The Sun. — London, England, 1840-01-08 00:00:00

EVENING 14;DITIoN. Imake construction greater than that left by the 25th Ed ward, cap. 3." Now, Gentlemen, hear the remarks of ray Lord Hale :—" These resolutions being made and settled, f we roust acquiesce in them ; but in my opinion if new cases ' happen for the future that have not an express resolution in point, or are not expressly within the words of the 25th of Edward 111., though they may seem to have a parity of r reason, it is the safest way, and most agreeable to the great Act of the 25th of Edward 111., first to consult the \ Parliament and have their declaration, and to be very wary in multiplying constructive and interpretative treasons, for 1 we know not where it will end." That, Gentlemen, is not my language. I wish to God I could speak so em phatically. It is the language of one of the greatest Judges that ever adorned the bench of the country, nearly s two hundred years before the time at which I now speak. 1 He says, " In whatever is made nod settled we must ac i quiesce;" but he warns his successors, be warns juries, he t warns the country, he warns the r eople, against ever coming ; to such decisions again, or going even one short point be yond the law, and "to be very wary in multiplying con ! structive and interpretative treasons, for we know not Iwhere it will end." And the words, Gentlemen, apply 1, emphatically to the case before you. If you magnify, if ) you extend, if you distort, if you exaggerate a riot, how t ever dangerous it may be in its tendency or mischievous in ' its consequences into high treason, how do you know hut you yourselves may unhappily in a moment of excitement —some of you probably entertain strong political opi- • nions ; I know not how that may be, but one may be easily drawn into acts which the law will not justify—.and how do you know but you may, in a moment of heat or excitement, give utterance to intemperate expressions which may excite the passions of a multitude? And if they break into open violence, instead of you being sub s jest to fine or imprisonment, or any punishment which the law awards as proportionate to your offence, you may. on the very precedent which you yourselves will have laid down this day, stand indicted by an Attor- I ney-General for high treason, and the lives of your children: and children's 'children, their name, property, character, and welfare, be placed in danger and in jeo pardy for ever. Gentlemen, remember the emphatic lan guage of Lord Hale, " We know not where it will end." Be you not parties to carrying the law one hair's-breadth beyond the limits where you find it. We see, Gcatle men, that in earlier times the great man was favoured be yond the humble and the helpless; not before the trial by jury was known, but before it became the great shield of the lives, liberty, and happiness of the people ; and this ie important with regard to the levying of war, for I am going to show you that disturbancos, marches of a much more palpable, dangerous, and destructive character than i anything that has been attempted to be proved here, have yet not been held to be treason, or a levy mg of war against the Sovereign. lam about to read what stands recorded ' with regard to a serious disturbance which took place soon after the passing of the statute, in which there was marching in military array, and yet it was not held to be high treason. Lord Hale says--" In the Parliament of 20th Edward 1., now printed in Mr. Riley, page 77, it appears there arose a private quarrel between the Earls of Gloucester and Hereford, two great Lords Marchers, and divers of the Earl of -Gloucester's party, with his iconsent r—' CUM multitudine, tam equitum quam pedi tum exicrunt de tena ipsius comitis de Morgannon, cum vexillo de armis, ipsius comitis explicateiversus terram co mitis Heref de Brecknock, et ingressi fuerunt terram illam per apatium duarum leucarum, et illam deprxdati fuerunt et bona illa depraadata usque in tenam dicti comitis Gloces tron adduxerunt,' and killed many, and burnt houses, and committed divers other outrages; and the like was done by the Earl of Hereford and his party upon the Earl of Gloucester's. They endeavoured to excuse themselves by certain customs between the Lords Marchers. By the judgment of the Lords in Parliament their Royal franchises. were seized as forfeited during their lives, and they corn f mitted to prison till ransomed at the - King's pleasure." I Although here was a war levied between these two Earls. yet, inasmuch as it was upon a private quarrel between them, it was a great riot and contempt, and no levying of war against the King ; and so neither at common law, nor within the statute of the 25th of Edward 111., if it had been then made, was it high treason. Gentlemen, I pray your attention to the expression, " That it was indeed an offence to raise an army without the King's commis sion," because in the only part of my Learned Friend's opening in which he professes to give a direct opinion to this tumultuous assemblage he talks of superseding the au thority of the Crown—a very vague and indefinite expres- Ision indeed, but in the times of Henry IV., as well as of Edward 1., the authority of the Crown was actually sn 1, persecied. In the latter reign we find the Earl of Nor thumberland raising a large and powerful army—marching . it through the northern counties, and for which, having been tried, he considered himself very leniently treated in 1 being only compelled to pay a fine. It appears by Weis ingham, sub antic. 1403, a great rebellion was raised against Henry the Fourth by Henry Percy, son of the Earl of Northumberland and others. The Earl g athered a great force, and actually took part with neither, }tut marched with his force, a; some thought, towards his son, 1 and as others thought towards the Ki ng —pro rediente yrando pacis negotio. He was hi n d ere d i n hi s march by . the Earl of Westmoreland, an d returne d to hi s h ouse at Warkworth ; the King had the victory ; the Earl peti tioned the King ; th e w h o l e fact was examined Parliament.—R o t. P ar !. 