The Sun. — London, England, 1847-02-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 17, 1847. watt no transitory calamity passing over Ireland, to be cured in over four years, that may amount to 16,000,0001.—( Hear.) *even or eight months. In his own neighbourhood he had I know of no other mode for providing for this assumed dell ,clone all that he could to alleviate the evil.—( Hear, hear.) mency, except by a vigorous effort—by direct taxation— But it should be remembered that the wholeof the potato crop of ( Hear, hear)—visited on all parts of the United Kingdom— Ireland had been destroyed, and therefore it was that he (Hear, hear)—or by the issue of Exchequer -bills in this warned the House that same measures should be devised for doubtful state of the public revenue, or the contraction of a the relief of the people of Ireland, and unless they did d e vi se lo a n t o th e amount required, engendering possibly a direct such measures, he was quite sure that the people must starve. taxation in order to provide for the interest of that loan. I What was the condition of the landlords of Ireland ? give no opinion whatever on the policy of adopting the alter- Why that in the majority of the cases the rent was not native course. But suppose the financial Minister considered paid by one-fourth of the tenants; that in half the eases there it right to risk the loan upon Exchequer-bills, I am was nut one-sixth of the rent naid ; and in many cases it was compelled to ask, would it be advisable to increase the difficulty are actual fact that the people who were oppressed were them- of his financial position by entering into engagements to the selves more in need of relief than those who were oe the list of amount of 16 000,0001., to be spread over a period of four the guardians. He knew a nobleman, a landlord in the county years? Sir, I must totally and entirely differ from those who sof Tipperary, whose annual rental was some 7,4001., but what contend that you can pledge the public credit of the country `would the House think when he told them that that nobleman for the purpose of promoting commercial enterprise without had only received 510/ out of his 7,400!., being not 8 per subjecting the country to any risk of loss. ( Hear, cent. of that which was legally due to him ? He told Hon. hear.) Why, the Noble Lord may find it absolutely ne- Gentlemen in that House that the landlords in that country cessary to provide also four millions of money in the with which ho was connected, as well as in the county present year to meet the emergency of the time; next to it, had sold their houses, given up their and, depend upon it, you will at once so surcharge carriages, and devoted their time and their money to the the money market, that there must be a positive addition made maintenance of the destitute poor in their localities ; they had to the interest paid upon Exchequer-bills.—( Hear, hear.) taxed themselves to the extent of 30s. in the pound on their What is the public credit of the country ? Why it is a part of rental. In one barony in the county of 'Water ford, they had, the national property—it is one of the elements of our financial up to that period, laid on themselves a burden of 30s. on their strength, and you cannot appropriate any portion of that credit average rental to meet the exigencies of the barony. He to the encouragement of commercial enterprise without weak - kne e three landlords in the same county who employed and ening your power to apply the same principle in cases of erner paid from. their owe resources upwards of 1,200 individuals, geney. It is quite impossible that the contrary should be and if lion. Members doubted the fact, he would give the the case, and, therefore, I say that the application of names of these three gentlemen, although it was sometimes the national credit is very much the same in principle as the unpleasant to do so in that House. And when Irish Alembers ' application of direct taxation.—( Hear, hear.) Every appli vnre, told, by the Hon. Member for Inverness, that the land- ' cation of the public credit engenders a necessity of an in lords of Ireland ought to have taken raeaseres to borrow money ' creased taxation, and renders you less able to make a great from the Government, as the landlords in the Highlands of exertion when necessary; and therefore it does become abso- Scotlaad,:and in other places, had done, his ( Sir H. Barron's) lutely necessary to consider whether the application of sixteen answer to that was, that he himself, and other Irish landlords, millions of money is required for the purpose of meeting the had applied to the Board of Works for a portion of the million, present calamity and averting the future danger of Ire- Which had i n a previous session been voted for the purposes land, and whether the gain is equal to the risk of draining; and what did the House think was the answer he we run from such an application. If I understand received from the Board? Why, he got a post letter asking the Bill, it is this, it enables the Treasury to advance, for the him if he was a tenant for life, because, if he was, he need not next four years, a sum, the maximum of which is sixteen apply, as th e G o v ern me n t had taken the opinion of the law millions; it does not impose any obligation that the whole sum officers of the Crown, and the provisions of the measure did not is to be levied at the same time, but twelve millions may be apply to such. Why, he told the House that eleven out of levied in four years, and the remainder when the Railway 'every twelve proprietors in Ireland were tenants for life, and Commissioners might desire. , This advance of sixteen therefore they did not get a single shilling out of the million millions was not limited to railways that had absolutely which had been so much talked about in that House and out received the sanction of Parliament; but supposing, of it, and they were altogether thrown on their own resources. after the investigation of the Railway Commissioners, That was the fair and honest answer to giv e to the Hon. Member there should be found only a sufficient extent of wor k s for Inverness. And now he might perhaps be allowed to say that to demand the application of twelve millions, you m us t not he regretted exceedingly the tone adopted by the Chancellor infer that the Treasury is limited to advance only the of the Exchequer in regard to Irish landlords. He regretted 12,000,000/.; power is given in the Bill to the Treasury to ad that tone most sincerely, because he thought it an improper vance the other four if Parliament should give its sanction to tone to take with regard to Ireland; he thought that her die- any other projects. It is not that the Treasury is liable to ad tresses and difficulties were great, and it peculiarly interested vance the money, but as I read the Bill, there is no discretion the Government of this empire, the people, and this House, to given to withold it, provided that the Railway Commissioners show their sympathy by giving their assistance to that country. certify that the project is likely to afford employment, and be He would net dwell at an y l engt h on t hi s point, hut h e h ope d b ene fi c i a l t o th e country. Th e power which was invested in that a sympathy of feeling would be evinced by her Majesty's that department was taken away, and placed in the hands of Governm en t with the people of Ireland. The Chancellor of Hon. Gentlemen who might be railway shareholders. It was the Exchequer had told them that this Bill was intended rather certainly a novel principle to make the Treasury of the country, for the relief of destitute shareholder s than of the destitute poor with respect to the advance of sixteen millions in the course of of Ireland. That might have been intended as a very good four years a mere instrument destitute of power, and to transfer antithesis—as an amusing way of putting the oration--but it it to a body in no way responsible, and in no way interested 'was not consistent with the fact. The Bill q for the our- in economising the expenditure of the country. It certainly was pose of giving assistance to the poor of Ireland. He believed was a novel principle to introduce. What !to divest the Trea in his conscience that this was the object of the Bill, and for sur y of its p ower, and make it a mere instr ument in the hands (Sthat reason h e i ntended to vote for the second reading. H e of Railway Commissioners, compelled to advance the public ir H. W . Barron) had no connexion with the destitute money on the certificate of those Commissioners, which was shareholde rs i n Ireland, or any other shareholders, but the Bill not even very stringent in its provisions, as the Tr easur y received his support because it was intended to give relief to should find the money if the certificate ran thus,—" That the all classes in the country, from the highest peer to the hum. effect of the railway would be beneficial to the public, and likely `blest peasant. He knew that the landlords in Ireland had to afford public employment." It is not to be that there is come forward on this occasion in the most noble and generous any certainty of repayment—(Hear, hear)—and on receiving rnanner.—(Cries of " Question, question.") He thought it that certificate, the financial department of the country has no right to state these things, because much had been said in that option, but museat once proceed to raise the required amount. Rouse against the c o ur s e pu rs ued by the more wealthy cla ss e s Now, as to the prospect of repayment, it was generally of Ireland. In the cite of Waterford, the merchants, the assumed that at the end of thirty years they would obtain their shopkeepers, and the residents of all degrees were doing their money back again. But observe that there was no providing duty nobly ; they had not got the assistance of a shilling from in the Bill which insisted on the borrowing company provisions Government, and yet they had four relief committees at for the gradual repayment of the loan. Last year—l allude to t wo rk.—(Hear, hear.) He did not, however say, that the the Drainage Bill—we advanced money at a very low rate of landlords of Ireland had in every period of their country's interest, at three-and-a-half per cent., but we provided that history done their duty so well ; he admitted that absentee the borrower should instantly commence to repay the landl or d s h ad grossly neglected their estates and forgotten the pr i nc i pa l at not less than six-and-a-half per cent. Interest s of their tenantry. It became every man who retained But by the present Bill the borrower could do so at three per a feeling of hum an it y i n hi s b osom to atten d i n hi s p l ace an d cent., and is not requi re d t o re p a y an y p or ti on un til th e expira ao provide some means for the relief of the starving thousands tion of thirty years. Well, even at that remote period— In Ireland ; this measure afforded hopes of doing so, and there- (A laugh)--have you a certain prospect of getting back any fore h e s h ould give it all the support in his power, because in portion of it ? By no meant; for there is a clause in thus acting he would be doing his duty to his constituents, his the Bill which provides that the time can be extended. Country, and his God. The measure, I admit, is as free from objection as that for the Sir ROBER T PEEL said—Sir, it is my wish to discuss ma ki ng roads, or administering relief; and it was not on that e propo sa l w hi c h has b een b rought forward by the Noble account t h at I h ave cons i dered it r i ght to oppose it. The Hon. entertain i n a spirit and temper befitting the deep sense which I Gentleman who sits near me (Mr. Hudson) takes a particular for the magnitude of the calamity under which pride in that part of the Bill which pays off mortgages on the Ireland is now suffering, and the magnitude of that future railways which are now existing.—(L aug ht er .) Th e fi rst danger which is, I fear, impending over her.—(Cheers.) Si r , part of the measure pays off three debt s . —(L aug h ter . ) I i understand the Noble Lord to bring forward this question in (Mr. Hudson here observed that it was only intended to a Spirit f ree f rom all party feeling. I understand him to pay o fi' t h e pr i vate de b ts. )—But, says the Hon. Gentleman, 9 ing it f orwar d , not as a measure in hostile rivalry with t hi s w ill ma k e t h e coast c l ear i f they pay off the private debts.— the proposal of her Majesty's Government, but as a ( Laughter.) I understand, therefore, that the first application contribution suggested by the Noble Lord towards the mea- of the money to be advanced from the Treasury would be to !tires that were deemed to be calculated to diminish the suffer- pay off the creditors of the railways, even though they were not l'lns of Ireland. Sir, in that spirit it is my intention to dis- holders of shares.