O'Connell : " We never suppose that O'Connell wished for the general spread of crime and violence among the Irish multitude; his game has been to coerce the legislature into his measures more by the apprehension of what an exasperated people might do than by, the experiment of actual force. He is far too shrewd not to be persuaded that the reign of the demagogue ends when that of the bayonet commences; and that any positive collision with the . government would take away from loud and threaten ing declamations the whole of their ordinary influence." So far the statements, or reasoning, of the Times de mand our acquiescence, but here we must stop. We cannot acquit Mr. O'Connell of the guilt of a state of' crime and outrage, merely because it is disagree able, or even in some respects injurious to him, unless we know that he has not contemplated that state of crime and outrage as an unavoidable incident, though not a means, in the course which he is pursuing. His Majesty's ministers, we firmly believe, no more desired the burning of Nottingham Castle, the murders at Derby, or the sacking and burning of Bristol, than Mr. O'Connell desires the present lawless condition of Ireland; yet, before all posterity, Lord Grey's . govern ment will stand guilty of these crimes, as the necessary result of their speeches and acts ; and,. though certainly we cannot charge Mr. O'Connell with making an argu mentative use of the crimes to which he excited, as ministers did—or with employing• journals to inculcate the propriety of violence and bloodshed, as Lord Grey's cabinet employed the Times ; still we must hold him re sponsible for those scenes of misery whichhis native land now presents, and which his conduct, aided by pusillani mity and treachery on this side, has tended to produce. Mr. O'Connell is a sincere Roman Catholic, and as such he is ambitious and intolerant in all that concerns his church. Our religion is not ambitious or intolerant, and therefore we are slow to believe that ambition and into lerance can make part of the religion of others. All this, however, is error; all history vouches that ambi tion and intolerance are the essential characteristics of the church of Rome. Very good men have been Roman Catholics, and very good men have been both ambitious and intolerant. The question is not, nor ever was, in our judgment, in dealing with Roman Catholics, whether we might' love the man—whether we might—trust him in all that concerns the ordinary duties and courtesies of life—whether we were not bound to render him all kindly Christian offices as to any Protestant—but whether we we were to place him in a position where his civil and religious duties must conflict in fierce opposition, and where, if the better influence (the religious) prevailed, the result must be fatal to ourselves. We have never disguised, and never will disguise our opinion, that no sincere Roman Catholic can be a loyal and contented member of a community in which the Ro man Catholic Church is not predominant; and that the more amiable and more upright the man, the worse sub ject will he prove to the government of such a community. Mr. O'Connell has, therefore, no right to complain of us, if we say that we believe his object is to erect a Roman Catholic ascendancy in Ireland, even at the risk of severing that part of the empire from the British crown; and though, no doubt, he, like every other man of cultivated mind, would prefer effecting the most desired change, if possible, by innocent means, he is prepared to pursue the establishment of that Roman Catholic ascend ancy through danger, violence, and wretchedness, if ne cessary, ten times worse than any which his miserable country has yet exhibited. That this gentleman may not have his own schemes of private ambition, we are not bound to prove; the ambition by which, and with which, he works is the ambition of his church, if his own concur, why he is only the more devoted to the cause of his church try such concurrence. The concluding advice of the Times betrays an amaz ing ignorance of the feeling of the Irish popish popula tion, and, indeed, of the principle of human nature.:— " Onr solemn adjuration to the government of both islands is as before—" dp justice ;" change places with O'Connell, put him where you now are—in the wrong, reconcile the priests, and set the repealers at defiance." "Do justice" and " change places with O'Connell" and " reconcile the priests," all in the same sentence ! Why, then, Mr. O'Connell has been " doing justice" all this time, and justice only is necessary to reconcile the priests. Many might think that a visitation of full • justice would not be agreeable either to Mr. O'Connell or his holy coadjutors, and that instead of causing the learned gentleman to change places with ministers, a visitation of full justice would consign agitators, priests, and ministers all to. the one fate. However, this inquiry is superfluous, because—putting aside the doing of jus tice, which is not merely possible, but obvious and easy— the other steps advised are simple impossibilities. Change places, with Mr. O'Connell ? No ; not if every thing that the wildest imagination of the wildest Irish man were to be