5 H en. n. 12. exTamheK''nin demanded th e opi n i on o f t h e J u d ges and his I Counsel touching it. The Lords protest the judg -1 ment belongs in this case to them. The Lords, by i i the King's command, take the business into examination, • and upon the view of the Statute of 25th of Edward the Third and the Statute of Liveries, " Adjugerent ge ceo, que fiut fait par le counte, , 'eat pas treason, ne felony, mes I trespass tantsolement pui quol trespass le dit counte deust faire fine et ransom a volonte du Roy ;" but Henry 3, the son, was attaint of treason. It appears not what the rea son cf that judgment was, whether they thought it only a oompassieg• to levy war, and no war actually levied by him, tbecause not actually joined with his son, or whether they thought his intention was only to come to the King to mediate peace, and not to levy a war, nor to do him any bodily harm ; that it was indeed an offence in him to saint an army without the King's commission, but not to offence of high treason, because it did not appear that he raised arms to oppose the King, but possibly to assist him; but, whatever was the reason of it, it I was a very mild and gentle judgment, fur the Earl was d, rubtful of a more severe judgment; note, he returns tha, eks to the Lords and Commons, de leer bone et entyre goers a l e i num' tre, and thanks the King for his grace, Gentle. llen, I shall show you that here, in this very case, ? this riot ‘ vas nut so great as that in which the Earl of Hereford w out of a priea. hate; 113 implicated, and that , although not arising es quarrel, it was for so limited a purpose that it cannot, wit' a ba,:x overstraining of the law, be p rono unced hig: l 4 trea.:on, or a levying of war. I know I you will find it - to be a grievot:s offence, but you will not be parties to ove,rstraining- that law which i 3 the safeguard ', and the protection of the people, by pronoti'rcing this to be 1 a levying of war. There is another case, and, perhaps, a I still more important one—" If men levy war to break 1 k at song, to deliver one or mo r e p articular p erson s out of a, pr' sc 1 wherein they are lawfully imprisoned, unless such as are in., m asoned for treason, this, upon advice of the Judges ( „ p „ a „-„ t eeeial verdict found at the Old Bailey, was ruled ne s. to b e h igh treason, but only a great riot (1668) ; but it . it were to ....-":1k prisons, or deliver pereous generally out th i s i s . •reason." —Coke, P. C.. p. 9. of on on, It was the son who was pre- The Foreman oft.. i '''' Jury— ,t the father. seat on ehet occasion, ne e gallant Hotspur, as he was Mr. Kelly—The sun, to col!ed, was certainly aria=ed i n . arms against the most gal ' Leo. Monarch of the day, Henry te: 17 ;ftb, .then Prince 0! Ntra!ers; hot what I was reading, Gentei'med„ eves done by the - father, who raised in Northumberlaad a ri,iniz..rous and pnwerful army, and marched through Northumberland end r across the country, ae every one thought, to assist h i s so n. t There can be no deuht that this was a levying or war, c.'though it was net high treason, and if he had joined his , e? r and attacked the King's forces it would have been T.,,, , treason. I only refer to it to show that the mere "' ~..- e. of war, unless it be against the Sovereign, does 1 ,,, •••••* , 1 t i j , ' l4 11t to high treason. If the gentleman who was I !"::, i '',: a tto , Tit to suggest the question means that the son .., •d • let the father, was in arm', the matter is nil, * ,,,,,,y, at, , , father v and 1 Nil . '" d Ti '4 "hrewsur ' y v as „ I i. i l e t r e t the hwase, a d :netof by an the Earl of to ~, , mares.'' - He guided' and led the men on the march; 1t , 5t ..,,.. reran a . . it c o, istruction was put, as it must be put, upon i'tut a lenh. every act cou. net led with a charge of so grave a nature as ta t the battle of Shrewsbury Hotspur was high treason. - ", - the hand of the Prince of Wales ; but I present, and felt ••••• . , t, fortunately, and stopped by the he father. being ..\ came too late. His gallant son Eld of W'''"wraimid' ,00h the Earl of Northumberland had lost his life, and althz..' 1 0 or 12,000 men, he was not had marched at the head al - .hv g e 9 try Because the Lords ) held guilty of treason. Anti . ii '•• him, thought that o f P tate King's fces arliament, who were th e J u ry , `ic might not have intended to aattackattackeese.t the King. The Attorney-General—Possibly to - to or . ( ,Mr. Kelly—Possibly to assist him. If , 'hee e be a doubt, # you. Gentlemen, deal as mercifully by t t e a , Lords of Parliament did by the Earl of ' b e c North vi.soner usnber s a -1 lant:, he will go free from that bar. Here , los Hotspur, 'nes • indanger pe e toed by a ;gallant and accomplished warm, r , • .2 of toot life which he afterwards lost. His fath ti;,.. at tile head of 10,000 or 12.000 :nen. And tiae .‘".6'sul ' tire: f o r the Jury, the Lords of Parliam ent, w. se'„ t en h e a la rch to assist the King or his son - marsllied I,' tlemerr, e an there be a doubt that he i save hiet son's life , but came too late ? And when the question Lame . before the Jure they "decided it 'doubt about the intentions at a father fa -1 vourab l v, although, I should have supposed, no an have se it, such a case. I only refer to it to show that where there is a doubt be a charge of treason, whether in the case , of a peer or oeas.tert, the Lords in Parliament, or you, Ge.atle men, sitting in that box, are bound to put the best con lc atruction, an . d, - ;f you can raise a doubt, to give the pri sot er the benefit' of shat doubt. There is, Gentles-nee a still later case---eme of comparatively modern times--to I :which I shall shortly !Intl your attention ; and it is not um important to repeat litire o f ." intentjon," because I . Frost became a party to the .that I was upon the questionPiz, Ye admitted to y ou that .Mr. marching of armed inuiti tre dDle intent could levying of war : The tudes t,' , rough the country, and if a ason he shown it might amount to . . er as e , Ge,ttle-men, to , which I am going to allude is the , nobleman of grea l t i c ,, s , o f s a erd George Gordon, a young pomer, , rent talents, great influence, and pow • ers of eloquence. He assembled no 1. I believe no , sma. ess than _O,OOO nd to made a i :nen, in oi=ler to petition Parliament, i ' r 3 . in suy - ) strong demonstration by force and numl. i d Parlia si port of theie petition against an Act 1 ,rent which hat been some little ti me b 2fm.e passed ' for the relief of Roman Catholics, called , 3 ir C' ecrc -. (e s •I 'e Asr In that case 2,000 men marche 6 ayi e e L. es ers,sc'e-fields down to the House of Cone Gent. ' am en, as at Newport, at a distance frot no ron; St. nnt..':. 