—)Laughter.) Some railway companies were cites it. l am t h e more inclined to do so, because the vote at present borrowing money at 5 per cent. (Mr. Hudson re ehich I shall give will be upon the merits of the question marked that the Great Western Company only paid 4 4 - per fo unded, and w ill be influenced by the consideration of those cent.) The Hon. Gentleman says—See what I have done; co nsequences w hi c h t h e N o bl e Lord indicated as the possible re- look at the state of the money-market. I have been able to sult of the measure. Sir, the proposal is, that the credit of the raise a capital of ten millions within three or four months. country should be pl e C ge d t o th e amount o f s i x t een m illi ons f or But, he save, don't suppose that I have a share in any Irish I the purpose. of providing employment for the poor of Ireland. have no interest whatever in any I r i s h ra il way.— railway. Sir, the ex t ent to which it is proposed so to engage the credit (Laughter.) Is it not a fact, however, that a great port i on of the shareholders in Irish railways wer e E ng li s h men ? — of this country, j ustif i es, and, in my opinion, necessitates some ref erence to the financial condition and financial prospects of ( Hears hear.) The Hon. Member for L ynn sa i d, " See what the country. Sir, the financial condition of the country, judg- an enormous profit the constructi on o f I r i sh railways will ing from the last returns, made up to the beginning of Janu- be to the English railways. Can it be supposed that a railway ary last, shows the financial condition of the country, no doubt, with a terminus in Waterford, Drogheda, or Dublin, will be of to be in a prosperous state. It would appear from no use to English railways ?" But if this undoubted and those returns, that the amount of revenue received within the enormous profit to English railways be the consequence of the Year —not of course ending the sth of April, but on the sth of construction of Irish railways, on what ground do they now January last —that the amount of revenue received within the come forward and ask Government for assistance?—(Cheers.) year far exceeded the estimate which was made by any Right Suppose they are deriving 10 per cent. on the railways in this Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. That revenue country, and that an extraordinary increase of profit is ex was partly derived, no doubt, f rom sources w hi c h my Ri g h t pasted on the completion of th e I r i s h ra il ways, why do they ask _ e .t_f n. Friend could not ca l cu l ate, b ut, speaking generally of money at 3ii. per cent. for which th e y ou gh t to pay f i ve or the ordi nar y sources o f revenue for the year ending on the Ist 6 per cent.?—(Cheers.) Was not that a clear gain of 2% per of January last, the receipts were greater than the most sanguine cent., or 25 , 0004 or every 1,000,000/.?—( Ch eers . )I If t h at b e exectation could hav e anticipated. ---( Hear hear.) Sir, I the case, then do not say it is mer e ly pl e d g i ng th e pu bli c cre di t; think my Ri g ht H on . Friend calculated that the amount of direct bonus on Irish railways.—(Ch eers .) I, there revenue for the y ear en di ng sth April, 18, would 47 be about it is a r fore, am of opinion that no claim whatever hes b een es t a bli s h e d 51,900,000/. for Government assistance. Even if they were not sharehold- Mr. GOULBURN-50,000,00/. R. PEEL—Yes, 50 ,900,000/.—that would ndin be h about ors in these railways, they would have no right to claim Go- Sir a e sth d of vernment assistance for an undertaking which they stated pos -51,00,000/. The net receipts of the year es_essed so many clear and undoubted evidences of intrinsic profit. January last (being the receipts to the sth of January t (Hear, hear.) If the statements be true which had been the sth of April, were not less than 53,C30,00/ ,be l ino n" made, they were an inducement to English shareholders to come excess of 2,000,Cn. upon the estimate of ' my Right , hear.") The forward and embark their capital in these 'railways, and my Honourable Friend.—(Cries of " Hear balance in the Exchequer was not less than 9 000 00 1 Honourable Friend (Mr. Hudson) should come forward and the total amount of excess of revenue overeZariseideitour.er.e liberally, and head the list.—(Cheers and laughter.) But if, notwithstanding all these objections, it be a great measure, calculated as the Noble Lord (Bentinck) says, to encourage was, I think, about 2,8C0,060/. Se far, therefore , industrial enterprise in Ireland— calculated as a great instru ceipts and disbursements up to the presentyear areconcerned, ment to work out the social amelioration of the condition of ttie financial condition of the country . prosperous; but with reference to the proposal of the No la bleleerd pledgingthe that country—l am not disposed to be diverted from the attain ment of such desirable results by the financial difficulties that country to the amount of 16,000,CD/ , the matter for our may be its accompaniment; but it is because I have a doubt consideration is rather the prospects of the coming year than that neither the advantages predicted, nor a considerable the results of the year that has past.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, the N o bl e Lord at the head of her Majesty ' s Govern- portion of them, will result from th e a d o pti on o f t h e measure, merit, or t h e Chancellor of the Exchequer, w i l l , upon end that the financial difficulties to whi c h I h ave a d verte d w ill an early d ay, state to us the view which her Majesty ' s G overn- aertainly be its attendant, that ha s d ec id e d t h e vote wh i ch I m ent take o f th e fi nanc i a l s t ate o f t h e country. Sir, I appre- shall give to-night.—(Che ers .) Th e H on. M ember for bend th ey can hardly calculate upon the receipts of the coming Shrewsbury he alluded to the m i s t a k es o f t h e Ch ancellor of the financial year being greater, perhaps not so great, as the Exchequer, and has endeavoured to show the great mistakes made by the Right Hon. Gentleman ; b u t I thi n k t h ere was one rec eipts of th e p resen t y ea r. It is hardly possible to con serve that, considering the high price of provisions in the mistake into which he himself f e ll. Th e H onoura bl e country, considering the depressed state of manufactures, h par- Gentleman was referring to th e i n f er i or i ty o f I reland cul ar l y i n some great branches, considering the expected to England , and was stating what a strange contrast oh price of one o f t h e great raw mater i a l s o f manufactures— there existed between the currency o f S co tl an d an d I re l an d . I mean cotton—considering the effect which the high price 1 consider that as a most fallacious test of the prosperity of the of pr ov i s i ons thoughout the whole continent of Europe, country. It has been the evil of S co tl an d t h at i t h as not and the high price of provisions in the United States of increased its circulation. I believe that no country in the .irrierica must produc e upon the power of consumption in world has made more rapid advances than S co tl an d h as , . different quart ers o f E urope an d A mer i ca —i t i s hardly poss i - and yet by looking at the comparison of the amount ble for as to believ e th at t hi s concurrence o f untowar d c i rcum- of the present currency with what it was thirty years since, s tances will n o t ma t er i a ll y a ff ect t h e revenue. S i r, as to the it would be found that the facts of the case were decidedly in expenditure of the coming year, we shall have to calculate opposition to the arguments of the Hon. Member for Shrews- Pon no ordi nar ex enditure. I believe in res act to the bury. The Hon. Member stated that in Ireland the amount of Military estimates u y , notes in circulation averaged only 11. per head, whereas in there w ill b e an, th p e naval, army addition of not ' and ordnance p estimates, less than 400,C00/. 1 Scotland it was equal to 161. per head. do not quarre l w i t h t h at est i mate ; I b el i eve that Mr. DISRAELI.--No, no. ms Gover men t wou ld propose an i ncrease d est i mate Sir R. PEEL—This showed the necessity for indulgence of that ki n d w i t h out a deep sense of public necessity. on the part of Hon. Members in alluding to speeches p re - I am not a ll ud i ng to it, therefore, byway ns ; of complainton the viously delivered. I certainly understood the Hon. Memb er contrary, I am rea d y to i ncur the responsibility with G tavern to say that the allowance for Scotland was at the rate of 161. went in taki ng that addition a l vo t e , if it is justified by public p.sr head. affairs. But with respect to th a t estimate, there is an actual Mr. DISRAELI—Not of currency. increase proposed of 400,000 a, while I cannot anticipate that Sir R. PEEL—Then I have mistaken the statements of the H there w ill b e any re d uction i n the miscellaneous estimates, l on. Member. I have not the slightest wish to misquote the ex apprehend that there will be an additional expenditure on the pressions of any Hon. Member.—(Hear.) I was going, however, charge of debt, and thus the ordinary annual expenditure will to advert to that which is , after all , the main test of the pros considerably exceed the expenditur e o f the present.—( Hear, perity of a nation. The Hon. Member for Shrewsbury says hear.) Then, Sir, with respect to the future. I that he admits the truth of the abstract doctrine, that it is am prepared to expect an increase on account of the better to leave commercial enterprise free of all State inter necessary expenses, for the purpose of doing that which I ference. I think that doctrine is not only practically sure, but, ass prepa re d and ready to do, namely, for the purpose of miti- in the case of England, I think it is also perfectly practicable. gating those horrors which at present overwhelm Ireland.— The prospect of commercial gain is alone the feeling which (Hear, hear.) lam prepared to consent to a full expenditure influences the conduct or enters into the views of the specu w—tttth. at liberal expenditure—to afford to this country in common lator—(Hear, hear)—he calculates upon a certain amount of Profit, and the number of men whom he has to employ ; will be e . ;es7fint ewxtilly i o t ther relief, but I anticipate that the necessary result th r ese . and other considerations it is which induce him to de the revenue posing this terrible eaele,amiru7seitha the e n n s e id e e e r s a s ble deficit, comparing applicable. But the is necessary expenditure. Supe re mine whether he shall speculate in a certain enterprise or possible that the Noble Lord had not fallen upon 1 , helm - d it is not. The doctrine tloyfnot only 3ie m perfectly her i r Shrewsbury says that those doctrines Hon. ' mate some considerable excess frrd n rbeye i l g aftn h h t de havelst,Tlou beenshould at a e lnl approach e dto t rail h e are th n e o r t perfectly apph po Theitica I ; t o a n e . of expenditure required revenue, but if the amount cable in a country like Ireland, because sum that has been estimated 9, or possibly 11 millions, it is still highly 'l 1848, a siderations overpower commercial speCulation e s , . Noble Lord, namely, some has misgoverned Ireland, and, therefore, the State should in will will be, on the sth of April,terfere in commercial enterprise .—( Hear, hear.) That is an - 7 or 8 millions, comparing the actual deexfireei probable expenditure e t w le it s h s than the argument I wish to protest against. Ido not think it is for receipts. But, I believe, you will have to follow up that ex- the advantage of Ireland that political considerations should penditure by a large and liberal expenditure, to enable the overpower those considerations. I have heard several speeches people of Ireland to lay the foundation of a better food than from Hon Members who have addressed the House in favour of that upon which they have . h it w he il r i to he existed.—(Hear, hear. from those speeches, I am convinced that if Our great object, therefore the statements made by those Hon. Members be true, then by absolute necessity to meet innt emergency proceeded, ergrhope to e con ) the measure, and, they are such as should induce the Irish landlords to encourage, the present eider minutely what those measures will be n pthey from their awn resources, the commerce of the country.— 'will be conceived in a vvise, and candid, and liberal ' ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn said, such as shall lay the foundation of that social reeenerationasPolrfit' " Complete the Irish railroads, complete the 1,50 miles as the sustenance of the people is concerned.—(Hear, hear a .; Looking at these measures and exertions on the part of the lords. The land upon every square mile a o f railroads, andsee what will be the benefi d t jo t i o ni t n h g e t l h r e ish ra l il a w nd ay - Government and the country, considering the great exP endi- will be improved, every acre within the vicinity of that rail tore that will be required, and considering th at , to meet the way will be improved by a positive addition to the value of the present emergency, it will require a sum of not less than seven rental, taking it at the lowest estimate of 10s. per acre. The or eight millions, it is hardly possible that the future finan- whole number of acres so improved in the annual rental of cial condition of the country can be gratifying.