conceded. Mr. O'Connell, " the,Libe rator," " the Father of his Country," would still run away with all the praise. Reconcile the priests ? Yes ; when ambition and the grave are satisfied, then you will reconcile a body of Romish clergy, believing that they possess the power of preventing it, to a state of society in which one Bible shall be allowed to go about untnuti latedone voice be heard impugning the infallibility of Rome. No ; let something feasible, such as the refor mation of the morals of Paris by Mri Hume, or the con ' version of the Emperor Nicholas by Lord Durham to liberal principles, be proposed; but as well talk of drain ing the Atlantic, as .of reconciling the popish priests of Ireland, without giving them the island under as abqolute a sovereignty as ever Portugal or Paraguay was held.-- Standard. IRELAND. An evening ministerial paper, which has for some time been addicted to liberalism, contained, on Saturday last, the following admirable illustration of whig policy and the working of the conciliatory system in Ireland:— " It is with very great pain that we learn that serious appre hensions are entertained that it will be very difficult to assem ble juries to attend at the approaching assizes in Ireland, and in the county of Kilkenn), impossible. The intimidation car ried on is to such an extent as to , amount to a suspension of the operation of the criminal laws. The gaol at Kilkenny, we un derstand, is crowded with prisoners wasting for trial, and charged with the commission of those offences which for some time past have astonished, disgusted, and horrified the country. What is to be done ? Ay t what is to be done ? When a fool, who has.been amusing himself with combustibles, at length sets fire to his house, he cries out What is to be done Y Why, the first thing to be done is to extinguish the fire as fast as possible. This is precisely the case with Ireland. Our reforming quacks, by tolerating other quacks, have set Ireland in a blaze from one end to the other ; and yet, like so many maniacs, they gaze vacantly on the flames, utterly lost to all sense, of duty, and despairingly exclaim, ' What shall we do for. Ireland . We reply, do what the firemen or watermen would do in the other case, and extinguish the flames. Send for the engines, open the main, work the pumps and play upon the "devouring element,': till not a spark of fire is to be seen. But the fire - is the work of incendiaries, say some of our opponents, and they, therefore, contend that the only way to prevent such devastation for the future is to con, ciliate the authors of the devastation ! The meaning of ,this is, it is better to bribe the murderer than to hang him,—better to surrender our property to the burner than run the risk of the last corn-rick being consumed. The people who talk in this way, without being parties inte rested in the projects of the Irish agitators, are mere. blockheads. These persons assume either that the Irish incendiaries are justified in their proceedings, and that ministers connive at these proceedings, or that the Bri tish Government is so feeble as to be utterly unable to enforce the laws. We give them the benefit of the alter native. The government is either desirous but unable to suppress insurrection in Ireland, or it is able but un willing. , In counselling ministers to vindicate the laws, and coerce those who openly set them at defiance, we have no wish to trench upon the rights or liberty of the sub ject. But we contend that the conduct of the agitators is not only illegal and unconstitutional, but a positive violation of law and liberty, subversive of all government, and leading to anarchy and tyranny. When a country is exposed to a sort of compulsory benevolence by priests and demagogues —a tax levied upon the poor for an il legal object,—when associations are formed and distin guished by a military title,—when members of the Im perial Parliament form themselves into a sort of provin cial House of Commons, receive petitions, and hear evi dence on various subjects of alleged grievance, and par ticularly when one of the objects of the combination is to accomplish a repeal of the union, and the revival of the Irish Parliament,—when all this is done, in open day in the city of Dublin, with perfect impunity, we should like to know upon what ground Ireland can be called a.depend ency of the British crown, or any part or fraction of the British empire. It will be difficult, if not impossible, to assemble juries, says our contemporary, and the criminal laws are suspended while the gaols are full. Whose fault is this ? Is it O'Connell's ? Is it caused by the priests or the volunteers ?. We answer No. The whole blaMe rests with his Majesty's ministers. They are the real agitators after all; forthey alone are responsible for the execution of the laws, and they are alone culpable, . inasmuch as they have the power but not the inclination to enforce, the laws. Will any man 'believe that if the government were disposed they could not silence every demagogue in Ireland in eight-and-forty hours ? Tithes may be trouhlesome, and taxes oppressive, and corpora tions nuisances, and the people who think so have a right to. express this opinion ; but