The Sun. — London, England, 1840-03-03 00:00:00

EVENTING EDITION. TUE SLAVE TRAFFIC: OR, LORD PALMERSTON'S BILL. The following are extracts from Viscount Sade Bar deira's pamphlet under the above title. The pamphlet was distributed to the Deputies on the 31st of January, 1840 : Page 3 —Contends that Portugal was the first Chris tian Power which abolished slavery in its own colonies, t namely, by the King Dom Jose, in 1773, in respect to the islands of Madeira and the Azores (vide Alvaras, 19th Sept. 1761, 26th Feb. 1771, and 16th Jan. 1773), whilst the British Government withheld its sanction to the numberless Acts of its then Colony of Virginia, • tending to suppress the traffic in slaves ; that the State of Pennsylvania abolished slavery in 1780, which ex ample was shortly after followed by the other Northern States of the Union ; that it was abolished throughout the Danish Colonies in 1804, agreeably to the decree of 1794. • Page 4.—lt was in 1807 that it was abolished by Great Britain, although, according to Mr. Buxton's work, it was still carried on in the Mauritius in 1817. Its gradual extinction was decreed in Colombia in 1821. Page B.—The Viscount states what follows :—" The only means of effectually suppressing the slave traffic is the total abolition of slavery in America as well as in the other countries where it still exists, and into which slaves are imported. There are two ways of obtaining that end, one of which is by granting pecuniary indemnities to the owners of the slaves, who should be made free at once, or shortly after, as was practised in the British Colonies; or by de gislating in such a manner as that the slaves shall gra dually receive their liberty, in conformity to that which was done by Portugal in 1773, and subsequently by Pennsylvania and other States of the American Union. The latter mode would be attended by the great incon venience of not leading to the immediate extinction of th e traffic in slaves, which would be continued by means Of sm uggling, which induces me to opine that the first is the only one which it would be advisable to adopt." Pages 15, 16, 17.—" It was with the utmost wonder that I read in Lord Howard de Walden's note of sth May last, addressed to the Baron da Ribeira de Sa brosa, in reply to another which I had written, on the 6th October, 1838, to Mr. Jerningham (then the Charge d'Affaires of Great Britain in Lisbon), what follows :—.‘ The undersigned took with him, nu doubt in order to offer it to the consideration of his Government, the incomplete project of the treaty ; but he never agreed, nor could he agree, to it, because he was not authorised to d° 50 , nor could he so have done it in conformity to the tenor of his instructions.' His Lordship further says— He is instructed by his Government to protest once i for 4 . 1 , against the attempt so repeatedly made in th e V iscount de, Se ' s note, in order to make it appear that the proposals of Viscount de Sa, which the British Go vernment could not entertain for one moment, ought to be considered as stipulations agreed upon by the two Governments, or by their Plenipotentiaries.' " In order to demonstrate that assertion, Lord Howard availed himself of two private letters which I had written to him, one on the 12th and another on the 80th of May, 1838,in the last of which I spoke to him of a conversation which her Majesty and her august husband condescended to hold with me relative to a letter that her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain bad written to the Kng. It is much to be wondered that this private correspondence, and the still more private conversation of their Majesties, should have been intro duced into a diplomatic discussion by Lord Howard de Walden's note, " As, when I quitted the Ministry, I did not leave in the Foreign Office the private letters which the Noble Lord had addressed to me, not considering them official, the Baron da Ribeira de Sabrosa wrote to me, asking in formation respecting the correspondence referred to by the British Minister, which I complied with, forwarding to his Excellency the letters which that Minister had written to me, considering myself authorised to proceed thus, on view of the example laid down by Lord Howard, who had placed at the disposal of his Govern ment the private letters that be had received from me. (See Lord Howard's note, May 5, 1839, to the Baron tin Ribeira de Sabrosa.) " I forwarded all the correspondence which I pos sessed relative to the object in question ; and it was of the said correspondence, as well as of other documents in Lord Howard's own hand-writing, which exist in the respective departments, that the Baron availed himself, in order to demonstrate, in the clearest manner, that the treaty and its annexes were agreed upon when his Lord ship departed for London on the 23d of May, the additional article being wanting only, respecting which there had not been a &nal discussion." Page 21.—1 n reference to the various pecuniary claims, and the manner of presenting thcm, the Viscount says, " Such claims, as many of them are for sums either not due, or not liquidated, peremptorily demanded, if obtained through threats, resemble a real spoliation, more aggravated still by the knowledge, which his Lord ship no doubt possessed, of the straightened circum stances in which the finances of Portugal have been placed. if these and other facts could ground a conjec ture that the Noble Lord's mind has been hostile to the interests of Portugal, his language, as well in the official correspondence as in Parliament, would not less concur to convey such a belief ; language widely different from that made use of by the Noble Lord Palmerston, in the Parliamentary debates to which the case of the British vessel Vixen, taken by the Russian cruisers in the Black Sea, gave rise, or that of the territorial boun daries of the United States of America and the British province of New Brunswick ; and in that with France respecting the gum copal trade on the African coast, near Porte n di c ; d e b ates in which he did not insult or injure the Governments with which England had pend ing differences, as be did towards that of Portugal." Further on, in reply to Lord Howard de Walden's often-repeated charge, " that Viscount Sada Ban deira's object was to delay the negotiation, in order to avoid d;spleasing certain persons whom he (the Vis count) still considered of political importance," the Viscount says (see pages 25 and 26), " that, being Minister in 1836, I caesed the decree of the 10th of December to be drawn up, to which her Majesty the Queen was pleased to affix her Royal signature, and Which was countersigned by all the Ministers. Great penalties were therein imposed on the slave-dealers. " That I likewise recommended to the Portuguese Consuls, as well as to the Governors of the Colonies, the literal execution of the decree of the 16th of Ja nuary, 1837, which defines the vessels that are to be considered as Portuguese. " That the Portuguese Consul at the Havannah was dismissed, and the exequator of the Danish Consul at th e Cape Verd Islands was withdrawn, through the Foreign Department under my charge, because they were conniving at that infamous traffic. " That it was I who gave the most positive instruc tions to the commanders of the Portuguese ships of war for the ptinctual execution of the Decree of the 10th of December, 1836, the result of which has been the capture of seven or eight vessels suspected of being engaged in the traffic, and the condemnation of some of the m in conformity to the same decree, " That it was through the Navy Department, likewise under my charge, that the Governor-General of Angola was dismissed and ordered to be tried along with other public servants suspected of connivance in favour of the traffic." Paige 50.—1 n reference to the facility with which slaves are still exported in the very neighbourhood of the Bri tish colonies in Atrica, the Viscount states, " On sight of all this, a sense of impartiality demanded that Lord Pal merston should not have attributed to Portugal the in crease of a traffic which Portugal cannot prevent, because it :s carried on in contravention of Portuguese laws, be yond the limits where they extend, and with capitals which are not Portuguese —at the very same time that British capital, British merchandise, and British specu tators or adventurers are employed in forwarding the said traffic, in carrying it on, in a great measure, in the very neighbourhood of the British colonies ; in spots near the residences of the mixed commissions ; and, it could almost be said, within sight of the British cruisers, in places where they have, ever since 1817, had the right of capturing all Portuguese ships engaged in the trade. "Justice imperiously required that his Lordship should have stated the real causes of the increased traffic, and not attribute to Portugal the crimes of which some Portuguese, in partnership with English men, Frenchmen, Americans, Brazilians, Spaniards, and others, are guilty, by co-operating, each in his own way, in that odious trade ; some furnishing the requi site funds, others the ship s , o th ers t h e i r outfit, others obtaining false papers and the respective flags, others by supplying the merchandise fit for the trade, and others, lastly, by contributing by their personal exer tions, either as captains or as seamen. Page 51.