1 the seat of Gi, vernment, the Ministers, and the pro but mare when ter 'lied down to the House of Commons lain resolutions relative to the repea. George S, . 4 , .. w il e z e r were debated in the Hous• liarnedt-- at a time I of Sir s. This top ted, and directed, . encou , multitude, et li ti .P • ana ~ • raged by L {ea- 'Gordo:., appeared at the 'louse .1 filled s esent tbc:r petition and almca a Commons to 'Pr - _„.,_, divide, test Wheirtne House was about to the lobby; 5 0 - . 0, e' . ~. f • a es r,-ng men , . o that time, they could aceordlng .to ..e:e. : -4a- t h in r'ra e presence of these stra, -0 ! - • • divide on ac - - Licted her treason had been come he qurstio isrqA. , , •••••••., vt ....,. by Lord George Gordon. This multitude having I first proceeded to the House of Commons to inti midate and overawe the Legislature while discussing public measures, they increased in numbers, and such flagrant outrages were committed that during two or three days and nights all London was in a blaze. I believe that at one time there were net less than 35 tires raging in the metropolis, and the direct and avowed object was to cause a repeal of the Act for the relief of the Roman Catholics. Lord George Gordon was indicted for high treason. It was then clearly laid down by the Learned and excellent Chief Justice who presided, and no doubt, as the law now stands, correctly laid down, that the acts charged did amount to a levying of war. The question then was whether the object and intent of Lord George Gordon, the prisoner at the bar, as proved by his acts to the satisfaction of the jury, were treasonable or not. It is important to bear in mind that this was acknow ' lodged to be a levying of war, and the question still re mained behind as to what was the intent or object in the mind of the prisoner, whether he did not intend to com pel the Legislature to alter the law or subvert the Con stitution. The evidence given in that case was incom parably stronger than any that has been offered against the prisoner at the bar; and yet, after being tried before Learned Judges, and by a bold and un compromising jury, Lord George Gordon was acquitted. There is no doubt that it was a high misdemeanour, for many were punished with minor penalties for their parti cipation in it; and if Lord G. Gordon had been indicted for a riot and tumult he would have suffered the punish ment awarded by the law for that offence. But;the ques tion having been raised of levying war to dethrone the sovereign or to alter the laws or subvert the Constitution, the prisoner was acquitted. Gentlemen, I have troubled you with references to these cases i❑ order that you may keep it quite clear and distinct in your own minds, that there may be a levying of war—that a party charged with treason may have levied war, may have been present at acts of violence, may with his own hand have sacri ficed human lives, may have destroyed a whole regiment of her Majesty's troops, and still the question remained be hind, with what intent was this done—whether it was a mere levying of men, or a levying of war against the Sovereign and to subvert the ConstH Whatever rnay have been the mischief—whatever may have been the riot—whatever may have been the bloodshed, if you will, the question, still is what was the intent and design on the mind of the pri soner at the time when he committed those acts. Be cause if we are to say that whenever a riot, a tumult, or bloodshed occurs, it is a levying of war against the So vereign, you know on every occasion when an outrage occurred, the individual would be indicted for high treason, and, instead of suffering the fine or imprison ment which would be appropriated to his offence, he would be consigned to the most awful of all deaths which the law can inflict upon a human creature. It is therefore of un speakable importance to observe the distinction between riot, tumult, and even bloodshed on one hand, and, on the other, that treason alone with which the prisoner now stands charged. The question, therefore, for you will be what was the real intention and design of the assembly of people who met on the 4th of November, and how far Mr. Frost was a party to any criminal intention. I shall now, Gentlemen, refer you to the charge of Lord Mansfield in the case to which I referred—the case of Lord George Gordon—because it extremely resembled in many of its principal features the case which you have now to Oonsider. In both, multitudes of people assembled together—in both great outrages were committed. I have described to you those which occurred in Lord George Gordon's case—you but too well know those which are connected with the present. When the case was gone through, and Lord Mansfield had laid down the law as it was recognised by the most eminent lawyers, he said, " There were two questions for the consideration of the Jury. First, whether this multitude did assemble and commit acts of violence"—of that you know, Gentlemen, there could be no doubt—" with intent to terrify and compel the Legislature to repeal the Act called Sir George Savile's. If upon this point your opinion should be in the negative, that makes an end of the whole ; the prisoner ought to be acquitted. But if your opinion should be that the intent of this multitude, and the vio- lence they committed, was to force a repeal, there arises a second point, whether the prisoner at the bar incited, encouraged, promoted, or assisted in raising this insur rection, and the terror they carried with them with the it tent of forcing a repeal of this law ? This, Gentlemen, is the whole of the evidence on either side ; you will weigh this evidence, and all the observations made at the bar or which occur to yourselves upon it—l avoid making any. The points for you to determine are, whether this multitude were assembled and acted with an intent to force a repeal of this ao-called Sir George Saville's Act ; and if you think such was their intent, whether the share the prisoner had in getting together such a number of people to go down to the House of Commons--in meeting them in St. George's-fields—in talking to them in the lobby—in wearing the cockade on Friday and Satur day—or in any other part of his conduct—had the same intent, by the terror of an outrageous multitude and the violence they committed, and threatened,'to force a repeal of this Act. If there was no such intention either in the mob or the prisoner, he ought to be acquitted ; but if you think there was such an intent in the