—(lleac, 10s. will amount to 1,900,C31. ; and this increase make these If d d rh jo i y : i htt o hht n eetyo o l frnci23o: Irish I ,o la 00 uponn d, hear.) N ow , with these financial prospects before of rental would cause in the purchase price of the land an ad us, let us just inquire what is the present arid the Ir i r s a h i I landownersroad s y l t f h t e h e is o , ea t t h r e e n c , ti i e s h th o e f t p h r e o a fi n t r t a o u b w e ay d a e , r w iv h ed y probable future state of the money-market. That inquiry IllaY possibly excite a smile, but 1 use the term money-market? —( C i h n e e t r h s e . )„, i c i H n i a t Have h l f in the sense that means neither more nor less than what are the terms upon which the public can borrow money for the r_a n dways, to give every facility to an enterprise, from the bene- Purose of supplying the public wants.—( Hear, hear. ) It is ° _ e ial effects of which they are to derive the sum of 23,000,0001.? n th ot es a e ropoaed that the public should contract another loan for the IN . w, with reference to the Galway fisheries, the Hon. Mem- Purpose of a certain measure. It will be a burden upon the ber_ for Stamford (the Marquis of Granby) said that the people People which must be provided for in some way or other by o. Galway could go out in their boats, and bring on their return public securities.—(Hear, hear.) Well then, 1 find that the with them a quantity of herrings to the value of 4,000/., the Ibr ee - and-a-Half per Cents., which a short time since produce os!. single night ; and, said be, what a benefit it would , veer at not less than par, which were, even a •hort time ago, as be to the Irish people, if they were enabled to take their fish to high as 100/., are at present not more than 91/. Calculating other parts of the country by means of railways, and dispose of that price with those of the last six or seven months, that itat onee, instead of having to lay idle for three or four nights, ',bows a depression of not less that 12 per cent. So much for and losing fish to . the value of 4,00.1..0n each night. Are not fued I these, then, considerations of great commercial importance and f i n d . property. Let us now look to the unfunded debt. the Irish landowners , should not in the case of the Exchequer-bills that they are at a dis valuable undertakings ? Their land will be improved, and count, or at all events, only some ss. premium. Now, of course, profitable fisheries will be encouraged. state of the money-market is a - most material eonsidera ,• Mr. HUDSON—They have got no money. tion hi discussing the ' again Sir R. PEEL—The Hon. Member for Sunderland • again, with respect to the says they prospects of the country in rel ati on have got no money. y, the same power that raised b to its foreign affairs. It was given out 9 her Majesty, 10 000,000/. a few weeks since.—(Cheers,) If these railways are this on the first day of the session, that ' so beneficial, what is the reason that British capital is net in country still continued, and l'ls . on terms was 1 ely to continue ! vested in them ?—( Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Shrews ,_ of amity with the foreign Powers of Europe. I bury says that political considerations have overwhelmed the or naerd that announcement with great satisfaction, but , my con- bury commercial considerations, and that the shareholders of I _',u nee in it was somewhat shaken by recollecting the discus find a great difficulty in obtaining possession of the *ions which took place between this and another Ireland . upon a cert • • great country the corn llicated nature at the same certain question ; and the remembrance that it was land, in consequence of I i . 0 Euro had time announced that three other great Powers in the title to the land. Then would say, simplify the Pe had committed a manifest • • viola means of obteti . , - . lane the titles to laid in that country. wa r n s this .. violation of good faith to at Int.. country, :New, t e this state of things, the Funds ( Che'N's' ) It has been proved that it is to the interest et the l'lohle 'and Exchequer-bills scarcely bearing premiums, the laneowners to give their land for the purpose of making these calls upon us to author' Vection of the reat difficulties the ise her Majesty's railways, and I meet that o j g . Government to sanction contracts which are to spread Irish companies: have to contend with in obtaining possession of the land, by advising, with the hearty consent of the land owners themselves, the adoption of some measure to facilitate the purchase of land upon fair and equitable terms.—(Cheers. ) Nothing is more easy than for you to do that. You have al ready done it one case—the case of the Shannon navigation. In that case the claims have been left to the decision of the Shannon Commissioners. Their awards have been so just, and made in so fair a spirit, that not a single appeal has been made against their decision. The same principle is carried out in France and Belgium, and I earnestly hope that some measure will be adopted for the purpose of simpli fying the titles to property in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, it has been said that political or religious differences would prevent the people acting in concert in the formation of these works of utility. They should be invited to take part in the concerns of their common country, and all these religious and political animosities will pass away when they find that it is their interest and their duty to combine together to me :onrage these works, and to discourage all thaw party feelings and religious animosities.—(Cheers.) Bet let the people suppose that they can do nothing for themselves, and that the Government is prepared to do everything for them, these animosities will continue to prevent the appli cation of the capital and energies of the people to the promotion of works of commercial enterprise. Thus they will obtain double advantages by leaving those works to be constructed by the means of individual enterprise, and, at the same time, encouraging great social improvements among the people. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Shrewsbury called upon the State to make those railways ; but what advantages were to accrue in return ? There is, he said, a field of coal at Mallow more extensive than any coal-field in operation in England. " Make a railway," he said, " and not five years will elapse before that field of coal will be explored, and its produce carried along the line proposed to be con structed to various parts of Ireland. It would be transported to Dublin, and to the other large consuming towns in the country." He said further, that it would be found as important and lucrative a coal-field as any in England. But why do political considerations overpower commercial considerations ? Why do not men of capital, and men of sense, estimate the probable produce of that coal-field, and calculate what amount of toll would be received for the transmission of that produce over the line ?—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman also said that the fisheries will receive a new stimulus—that new resi dents will be brought into the country, and that the trade of the country will be increased.;But why are not all these results still obtained by the commercial instead of political enterprise? I firmly believe, that if you do not overpower Irish enterprise by the application of English capital by Government interfer ence, I firmly believe, that at no remote period, that those works will be carried out by the enterprise of the country.— ( Hear, hear.) if I really believed the financial condition of the country would permit it, and that it would be decidedly for the advantage of Ireland, a great part of my objections would be removed, but I have most serious doubts that if you fetter Irish enterprise by the applica tion of English capital, as proposed in the Noble Lords' Bill, I do doubt very much whether it would be for the benefit of the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.) Yet, I admit that there have been interferences by the State for the purpose of promoting public works. In the last year, when I was the First Lord of tha Treasury, I 'consented to advance soma money to an Irish railway on the same principle upon which advances for commercial purposes are made. I am not at all prepared to say whether, owing to this calamity which has visited Ireland, that it would be unwise under certain restric tions, and under certain guarantees for the repayment of the advances, to make such loans.—(Cheers from Lord George Bentinck.) But the extent and encouragement which the the lines country,w would pass, to as the he the Noble Lord p roposes to give, will, I believe, not disi trebtes so o hro b u e g n h which eficialte anticipates ; and, moreover, will not give such tan gible security as we have a right to expect. The only security that you have is, in cases of default, the seizure of the railway. —(Cheers.) If the shareholders in those lines to which ad vances have been made refuse to contribute their share of the money borrowed, or the interest upon it, you have no other option than to take possession of the railway, and finish it at the public expense ( Hear) —or in a case of absolute failure, you have no remedy against the shareholers. The remedy is not against the shareholders, but against the old iron rails.—(Laughter.) In speaking thus, I am stating the views which I have long held. lam not adverse to the occasional application of capital for the purpose of encouraging enterprise both in this country and in Ireland.—(Cheers. What I sincerely deprecate is such supposed encouragement as shall prevent individual enterprise, and those who ought to rest upon individual enterprise, by such an interference as shall pa ralyse that enterprise, by rendering it valueless, and conse quently inoperative, as I think the advance which any such sum as that proposed by the Government, whose interference would be carried to some extent as to its application, could not have any other effect than that of paralysing individual enterprise. Sir, I know the Noble Lord will say that my estimate is incorrect; that 7,000,0001. will be required, independently of the capita I proposed to be expended by his measure for the relief of the distress in Ireland, under the powers of the Bill already passed by this House, as his measure, by finding employment for the people, will reduce the necessity of making such large advances. Now, admitting in the first place, the men who will be employed are generally Irishmen, and not Englishmen from this country, yet I greatly doubt whether the passing of the Bill of the Noble Lord would immediately diminish that expenditure which wilt be absolutely necessary for the relief of the destitue. Now I hold in my hand a map of the railways which have received the sanction of Parliament, of those which have been completed, and of those in the course of execution. By this map it appears that it verifies the observation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer who, speaking generally, said that railways were sanctioned by Parliament mainly for the east coast. I only tied two, of com paratively small extent, passing to the westward. The first is from Sligo to the Shannon, the capital of which is, I think, 100,0001; and the second from Limerick, through Killaloe to Ennis, the capital of which was 300,0004 But, with respect to the west, there are no Bills for the construction of railways through it, except one in the county of Clare; nor in Donegal, Roscommon, Leitrim, Sligo (with the exception of that small railway for which the estimate was 100,000/. ), Mayo, Galway, Clare (with the exception of the railway from Limerick to Ennis), and through a great part of the county of Limerick. But no provision would be made for the employment of the destitute persons in the immediate neighbourhood of the line which would be made. In the returns read the other evening by the Hon. Gentleman, it appeared that the persons who would be employed on railways were those residing in the im mediate neighbourhood of the lines. If that be so, first of all, the removal of men from Connaught to work at the lines would take him away from his family, and that would be a great misfortune, if they numbered as many as ten. That is no small evil. Who would provide fer their sustenance during his absence? Certainly it would not do away with demands on the Government from the west, which would still be heavy notwith standing the employment which would be given under the Noble Lora's Bill. I was saying that I have for a long period enter tained sincere doubts whether you might not carry Govern ment interference too far, so far as to injure commercial enter prise. Now, I wish the House could be fully , aware of the history of the inland navigation of Ireland. Inland navigation in Ireland was promoted and encouraged by the Government. It is necessary that I should refer to this point, although I may trespass a short time longer on the attention of the House, and I thank the House for the attention with which it has listened to me.