—Mr. Gordon, Charge d'Affaires of Great Britain in Rio Janeiro, wrote, under date of April 21, 1838, to Lord Palmerston, as follows :—" I regret t'o have to state that it appears probable that much British capital is employed in the traffic, even direct. Many British houses of this city have for some time greatly assisted the speculations towards this nefarious end. Formerly, when the risk of being captured by the British cruisers was considered considerable, no merchant was willing to sell the merchandise fit for the African market unless it was paid for in cash at once ; but since it was observed that such risk was really very small the British houses altered their practice in this respect, and now allow the slave-dealers to purchase, on credit, such goods as they require, to pay for the same at the wind ° up of th e specu l at i on i n w hi c h t h e y were em pl o y e d." Page 53.—" I am not aware that bonds (fiancas) are demanded in Great Britain from the owners and charterers of the nume-ous vessels which, from the very Thames, the Severn, the Mersey, the Clyde, the Humber, and other ports of Great Britain, sail loaded with manufacture s exclusively intended for the slare trade, and which they convey to the ports of Brazil, .Cuba, St. Thomas, and others of the Antilles, as well as to the British colonies in Africa, and to the very ports where the traffic is made, where there are fac tories on shore, .or where the business is transacted on board the very vessels, in which ports some of the I ,l 4ders actually wake up thr , assc•l truunt oonle:1.- pi“te . nceessary for the purchase of thr: sit; cz..." Page 73.—" The history given above of the nego tiation of the treaty, and the analyzation of Lord Pal merston's speech, will have shown most distinctly that the acrimonious accusations made by his Lordship against the Portuguese Government were destitute of foundation and of every appearance of justice. His Lordship did not hesitate, in order to substantiate them, to refer to the proposals which were made in the course of the negotiation, and which had been abandoned, as may be seen from the treaty negotiated by me with Lord Howard de Walden, the only docu ment where the final pretensions of the Portuguese Go vernment are consign►ted—it being sufficient to per ceive this voluntary anachronism to destroy all the ar guments based on it." " The narration of this transaction made in Parlia ment by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, was believed, as was natural ; but I h ave d emonstra t e d th a t the re ality of facts was entirely lost sight of therein. Had Parliament been in possession of the real facts, it would not have given its consent to a measure con trary to the law of nations, and directed more particu larly against one which has been for centuries past the ally of Great Britain. " One voice, however, was raised in Parliament in defence of the independence of Portugal—it was that of the great Captain, who during six years, led the Portuguese army to victory, when it fought as much for the independence of its country as for the cause of treat Britain." SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. (From the Globe.) The Papers and gossips of the Tory party have, since the division of Thursday, a new theme of reproach against the Ministry. The offence alleged is indeed no new one, being no less than the one all-comprising sin of staying in the offices into which the Tories are anxious to get. But it is supposed that a new argu ment is furnished by the rather more frequent defeats which Ministers have recently experienced in the House of Commons. Three times since the commencement of the Session have they been in a minority ; and it is urged that it has hitherto been customary for Ministers thus uncertain of the support of the House of Commons to resign the Government into the hands of their oppo nents. We might retort upon our opponents that Sir R. Peel set a very different precedent ; and that the pre sent Ministers may surely hold office after three defeats in a month, considering that be did not give it up after three defeats in a single night. But the example of Sir Robert Peel would be no justification for a deviation from constitutional practice. The real truth is, that this is a point in which the constitutional practice must neces sarily be regarded as entirely altered by the Reform Act. If a Ministry were to retire for such defeats as those which the present Government has experienced, the consequnce would be that we should never again have a chance of a durable Ministry. The questions on which the Government has been in a minority are not of the kind on which a defeat has been invariably regarded as fatal to the Ministry. Lord Liverpool's Government, in the days of its greatest strength, experienced many such a defeat. (From the Standard ) The Irish Municipal Bill is, we believe, to be re ported this night in the House of Commons. We pre suiee that the Conservative Members in that House will make an effort to stop the progress of the pernicious measure, as all their attempted amendments have been rejected. If they have no prospect of success in their own assembly, assuredly they can, at least, record a protest, and greatly facilitate the rejection in tote of the measure by the House of Lords. The letter of the Duke of Newcastle to the editor of the Dub lin Statesman—(printed, by the way, as the context proves, with an awkward mistake, " vile" for " vitai") —has given rise to a very general, and, we trust, a well-grounded hope, that the true Protestant Peers will exert themselves to resist effectually this new scheme for handing over the Protestants of Ireland to the mercies of Popery. If the Illustrious Duke find those who concur in his views to imitate his courage and his singleness of purpose, there is an end of the deadly project. We shall look with great anxiety to the votes of these professing Protestants, an anxiety arising not merely from a sense of the present mischief which they are summoned to resist, but also from a conviction that unless the aristocracy shall assert its independence of party engagements and Parliamentary tracasserie.-- Let their Lordships examine the question upon plain common sense principles, and there can be no doubt as to the conclusion at which they will arrive. (From the Courier.) '- . _ 'A standing, h stereotyped, boast with Lord Palmer ston, on each of those field-days when foreign policy comes under review, is the lofty pinnacle to which Great Britain has been elevated in the scale of nations, and the super-eminent station in the opinion of the world to which she has been exalted, under the com manding influence of his large, liberal, vigorous, and enlightened administration. This is the theme ever uppermost in his harangues, and on which he uses to descant with most magniloquent verboseness. Never, if we may credit him for one tithe only of his achievements, since England was a nation did she stand so high in general conception ; the mightiest of empires waiting on her smiles, or trembling beneath her frowns. The glories of Chatham and Pitt '' pale their ineffectual fires" before the blaze of his triumphs, and the thunders of Jupiter are impotent before those of ancient Cupid. And yet 'tis strange how the great Colossus that doth affect to bestride the world is sported with by the petty things that crawl under its huge legs, or preyed on by the larger class of Titanic creation. France gulps Algeria at a meal ; the Gambia, Brazilian Gu:nea, and Minorca, by way of bonbons and eau lucre; crown ing the enjoyments of the feast with divertissements a la illexique and dla Buenos Ayres, Russia benevo lently trusses up Turkey far future digestion, reposing for the present upon the repast of Persia, C, rcassia, and Khi va. Prussia, less greedy and aggressive territorially, levies poundage upon cottons and woollens only, and manages a decent livelihood at our expense by highway rebbery and the Zoll Verein. To Egypt, Consul -General Hodges, the gigantic is despatched in terroretn, but the heroics of the long Pedroite Colonel serve only to bristle the longer heard of the septuagenary Pacha into defying " quills of the fretful porcupine." Portugal, the grateful debtor, remits to Palmerston more kicks than half pence, and Maria da Gloria revenges the wrongs of Miguel the monster, by taxing the trade and crippling the resources of his British foe. Spain, too—ct Brute—recompenses the slaughter of Hernani and the ignominious rout of red-ribanded Evans with the petty mosquito bite of a refusal of an English chapel at Havana. Such is the descending scale of the gamut of Lord Palmerston's jarring harmonics. Count Nesse'rode (son of the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs at St. Petersburgh) arrived at Mivart's Hotel on Friday, charged with important despatches for Baron Brunow, the Russian Alinister, on a special mission. The Count has since removed to the Embassy in Dover-street, where he has been appointed Secretary of Legation. BRITISH Loss BY THE FRENCH BLOCKADE or BUENOS AYRES.