multitude, incited, promoted, or encouraged by the prisoner, then you ought to find him guilty. If the scale hang doubtful, and you are not fully satisfied that he is guilty, you ought to lean on the favourable side and acquit him." Lord Mansfield i leaves two questions, the one as to the intent of the mul titude and the other as to the intent of the prisoner ; and his Lordship added, as my Lords will add to whatever in structions they may give you, Gentlemen, " If the scale hang doubtful, and you are not fully satisfied he is guilty, you ought to lean on the favourable side and acquit him." That is the charge of my Lord Mansfield in that case ; and elthough there a tumult occurred and outrages were com mitted—although a multitude came to the verge, to the very door of the Legislature, twenty thousand in number, to overawe the Members in their debates—and although Lora George Gordon was so closely connected with them in their subsequent outrages that he, like Mr. Frost, gave a protection to a person who applied to him for it—yet, although his acts were wreng in deed, they were not held to be done with a treasonable intent, and he was acquitted. Before I leave that part of the subject I may tell you what that circumstance was, how a pe!son may mix himself up with the multitude, what power he may exercise over them, and yet how far short his acts may be of the guilt of high treason. During the riots a man of4the name of Pond, who bad heard that his house was next to be pulled down—for you know, Gentleman, they were pulling down, burning, and destroying houses in every direction —applied to the prisoner for a protection, which he gave him in these terms :—" All true friends of Protestantism will, I hope, protect and do no injury to the property of any true Protestant, as I am well assured that the pro prietor of this property is a staunch and true friend of the cause. ( Signed) George Gordon." The prisoner gave this protection in order that it might have an influence over the multitude which were assembled for committing out rage and under it the property was saved ; and yet the Jury held that although he might be guilty of riot, of se dition, of unwarrantable, nay, even of criminal acts, they were not satisfied that he intended to subvert the Gove, n ment or dethrone the Sovereign, and they acquitted him of high treason. Gentlemen, my object in alluding to all this is to guide your minds to this proposition, that what ever may have been the loss, whatever may have been the outrages, whatever may have been the painful and melan choly consequences attendant on the transaction of the 4th November, still the great question in the ease—that upon which your verdict must depend—is what was the intent and design in the minds of the multitude—what was the intent and design in the mind of Mr. Frost, the prisoner. And their Lordships will tell you that, in order to come to any conclusion importing the guilt of the prisoner, it iee-t be proved to your perfect conviction that he en tertained the intent and design stated in the indictment. I propose now, Gentlemen, shortly to call your attention to that intent and design as stated in that indictment. Because, if upon the evidence you should find no proof or proof insufficient to satisfy you that the prisoner intended to do that which has been stated to be his intention in the indictment, then there is an end to the case and the prisoner will be entitled to a verdict of acquittal. The indictment contains several counts. I shall not complain of the number of those counts, but I do think that the Attorney-General would have afforded a better opportu nity for the accomplishment of justice, and would have exhibited a more indulgent spirit towards the accused, if be had said that the count which he meant to sustain by evidence was that charging the prisoner with intent, by force, to subvert the Constitution and the Government, or to force an alteration in the law. That, in my judg ment, would have been the better and the more indulgent course. For, my Lords, when we look to the indictment I think it will be found that the parts of it charging the prisoner with, by force, endeavouring to subvert the -o-,,Con stitution and Government of the country, to change by force the law, and to compel her Majesty to alter her mea suros—l think that this is all contained in the indictment, which has been endeavoured to be sustained by evidence, or which it was the intention of my Learned Friend to sustain. The Attorney-General—There is nothing about intent in this. ;fr. Kelly—My Learned Friend is mistaken. The first ..riti.nt states that the prisoner and others did levy war ageinee the Queen, and further, that, with arms in their hands, If with intent, by and with the said last-mentioned arms, to arm themselves, and the false traitors, in order to at....lck, sight with, kill, and destroy the soldiers, troops, and I.2recs of per said L a d y t h e Queen, and other liege and faith.cul subjeatee, a n d t o ra i se, ma k e , and levy insurrec tion, rebelliesn, and wet', against our said Lady the Queen , in this realm, l od thereby :t9 etebvert and destroy tho Con stitution and (.30`t.ernment of 41;3 realm as by law esta blished, and to alter an:, d change the lews of this realm by force." Then there is a c::.'Ult for levying war, and then for compassing to depose the (,jug en. With regard to this last count, it would doubtless be eee::emed a lose o f t i me were; Ito waste a word upon it, and I only ziention it for the purpose .acts alleged against the pr iso n er. Then there is a count charging the prisoner and others with conspiring to s eiz e upon Newport, and upon the Post-ottiee there, and the lazt et'llit is for levying public war against U.:, Queen. It nee..iis to me, Gentlemen, that , e' shout going theough all the indictment, it will be sufficient C. - ;r my purpose to refer , to it generally. It is saie! in the iuelectment that the pr :ner, with . • others charged with levying r.ar and other so acts, with intent to subvert ,alie Govern got - -cot and overt . . , and to co el the Queers to Constitution a the country, or, in other words, the 4.4.4rge may be alter her measures, reduced to this— that acts were done b y them to alter her measuree wieh the i nten tion of compelling the Queen the L n G i and, by force , to compel an alteration of e aw. e _ tlernen, this is t he question in this case, upon wisich t he life of the prisoner hangs. g His life depends upon eheee , aven:nnts 111 the indictmenta being made out; and, being counsel for the Crown—it wrs the e .:. 