—(Loud sheers.) I wish to present to the House the contrast between enterprise encouraged and fostered by the Government, and enterprise undertaken under every difficulty and discouragement, and what was taken for individual gain by individual enterprise. The Irish Parliament greatly encouraged and fostered inland navigation. What were the grounds on which public ad was granted? Exactly the same on which we are asked to give the enormous public aid sought by this Bill.—( Loud cheers.) By the 23d of George 11., a corporation was ap pointed to carry on inland navigation. What was intended to be done? To take a canal directly across Ireland, in the con fident hope that the returns would be most enormous—so enor mous that the prosperity of Ireland would be promoted, and it would have been most beneficial if it had been left in the hands of individual shareholders. By this Act of Parliament it was stated " that these works of inland navigation, being for the public benefit, by encouraging tillage, and giving employ ment to the poor, it is fit and reasonable that they should tie carried on at the charge of the kingdom, by grants from the public funds." In 1787, then, it was found that the works had progressed so badly, that it was decided that they would not ultimately prove advantageous to the company. It was said that the system of granting public money was perilous and abortive. The officers were appointed under that Act at salaries as large as 500/. to superintend and control the works, but the result of their management was that they made two canals running parallel to each other.—(Hear, and laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer re ferred to the two canals—the Royal and the Great Canal. the original estimate for the first of which was, I think, 180,000/. The circumstances of the canal caused an inquiry to be made in 1811. Now what was the position in which this canal, sup ported and fostered by public mo ney, was found ? Why we found that 186,000/. of the public . money had beer, granted, though the original capital was stated to be only 19J,000/. ( Hear, hear.) And while the Government had advanced 186,0001., it appeared that 182,000/., had been expended otherwise. The increase was 15,000/, while the mainte nance of the permanent works was 11,0001., leaving only 4,000/. to cover the whale debt and expenditure of the com pany.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") This was a work which was stated at the time to be a great national undertaking, yet the unfortunate results I have given are the fruits of the company being fostered by the Government. The company to which I have referred, at the very time it was in this state, made dividends without any profits, and even when they were obliged to pay not only the interest on their debt, but also their present expenses, by fresh leans,—( Hear, hear.) The same results have been shown in the case of the Caledonian Canal as what I have shown in the present case. Both the Caledonian as well as the Royal Canals were great national undertakings, yet at the very time I have referred to, the latter company told me, as I was then Secretary of Ireland, that unless they could get 100,0001. more, their whole affairs would go to ruin. —( Hear, hear.) Parliament granted the canal 50,000/. more, which was added to the 182,000/.,making a total sum advanced of 232,0001.—(Cries of " Hear, hear")—but what is the present position of the company I cannot say; but since then I trust its affairs have been under better manage ment. This is the result of Government interference.— ( Hear, bear.) Sir, I cannot leave this part of the subject without adverting to what has appeared in the admirable re port of the late Mr. Drummond, in much of which I agree, anticipating as it did many of the improvements and suggestions since made in that report, in which is given the results of the Government interference in the Royal Canal. There is also an account of the indomitable efforts and enterprise of one indi vidual within the last twenty years in supplying all the south, the south-west, and many other parts of Ireland, with means of internal communication. This account affords a contrast be tween the results of a scheme like the present under considera tion, fostered by the Government, and those of individual en terprise. The one to which I refer, is the establishment of a regular system of cars between the provincial towns of Ireland. The Hon. Member read an extract from the report in question. It set out with stating, that about twenty years ago, while there were coaches in a few of the leading roads of Ireland, the cross-roads and small towns had no convenience. The country was in this state until an individual took it up— an individual who had no advantages from connexion with the country—no great capital or influence. He was a foreigner— an Italian, a native of Milan, who ceuld not even speak the language of the c ountry. Signor Bianconi tried first with one een Clonmel and Clare. He bad no car, which he started between thing but his 111 industry and integrity to depend on for success— but these were sufficient, for be soon increased his n umber of cars until he had established them all over the province oft Munster. From th_ nce he extended them into Leitrim and Sligo, and throughout Connaught generally, until they oecu pied all the north-west parts of the kingdom. He had now ninety-four public conveyances, and the distance which they travelled exceeded three thousand miles•—(C heers.) These results had been achieved in distric t s which were t he ffici of agrarian distur bance in districts where life and property were I not secure, where party processions and religious feelings ran high. Notwithstanding this state of th ing s, M. Menem i had carried out his system everywhere without hindrance or disturbance, and was popular wherever he went. In the face of the greatest difficulties had individual enterprise • succeeded ; he established himself secnrely in those foci of agrarian outrage, where life and property were not secure, and when there was every discouragement to the enterprise in w hich he had em barked. His confidence had not been abused. By just and active exertions he bad succeeded, and was not only safe, but popular with all classes of the people.—(Hear, hear.) This, continued the Right. Hon. Baronet, is a contrast `to the cases that have gon e before to the schemes fostered by Government support. By the exertion of individual enterprise, this oreigner, who did not understand the language of the country, had thus carried out this great swans of internal communication. Exert yourselves in the same way, and you will add to the value of your landed property, and advance the interess and the hap piness of the people.--( Hear, hear.) If you wll imitate the example set you by this foreigner, and contrast it with the examples of the schemes proposed by the Legislature—if you will forget your rtligious diffe rences, and let a sense of the overwhelming visitation under which your country is truly stffaring, impress on your minds—if you devote all your exertions to mitigate this calamity, and to improve the social circunstances of the millions dependent on you, not only for thdr present but their future welfare, it is my firm belief that yni will do more to promote the interests and happiness of your native land, than if, abandoning yourselves to misery aid regret, and despair, you placed your confidence in Govsrnment grants, and trusted in your difficulties to Government aid. (The Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud and genera, cheering.) Lord G. BEN TINCK rose amidst loud cries of f° Divide, divide." He said that the Right Honourable Baronet's only stock areument appeared to be M. Bianconi.—( Hear, hear.) They stood as the stock in trade of the Right Hon. Gentle man. He was sure that it was in the recolecfion of every gentleman in that House that, when in fee year 1839, the Government of Lord Melbourne proposed a scheme for as listing railways in Ireland, the Right Hon. Gentleman gave word for word what he (Lord G. Bentinck) had heard during the last half hour, and which were the arguments he then used against the Goverment of that day. If private enter prise, said the Right Hon. Gentleman, were to take its course, they would have railways just as well and flourishing as they had their private cars. But seven years had since elapsed, and what had been the result? Why, whilst in this country they had 2,61%0 miles of railway, in Belgium there were only 375 miles of railway completed. In Austria and Germany they had 3,000 miles of railway, and in the United States of Ame rica they had 3,300 miles of railway. In Ireland, where en terprise had been left unaided by the Government—(lmmense cheering)—they had about 123 miles of railway. Would the House listen to the heavy policy of the Right Hon. Baronet? They were well aware—althovgh many might not be of his opinion that as the Government aid had succeeded in Belgium, as Government aid had succeeded in Austria and Germany, as Government aid had succeeded in the United States of America, that he would call the aid of Government for the benefit of Ireland, and not to supersede private enterprise—(Cheers)—for that he never proposed to do. The very spirit, the very principle of the Bill was, that it should not supersede private enterpuise, but that Govern ment should come in to aid it, to stimulate it.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had entered at great length on the question of the finances of the country, and thus, as he (Lord Geo. Bentinck) imagined, was proseeding to show them how he (Lord Geo. Bentinck) would by his proposition inflict a heavy tax upon the country. He had listened long and patiently, but he could not gather from the Right Hon. Gen tleman how it was that a single tax, or a single burden of any description, would be imposed on the country by his proposition. The Right Hon. Gentleman had told them that they would require seven millions sterling for the relief of Ireland, and that for such a purpose some imposition must be forced on the country. The Right Hon. Gentleman seemed entirely to forget that seven millions was to be paid for unproductive works.—( Cheers.) It was to be paid for the feeding of the people of Ireland without any return, and le (Lord G. Bentinck) proposed against his pro position to spend four millions sterling of money to be raised upon the credit of the Government, to which two other mi)ions would be raised by share capital stimulated by the aid of the Government, and of that six millions he was prepared to show that not one.fourth'or one-half, but two-thirds, would be ex pended in labour. So that out of the seven millions which the Right Hon. Gentleman proposes as the sum which it would be necessary to raise to maintain the people of Ireland, he had a right so say that he would deduct four millions by his scheme. Then the Right Hon. Gentleman intimated to the House that the Exchequer-bills were just wavering between a pre mium and depreciation, and it was upon the principle that they would have to raise the price of Exchequer-bills, the Right !Lon. Gentleman showed his caution and prudence, for be forgot to tell the House to what extent the interest of the Ex chequer-bills would have to be raised. He was too prudent to tell them to what extent the raising of the four millions would affect them, because it was not a question with the House and country how much the four millions would cause the funds to fall, or how much the raising of these four millions would make the rates of premium on Exchequer-bills, but how much the raisings of those four millions would reduce the premium of Exchequer-bills. The Right. Hon. Gentle tleman prudently forebore from telling the House to what ex tent the raising of these four millions sterling would throw down the funds, and the rate of premium of the Exchequer bills. He mean: to say that it would reduce the premium of Exchequer-bills to the same extent, but whether it would re duce them one farthing per cent., or one halfpenny per cent., it was impossible to say. But they would suppose that the Right Hon. Gentleman expected that the raising of the four millions sterling to be expended in profitable employment in this country would cause the funds to fall to 85, and thus raise the interest of money to about 3% per cent., and that they would have in consequence to raise the interest of Ex chequer-bills le e per cent., what would the cost to the country amount to? Counting that upon the whole 27,000,000 of Ex chequer-bills, they would not expend 270,000. per annum ; and what did they hear last night from the Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer? That their staff alone, the maintaining of their army of 14,587 men, cost 78,0001. per month. The Hon. Gentleman, shrinking from the dread of incurring on the country the necessity of paying 270,000/. a year more for Exchequer-bills, thought nothing of 78,0001. per month to be paid under the plan he advocated and sup ported for the maintenance of this idle staff —not of destitute shareholders—and he certainly knew that they were not a party sf destitute poor.