-By a statement which has recently been drawn up at Liverpool, and which shows in a striking manner the most prominent points of the origin and present state of the dispute between Buenos Ayres and France, it appears that all the real damage occasioned by this war has fallen upon British commerce. Mr. Mandeville, it is stated, had ac quainted the Government that the produce belonging to British subjects detained at Buenos Ayres, amounted to 400,0001. only, but it is contended that this account was far below the mark, as it did not include manufactured goods and bullion held by Briiish houses, or the amounts of produce in the hands of German and American houses for British account, or provided for by British advances. From a valuation, founded on the official returns of exports in 1837, in conjunction with information, it appears that the amount of produce, on which British capital is advanced, or on British account, is 955,0001., to which is to be added 105,000!., for British manufactures, giving a total of 1,060,000!., the interest on which at 5 per cent. would be 53,000!. Valuing the expen diture of British importing houses at Buenos Ayres at 16,000!. it follows that the merchants sustain a yearly loss of 69,000!., exclusive of the capital sunk in property which is continually deteriorating. PENANCE IN CHURCH.—Between eleven and twelve o'clock on Wednesday morning, Church-street was crowded by a mass of persons who had either been to see, or were anxious to see, a woman belonging to that class of per sons proverbially famous for their power of tongue, viz., a fish woman, who, clothed in white, had being doing penance in St. Peter's Church, for having applied to a quondam female friend, in the same calling, an epithet of the most unseemly kind. This penance was performed for the purpose of warding off a threatened prosecution on the part of the calumniated dame, who, with a small troop of most respectable-looking friends, went to church to witness the ceremony in a half broken small cart, the horse being ornamented with a few white rags or shreds of ribbon, and a vouth inside, carrying a shabby pro tempore flag, consisting of a piece of calico or linen at tached to a stick. The ceremony was, to the regret of many, performed privately, in the vestry of the church. When the repentant. fish-wife left the church, she, to escape from the gaze and pressure of a curious and laughing crowd, got into a hackney coach, and was driven away.—Liverpoo Standard. INADEQUACYOF THE COUNTY ALLOWANCES. —At an inquest held on Friday before Mr. Carter, upon two lads who were drowned, a Mr. Skettirell, to whose house they were taken, inquired of the Coroner whether the county al lowed any remuneration for the trouble, inconvenience, and ex pense he had been put to. He did not mean to say he had done more than his duty in affording every assistance he could for the purpose, if possible, of restoring the poor lads to life ; but they had been lying at his house now for four days, and no less than four of his blankets had been torn up to rub the bodies with. The Coroner said the allowance, as it was only one inquest, was but ss. for taking care of the bodies ; but, considering the case, he woulddouble that sum, and that was all he could do. The applicant said four times that sum would not remunerate him for the expense ho had been at. The Coroner said he was very sorry, but he was obliged to confine himself to the sums allowed by the county magistrates. Se veral of the jury observed that if persons were thus treated, after behaving so humanely, it would make them and others cautious for the future. -- CAUSE AND EFFECT. --We understand that the sale of the New Moral World has increased more than a hundred-fold in Canterbury since the commencement of the lectures of the Bishop of E xeter on S ocialism in the House of Lids.—Kent Herald. INIPORTANT REGISTRY DECISION. —It has been at length decided that the claimant is entitled to his fran chise, if he holds a ten-pound interest in his possession, over and above a portion of the entire rent, equal to the nun -deer of acres in his hand, and 'hat the Barrister is bound to aprortion ;he rent at ; lie time, and to give the claimant his franchise 44- c cadwg' Post. • THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, IVIARCHI3, 1840 • Lands Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time this day week. On the motion of Sir EDWARD KNATCH BULL, the South Eastern Counties Railway Deviation Bill was read a first time. Colonel VERNER presented a petition from the grocers and spirit-merchants of Armagh against certain propesed changes in their trade. Mr. BUCKE presented a petition from a place in Berkshire against the Irish Municipal Reform Bill. THE CHURCH.—JOHN THOROGOOD. Mr. lIALFORD presented a petition from Lein ster, in favour of Church Extension. Lord Stanley, Mr. Hurt, Mr. Pringle, and Mr. Broad'ey presented several petitions to the same effect. Mr. BANNERMAN presented a petition against the existing system of Church Patronage in Scotland. Mr. A'COURT HOLMES presented a petition from Cowes, Isle of Wight, against the annual grant to i Maynooth College. Mr. R. ALSTON presented a petition from a place in Essex, in favour of John Thorogood, and against the continuance of Church-rates. INLAND WAREHOUSING. Mr. WILSON presented a petition from Runcorn in favour of Inland Warehousing. THE CANTERBURY PAVEMENT BILL. Sir EDWARD KNA'J'CH BULL called the at tention of the House to a petition which he had some days ago presented, respecting the Canterbury Pave ment Bill, and moved that the Bill be allowed to go on, notwithstanding the unfavourable report of the Standing Orders' Committee. Before the Bill ap pointing the present Commissioners, the rates amounted only to 7001. c-year. But under the present Act they would have to pay next year 2,1001., unless the House allowed the Bill, to which his motion referred, to pass for their relief. Mr. GREENE felt compelled to oppose the motion, as the Commissioners for Paving had not complied with a single Standing Order. There could be no doubt that the case was a hard one upon the petitioners ; but he did not think any circumstances had been brought forward which called upon the House to act. Sir G. STRICKLAND thought the present case was one in which the House ought to interfere, and he should therefore vote for the motion of the Honourable Baronet. Mr. ESTCOURT opposed the motion. If the petitioners would take the necessary steps, in the next Session all difficulties might be removed. Mr. BROTHERTON also opposed the motion, considering it uncalled for. Sir T. FREMANTLE thought this was one of those cases in which no relaxation of the:Standing Orders ought to take place. One grand object of the Standing Orders was that no tax should be imposed on any portion of the community, without those interested having due notice of the intention of taxing them. Sir E. KNATCHBULL replied, and the House divided. For the motion Against it Majority —49 Lord SANDON brought up the report of the Com mittee on the Liverpool Docks 8111. The Noble Lord then presented a petition from Chester in favour of the Grand Junction Railway Bill. Alr. BROTHERTON presented a petition against the Grand Junction Canal Bill. Mr. LANGDALE present'd a petition from New town Stuart, complaining that in one of the National Schools the Roman Catholic children were required to read the Presbyterian prayer-book. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH 2. The Lords met at. Five o Clock. The Duke of We llingt o so afterwards came into the House, for the first time since his illness ; and was cordially welcomed by Lords Ellenborough, Ashburton, Aberdeen, and Ripon, who were evidently surprised to see him. They were the only Peers in the House at the time, except Lords Londonderry and Monteagle. He seemed in excellent spirits, although somewhat feeble and reduced. After he had taken his seat, al most every Peer (especially Conservative), on coming into the House, walked over to the Duke and shook bands with him. To Lord Aberdeen he remarked, laughing, " Well, we have had Bergara CHURCH DISCIPLINE. The Bishop of EXETER presented numerous peti tions from the Clergy of Ilehester, Barnstaple, Exeter, Penryn, and several Deaneries in Chester and Corn wall, praying that in any measure which the House might pass for an alteration of Church Discipline, the jurisdiction of the Church should not be impaired. He was happy to say, that in a recent conference of the Bishops upon this subject, an understanding had been come to without a compromise of prin ciple on the part of any one, which would enable them to lay before both Houses of Parliament a Bill which he hoped would give satisfaction to all parties. He was sincerely rejoiced to be able to make that statement. The Bishop of LONDON confirmed what had fallen from the Right Rev. Prelate, and also expressed his hope that the measure in which the Bishops concurred would prove satisfactory. CHURCH PATRONAGE IN SCOTLAND. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition, com plaining of the state of the law relating to Church pa tronage in Scotland, and the dissensions and will which prevailed upon this subject. He hoped to be able shortly to submit to the Noble Viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government a measure relating to Church patronage in England and Scotland, which satisfied the moderate on both sides. The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions from twenty-five parishes in Scotland on the same subject. He could confirm the statements of the Reverend Prelate as to the extent and intensity of ill-will which prevailed on this subject, and he begged to ask the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to adopt any measure speedily for reconciling the grievances. He had also to present a petition from Rothsay, which was the only one he had received, com plaining of the conduct of the General As sembly in suspending Ministers for obeying the civil law. Lord MELBOURNE could not say, as the Noble Duke wished him to say, that he would immediately introduce into Parliament a measure to remedy those grievances. But he would say that the Govern ment were as much aware as the Noble Duke of the great extent . of which grew out of these questions, and the whole subject should have their immediate and most serious attention. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY gave notice that be would postpone to a future day the question which he had previously given notice that he would, to-morrow, ask of the Noble Viscount at the head of' her Majesty's Government.—( A laugh.) The Earl of ROSSE presented petitions from Perth, Angus, Dundee, and various other places, praying for the total repeal of tine Corn-laws. The Eine of HADDINGTON had understood his Noble Friend on the cross bench to say that the 25 petitions were complaining of the conduct of the Ge neral Assembly. In conclusion, the Noble Duke said the last one only was against it.. He understood him so, and perhaps others did ; it was as well, therefore, to give him an opportunity for explanation. The Duke of RICHMOND—If he did not say so, he intended to say that the 25 petitions were against Non-intrusion.—( Laughter.) He begged pardon, in fa vour of that principle. While he was on his legs he would take the opportunity of saying that he was happy to hear that the matter was under consideration — he hoped the people of Scotland would receive the assurance in a kindly manner, and put an end to the dreadful excitement which prevailed, otherwise it would become most dangerous to the Church, and to every one possessing property in that kingdom. The Earl of HADDINGTON was quite sure that the Noble Duke spoke correctly. The excitement prevailing in Scotland was much to be deplored, but it ought to be remembered that it was produced by the conduct of the Commissioners of the General Assembly, who had suspended a majority of a whole Presbytery from all spiritual functions, because they declared that they would obey the law as ex pounded by the Supreme Court. That excitement did not arise from the interference of the Civil Court—that Court did not at all interfere until it was called upon to interpret and put the law as declared by that House in force, and accordingly it had interdicted any interference in the parshes of the seven clergymen. Those unfortunate gentlemen had had their me fives and conduct grievously misrepresented—their conduct had been loyal and peaceable, and were well deserving of the sympathy, regard, and support of all peaceable and well-thinking persons. The Earl of MINTO hoped their Lordships would see the propriety of abstaining from discussing the question at the present moment. He thought it would be better to wait until the measure was proposed, and he trusted he was not too sanguine in hoping that it would put an end to the excitement so unhappily prevailing is Scotland. The Noble Earl then presented petitions from Jedburgh and other places in favour of the non-intrusion principle. Also petitions from Jedburgh and Hawick, very numerously signed, praying for the abolition of the Corn-laws. The Earl of HADDINGTON entirely agreed with the Noble Earl. He would be extremely sorry to enter into the details of the measure, but he had an anxiety to set the conduct of the seven clergymen in its proper light. The Earl of GALLOWAY said he believed Noble Lords did not wish to say one word as to the merits of the question, but that their anxiety arose from the great tardiness of the Government in doing its duty. The Earl of ROSSE thought it would be prema ture to introduce a measure on this important subject at the present moment. The Earl of ABERDEEN hoped that when the subject was taken into consideration, it would be done deliberately, as precipitation might be most injurious. To show his unwillingness to enter into the subject at all, he would not advert to the few words of his Noble Friend, which, though short, he did not wholly agree with. The Noble Earl then presented several petitions from Scotland, to the same effect. The Marquis of BUTE presented a number of simi milar petitions from Scotland. The Marquis of NORM ANDBY brought up the Report of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for Ireland, August 1, 1839. The Earl of ZETL AND presented peitions from Stonykirk, Stromness, and other placea, against the in trusion of ministers. THE SULPHUR TRADE. Lord LYNDHURST had been requested to pre sent a petition respecting the commercial relations of that country with Sicily, and in particular as far as re garded the state of the sulphur trade carried on by that country. It was signed by several merchants of the city of London, and he had been apprised that similar petitions had been forwarded by the merchants of Liverpool and the city of Glasgow ; but, from some accidental circumstance, he had not yet received them. The subject was one of very considerable importance in amount to the petitioners, and it was also of considerable importance to the manu facturing concerns of that country. The Noble Viscount two or three nights since bad stated that he had reason to suppose that during the pre sent session many complaints would be made with respect to the stare of their commerce.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Whether their commerce was sufficiently protected he would not at present in quire, but he begged to say that, so far as related to these petitions, he presented them with no political or party views, but solely from the desire of obtaining compensation for the serious losses and injuries sus tained by them, as was detailed in the petition. Their Lordships were no doubt aware, that in consequence of modern discoveries in chemistry, the article of sulphur had become one of great import ance in their manufactures, and in the course cf eleven years, ending 1837, the importation had increased eleven fold. In 1826 they imported into that country only about 4,000 tons of sulphur, which was employed principally in their manufactures, and, in 1837, the importation had increased to the enormous amount of 44,000 tons, and from that their Lordships were aware of the increased im portance of the trade in that article. Their Lordships must be also aware that the whole or nearly the whole of the sulphur imported was from the Island of Sicily. It was found in other places, but it was found in such large quantities, and was so easily acces sible there, that almost the whole of their supply was derived from that source. In 1816 a commercial treaty was entered into between that country and Sicily, a n d by the stipulations of that treaty it was provided that ample protection should be afforded to British subjects and commerce—that British subjects should without let or hindrance be allowed to dispose of their property —that in all respects they were to be treated as the subjects of the most favoured country, and that no du ties, taxes, or imports, should be levied on t h e i r pro perty beyond those of the most favoured territory. These were the stipulations of that well-known treaty, and in consequence thereof, and on the faith of the re liance placed upon it, the merchants of that country em barked large property in it. They had taken a lease of the mines—they had established machines at a large ex pense, thereby increasing the supply ; in fact, they had created the trade and extended it, and up to the year 1838 it was carried on most advantageously and bene ficially to the parties immediately concerned, and also most advantageously to the manufacturing interest of England.—(Hear, hear.) In July, /83q, it first, aunoulle,l rL,t, the. Sicilian Govor , - meta hiul granted the mopornly of this most article to the French, not to the French Government, but to a number of adventurers. Their Lordships would find that, by the terms of that contract, the sul phur did not at all belong to the Government, the mines being the property of private individuals. They knew enough of the manner in a hich transactions of that kind took place, to be able to form some conjecture—some apposite conjecture, perhaps—on the subject ; but the advantage that was gained to the parties to whom lie had referred, was enormous; for at that time they had imported into France an immense amount of sulphur, that was selling at a loss, and in consequence of this prohibition the advance in the price increased enor mously, so as to render that which was before s loss to the individuals, extremely advantageous to them, at the expense of British interests. But there was a direct infraction of that clause to which he had referred, because by that treaty every Bri tish subject was allowed to dispose of his property without any hi n d rance w h atever. B ut t hi s li m it a ti on was suggested, as he understood, for -the general be nefit of the trade. That suggestion could trot be sup ported, for this reason, namely, that those persons who were monopolists were not bound by the limitation, for they might export any quantity which they thought proper, provided only that one-third of the profit of that part which exceeded the stipulated amount should be paid over to the Sicilian Government. They had, therefore, the power to pour into