0. it becanis? the 4-neral, to you, 9entlemen, to duty - of the. Attu:'neY: ro a ll , . b;.; duty to the eir,;,lappy public justice, and, a. t . 0 ,c w hi c h 1, 4 „ zas about to 4up ' to state the char i -, prisoner-- 1,, -d Friend conceive tiOt my . ...,. pan: by evidefide. I curia to d o ; for, akii.ot,;. / ...' felt this to be hig bounden duty it is their privilege , yet it is not the custom for the address ti k^ Court be other law officers of the Cres,i, to We, therefore, t fore the Counsel for the prisoner. . intrusted, way 1. whose advocacy the 11:3 ,t;f. the acc,l,lsed xis , TIM SUN. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 8, 1840. to deal with the case, can only deal with it, as it has been opened, sustained, and placed before us by my Friend the Attorney-General. We cannot anticipate the arguments which may be offered by the Solicitor-General when he comes to make his reply, but can only grapple with the case as it stands at the close of the evidence which has been produced for your consideration ; and we therefore naturally look to the statement of the Attorney-General for the intent, the object, aad declarations which lie set forth in it, and which can be the only guides by which the Counsel for the prisoner can be governed. My Learned Friend, in the statement he made--and let us see how be looks at the case—l observe, after elaborately referring to the law of treason, and adverting to the bearing of the law upon some of the facts, proceeds, and this is the first indication or " purpose" we find 'in his opening speech. My Learned Friend said, " It appears that there hes been an armed insurrection of a public nature in this realm for the purpose of superseding and destroying the law and the authority of the Crown." Now, Gentlemen, I certainly looked for something more explicit than this in reference to the charge against the prisoner. I know of no statute, Gentlemen, in which it is made high treason to supersede or destroy the authority of the Crown. Why, you supersede the authority of the Crown by laying hands upon a constable, and obstructing him in the performance of his duty, and if you subvert the au thority of the Crown, which you may do many acts of themselves innocent, you supersede the authority of the Crown. I notice this, Ger tlemen, as it is the declaration of the Attorney-General, but still it leaves the case exactly as it was, before ; and for the purpose of saying that my Learned Friend needed not to have reverted to a decla ration so vague, so unsatisfactory, and undefined. Further on in his speech my Learned Friend, with respect to the intent of the prisoner, states, and, Gentlemen, I entreat your attention to this definition of the Attorney-General, affecting, as it does, the life of the prisoner at the bar ; and I hope not only that I shall satisfy you, but their Lordships, when the time comes when they will address you, will also inform you, that the Crown has no right to prove the commission of a number of illegal acts, and then to leave the Counsel for the prisoner to show that the pur pose, object, and the intent with which they were committed is short of treason. Gentlemen, the Crown has no right to leave the case in that position. The law is, not that they may prove the levying of war, the collecting of a number of armed persons, nay, the assembling an overpowering army, and then say to the Counsel for the prisoner, " It is for vou to show that these acts do not amount to treason." No, they are bound by the indictment—they are bound by the law—they are bound by moral duty in a case where a human life—where many lives are at stake—they are bound, I repeat, to state explicitly, plainly, and without leaving over them the shadow of a doubt, the purpose and the object which the prisoner had in view when he com mitted the illegal act charged against him. I protest, there fore, against the right of the Attorney or the Solicitor- General, more especially the last—l protest against his right to bring forward proof of the commission of five, six, seven, or eight illegal acts, and then to say to the Counsel for the prisoner, " It is for you to show that the purpose with which those acts were committed falls short of trea son." No, Gentlemen, it is he who must show the pur pose, the object, and the intent, clearly, palpably, and distinctly, which the prisoner had in view, and he must prove to you as clearly and as indubitably that it thus amounts to treason; and I shall now tell you what the Attorney-General has said in reference to this. After observing that meetings and consultations had taken place, he says—" There was particularly a meeting held at a place called Blackwood, on the Friday before the 3d of November; various deputies attended that meeting. There was a return made ot the armed force which could be mustered, and it would appear that there the plan or scheme was laid down which was afterwards to be carried into effect." This, Gentlemen, was the statement of my Learned Friend, and I appeal to you if it has been sup ported with one particle of proof'. It is proved, certainly, that the prisoners Mr. Frost, William Jones, and Zepha niah Williams, cad met at a public-house on the Friday before the 3d of November, and that there were several other persons there. But has it been proved with what purpose they met ? Has it been proved that any re solutions were passed by them ? Has it been shown that any deputies were there, or whether a return of the numbers of the armed force which could be mus tered was made ? In reference to these points, Gentle men, I ask you if there has been a single iota of proof? Why, the only evidence at all upon the matter is that of the landlord of the house, who states that a number of persons assembled there, but that he neither knew them nor what had taken place amongst them. But now, agaic, with regard to the purpose of the prisoner. This, Gen tlemen, is the object which the Attorney-General states the prisoner had in view, and on which he calls upon you to consign the deceased to death. This is his case, and if in this he fails, you are bound to pronounce a verdict of acquittal; but if he succeeds in proving it, the law is, as I must acknowledge it to be, the prisoner must suffer the death which it decrees. With regard to this, the object of the prisoner, the