—( Hear, bear.) The whole of this attack was for what the Right Hon. Gentleman called the non-govern. ment of Ireland ; but he would say whether those reports were not spread for the credit of themselves. He was aware that this relief had been granted, but he was not at all aware that the Right Hon. Gentleman now at the head of Irish affairs was Secretary for Ireland in the year 1789.—(Laughter.) Nor did he at all understand how the Royal Canal, which was begun in 1788, could in any way affect that report. This was an inference which he drew from the circumstances, and there fore, it was that he warned the House of the tenor of that report. It should be recollected that this was a parallel case, and that in the borrowing of the 4,000,0001. he had stated a case to the House which would amply repay it for the advancement of the money. The Noble Lord then read a series of extracts to show his position, and to show what w as the position of the several indi v id ua l s who were disposed for the revival of the company. He was quite aware that there was much of energy and plausibility in the proposal of the Right Hon. Gentleman. But the Right Hon. Gentleman, in the conclusion of his speech, had said he would allow that these railways would be of use to Ireland. But what was the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman ?—why, that this would be the wiser measure. This was the difficulty in the way of an adjustment for the affairs of Ireland. The grant was made in 1781, and the canal was only begun in 1789. He slated this, not for the sake of ar gumen t, but because he was anxious that the difficulties under which the Government was placed should be done away with, and because he wished to answer the arguments of the Hon. Member for Stamford, and because he felt that the great relief was to be obtained by turn ing other railways to the natural source. He was quite aware that there was a great difficulty, but yet that difficulty ought to be met. His great object was to extend railways to Galway, so as to afford plenty of employment for the fishermen. It appeared by the returns that upwards of 15,0001. per mile had been expended, and that had been within the last four years. The. Commissioners had made a report on the 23d June, stating these circumstances, in which it was shown that these data were unsatisfactory. Then, as to the machinery, he confessed that it was singularly defective, and if it were proceeded in he should feel it his duly to bring the matter before the Legislature. He was only surprised that the cumbrousness of the machinery should have se interfered with its working, for he hid hoped that the Hon. Member for Kilkenny would have cleared up this difficulty, for he firmly believed that trona a quarter to a half of the population of Ire land would be thrown into destitution unless their wants were provided fur. This point had been mooted during the last seven years, and its resolu ion affected the whole of the pope lation of Ireland, and had, in fact, produced a social revolution. The great difficulty appeared to be to make this loan, but from the financial statement that had been made by his Right Hon. Friend, he did no ant icipre any objection to his own project. It was, however, evident that the formation of these railways would lead to the consump4on of excisable articles. He was not aware of the precise position in which the two countries stood, but of this he was assured that from 600,000/. to 700,000/. would be added to the expenditure of the country. That exp..sitiert ha, no ov run the gaoittle, of three C l" hanca.' o f the Bac, equer and a late Prone minister , and he thought, therefore, that they might take It for granted that no . man in that House was ~repared to oppose it. Trey might, therefore, cons'de the propere tion of the ' , fight Hon. Gentlem an to he thi s —to prevent the;a,ditien of 650,000/. to the revenue of th e country w ithout the impositi on o f the any new tax whatsoever. The Ri g ht lion . Gentleman forovied i track the Chancellor of t ,c Exch eque r, a n d confirmed his state m en t that t that there re no railways in Ir e l a nd:exc e pting on the eastern What, no railways , xcepting e n the eastern coast , where. . tco ast. What, _ Chancellor o the exchequer assu r ed them there was no dist ressw in ft might be true that the compl e t e d ra il w ays, process of constructi on were chi ef l y on t h e e astern coast, and thos h e h i t io did it not occur to the Right H o n. G ent l eman that , Perhaps t he absence of disrress might be owin g to th e f ac t o f railways being alrea d y con ,tructed there ? There remained seine lines *to construct on that part of the country, as seventy miles of railway from Dublin to Wexford, seventy or seventy-five miles from Drogheda to Portadown, thirty or forty miles front Belfast to Navan and Coleraine—these lino all re mained to be constructed on the eastern coast,; the .ther railways which yet remained to be constructed, exteuded north-west, south west, and due west, and there it was universally admitted that the greatest disrress prevailed. What PIO of Ireland had. shown A blacker picture of misery than the county of C .rk ? .and yet to the city of Cork no less tha u tour railways oiverged. There wa s an other railway to Athlone—there was a Hill before P s a a rliam a el l it ili w rr hieh he was informed was sure to pass, as it was u o his " Bill not only 'n Athlone to Galway and Roscommon. Now, pro vided tor the Acts already obtained, bat for thosc h als h ia n w e which wer e ss i Y ., e h re hl t ih o be afterwards obtained. There was also a brar sh to Mullingar, and a Bill had been got last year te o hc, , o, the Act pans *of the parties to ing without opposition, but from the incompe te ncy raise • the money the railway was abandone He was sure that if the Bill he had had the honour of introducing to the House were passed, the l i n e to Sligo would aga,n be brought before Parliamentand carried.— (Hear, hear.) Then they would 3 to every part of Ireland ; there would be no countywhich would not be trav erse d by a havein Ireland railwa ' railway. The Right Ilon. Gen tleman told the Hous e t h at there would be great diMculty ra i s ing i the4,ooo,ooo/. st er li ng per annum without lowering the funds. Why , in Raising 4 n ' o oo t 0 lfs 0 s 0 t 1 1;a 1 n tim e of annum, but the thought f war, they had for many y e a r s mightra have occurred to the Right Hon. Baronet that last year there was nso less than 110,000,0001 . sterling of deposits shut up in the Cou rt of C hancery, waiting for cer ain Bills to pass through Parliament, and in th e next five years 122,000,000/. would be expended on the completion of lines which had already received their Acts. 'What would be the operation of this loan upon the funds ? Why in f the month of December , 1845, the ands were 93, and in June of the following year, 97. What pretence, then, was th ere f or saying that in a country like this, whereit was calculated th ere was an annual not saving of 5001,0001., they c ould raise 4,000,0001. f or t h e improve ment of the empire without lowe ring ie fundsr; The fund s were not to any great extent a ff ected w hen 20,000,0091 were raised for th e eman cipation of the West Indian s laves. The Right Hon. Baronet said, also, that private enterprise, even .when supported by the in linens* of Government, had always failed in Ireland. He would wish him to tax his memory, and to refer to the years between 1822 and 1828 (and he would fit 1 a report on the subject on the table of th e House), an outlay of and 140,0001. was made IR th e counties of Galway, Mayo, Cork , Kerry, and the revenue in these towns alone bad risen to 6,0001. per annum. It was said Government had spe n t something like a million and a half upon the Caledonian Canal, and the investment had proved a dead loss to the State. But what wits didwii ts the cause of its pr ov i ng a dead loss? Why, because Governi t n ,i e ?,u t go upon th e pr i nc i p l e of t acted upon the pri nc ipl e giving assistance to p riv ate eer pri of speculating on their own account. By the measure, however, be fore the House, no such attempt would be made, but It would rather d e of stontilating enter pr i se . private go upon the m ina The Hen. Member tot Lincoln bad told them a few I were days ago 'that if this passed, he could etsploy rin Bill Men on I ris h ra il ways, under his management, 7,000 of whom would be f laced on the Belfast, Drogheda, and Naven line. Now, what was the state of that country? —Y, in a letter he bud received from the daughter of the Protestant Bishop of Neath, lie had a descriptions of a family living in Cavan. The woman of the house was represented, just after c hild-birth, as lying dead, a child, some six years of age, lying dead by her side, the father, with nothing but a shirt on, lying dead in the st raw, and the rats cra wling' over him —all of whom had died front starvation. But this was only a mitigated sketch of the picture ; and yet, if this Bill were carried, 70,000 men could be at once put into employment in that very town. The letter, moreover, stated that numbers of the people died of starvation, and that, in the opinion of the writer, the mea sure of the Noble Lord was th e only measure ' proposed in Parliament calculated to meet the emergency of the crisis The !• 7 611e Lord then read a nuatbsr of other letters front Ireland similar import, and all expressing their opinion that the proposal of the Noble Lord was the only beneficial one which had as yet been propoulidud to the lious:. He offered to the House a measure for which he wanted a clear stage and nn favour--one which woo not shaped to fUrther private interest or public, patronage. He was desirous to answer the arguments brought forward by the Chancellor of the Exchequer (who he regretted had left the House from Indisposition), but In consequence of the absence , of the Right Hon. Gentleman, he did not wish to dwell upon his state ment, but had he been in the House, he would have contradicted everything he had said.—(Laughter.) It had been said that his object was to promote the interests of the great lines already made, or in progress, but that was not the object of his Bill. The strong lines could take care of themselves. The London and Birmingham of Ireland, the Ulster line, was ten years in dragging its slow length along ; and after all, only 24 miles had been completed. On this line there had been 21,000 passengers against every 13,000 on the London and Birmingham line. Ile understood that certain railway companies had offered better terms than he proposed, if the Govern ment would lend assistance, bat his object was to interset the whole country with a system el railways, and not to select the best paying lines. Now, then, taking into acement the returns for traffic on the Belgian aad American railways, he thought there was an absolute certainty that not only would the Irish railways be able to repay the Govern ment advances, but that they would also realise a very considerable profit. He thought that the Right Hon. Baronet the Mehiber for Tamworth was quite convinced that the statement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the authority of some " great un known," with respect to the employment of 25 or 30 men per mile upon the railways was altogether erroneous. He was quite sure that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not made his statements on the authority of Mr. Brunel, lor ho (Lord G. Bentinck) saw, from a report of that gentleman, that he could employ upon the Stranmore Railway, a line of seven miles in length, from 700 to 1,000 men. Then the Hon. and gallant Admiral the Member for Marylebone told the House that the Irish labourers were not capable of performing the works on those railways. There was so men be the House who had greater respect for the Gallant Admiral than he had when In his proper sphere - -(L ughter.) And if Com modore Connor and General Taylor should succeed in annexing Mexico, and turn their attention to the British West InSies, or if Prince .Mitiville should think proper to sail up the Thames with an arma ment, as his Highness once thrsatem d to do, there was no officer in the British navy, he (Lord G. Bentinck) should wish to see in com mand of the fleet more than the Gallant Adreiral.—(Cheers ) But the moment the Galls .t Admiral s opt from the gangway, or get into the dockyard, or even set his foot on shore, 11 was as inech out of his element as is fish out of water.—(Cheers.) He understood that the Government empowered the Gallant Admiral to build a steam ship of war, which he christened the " Sidon," but the jolly tars, for treasons best known to themselves, and which might be understood by the 'House had rechristened her, and called her ",Drunken Charley,"—(Greot laughter.) Ile received a letter from Thomastown, which informed him that the Relief Committee was a sinecure, except when the weather was too bad to permit the labourers to work upon the line.