the market what quantity they thought proper for their own interests, sacrificing the interests of their competitors, and, among others, the interests of the subjects of this coun try. That was not the only way in which the mono poly was a direct infringement of the treaty to which he had referred. It was provided by the contract of monopoly that no one in the limitation should sell any sulphur except to the French contractors. There was this alternative, however, that British subjects or others might, if they thought proper, instead of selling to the contractors limited by the contract, export for their own benefit, and at their own instance. But the con tract in that respect had this term, that if they did so, they must pay a duty, which duty amounted nearly to the value of the first cost of the article, and to twice the amount at which the monopolists had a right to ex port the articles, themselves. Here, therefore, was a direct infringement of the treaty, in which it was stipulated, in express terms, that British subjects, with respect to their property, and taxes, and imposts on importation, should be put in the same situa tion as the most favoured nation. It was a direct infringement of the treaty to which he had referred. But there was another circumstance of which the peti tioners also justly complained. In the course of trade contracts had been entered into for the supply of sul phur at a future period. The monopoly was announced on the Ist of July, to come into operation on the Ist of August following, only one month after its commence ment, and the consequence was a great increase of price ; and all those persons, therefore, who had entered into contracts for the supply of the article at a certain price, found the prices so advanced that, to fulfil them. would involve them in ruin ; and the consequence was that twenty-four British ships, which arrived for the purpose of conveying sulphur to this country, returned without their cargo. The sulphur trade, therefore, which was of so much importance to Sicily and this country, was put an end to. It was true that parties still held their property ; the mines were still worked ; hut, as he had told their Lordships, the trade was sub stantially at an end. The price of the article in the English market was double what it was in 1837, and the merchants of this country were reduced to all sorts of expedients to obtain a substitute for the article at a cheeper rate than the high price they were obliged to pay the merchants of Sicily. As their Lordships would suppose this had created a great outcry and remon strance on the part of the British merchants in Sicily, and the Sicilians themselves, because it had the effect of throwing an immense number of native labourers out of employment, and he was told that the indignation excited was so strong that if an English ship of war had arrived off the coast during that period an end would have been put to the monopoly. But that was not the course the British Ministry thought right to pursue ; they entered into negotiation, and a Mr. *Gregor was appointed for that purpose, but had been carrying on negotiations for the last eighteen months without any practical result. The monopoly still continued—the loss still continued—the trade still stopped, and nothing effectual had been done to remove these evils. Ho (Lord L.) understood that some treaty was actually signed at the close oflast year. Why it was not ratified he had no means of ascertaining, but be was happy to see a Noble Friend in his place, who was resident at Naples, during these negotiations, and was then a Member of her Majesty's Government, and would, no doubt, be able to give some satisfactory explanation on the subject. The object of the peti- tioners was to call attention to the subject. They felt that they hal a right to protection, they had a right to call upon her Majesty's Government that jus tice should be done, that they had a right to insist on compensation for the injuries they had sustained, and protection as to the future, and with that view, and that alone, they had requested him to present the peti tion which should be now read. Lord MELBOURNE said that the Noble Lord who had addressed them had stated all the circum stances that had taken place—the amount of British capital that had been employed, the obligations of the treaty by which the Government of the Two Sicilies were bound to this country, and the whole transaction. There was some little exaggeration at the latter part of his speech, but otherwise with pet feet justice, and with out the slightest non-statement or exaggeration. The Noble Lord had said that he (Lord M.) on a former occasion had stated he anticipated they should have many discussions upon commercial subjects in the course of the present Session—(Hear, hear)_ and that he supposed he did so from some consciousneis that their interests would not be attended to, but it was not fro. - n any shadowing apprehension of that na ture, but front the motions brought forward, the notices on the books and the discussions of the two Houses of Parliament on the subject, that would occasion the feeling the Noble Lord had alluded to. The Noble and Learned Lord had adverted to the influence by which the sulphur monopoly had been established, and hail done so so fully that it was quite unnecessary for him to state it over again. He said we knew how those things were carried on, and might guess the sort of in fluence by which it had been attained at Naples. This monopoly was certainly granted to certain individuals in France, but he believed by whatever favour it had been obtained, it was not by the present Government of France, not by any part of the French nation, this monopoly had been established. He could only say in the next place, that the views which the Noble Lord had stated were those which were always taken by the British Government upon the subject, that it was not now a subject of trade or negotiation, but a direct infraction of the treaty of 1816 and therefore a matter on which we had a right to cad upon the Government of the Two Sicilies for the fulfilment of the obligations into which they had en tered, and by which they were bound. That was the view her Majesty's Government had always taken when the subject was in agitation, and it had been strongly remonstrated against by her Majesty's Minister at Naples ; and in August last a verbal promise was given that the monopoly should be abolished. It was said that the monopoly would be done away with ; but it was not so yet ; and it was left for the British Govern ment to demand the fulfilment of the treaty, in order that they might be enabled to afford that protection to our merchants, to which they were undoubtedly en titled. The Noble and Learned Lord said that they had resorted to negociation ; that was not exactly correct. In the summer it was understood that the Government of Naples was favourable to the formation of flaw com mercial relations with this country. The basis of the nogociation was to be an entire new modification of their tariff. Mr. M'Gregor was sent out to ascertain what was to be the new tariff—to settle with the Go vernment of Naples what was to be the reduction they would make on their duties. That was the sole object Mr. M'Gregor's mission. He did, however, go f art h er , no doubt with the best intentions. He entered into a treaty which was unsatisfactory to the Government, and which they had not ratified. Mr. M'Gregor was a man of the greatest talents and abilities, and acted with the very best intentions ; but he did that which he was not authorised to do, and in ignorance of the feel ing of his own Government he entered into that treaty. It was absolutely necessary that strong measures should be taken upon the subject. Remonstrances had already been sent out to the Government of Naples, and they had been told that the Government of this count!), must insist upon the fulfilment of the treaty. Lord LYNDHURST—Was the Noble Viscount aware that eighteen months had elapsed since the period of our merchants difficulties arose, and w as h e aware that the loss amounted daily to the sum of 1,0001. Surely it was a matter deserving the serious and imme diate attention of the Government? Viscount MELBOURNE—Certainly ; and it will receive it. They had already the promise from he Neapolitan Government, and it remained for them to enforce it. Lord LYNDHURST—Was the Noble Viscount aware that the Neapolitan Government insisted upon the maintenance of this monopoly for six months longer, dated from the 31st of Jan. last ? Viscount MELBOURNE had not heard of it. Lord LYNDHURST—There were six line-of battle ships lying at Malta. If they were sent to Naples the matter would be settled in a fortnight. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented a petition from a congregation of Dissenters in Yorkshire, praying for the abolition of Church-rates, and the release of John Thorogoed. The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, 2. The SPEAKER took the Chair at five minutes be fore three o'clock. Mr. HINDLEY presented apetition from Glasgow against the Glasgow and Ayr Railw a y Bill . Lord STAN LEY brought Ur, the Report of the Comrnitte , .; on tLc :Borth Unicn: Railmr ; On mot i on , o f. Mr. HAN DLE': CHURCH EXTENSION. Sir R. PEEL presented petitions in favour of Church extension from St. Bride's, Fleet -street, London, from Haddesley, Kmloch, and a great number of other places. Sir T. FRE MANTLE presented a similar peti tion from a place in Buckinghamshire. Mr. PLUMPTRE presented similar petitions from Hampshire, Norfolk, and Kent. The Hon. Captain HOWARD took the oaths and his seat for Morpeth, for which borough he has been re turned in lieu of Lord Levison. The Hon. Gentleman was introduced by Lord Seymour and Mr. Baring Wall. Mr. JONES presented a petition against the annual grant to the College of Maynooth. THE SALE OF BEER BILL. Mr. PAKINGTON brought in a Bill to Amend the Laws for Regulating the Sale of Beer. The Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Tuesday, the 17th inst. THE OPIUM TRADE. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Dar lington, numerously and respectably signed, condemning the contraband trade in opium with China. THE CORN-LAWS.— Mr. GREG presented several petitions from Man chester and other places, praying for the repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. PLUMPTRE presented petitions from Hamp shire and Norfolk against the Irish Corporations Re form Bill, and others from places in Kent, for the re peal of the Catholic Relief Bill of 1829. He cordially concurred in the prayer of the petitions. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. Mr. ORD moved the Order of the Day for the adjourned debate on Controverted Elections. The SPEAKEtt having put the question that the attendance of panels No. 1 and 2 on the 12th of March be discharged, The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that he had looked into the Act of Parliament since the House last sat, and it appeared to him, after a careful perusal of that Act, that the proper course to be taken would be that the motion of the Honourable Member should be negatived, which would have the effect of leaving the panels to attend according to their order, and when the panels attended the General Committee could pass by the Ludlow and nominate the others in the order in which they stood. The Hon. and Learned . Member then proceeded to detail the pro visions of the Act, and observed that in the Lud low case the notices had not been given which were required. The notices not having been given and refused, according to the pro visions of the Act the proceedings, in his opinion, were suspended. The question then was, whether it was necessary to suspend the nomination of all the four pe titions, because the first Committee was not in a situa tion to proceed. He had come to the conclusion that such a course was not necessary, but that the Ludlow case coining within the 22d section, the proceedings upon it must be suspended till the proper notices had been given. Sir WILLIAM RAE thought, that as the Ludlow petition had been presented last Session, it came under the provisions of the 9th section of the Act, and then:- fore could not be treated as a petition suspended. Every petition presented last Session ought to be considered before any presented during the present Session. The Ludlow petition had been presented last Session, and the petition presented in the present Session ought to be con sidered as part of the first proceeding, and therefore the provisions of the Act had not been complied with. He would propose that all orders remitting any petitions to the Election Committee should be read and discharged, and a n”w remittance of such petitions made to the Ge neral Committee in a proper and legal order. Sir WILLIAM FOLLETT agreed with the Right Honourable Gentleman who had last spoken as to the construction to be placed upon the Act, and differed from his Right Hon. Friend the So licitor-General. He should not oppose the motion which he apprehended to be a right one. Election pe- titions had been presented from Ludlow and Totnes during the course of last Session, and from Cambridge and Ipswich during the course of the present one. Lust Session the sitting Member for Ludlow had inti mated to the Speaker that it was not his inten tion to defend his seat, upon which certain of the electors had petitioned to be allowed to defend it. The House this Session had referred the petition against the return to the General Committee, but had neglected to refer in the first instance the petition of the electors to defend the return. When the petitions had been referred to the General Committee, they had made out their list in the following order :—Ludlow, Ipswich, Totnes, Cambridge ; but in consequence of the petition of the electors not having been referred to the Com mittee, they had given no notice to the petitioners, con sequently the provisions of the 42d section had not been complied with, and the proceedings could not regularly go on until such notice had been given. There were only two clauses in the Act which applied, the 52d and the 30th.—(The Hon. Member then read the clauses.) Suppose a petition referred to the gene ral Committee against the sitting Member, and he gave notice that he did not mean to defend Lie seat, and notice is inserted in the Gazette, and then the general Committee suspend it. He thought they would find no other clause in the Act empowering them to do so, but the 32d clause, and that they had no power to take one case before another, except it had baen par ticularly provided for. If it occurred that a petition hail been presented this session, and referred to the general Committee, and the sitting Member had said he did not mean to defend his scat, and notice had been given, then the power of suspending it would have applied, but it would apply only to a case of that sort. Then came the 52d sec- tion ; and it was argued under that, that inasmuch as they could not proceed with the Ludlow petition, be cause they had not given a notice of 30 days, and was therefore virtually suspended, but he apprehended the clause applied only to the " cases hereinbe fore provided" for, and that inasmuch as they had not given the right notice to the patty in the Lu l'o.v election, it was necessary such person should have such notice before they proceeded ; and as the genersl Committee had appointed days on which they could not proceed to the trial of the petition, an d t )ey had the power of appointing other days, they s h ou ld do so, and take care that they did not take one p et i t i on before they had disposed of the other.—(Hear.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL s a id h e unfortu nately was not in his place on the former di scuss i on of this eubject, and he was sorry to say he did not k now , Clcrl._ , to -r...)a):tic , nti t Hors:, „ : 7 Au - , ("V VI ti,' G , Cat: ^7 P c a.ietzwer for ,I',VENING EDITIOI Tamworth was brought before the House, he had ven tured respectfully to state that he thought it would be better to repeal the 9th G; o. IV. entirely, and pass an Act by which Parliamentary costs might he enforced. Unfortunately it seemed to him the House had taken a different course, and erected a etatutabie tribunal, which must proceed in the course the Act of Perlin liament bad prescribed. He regretted exceedinely that the Heuse had got into its present difficulty, nor could he see his way out of it except by fresh legislation. As he had stated on a former occasion, it appeared to him that that House could never satisfactorily and benefi cially exercise its right to determine election petitions until all the Acts on the subject were repealed. AU they wanted was the power to award costs, and then their proceedings would be rendered independent of the Courts of Law. Sir THOMAS FRI;MANTLE regretted that the Honourable and Learned Gentleman did not. approve of the suggestion of his Right Honourable Friend, which was to consider al: the previous proceedings as irregular —to discharge the order, and then to come regularly before the House again. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman said the House had done everything required by the Act of Parliament.. Now it could not be undone. He (Sir T. Fremantle) would, however, contend that the House had not complied with th e provisions of the Act, but had done things in so irregular and informal a manner, that they had not com plied with the Act of Parliament. It appeared to him, under all the circumstances, that the best thing they could do would be to commence de novo. On the whole it appeared to him, considering all the difficulties of the case, that the safest course which they could pursue was that recommended by the Hon. and Learned Member for Newark, and he believed that it differed but very little from that which the majority of Members on his side wished to follow. Sir G. GREY said that he certainly thought that of all the propos;tions made to the House, that of his Hon. Friend, the Chairman, was the best. With re gard to the assertions of the Hon. and Learned Mem ber for Exeter, relative to the 52d clause of the Act, he did not think that that clause rendered it necessary for them to adopt that course of pro ceeding, which the Honourable and Learned Member seemed to think. That clause merely prescribed that the Committees should be taken as they stood on the list. But the question was what was the order in which they then stood, and he believed that the Committees might now be considered to have changed their place. Mr. F. KELLY said that whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the questions raised on the occasion, they would all admit that it was of the last importance that a correct decision should be arrived at on the