when men conspire to resist 'the payment of tithes, and despoil the clergyman of his rights, either by intimidation or by force of arms, as is done daily, this is not simply an expression of opinion— it is robbery, conspiracy,, and. rebellion. The abolition of tithes by law is one thing, but a combination to resist their payment in defiance of the law is as much an act of rebellion as if the inhabitants of Ireland were in arms against the crown, and had issued a declaration of inde pendence. But perhaps we shall be told that it •is difficult to de 7 tect and convict the offending parties. Pshavvl--this is sheer silliness. It is difficult to convict where juries are afraid to meet; but what occasion is there for juries at all ? Have we not forty thousand soldiers in Ireland? Are they afraid to meet ? What is the use of them, if their officers cannot be constituted into military commis sions,. and every incendiary, every man foUnd with arms in his possession, and every priest preaching sedition, lodged in the nearest gaol ? Why not shut up the cha pels in the disturbed districts,.and close the public houses, and allow no ten men to meet . together, under any cir cumstances whatever, for the next three years? These would be called harsh proceedings—and so they are. There would be, plenty of cant expended on all sides, and perhaps a few small creatures, such as Lord ,John Russell, would whine about "military tyranny," as Hob house used to do about flogging in the army. Harsh, AMERICA. A fearful interest' attaches, at the present moment, to the affairs of the Western Hemisphere—au interest, with relation to many of the numerous states, colonies,, and islands, constituting that valuable portion of the habitual world, such as has not been excited for the past half cen tury ; and which may, for aught we know, press upon us with great intensity for half a century to come. In some of those countries the power of the parent state has, after struggles of long duration, marked by circumstances of extreme cruelty on all sides, been en tirely discarded—and what has followed Y Prosperity ro '- ',. 1 •. . s t ‘s! • "I'inmin. We wil ./ •.e.titingO; I ndies. the. tar i the states—happiness to the people No such thi o r The authority of the European powers, to which t li d e ear ling b had been subject once overthrown, confusion and ~w a ffected t archy—the heart-burnings of party—the frightful r, 441 d Publ devastating efforts of military and other depots of na t growth, in furtherance of their individual views of al l . tion,, have succeeded each other with appalling rat 9 l - 41 The W to, the present hour, in almost every instance ; and , b !lin .ye. in the greater number- of cases, after converting t I L llnisters fine territory into fields of civil strife and universal c' ‘it e inunc nel-houses, the question of who shall govern, or hofh l each case, government can be carried on at all, seerd lit'th e e be nearly-as remote as ever from any satisfactory soltd, r that Of such a description are the ancient colonies of Sit ti e r a lly svi h git_lso with the solitary exception of the fertile island of Or ii "I con .which, by the timely concessions extorted from the ° °n 'of gl vernment in its favour, has hitherto been spared the 4 1 t ) on Lot we have just described, and still acknowledge the sec/ b e te s tr! eignty (almost nominal) of the mother country. fon of The picture, somewhat softened, may be said to ree f ' . e - ue go , sent. the actual condition of the Brazils. li ft the A tha . We wish it were in our power to withhold our be' tn . t a btl from the probability of occurrences of a disastrous° w !tted to ture in quarters more immediately connected with ° own interests. But it is too manifest that a spirit it t r;" for exists in this country which seems to compass little' , at e . Ilegr( nothing short of the total ruin of our own islands t en, e colonies in that quarter of the world. With every : ,°, ed. position to treat leniently the motives of those vil`. ?IF Al under the plea of humanity or morality, seem of late, ' r o l i thr e d of have almost to have directed and controlled the autld„ b lihist ties of the country in all their measures towards v i , 8 4! " 1 1 fi West India possessions, we are bound, as members of v cip , r,t l Gri same community, to show the mischievous tendencl: tc ett led 1 the blind and headlong efforts of those parties—for ol l i , chievous, ruinously mischievous, they are, not cob'. : t ore of colonial proprietors, but to the whole British people--- 4 ; T i l -jeat( most extensively will they prove so to the objects of tpl . ', b i °Pon mistaken philanthropy; if, which God forbid, the 0. . e : e uns€ openly-avowed intentions of these mistaken people shot ) ; i o ' s : tho not be met, on the part of Government, by acts 0 , Ta L' Bll 'l 3 character entirely different from those which have, i" C e t the some time past, marked our colonial policy. ,14,,,. of , 4 141 j Passing, however, for the moment, from the contev . , I ”. plation of the miseries which threaten our own. pose toy.l4is i sions, let us turn our eyes to the actual state of our bv . , c ,,' PIE three of the United States of America—the boasted v, :stern public—the