—(Hear, hear. He held also in his hand a letter from a Major Wandesford, which stated that theworks upon the Kilkenny and Waterford railway had beell stopped for want of funds—and that the strangers who had been emploced there were now going about the country insisting on obtaining money or food. He would entreat the House to pay attention to this fact—weep railways were carried on the people were employed, and quietness prevailed—when they ceased, riot and disorder was the consequence, and the assistance of the police and military had to be sought for. The Hon. Member for Cork had stated to the House, that 25,000 souls had already pe rished from the famine, and that two millions world follow: from the same cause, and from pestilence, and he therefore entreated that English Gentlemen would bear with him whilst he was endea vonr:ng to prove Isis case, and show that the measure which he proposed was of vital importance.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, after going into a lengthened statement of the benefits which would accrue to the starving population of Ireland from the passing of this Bill, prayed the House to pass it—that was his only prayer, and ono which he should use if it were the last time that he should ever have to address this House or any other mortal assembly. (The Noble Lord sat down amid loud and pro , onged cheers.) After a few observations from some Hon. Members, Lord J. RUSSELL rose and said—That although he was not willing to trespass upon the House, yet As his Right von. Frieud the Chancellor of the Exchequer had commenced the debate, and no Minister of the Crown having since taken part in the discussion, he thought it was due to the House and to state what were the general views which lie took on the position of the country and of Ireland at the present moment. lie would not go into the finani ial part of the question, and he would merely say that he generally concurred in the views taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth. The question of rendering any assistance to Ireland was an extremely serious one. There was no such failure in England or Scotland, with the exception of the Highlands. which he would have made the present year one of suffering and of difficulty in Great Britain, not to make the pressure greater on the people of this country than they could bear, so as to be able still to assist their fellow-country men in Ireland. He thought if they were to press to a very great extent—to a very much greater extent than they were now pressing --the drain upon the resources of this country, they would find that without entirely enabling the people of Ireland to escape from the terrible consequences of the present famine, they would be disabling the people of England and Scotland from giving that assistance which he was sure they were cheerfully disposed to do. With this view, therefore, of nnances, of the commercial and agricultural position ; he had to consider how the means of this country coati be best disposed to preserve the greatest number of human creatures from perishing. That appeared to hint to be the very serious, painful, and, at the came time, true view of the case. In the last week no less than 600,000 persons bad re ceived wages from what were called the Public Works in Ireland ; and they represented about three millions of people. There were a hundred thousand more in the workhouses of Ireland maintained by the rates. There were thousands and thou sands more maintained by private charity in Ireland, and being the exertions of resident landowmers, many of whom had given an admirable example of sacrificing their comforts for the poorer classes in Ireland. Ile had to consider, when more than three millions—say three-and-a-half millions—of poor persons living, whether from the Treasury, whether from the rate collected, w h et h er b y su b scr i ptions, I or altogether by charitable donations ; he had to consider whether the proposition of his Noble Friend was one that tended in any way to the removal of these distresses. On that point he did not think that the preposition was effectual, in the manner in which gentlemen —some of them the representatives of Ireland and others in Ireland had been led to believe. He could not think so, bocause they would see that the money which he was taking from these different sources were all applied, or intended to be applied, to the relief of the most distressed persons, and to the relief oft .ose most destitute and most in want of food. That natural employment given by railway contractors was to the most able-bodied, and those who were best all'e to hear hard and laborious operations. His Noble Friend, in his speech, had seemed to eontsadict a state ment made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the Limerick and Waterford Railway had declined to employ labourers. He be lieved that the statement of his Hen. Friend was perfectly correct, and o amounted to this,—not that they had ref Used to employ the able-bodied labourers of the neighbourhood through which the rail way was carried, but that they said (he had the letter of the secre tary there) that they did object to employ the worst classes of labourers and destitute poor. Those whom they would like to em ploy were of course the best and most able-bodied members. If it was any satisfaction to the Noble Lord, he would read the letter. The Noble Lord then read the letter, which stated that there was ns objection to employ the labourers in the neighbourhood of the railway, but that the 'railway company did object to pay the destitute, taking the good and bail labourers together. In the couse of the discussion, the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Sunderland (Mr. Hudson) also was well acquainted with railways, had made various statements to the labourers employed by railway companies. Now he (Lord J. Russell) had received various state mente front different quarters, particularly from the various reports made public in the railway papers of this country ; and from those reports it appeared, that although the Hon. Gentlemen said so much was expended in a permanen way and in land, and that it wits to be inferred that the remainder was expended in labour. He (Jsord Joint Russell) was correet in stating that that remainder included large 81.1111 S for locomotive engines, and for the construction of eta_ tions.—(Hear.) By a statement which he held in his hand with re spect to the North Midland, it appeared that 190,000/. was expended for locomotives, and 360,000/. for stations. —(Hear.) The Hon. Gen tleman knew perfectly well, that although the construction of those locomotives required labour, it was not a species of labour which would call into exercise the labour of the destitute poor of Ireland.— (Loud cheers. With regard to the illustration of the Hon. Gentleman that out of 27,0001. a mile, about 6,0001. would be paid in labour, he could hardly see how this could take place when the expense of loco ' an tives and stations would have to be paid out of it. Mr. HUDSON wished to correct the Noble Lord. He rated that 5,5001. was expended for the permanent way, and that the re mainder wouldebe expended in labour. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said all the statements which he had bean able obtain concurred in stating that one-half was spent in labout, but then, that half included a vast deal of still labour, and that not more than one-fourth of 25 per cent. would to expended in ordinary manual labour. As his Noble Friend had stated over and over again that the Bill was light, formed for the purpose of saving millions of the people of Ireland from starving, he must go into the particulars ; and when he fouad that out of that 16.000,000/. only one-fourth would be ex pended on unskilled labonr, he must say, that if it did not do more than that it would do little towards relieving the distress off the people.—(Hear, hear.) Every one who knew anything o Ireland must be aware that skilled labour —susuch as the blacksimths, carpenters, there was net a great supply certainly there was no superabundant supply, as compared with the rest of the labourers, seeking to be employed in Ireland ; and the terms which they demanded, were as high as the wages of persons of a similar class in this country. And that, so far from those per sons being in want of employment, they were parties, amongst whom combinations existed, in order to obtain a high rate of wages. He heard one instance of this in Galway, whilst great distress prevailed in the town and its neighbaurhood. there happened to be two or three buildings, at which a number of masons might have obtained employment, but they stood out for h i g her wages—for more than 2s. Gd. a d a y, Il e then said that if they applied that large sum to paid l a b our, the word labour itself wo uld become a complete delusion, becaus e t h e half of that amount w o uld be given to labour that was really s kill ed, and of which there atwas presentot supply existing in I re l and. He came, there to this general view, that th e f i nances of the country being very severely p ressed upon by the demand for relief to the misery at present ex i st i ng in Ireland, that the ma nufactures and commerce of thi s country, that the wages of industry in this country being lik ew i se severely pressed upon by the s uffering state of Ireland, that unless this Bill was a 11111 which would give immediate reli e f to the destitution which pre vailed, it was not one that th e Parliament ought to adopt, for the short reasons he h a d already given, and with which present conclusion he thought the lion. Member for Sunderland might concur, viz., that if three-fourths of this sum would not go to the relief of that destitution, the Government should not support that measure. He was not disposed to go into the general question as to whether it was desirable for the Government to advance money to railways. There were questions connected with this matter to which he would not at present refer, but at all events he thought that any advance made to railways should be made in a different state of the country, and shouid be ad vanced only on the principles that had f rmesly actuated the Go vernment in making advances for public works. He was far, how ever, from saying, that there might not be eccasio..s on which these advances should be made. The Noble Lord was aware that such advances had been made in England, with the happlest results, and there were other public works in Ireland which had been undertaken by Government, and which had been eminently useful ; and he would not say that railways should not come under the same principle. Ile was far from making any complaint against the Noble Lord for bringing forward this measure, which he (Lord George Bentinck) conscientiously believed would be of service to Ire land, and which would, if sanctioned by Parliament, tend to miti gate the miseries and evils of that country. But the Noble Lord 'oust, at the same time, see that that furnished no reason why he should expect that a Minister of the Crown should take the same view that lie did of the utility of this measure, or that he should adopt a principle of which they disapproved. He thought it Impossible that any Government should allow the management of their finances to be directed by the Noble Lord according to a plain of which they disapproved ; and while ' he conceded to the Noble Lord the best motives for hurrylag forward this measure Ile must say, that feeling himself responsible for the conduct of affairs in a most important crisis, all he could do was to bring forward such measures as he believed best calculated to relieve the destitution and distress prevailing in Ireland, and to ask the House to give its sanction to those measures. If supported by Parliameut he might be encouraged to go on, and to meet every difficulty, but if a Minister at the head of affairs were to be crippled in the efforts he might make by the introduction of such measures as the present, he thought that he would be taki ng on l y a constitutional course in "interesting those who he believed were willing to sup port him in the Government, that unless they were supported by the House they would be unfitted to continue at the bead of affairs. The Noble Lord was perfectly right if he supposed that this measure was for the benefit of Ireland, or if he thought that these measures were likely to improve the condition of that country. For several minutes the House was in a state of great excitement, during which the cries for division were loud, frequent, and vehe ment. RAILWAY BILLS CLASSIFICA- TION. The Select Committee have published a corrected first re. port, which contains 24 groups of railway Bills. The docu ment only differs from that which we published a few days since, in the following instances, and we therefore do not re publish the report:— GROUP No. 6.-142. Southampton and Dorchester, Bland ford Branch) is transferred from Group No. 7, and stands eighth on the group. GROUP No. 8.