Attorney- General said, "Arriving at Newport they were to attack the troops who were there ; to take possession of the town ; to break down the bridge which is there across tile Usk ; to stop her Majesty's mails ; and then by signal rockets, which were to be thrown up, the success of the scheme was to be an nounced. The mail not arriving in Birmingham in an hour and a half after its usual time, those who were in concert with them in that town were to know by that circumstance that the plan had succeeded, and there was to be a rising there ; and generally in the north of Eng land, and the Charter was to be proclaimed as the law of the land." That, Gentlemen, is the treasonable purpose with which the prisoner is accused—the Charter was to be proclaimed the law of the land; and I hope I shall not prejudice the case of the prisoner by what I am now about to say. I admit that if Mr. Frost intended to attack the troops, to stop he: Majesty's mail, to seize upon the . Post-office, to make a signal of the success of his plans to his confederates at Birmingham and elsewhere, on which they were to rise in rebellion, in order to proclaim the Charter the law of the land—l admit that if these were the intentions of Mr. Frost, then has he committed the treason with which he has been charged, and that he must go to an untimely grave for that offence. But, Gentleman, as I said when [ began, I will go through it step by step, sentence by sentence, and word by word, and I will show that the evidence proves positively, convinc ingly, and beyond a shadow of doubt, that it was impos sible he could have entertained such a design, and that the Attorney-General might as soon take a knife and stab the prisoner to the heart as ask you to believe, from the evidence, this was the intent of the prisoner, and upon that I belief to convict him. Then, as to the rest—the acts by which this object of the prisoner was to be carried out, although some of the evidence proves these to be in credible—impossible—yet I shall address a few words to you now in reference to this, as I do not wish at another stage of my observations to perplex myself, or to harass your attention. You will remember that, according to the statement of the Attorney-General the prisoner was to have seized Newport, by attacking the military there, to seize the post-office, to blow up the bridge in order to stop the mails, in order to make a signal is his confederates in Birmingham to rise—nay, to congregate in open rebellion —but all these acts were merely conducive to an ulterior end. They did not want to destroy the mail-coaches ; of what utility could this be ? They could derive no advan tage from the mere destruction of the bridge or by the seizure ot a few letters, or by the people of Birmingham occupying the highway. These matters could have been of no benefit to the Chartists, and the acts alleged, there fore all conic dowa to this--that the Charter shall be at once proclaim'ed the law of the land. That, Gentlemen, is the only statement ai the Attorney-General as to the ulterior treasonable object with which the other acts were to he committed ; and if, Gentlemen, I show to you and to their Lordships that this end, this object, has no existence but in the statement of the Attorney- General, on this ground alone I shall be entitled to ask that my client shall be acquitted; and, Gentlemen, we have been now here fcr a week occupied with this trial—the evidence took up more than three days—and, I ask you, have we been afforded a particle, a tittle of testimony, or a single declaration in it to stew what this Charter was, or what that law was which was to be proclaimed throughout the land ? Gentlemen, there has not been any evidence what ever to show this. Certainly my Learned Friend, Sir F. Pollock, conscious of the innocence of his client, and be lieving that he could not be injured by what he stated, blundered a little—l may be allowed to say—for there was nothing whatever in our briefs to lead to it—in his address to you, and told you something of the first four or five articles of the Charter, and that gave us the first in sight into what this Charter was. But, Gentlemen, before the Crown can call upon you to send fifteen fellow-crea tures—fifteen human beings to an untimely tomb, must they not show you, not by staten,ents speculative or imagi nary or presumptive, but upon evidence clear, palpable, uncontradicted, and upon oath, what the nature of the alteration of the law of the land which that Charter would effect, and also that this was the object of those who are alleged to contemplate the alteration ; and, Gentlemen, having attended to the evidence produced during the three days I do believe that not a single point was elicited in reference to the position which the opening of the Attorney-General rendered so essential to be proved—not the remotest point was proved as to this proclamation of the Charter as the law of the land. Nay, Gentlemen—and if I ant wrong I hope I may be corrected—l do not believe that the word " Charter" was once introduced or mentioned, and yet men are to be tried and sent to a bloody grave for conspiracy, to make the Charter the law of the land, whilst by the 39 witnesses who were examined out of the 70 who should have been called, not one word cone Tning the Charter was mentioned, and yet this is an accusation of a conspiracy to establish it. This is not the way in which the predecessors of my Learned Friends dealt with men who were placed on trial for their lives. In the case of Lord George Gor don he was distinctly charged by the law officer of that day with the design by force to compass an altera tion of the law; and were the Jury left in doubt as to what that alteration was ? No. The case was btyhattheanAtitloireegeayl. General of the day, and it was meeting had been assembled t a c t rit het to had in to . fa; our of the Roman Catholics, and thus the Counsel for to compel the repeal of Sir George Savile's Act in proved °Pce deal with—tie; n'n. n w e i w th " i psi the repeal of Savile's Act. Ile knew that this was a the pries: sass, the illustriousrgeofl levying war PalPable and a tangible object to ;grapple with. Again, in They' were charged the cases ... 