beau ideal of Governments in the estimati ° ce t lstern of the Lafayettes, the Benthams, et id genus omnip t h it e .ded t all parts of the world. It will not be surprising to 0 t o :ns one who takes the trouble of investigating the circa sequ stances which apply to the different portions of that Ir art ,„ (l it , enormous territory, that events should occur such ' th ug ha ,threaten its well being. That a portion of the vast e 4 t , L t vve tinent of North America, extending from the 25tHi t6 Lrs i the 42nd degree of latitude, with a seaboard of 1, 51 f ib v ; miles, and stretching away to the westward, through ° ....._ ' ic greater part of its latitudinal line, to an extent alike ti t ----- defined and undefinable—with nearly every variety k i climate that belongs to the temperate or torrid zont , and, consequently, with all the variety of products tV,, are found in those several regions—with a populati! which has increased in an unprecedented ratio—of wid different and opposite habits—with interests, arising of local circumstances, as opposite as the habits antrcv,, ratters of the inhabitants of different sections of tr., States—each of these sections also having its separate: l , 4 gislature for. deciding on affairs of local interest, , subject only to the general laws of the Union on pois of paramount national importance, - in accordance vi",,,i certain Articles of the Constitution, as finally establish` on the 17th September, 1787—that a country, we 5 3 %; so situated, advanced far beyond the highest calculatiOi of the most sanguine of its inhabitants, the possessioun wealth, and of all the elements of power, should tend" separation, is perfectly natural, and in strict accordalvi with the precedent of all former times. That sucu, l l change should occur within so short a period as Wil l . century after the first' establishment of a republic, 0 "`• cease to be matter of great surprise, when it is coh'l' dered that, within that short space of time, the Unlt';, States of America have made greater strides than any I the ancient republics accomplished in ages. ,' In the unions of the states, as in cases of private pai l nership, there are two causes which operate most e xt? l °' sively to bring about separations—too great or too 14' 7 1 success—to which may be added, the dissimilarity in t t P e ,i; sentiments of the associates. In the case of the Uni e ,i States of America, we have shown that their success 17 ,, been very marked—and their dissimilarity is scarcely le:, prominent. But special circumstances have also bt'. here constantly lending their aid to carry those causes or with more than usual rapidity, to their natural and inev' l '. able result. The United States have been, and, like rani new countries, were destined to be, in the natural orti.4., of things, for a much greater length of time than In elapsed since their establishment, mainly and essentia 4 o l agricultural. The encouragements offered to etnigra : j ° have assembled, in the northern or eastern states, au T mense population, not only beyond the wants of agriTf , ture, but with settled habits and views altogether of a cl i ' ferent character. dis i, Mechanics and artisansry class of eve have been dra— over, in great numbers, from this and other countries , 7 0 those states in particular. The natural productions o f t' f northern and eastern portion of the states are t no:e a ,_ almost every country in Europe. Hence a t;t litnit i ; and signed to the exportation of weir surplus procl i L le the redundant population, whether mectianiwlly w; or otherwise, has been thrown upon anufactOng es m blishments, artificially bolstered up, for providing' f means of subsistence. The existence of high rate s ° labour, and the absence of many advantages po ssessea, by the manufacturers of Great • .dirit.in; would Wive ef •l fected for a much long, , longer continuance, what it did unto very recently—the destruction of those establish ment !' . V from' the absolute impossibility of competing W i t h us in t. , most branches—when the measure was first resorted to, tisi ,, r ' uct ed of protecting them by exorbitant duties. The existi ng tariff was the consequence; taxing, most es.travagantiyl the articles, whether of necessity or luxury, o f consumption throughout the southern or non-nianufuct ing states ; and contracting in some, if not in a pr' mtionate degree, the export of cotton, tobac co, other productions of the soil of those states. universv However sufficient the other circumstances merated may be deemed to have led to disuni measure which has precipitated the danger such an occurrence, is the impolitic subje states to the support of artificial measi portion of them. The course now left to the generm' of great difficulty—a choice of see donment of the extravagant pro' the manufacturer, or the all-bu' ration of the southern states. states"—for, although, up t' or three of those situated ' opposed themselves to t.l' they should establish ti the northward, they tion, effectually cut the latter and tho' themselves ; wl , identity of feel tients. Am; community peake an , ' their co know gen, i „ A nav tb },Mktg , lc, t .a.(l 1 ,, duo, L, I SesPeel t mrati c Luror i al u+ta D ER toiti ii