-242. Sutton Harbour Improvement Com pany (power to the London and South -Western Railway Company to subscribe thereto). This is inserted into this group, and stands fourth in order. Gnous No. 19.—The following bills are added to this group, and stand third, fourth, and fifth in order :- 862. London and North-Western Railway (Atherston and Whitacre Branch). 368. London arid North-Western Railway (Coventry and Nuneaton Branch j, 370. Coventry, Nuneaton, and Birmingham and Leicester Railway (power Ito purchase to the London and North- Western Company, and Midland Railway Company pur chase). FURTHER REPORT FROM THE SELECT COM. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the second reading llB Against it... 322— Majority against the Bill The Bill is consequently lost. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half -past Three o'clock. STOCKINGS FOR THE ROYAL INFANTS.--The C/are Journal says—" We feel great pleasure in recording an instance of her Majesty's wish to encourage by her pa tronage the native manufactures of Ireland. Two girls, sis ters, of the name of Davies, living in Corofin, in this county, having long enjoyed a well-deserved reputation for the taste and skill evinced by them in the knitting of stockings, were advised to present a pair of them to her Majesty, who was so pleased with the beauty of design and execution dis played in them, as to order four and twenty pair for the royal infants." GAOL PERQUISITES.—It came out in the course of proceedings at Lambeth Police -court on Monday, that the Go vernor of Hprsemonger-lane Gaol makes a perquisite by giv ing copies of the commitments of the prisoners to their friends, for which half-a• crown each is charged. The Marquis of Northampton ha , accepted the office of Patron of the College of Preceptors. PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETY, Sr. EORGE'S-FIELDS.— From the report just published of the above Society, it ap pears that during the past two months eleven additional boys have been received into the Institution, from different prisons, of whom five were orphans. Twenty-five have been admitted from Parkhurst Prison, Isle of Wight, upon the recommendation of the Secretary of State for the areome Department. Among the donations recently forwarded those from William Wilberforce, Esq., 211; Miss nyon B (second donation), 31/. 10s.; . Baring. arlpg, Es q., 2 0/. e_ We regret to atino A a: c ev E f s d s ay: e s l in ,li c E e N . s, ller T L h a is d):l 6 i t l i p . Dowager was e n. i o 0 Shrewsbury, whoseee the seriousde ca indisposition Countesswas mentioned DEATH i o n r th L is A j n ou r tn i a ,a l mable lady died on Wednesday last, at her seat in Devon shire. Her Ladyship was only daughter of the late Earl thelsllth Dianvers, and was born June 19, 174131. MITTEE ON CLASSIFICATION. The Committee of Classification have, in continuation of their report, which we published last Monday, giving their groupings as far as 24, further recommeded that the following Bills be referred to distinct Committees, making a total of dl groups. GROUP 25. 42. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire—Branch at Bugsworth, &c. 69. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, and Man chester and Lincoln Union Amalgamation. 104. Manchester and Lincoln Deviation. 167. Midland—from the Erewash Valley to the Notting ham and Mansfield, &c. _ 314. Manchester 'and Birmingham, and North Stafford shire Junction. 371. Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, and Midlands Junction—Deviations, Amendment, &c. GROUP 26. 57. North Staffordshire—Churnet Valley Line and Trent Valley Junction. 58. North Staffordshire—Churnet Valley Line and Trent Valley Junction—Alterations and Branches. 222. London and North-Western (Birmingham to Lich field), &c. 223. South Staffordshire—Cannock, Wyrley, and Norton Branches, Ike. 454. Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire Junc tion and Branches. 466. Manchester, London, and Birmingham. GROW 27. 107. Lynn and Ely—Extension to Spalding and Holbeach. 249. Eastern Counties—Wisbeach to Spalding. 253. Great Northern—Branch to King's Lynn. 261. Lynn and Ely—Deviation and Lynn Dock. 262. Lynn and Ely—Lynn anet Wormegay Navigation. 281. Boston, Stamford, and Birmingham—Branch to Wis beach Harbour, &c. 282. Boston, Stamford, and Birmingham, to Sutton Bridge Harbour, Your Committee recommend that the Great Northern Rail way Bill (Deviations between Peterborough, Boston, and Doncaster) be divided into two Bills, the one to contain the deviations near Doncaster, the other the remaining devia tions, and that the first Bill be referred to Group 31, the second Bill to Group 28. _ _ Gsour 28. 246. Boston, Stamford, and Birmingham—Peterborough and Thorney Line. 247. Eastern Counties—Peterborough to Falkingham. 248. Eastern Counties—Spalding to Newark. 283. Great Northern—Deviations between Peterborough, Boston, and Doncaster—the Bill, No. 2, as proposed in the special report. 303. Great Northern—Branches to Sleaford. GROUP 29. _ _ 47. East Lincolnshire--beviatiOn at Boston, Ibc. 56. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire—Louth. Horncastle, and East Lincolnshire Junction Branches. 70. East Lincolnshire--Louth to Lincoln. 203. East Lincolnshire—Louth Navigation Purchase. 302. Great Northern—Purchase of Ambergate, Notting ham, and Boston, and Eastern Junction, Sc. 304. Great Northern—Hormastle Branch, &c. 377. Midland—Extension of Nottingham and Lincoln Branch at Lincoln, ec. GROUP 30. 194. Great Northern—lsle of Axholme Extension. 278. Great Northern—Deviation between Grantham and York. 317. York and North Midland—Kottingley Branch. 319. York and North Midland—East Riding Canals Purchase. 404. Axholme—from Leeds and Selby, loc. 437. York and North Midland Hull Station and Branches. Your Committee recommend that the Great Northern Bill (Deviations between Peterborough, Boston, and Doncaster) be divided into two Bills, the one to contain the deviations near Doncaster, the other the remaining deviations, and that the first Bill be referred to Group 31, the second Bill to Group 28. - GROUP 31. 12. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire—Junction with Midland, &c. 21. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire—Branch to Chapel-town, &c. 146. Louth, Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole—Purchase of Sheffield, &c. 149. Manchester andLeeds—Branch from the Huddersfield and Sheffield, &c. _ _ 184. Midland, Sheffield, Barnsley, Doncaster, and Goole Line. 268. Sheffield, Rotherham, and Doncaster Junction—Nes borougl and Doncaster. 283.. No. I. Greta Northern—Doncaster Deviation. See Special Report, appended to Group 28. GROUP 32. 44. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire—Station t Sheffield, No. 2. _ _ 83. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire—Sheffield Canal Purchase. 185. Midland Maaborough and Normanton Stations Enlargement. 267. Sheffield, Rotherham, Wakefield, and York—Partial Alteration of Levels, &c. 411. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire...Station at Sheffield. 41. Leeds,&c Dewsbu GROUP 83. W ry, and Mancheste r E x t ens i on t o akefield, . 66. Leeds Central Railway Station. 138. Manchester and Leeds--Alteration of Levels of Brig house Branch, &c. 156. Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland Junction. 310. Great Northern—Extension to Leeds and Wakefield, &c,„ and Deviation. 888. Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester —Onset Branch, &c. IiRSUP 34. 20. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire—Branch from Oldham to Ashton. 42. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire...Station Ap proach in Manchester. 63. Rochdale Canal--Sale to Manchester and Leeds Rail way Company. 67. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire—Ashton C %nal Purchase. 128. Huddersfield and Manchester—Branch from Oldham to Ashton. 131. London and North-Western—Lease and Purchase of Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal, &c. 132. Huddersfield and Manchester—Deviation and Altera tion, &c. 307. Oldham Alliance--Lines from Oldham, &c. Gaut'. 25. 39. Black! una Darwen, and Bolton Railway Acts Amend ment—Deviations. 85. Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding—Burnley and Colliery Branches. 97. Preston and Wyre—Extension from Lytham to Black port, &c. 112. Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle-upon-Tyne Junction Acts Amendment. 148. Manchester and Leeds—Branches, Extensions, &c. 271. East Lancashire Deviations and Nantwich Coal Branch. 272. East Lancashire—Burnley Connecting Line. 275. East Lancashire—Bury to Manchester. 275. East Lancashire—Clitheroe, Nytton, and Padiham. Gnour 36. 166. Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport Railway and Branch. 199. Manchester and Southport Railway and Branches. 224. London and North-Western—Ormskirk and Bamford Branch, &c. 273. East Lancashire—Southport Branch, and Preston Extension. GROUP 37. 81. London and North-Western—Purchase of the Elles mere interest in the Manchester, South Junction, and Altrin cham. 300. St. Helen's Canal and Railway Amendment 8i11... Warrington and Blackbrook Branch, &c. 475. L o ndon and North-Western —Liver• street, Liverpool Station, be. GROUP 38. 215. Lee ds and Thirsk—Knaresborough and Boroughbridge Branch. 216. Leeds and Thirsk—Harrogate and Pateley Branch. 281. Leeds and Thirsk—Branch to Melmerby, &pc. 219. Leeds and Thirsk—Deviation of Main Line, ic., in Chimple Valley. 318. York and North Midland—Harrogate Branch, &c. GROUP 39. 96. Wharfdale Railway Act Amendment and Deviation. 134. North-Western—Skipton, Casterten, &c., Diversion. 233. Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle-on-Tyne Junc tion, &c. 234. Northern Counties Union Deviation. 245. Liverpool, Manchester, and Northern Counties Union Amalgamation. GROUP 40. 75. Hartlepool and Stockton Junction. 117. Wear Valley, Bishop Auckland, and Weardale, &c. Amalgamation. 173. Clarence and Leeds and Thirsk Amalgamation. 214. Leeds and Thirsk—Leeds, Durham, and Newcastle Extension, &c. 217. Leeds and Thirsk--Eaglesclife and Stillington Ex tension, &c. 315. York and Newcastle—Pelaw Tyne Docks, Branches, 404. York and Newcastle—Wearmouth Dock Enlarge ment. 405. York and Newcastle—Main Line Improvement, bc. 406. York and Newcastle—Hartlepool Dock and Railway, &c., Purchase. Giaour 41. Berwick 316. York and Newcastle and New c astle and Amalgamation. 407. York and Newcastle and Newcastle and Berwick and North British Amalgamation. 439. Newcastle and Berwick—Easten 440. Newcastle and Berwick--Chit li ;ion B t Line, ranches. an ehes. The Committee will m on Thursday next to receive any suggestions referenceeet to the preceding groups. MRS. GORE'S IVEw 'ALE_ " TE3IPTATION AND afieut ' ivg pages of thi s anal k 9, unmsua sensation, and the favour w ith which they sAreemat-o—hav ' e made have —The simple and been received will, it. is to to!. hoF , ed, pro the means of encouraging this poplar novelist t o prove another suc h divergence from her usual course. A story of ne Werfut interest, simply told, is decidedly the only thing likely at the present day to rivet the attention of the public. We do not say that irs. Gore can write like Defoe or Godwin, but to remind the reader of them is to achieve no small degree of fame. PROVISIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES.—The Q. E. D. from New York, Shenandoah from Philadelphia, and Harmony and Rowland from New Orleans, which were reported at Liverpool on the 13th inst., bring 6,873 barrels flour, 12,000 bushels wheat., 3,349 sacks Twain). corn, 1,000 barrels Indian corn meal, and 400 barrels bread. The electric fluid fell a few days back on two trees, neat the road leading from Landerneau to Lesneven (Fiuisterre), and reduced them to fragments. A carter who was passing at the moment bad two of his horses killed and the other injured. He himself lay for three hours nearly in frassible, but he has SIRCO recovered. MILLBANK PRISON. Copy of a Letter from the Secretary of State to Bick ham Escott, Esq., and of the Report therein referred to on the state of Millhank Prison. • Whitehall, Feb. 6. 1847. . . _ Sir,—l have received a document purporting to b e a _ _ report to her Majesty from you as a member of the re cent commission of inquiry into the state of Millbank Prison. I have to acquaint you that a report having been al ready presented from that commission, signed by the majority of its members, I should not be justified; ac cording to the usual practice in such cases, in presenting to her Majesty the document bearing your signature, as a report made in pursuance of the commission. In cases where a difference of opinion exists among members of a commission appointed by the Crown, the fullest opportunity is afforded to any member who-differs from his colleagues of stating his opinion, either in a document appended to the report, or in some other form. Having informed you that I should willingly receive and lay before the House of Commons your opinion on the matters inquired into by the Millbank Commis sioners, and having, with a view to facilitate this object, suggested the form of the document in which your opinion could be expressed, I had not anticipated the possibility of any difficulty arising on the subject. As, however, you have declined to conform to the ordinary practice, and appear to attach importance to the form which you have yourself adopted, I shall retain the document in question in this office, as the record of your opinion, although, for the reason which I have stated, I shall be unable to submit it to her Majesty.