1 7 Watson, Horne Tooke , and Hard y , th e charges were pl a i n and substantial. The eine after the other with the intent to subvert the law of the country, Convention was something to set in asideitsp P raem there et:t, and to establish a neeet—something to gapple .with —and the same was the mode of proceeding in the cases of Watson and Thistle wood, whereas in this case the only object stated by the 4.ttorney-General in hie opening s p e ech to be that of the prisonei, wee the establishment of the Charter as the few of the land, whereas there has not bite:' the slightest approach to proof or any attempt or design of this kind, or even of a declaration to that effect from one of the ten thousand per sons ,W 4,3 ,are said to have assembled in order that this Cha rter law shOtild be peaelesspetl. Well, then, if I have thus got •rim of the " object" of to deal with elle means and I trust I • shall be able to show, although as to the mean t : .here has not been the same failure as ands the .evidence akolucA "rove them---yet that there is a failure in substantiating any of the purposes said to be entertained with a view to accomplish the ultimate object of the prisoner; and I shall now go to show that it was impossible those purposes could have been entertained, and I shall first come to the important question of the at tack upon the soldiers. If the prisoner had the intention of overturning the Government, and of dethroning our youthful and beloved Sovereign, there can be no doubt but that one of the first means that would be adopted for attaining such lawless objects would be the disarming of some of her Majesty's troops. According to my Leartn.d Friend's opening the case they were to have attacked the troops. The first o bservation I have to make upon this part of the case is this, that it is exceedingly remarkable that in that which is laid as an overt act in the indictment that those persons intended to attack the troops, that the case rests upon the evidence of some witness as to some state ment supposed to have been made by Mr. Frost, or by some one else, as to attacking the troops ; and yet it is exceed ingly remarkable that, having, as it is said, this hostile intention, that they should have passed by the poor-house in which the troops were assembled, and yet that it never entered into the contemplation of Mr. Frost, nor of any one else, to attack, no, nor to mark :hem, nor to keep watch upon them, nor to see whether they were likely to come down and mingle in the affray? Is it not, than, wonder ful that when you have, as you do here, to try men for their lives upon a charge, the very essence of which is that they intended to do a certain thing, and yet, when you come to look at the things which they actually have done, you do not find that that particular thing with which they were charged was even attempted. Upon looking at the map you will see the poorhouse where the soldiers were, excepting the few that had gone down to the Westgate. There, then, you see these men passing by that which was said to be their object. You see them passing it by, and taking no notice of it. The Chief Justice remarked that the poorhouse was about 100 yards from where the mob were. Mr. Kelly—And yet disc• ming the military was said to be one of their first objects, and at the very first opportu tunity they pass by that objet:. The jurors here retired for a •ime; upon their re turn, Mr. Kelly continued by sayin -I was about to direct your attention to the question, es it stands upon the evi ' dente, whether the prisoner at the bar, in concert with others, had meditated an attack upon the military. It is a very important question in this case, although it would not be decisive against the prisoner if proved ; because he might have intended to attack the military, he might af , terwards have attacked them, and destroyed every man in the whole company, or in the whole regiment, still the question would have remained between us, did he do all that for the treasonable purpose stated in this indictment ? If, therefore, the fact were proved, as I think I shall show you it is distinctly disproved, the they either meditated an attack upon the soldiery, or knowingly made an attack on them, still you would have to consider what was the object and the ultimate purpose and object of the at tack. Ido deny upon the evidence that there is any proof that either the prisoner at the bar, or any one of that nu merous multitude that came down uoon Newport on the 4th November, for one moment of time ever had the se rious intention of making en attack upon the soldiers. I deny it totally, wholly, and confidently, on the evidence. My Learned Friend says that one of the objects of the pri soner was to attack the military, and I will show you by and by how it is that his witnesses sustain the charge. These men come down to the number of 6,000 or 10,000, their first purpose being, as it is said, to attack the military. Observe that Mr. Frost is an inhabitant of Newport, and that is the place where the military were stationed ; and yet, having such an intent upon his mind, he passes within 100 yards of the place, and pays no attention to it; he and the multitude march away from it I The whole of them intending to attack the military I Why did he and they do this ? De you believe the part of the evidence upon this risk ? Why, even, if it were true that one of the boys told Mr. Frost that a portion of the soldiers were gone to the Westgate, was not that an additional induce ment to him to attack them, at a moment when their forces were divided? Yeu will be told by the Solicitor- General that you are to judge the intentions of the prisoner from his acts. If you are to do so, then are you to infer, from this large body of men passing within one hundred yards of them, and yet not attacking them, that they intended to attack them ? Recol lect, that if the contradictory evidence given upon this point is sufficient to raise a doubt on your minds, you are compelled to acquit the prisoner. If it is true that in all insurrections, in all rebellions, in all revolutions, one of the first acts done or compassed by those who take such things into their meditation is, first to seize upon the military in the neighbourhood of the spot in which the revolution or rebellion is to break out, it is naturally then that the first thing to be done would be to call witnesses who would at tempt to prove this. But, in the outset, I ask you, can it be true ? It' the whole of the ten thousand persons intended to attack the military, why did they pass the poorhouse, in which were the military with diminished forces,? Now, who is the first witness who spoke of