case then before the House. If there should be any deviation from the statute, all the prc ceedings of the Committees would be void, and the most injurious and inconvenient consequences would follow. He should say that he differed in one point with his Hon. and Learned Friend the Attorney- General, and that he did not think that the least diffi culty could be created by the operation of the 93d sec tion of the Act. He thought that the provisions of that section had been strictly as well as substan tially complied with, and that therefore the pro ceedings were not, in any degree, irregular in that regard. That section merely required that petitions pending in the then Session of Parliament should be referred to the House in the order that had been pointed out—that is, before any petitions presented in the present Session. That he believed had been done in the case then under their consideration. The question was then put from the chair, a , motion agreed to without a division. The petition was then read by the Clerk, but in sequence of the noise oocasioncd by the converaneit Hon. Members, we were unable to hear a word at i Mr. GISBORNE said he begged liteeeeto move: it be printed with the Votes, as he apprehended, in first place, it had not been heard by the Howse, and the next, since on the present occasion they had had IA benefit of the opinions of the greatest legal authoritit in the House, and he was not quite aware that any tvrt of them agreed upon it. In a case like the present, where so much doubt existed, he thought the best tin that could be done was to leave it to the judgment and - discretion of the General Committee. He hr p:d there would be no objection, under these circumstances have the petition printed with the votes in order fiat the members of the General Committee might be ac queinted with it. Mr. WYNNE did not think the Heuse could adopt any proceeding with regard to the present petition. The ATTORNEY• GENERAL was of opinion that Mr. Aleock had at present uo locus stivai in the House.—(Hear, hear.) He was of opinion that the par ties interested in the matter could not hero justice dote them without the intervention of an Act o: liaoent. GISBORNE ,would not press the motic4, against the sense of the House. Sic GEORGE CLERK doubted whether the peti tion could he received, and he would suggoat to his Hon. Friend whether the most convenient course would not be to withdraw the petition for the present. Mr. GISBORNE did not see why he should with. draw his motion. The SPEAKER said that he did not apprehend the Hon. Member would be entitled to call co the House to have this petition printed with the rotes of the House, as it was not an election pet . .. Lion, and h e therefore thought that it would be bettcrdor the Hou. , Member to withdraw the petition. Mr. GISBORNE said he should yield to the 800. gestion of the Chair. Mr. HUME gave notice that he would, at an ear. 4 period, move for an account of sums paid as peettioas under the statutes of George 111. and George IV. • Sir JAMES GRAHAM ga ve notice that, if tiae papers connected with China were not presented to the House before Thursday naxt, he should , on that, day move an humble address to her Majesty, praying her Majesty that the papers relating to a commercial inter course with that country should be presented to the House. Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice that on Thursday next he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for the purpose of giving summary protection to the publishers of Parliamentary papers. Mr. BARNEBY wished to ask the Hon, Member for Cambridge whether he intended to bring f6rwahl his ' motion with regard to the Corn-laws on the day ho had appointed, or whether he intended to postpone it till tbe general question came before the House ? Mr. PRYME said that he intended to bring for ward his motion as an amendment to the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, if he should then be able to attend in his place in the House. T'; Mr. BARNEBY said that the Hon. M em b er for 11 Wolverhampton, did not intend to bring forward his 11 motion, and he wished to know if the Honourable Member wished to defer his amendment until then. Mr. PRYME said it would depend on the day which his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton fixed his motion. _ _ _.........._ .......... He contended that the 93d section had been complied with, because the Ludlow Election Petition was re ferred to the Committee before the Cambridge; and the section which required the petition of the electors to be referred to the Committee had been complied with. No difficulty, therefore, arose under the 93d section, as to the legality of the proceedings of the Committee. He (Mr. Kelly) was not able to agree with the Solici tor-General in his construction of the 53d section. The great difficulty was as to the course that was to be pur sued. To proceed to appoint the different Select Committees in the order in which they appeared on the list would be nugatory and erroneous. The question, therefore, was, what could now be dune consistently with the provisions of this statute ; and he agreed the Howe must consider not what it might have been expedient to do at the time the Act passed, but what had been done by the terms and provisions of the Act ; and he thought it ' was clear that the jurisdiction which tormerly existed in that House to rescind and alter orders made from time to time, was now, by the opera tion of the Act, transferred exclusively to the General Committee appointed under the Act. It was not compe-. tent for that House to rescind any order which it had mode for referring this matter to the General Committee. He felt that there was great difficulty in the present case, and that it was of the utmost importance that the proceedings of the House should be regular accord ing to the strict terms of the Statute. lie therefore TURKEY AND EGYPT. could not support the amendment of the Right Mr. HUME gave notice that it was his intention. Honourable and Learned Gentleman below him, . on Fritlay next, either upon the House going keep a but he thought some amendment might be come to Committee of Supply, or upon.the Report being brow& under which, in reality, the House would not take any up, to call the attention of the House to the state , step whatever, but leave it to the G e ner a l C omm i t t ee of affairs in Turkey and Egypt, and the conduct ;IT the e to take the course they might think right, which he Government in endeavouring to keep up a war to thclea . (Mr. Kelly) apprehended would be to rescind their parts. present - order. Lori J. RUSSELL said that he should he prepared Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not know whether he when the subject was brought ft:twat:el, to show that t apprehended th e ques ti on correct l y , b ut as h e un d er - the Government had interfered in . a manner that was calculated to prevent iTtli r than excite tiostilitics, stood it, he felt v er y muc h i nc li ne d t o agree w i t h t h e Hon. and Le arne d M em b er w h o h a d j ust sat d own . AMERICAN BOUNDARY. c, The view he t oo k o f t h e quest i on was this—by the 93d Sir R. PEEL wished to knew whethor th Noble Lord opposite would be prepared to lay any papers before, section of the A c t th e H ouse was to re f er t h e e l ect i on Parliament connected IN itb the differences with resp ec t petitions, whi c h were b e f ore i t l ast S ess i on , to a to the North American Boundary, He thought thee' general Committ ee , th e H ouse bad ' referred those petitions according to the pre v i s i ons o f th e Act, the dignity of the House required that it should Lave ' with the ex ce pti on o f one , w hi c h h a d s i nce its information on so important a subject. from official . been referred to the general Committee of selection, had and papers , a nd not from the news p a p ers, which at p res-ent were the only means Of affording any information on the question was whether th e genera l C omm itt ee any power under the Act of a pp o i n ti ng d a y s f or th ose that subject. Committees to sit, and whether th e y cou ld ma k e any Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the papers to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had rekrred bad ap alteration as to the order in whi c h th e w h o l e s t oo d. As to the last point, he did not think the order could peered in the nompapers, ia consequence, as he be believed, of the President of the United States havieg altered, but he thou g ht, f rom th e wor d s o f t h e Act, that a power was g i ven f or a l ter i ng t h e t i me. thought fit to lay them before the Senate of the United Now that being the c a s e , th e L earne d G en tl eman w h o States. He had no objection to lay on the table of the bad last spoken asked, w as it necessar y th e H ouse House all the papers the Government had on the ersbject. should interfere ? He (Lo r d J. R usse ll) did no t thi n k At the same time he did not think the negotiations wane it was. But as he viewed the motion of the Hon. in a fit state to be discussed by that House ais. the ' Chairman of the Committee, it was n o t p ro p ose d th a t correspondence was still going on. the House should in an y wa y i n t er f ere or direct any- C 0 R N-L A WS. thing to be done by th e genera l C omm i t t ee , b u t on l y Mr. HUME wished to ask if there would be laid. before, the House in