--I have, &c., G. GREY. (Signed) Bickham Escott, Esq. , M.P. The undersigned, being ono of three Commis sioners directed by your Majesty's letters patent dili gently to search and inquire into the conduct and ma nagement of your Majesty's prison at Millbank, 'dila into any abtt es or grievances which may exist in the ma nagement of the said prison, and commanded by your Majesty's said letters patent to report to your Majesty, under their hands and seals, their several proceedings, and a hat they shall find touching the same—humbly re ports to your Majesty, L That together with the Earl of Chichester and Lord Seymour, the two other Commissioners, with whom the undersigned was associated in this inquiry, he has diligently inquired into the aforesaid matters. • 2. That he has read a report on the aforesaid matters which has been pr esen t e d t o your Majesty, under the hands of the said Earl of Chichester and Lord Seymour. 3. That in the report is the following statement : " We have, however, determined to report the evidence in full." 4. That he is informed, and believes, that such evi dence has been so reported by the said two Commis sioners ; yet that report, as aforesaid, has been printed and delivered to Members of the House of Commons for their perusal and consideration, without any report whatever of the evidence given viva voce before your said Commissioners. 5. That upon a patient hearing and due consideration of the evidence given before the said Commissioners, and the demeanor of the several witnesses, and a personal inspection of the said prison, it appears 6. That the prison at Milbank, by stet. 6 and 7 -Vic., c. 26, and by virtue of other statutes, and by orders of one of your Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, is a place of confii.ement for convicts under sentence or order of transportation. 7. That the condition of the various apartments. wards, offices, and furniture of the said prison is generally very good, for order, cleanliness, purity of air, and their ap propriate uses. _ 8: That from this general statement must be excepted the dark cells, which are unwholesome and improper places for the confinement of prisoners. Q. That the diet of the prisoners, ordered by the-Se cretary of State according to law, when not curtailed by punishments inflicted by the officers of the prison, is wholesome anctample. 10. That the health of the prisoners is generally good. 11. That there are faults in the discipline and order ing of the said prison, which require reformation. 12. That the rules for enforcing silence, and the se parate confinement of prisoners in the said prison, de mand further inquiry and great consideration at the hands of your Majesty's advisers and your Parliament. 13. That unjust and cruel punishments have been in flicted on certain of the prisoners within the said prison by orders of the governor and the inspectors. 14. That such punishments have been unjust and cruel, inasmuch as they have been inflicted without a full hearing or due consideration of the evidence bearing on the several cases, and have been disproportionate to the offences charged against the prisoners. 15. That sufficient care has not been taken by the chief officers of the said prison to guard against the in fliction of punishment in cases where it might be inju rious to health. 16. That serious injury to the health of prisoners has been the consequence of such punishments. 17. That such punishments inflicted on prisoners of weakly constitutions have aggravated their infirmities and accelerated their deaths. 18. That such consequences have not followed from itny proved malice, or wilfully evil design of the governor or other officer of the said prison. 19. That the main defects in the personal character of the governor of the said prison have been an insufficient knowledge, or lack of observance of -the first and _ele mentary principles by which all judicial inquiries should be governed, and a hasty, boisterous manner of issuing orders and decisions, which has hurt the feelings of other persons, and given offence, even when the orders them selves may have been just and lawful. 20. That the chief merits of the said governor consist in a strict enforcing of order and discipline, personal courage, and a spirit of improvement in much of the management of the prison. 21. That it is probably no easy thing to find a man in every qualification well fitted for the exercise of such an authority as that of the governor of such a prison, on whom a peremptory enforcing of strict rules, and prompt decision, and stern firmness in the execution of all his duties, should, if possible, be associated with equanimity of temper and a mild demeanour. 22. That the conduct of the inspectors of the said prison has not always manifested that attention to the established principles of judicial inquiry which ought 'to be required from all persons to whom the Legislature has confided the power of punishment. 23. That much of the evidence given before the Com mission was irrelevant and unsatisfactory, from the dis ingenuous and evasive manner in which questions were answered, and that the chaplain, the chief medical officer, and the resident surgeon of the prison, have especially incurred this censure. 24. That the charges which have been laid against the governor and chief officers of the said prison have, in some instances, been exaggerated accusations, and in some other instances remain unproved. Yet enough has been proved to show the necessity which existed for some impartial and searching inquiry into the state of the prison, and to in spire a confident hope that the evidence which has been elicited by the Comtnis:ion. and :he facts which have been thereby brought to light, may lead to great and perman,i4 improvements in the future management of your Majesty's prisons. All which is humbly submitted to your Majesty, under the hand and seal of your Majesty 's faithful subject ancl servant, _ _ B. ESCOTT (L.S.) Febrizary 1, 1147. GES ON THE GLASGOW RAILWAY. (From the Scotsman.) The miserable mismanagement as regards mere secular business of the active theologians who at present conduct the Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway is getting more and more beyond endurance. As in previous cases, we cannot attempt to find room for all the mishaps of the week, but confine ourselves to the latest. When the dispatch train from Edinburgh of Thursday morning had got to the open country beyond Falkirk, it very peacefully and noiselessly came to a dead stop. Heads were immediately popped out of windows, and inquiries uttered of "Hoboa! what's the matter there ?" and such like ; to which the very simple and emphatic answer, " Stuck," was returned by the officials of the train, who were standing looking on with mach come placency, like people who were accustomed to such a phenomenon, and were curious to see its effect on strangers. " Bless me, how did it happen ? %%ill we be long kept ? Can we get out with safety ?" were the sort of exclamations that succeeded the intimation. " With perfect safety," said the proper officer, with a sardonic grin ; " here we stick till the slow train comes up." " Confound it 1" shouts a lively English voice from the interior, " this sort of thing seems to happen once a week here." "You would be more correct if you said once a day, sir," was the rejoinder of the philo sophical official. Some of the passengers. the object of their attempt t; l _ visit Glasgow being defeated, returned to Edinburgh with with the next train from the west, and t for a when they benefit they had not anticipated or p they took left Edinburgh—an exhilirating wagca s a z id es eo t ar w y ar , cl over the frozen moor. When they reache d the opportunity of giving the following document their views of the matter 13. ctie — cary Station, Feb. 11, 1447. passengers by the ten o ' c l oc k fast train h to Glasgow, state th at the enginecame to a dead stop at a quarter past e l even nbu g r o'clock, tb s fheroormt subsc r ibers, d E is d t i ance west from Falkirk. We understand that the accident occurred from the breaking of a decayed pipe in the fire basket ; and we beg to record our conviction that this stoppage pro ceeded from no other cause but the carelessness of those whose duty it is to provide pr o p er eng i nes on the line. " JAMES DIX, Bristol. " ROBERT ALLAN, Edinburgh. • " J. H. BURTON, Edinburgh. " WILLIAM NIC HOLSON, Lime-street, London. " JOHN SPENCE, 10, Hunter-square, Edinburgh. " HENRY HOLDING HICK, Northampton. " W. WOOD. Leith. DAVID PORTEOUS. Walsall, Staffordshire. ' ROBERT CORMAcK, Berwickshire. " ‘VILLIAM INPLAREN, Leith." ST The train, now unquestionabiy;:it," in the neutral sense of the word, received a friendly shove from the " slow train," which left Edinburgh at eleven o'clock ; it was subsequently picked up by a pilot engine dis patched from Glasgow. It left Castlecary at a quarter before one, and, to the final wonder of the passengers, was not much more than an hour and a half beyond its proper time. RISE IN RENTS IN EDINBURGH.—The rents o f houses, shops, &c., within the city for the current year are much higher as compared with the former. But the land lords have made a most serious and ungracious advance op. the Tents of next year. In some cases sixty per cent. over the rent of the present year has been,added to that of next-iee Eciitibur9h Post. _ _ We are informed that official information was yesterday received that the Emperor of Russia has prohi bited all further exportation of corn from hia dominions. ff the No ble Lord e would r, of tare 'emote the tvelfare se who se,ppo!t ed , ',dons to heftier! the Go cernmer , - Otis to carry 0 16 •rds of a millid hut be saw 0 y those connectedi I,r a ll t ,lvance. tld have foot t for Alany it utters of le'" - ?rn were sper , dir! froviding fatl'd f o r an in the Quo" o4 ' and others 1 we their suiferia who were in that lg portion of th at and his er a more sftrini:O t he support of the who were in' r support of th° shmau, at t h land for the Xeli e Irish are g° °° plied with , rop e r 'datives at f WI 7ork, stating' th e t —lke labors 'es in this coy tierl was an exci 'foil meat to pre eee support the 100' ire observer of he speeithes of parts of Irela n i' iure in a k i 10 1 1 their suffeanal l i debate nasty, ° a fiat, Chanc e 10 0 ished. Ali the e had been e ol ' he merits af, th ,! that it seiam ea r -op was n ot e nl iity of its yiref hoped that O b i with the ft i g„h iequer, th, it f ug improvein rot A re the to , to so " sman's a, Orel e had expre oe at if the pea t ' ) Id be the graite r ifectly impost ib it their position i 0 Lid respectilig such a poor-b it , whcle capita l property o( while the OW fferers. :nmrnended this scheme a itself anytbilti reclamation iapital—whe. °P Lc tive remeille ° ' he much r e ' forward a cost' other measur es He knew ° :;anaclo. to Oi l : im his est° emselves Etat and themselj„ eh a cyst eta " I .ion and c WO, to the reef,. energies of the I support. g up mitieo,l ;est of all over t he to d be much and one of the Ovation ever lie had nod e. the very ab ic t tt, still he ntig , left untoucliew ✓ to a report oto ' tire share' lailwa Y in Ser Ln extr.let frZ a conskterai of labourer; ;atisfied th el l tuner ; had al: it the district ) unemp loyecl. In the Mare' rat ourers en v , ame benefic ii c i hich i l e heard that it 0 0 , or of the -D 1 ; is, and imelef, stating t''' t e Governrae4 It was rmousli by t ion m ans O s ' ation of othe r F the E n g l l l3 , n iff the r g aj d d n r A- b e e ilways, a n- y , s hese proof of the 3 Right How, say that these' other means. railway from 7 the Govern ild be of irn- Lances existed mees, but b ,9 House hi of the Noble hat it was ail of the neee9. funds would no a rgumen , t, )on fact. 1-t as necessary, 5h nation W not wider. ;elf, but only e railways' ill ,ent. It er ' that the Dublin sal üblin and Western. the ii.;6ter re capital; are capital,. a and Wes )aid 1,0003 7orking ex length ' the Nob , would Of 602,0001. , would be ,000/. as s• proper se*: rilnent- - onths, and: ed to give' one eales stressee or ft be his' .urd would it what he e thought ,000,003, 'esponsible ed to war i deserved fefore the ht only to was the* made up ring as it which the ! railways on three it ulna's ch would rare that' hey must difficulty )00,000/. and not sponsible nothing could be of great rt in the ive that then the ying out a giving plicated ie could. promo sunder- ttd the ; con kely to of rail waited 31), at leasure iven a th the of the which which 5 Were' at the- stated lachi - Eng- It was ding, ' the ear.) ways r the ously could d he now That I by sally rail r the the for land Aild Chit ig the w his DinotC ;ht te. )00h re of ht be ,me, ...41