time to avail, during the Corn-law debates , , to interfere in re ga rd t o an or d er ma d e b y th eme l ves .Th e du, Chairman of the Ge n e ra l C omm itt ee h av i ng s t ate d i n the valuable and important information relative to meeting at Berlin, of Delegates from varlous pacts of th a the House th a t if th ere was no not i ce g i ven ot h er t h an Continent? The Reports were printed, and in that the 24 or 48 h ours di rec t e d Uy the Act, the first and second p a n e l s wou ld no t b e i n a tt en d ance w h en t h e hands of some Members. They contained most' ins. - Committees were chosen. It was therefore desirable portant information as to the effect of a repeal o f that the Hous e s h ou ld so f ar i n t er f ere as to di rect t h e the Corn-laws, in respect to an amicable arrange - ment for commercial intercourse wife this conetr, ; attendance of th e fi rs t an d secon d p ane l s on certa i n the Corn-law debates would come on about the ele h deys. That was quit e an i n d e p en d ent quest i on from the 9rie which th e y h a d now b een argu i ng and there was hardly time to have these doenesentl ; —( Hear.) The H ou s e h a d th e most perfect right. printed ; and unless they were officjelly before Sao House they could not be used with advantage. to make such an order for th e genera l conven i ence , or to Lord J. RUSSELL had no objec.tou to their pro revoke it. But it was not proposed to interfere with the general powers of the Committee under the Act. auction. • Mr. HUME—No objection ! Why, so I was ton He thought it most desirable that these powers should be left to their own discretion—(Hear)—anxious, as two months ago ; but I want them.—,-(Latrgbter..l Can I give a notice, Sir, for an address to procure thelr pro thethey doubtless would b e , t o con f orm to th e prov i s i ons o f Act of Parliament.—( Hear.) duction ? The SPEAKER said—To-morrow.—(A laugh.) Sir R. PEEL said he was confident of this, that if a SUPPLY—NAVY ESTIMATE. Act were necessary to do effectual justice, that ittce or Act would cheerfully b e p asse d. H e appre h en d e d that 4: . The House then resolved itself into a Comm Supply on the Navy Estimates. it was clearly the intention of the House that the p elf- Mr. MORE O'FERRALL moved a ‘ve is of lion of the elector s s h ou ld h ave b een re f erre d at the 602,6001. for seamen and marines dariog the onrren t)'Orior. time to the General Committee. But by some accident Mr. HUME remarked that there was a. great' „hi that reference had no t t a k en p l ace . H e qu i te agreed with the Nobl e L or d th at i t was i mportant to crease during the last year or two in the vietualli or interfere as little a s p oss ibl e w i t h t h e General Com- charges. He found from the returns of the price of neittee.—(H e ar ) Th o H ouse h ad i ntended by Sour, for instance, that the quantity which formerly late Acts to take awa y f rom i tse lf the temptations to cost U . 18s. had during the year 1839 cost 21. 4e. 2d., : the and that a great increase had taken place in the price of such discussions, le a di ng as they did to party contests , —( Hear.) He th o u g ht it muc h more pro b a bl e t h at t h e provisions generally.—(Hear, hear.) He w i s Vd, General Committ ee h a d th e p ower to g i ve di rect i ons i n therefore, as this was a m os t important question, as showing how the Corn-l aws p resse d upon t h e fi nances' this case than that the Hou se h a d it.—( H ear .) H e was inclined to think that the Committee had the power not of the country, that the Honourable Secretary would 1 to alter the order in which the Committees stood, state to the Hou s e w h a t was t h e amount by whials the 11 but to postpone the whole proceedings to such a period, estimates bad beeu erease d i n consequeose of the A* as would enable the notices to be given as at first, ormaon wo in the price of p rev i s i ons . Thi s int ti tici he He thought the wisest course for the House to pursue of great imp or t ance i n t h e discussion some futu re occas i on . on of the Ceps'-lavis would be to remove all obstruction to the free action of the General Committee, and if the General Committee Mr, MORE O'FERRALL ( w h o spo k e ve r y falle% on further consideration of the subject should find the tinetly, and with his back to the g-ajleryl, said he an intervention of Parliament necessary to remove the chili_ derstood from the Hon. Gentleman that it was not }fief culty, they might make a special report to the House on intention to raise a discussion on the question of the the subject. He should support the motion of the Corn-laws on the present occasion, but that,when tee Honourable Gentleman, of which he approved, and 'vas fu rn i s h e d w ith t h e i n f ormat i on h e d es i re d, h e svoa ld he thought it ought to be complied with in ord er to give suffer th e di scuss i on o f th e E s ti ma t es t o proceed.—(A the General Committee an opportunity , of seeing if. sign of assget from Mr. Hume.) He would, therefore, th e y could not provide a remedy f or t h e evil, for if furnish the - Hon. Gentleman with the information 'Lk de ' they could not do so they might make a special report, sired, which, as he understood, was merely for the rite on ca lli ng f o r the interventi on o f P arl i ament for the pup- corn and flour, and not en other provisions. - He would, pose of obtaining tt at which he was convin . eed was the object they all had in view, that of doing justice to all therefore,. state the rise per cent. in the price o? those articles during the year 1839, as compared with the parties. three preceding years, distinguishing the rate pet cent. Mr. GISBORNE said he had N a petition to present of the rise at home,—of the rise at home and abroad ; and as many of the ships . in the Mediterracean from Mr. Alcock, the sitting d lember for Ludlow, in fleet were victualled at Malta, he would likewise state reference to the matter now un Clerk,er discussion, which he the rise per cent. which had taken place in the price o requested might be read by th t o yd as -2 per cent. at home .i 1 at the table. It articles of provision in home, island. o The increase its 4 had only just now been plaeed e in h u h m e e h n a t had andcorn not made himself acquainted with s all Lands e a a n r d compared with the therein made use of in support of the prayer ; g but the abroad was 18 d p u e ri r n c g en the year ar o m lB e three preceding years. in biscuit thei 2 ncrease was, at petition, after reciting the c i rcums t ances o f the case, home 9 per cent., at horfe and abroad per cent. ;ia went on to state that the provisions of the 93d section flour it was, at home and abroad 36 per cent,, at of th e A ct not h av i ng been complied with, as appeare d home 10 per cent., and at Malta 11- per cent. In from the report of the General C omm itt e e on Elections, wheat, at home and abroad 28 per t cen ~ at home 20 it would be manifestly a great injustice ,to the petitioner p er cent., and in the Islandof Malta 16 per cent. , if any me asures were a d opte d to rev i ve a pet iti o n which I n sp i r it s tbrise ine ere lB4O over 1839 h a d b ees 8 'i p had been p u t an en d t o b y d ue course o f l a w. He did cent., and in fresh m ea t t h e r i se in the present ye ar ova not know whether he should be in order in moving that over the last had been 11 per cent. the petition be now read. • Mr. WARBURTON wished h • lets to ask, whether the ' Mr. GOULBURN rose to order. There was a Government had made any inquiry with regard to a question already under discussion, and therefore he ap- reef of rocks which had lately sprung up on the eciast prehended that the petition could not be non' read. Dorsetshire so as to form • l a . na-uraharbour there ? ' The SPEAKER said it would be quite contrary to ,He wished h 'to ear if any sureeyor had been sent to order to have the petition read at the table until the I that coast? • question now before the House had been disposed of. Admiral ADAM said that he had not beard of the DELIVERY OF NOTICES. Sir G. CLERK said that he wished to have the evidence that was taken the other night, relative to the delivery of the notices respect* Election Petitions, referred to the consideration of a Select Committee. in order that they might consider the subject ; and re port to the House in what way the regular service of those notices could be secured. It was obvious that, as the General Committee would have to issue noticeA very soon again, some directions ought to be given for the mere regular fervice of notices. Had Iles° notices been delivered regularly, the House would not have been placed in the difficult and embarrassing circumstances that had eaten, and which had given rise to the discussion of that day. He therefore begged to give notice that he should to morrow move for the appointment of a Select Committee. POOR LAWS. Lord G. SOMERSET wished to ask when it was the intention of the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Conies, to bring in his Bill for the amendment of the new Poor-law Act ? He trusted that the Noble Lord would give ample time after its introduction to Hilo. Members to make themselves ecquaiuted with the provisions of the Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said he should be ready to bring, in the Bill before Easter, but it was his intention to propose that the principle should be discussed lifter the reet'SS. - COQ. ►c of 1