attacking the military? It is Ilarford, and he makes °Frost declare that the first,thing he intended to do was to go to the new poorhouse, and there take the soldiers and their arms. This was said on the night of the 3d of November. This is used as evidence of a guilty intent on the part of Frost, and you see him pass the new poorhouse the next day and not attack the military. In God's name, if he intended it, why did he not do it? It is also said that he declared his intention to at tack powder-houses, and yet no powder-houses are attacked. The only evidence we have upon this point is the Attorney-General. From the testimony which Har ford-has given respecting himself, and from ha manifest perjury, I ask you if you would find a verdict in a civil case upon the evidence of a man like that ? You have next the evidence of the man Hodges to show the same intent on the part of Frost to attack the military, and while he tells that story he introduces the story of a man with a glazed hat saying that all the soldiers were Chartists, and had their arms ready and were ,only waiting for the rioters to come down. You find, then, in this case, that instead of treason being made out by plain and distinct acts, it is at tempted to be proved against the prisoner, by a combination of minute circumstances svkich arc brought together, in order that by the mass, the prisoner may be over whelmed. And now let me remind you, that among the witnesses which the Crown has thought proper, in the dis charge of its duty, and that the Government has sent for ward as worthy of,being adopted by a Jury of Englishmen, there arc those to be found, those who have either sworn falsely now, or who have sworn falsely on a former occasion. You have had before you one of those admitting he swore falsely, and yet that man is one of the witnesses, upon whom the Attorney-General relies for a verdict, and re lying too upon whom, he calls upon you to take the life of a fellow-creature. I think that my Learned Friends would better have consulted their own character, and the character of the Governm en t they represented, if they had abstained from calling upon such witnesses. What lis their case so weak, so feeble, and so meagre, that they yet to h the op e dby Government his means to must rest it upon the testi mon y o f an avowedly perjured witness? Is their case t o stan d or to f all ? Is it to tun, couldupo n ah witness have endanger the life of any E ng li s h man upon such a charge eprod th u a produced ithiisin a and , shame as this ? But I leave to my Learned Friend to deal with owniris witness and his own witness's testimony as best becomes his own honour and character. I tell it to you fearlessly, and careless what remark my observation may call forth, that it is not to the honour and it cannot he to the credit of the Government that they should, on such an occasion, have brought forward such a witness as Hodges, even admitting that the charges of treason would not be complete without him. They knew before-hand all that this with ( Hodges) had sworn ; they knew how contradictory was that swearing, and then they brought forward the witness before you, obliged to admit that he is a perjurer. Let my Learned Friend. an swer that as he thinks proper. The man admitted that he had sworn falsely on a former day.. Supposing, then, that the prisoner had been tried for his life on the evidence that the prisoner gave, not to-day, but formerly —suppos ing that there had been a conviction, and th a t th e pr i soner had thus been sent to his bloody grave by you. Suppos ing that this wretch afterwards admitted that he had de luded you by his perjuries, what must:not be the agonies and the remorse you would have endured ? And yet this is one of their choice witnesses I He is one of the seventy on the back of the bill ; he is in the het of 230 delivered to us ; he is amongst the thirty-nine examined ; yes, this monster is one of these selected by them to hang the un fortunate man at the bar. But I cannot trust myself with observations further on this part of the case. I now come to the attack on the military at the West gate. It is plain that once the military were un masked, and that the mob were sure they were in the `Westgate, that not a shot was fired at them. The Mayor and Sergeant Daly were wounded when the shut ters were taken down. They were the only persons wounded. None of the military received any injury once they fired on the mob. The mob fled once they saw the soldiers arrayed against them. And this is in accordance with the evidence of Sergeant Daly and of all the wit nesses. What did the Attorney-General say, in opening his case, upon this point? He said the soldiers were then ordered to fire. "At this time the insurgents had gained the various advances to the hou,e. They were in the passage leading to the room in which the military were as sembled, and if the order to fire had not then been given there is no reason to doubt that the military would have all been massacred. The order, however, was speedily and effectually discharged. The insurgents in the pass age were fired on, and several of them fell and were killed. The shutters being all removed from the windows the men directed their pieces through it, and thus had command of the space in which the insurgents were drawn up. They accordingly fired into the street, and several of the insurgents were wounded and fell, and the others were speedily dispersed." Does my Learned Friend attempt to say that that mob returned the fire, or that the mob offered the slightest resistance to the soldiers after they were unmasked ? Nu ;he says Mr. Frost had not been seen after the firing first began, and they fled in every direction." This was the whole case before him, and it was not till Lieutenant Gray was examined that any wit ness ever suggested that the mob might have fired on the military in return, a d be without knowledge of the fact, but merely because he seems not to have thought. it pos sible that an armed body of Englishmen would have re ceived the fire of troops without returning it. Now then, Gentlemen, let us consider on what evidence rests the statement that Mr. Frost was aware that there were sol diers at the Westgate at all ; yupon the testimony of the two boys, a couple of idle lads, u pon whose evidence and whose intelligence, even if they meant to speak to the best of their recollection the truth, no reliance is to be placed. For I will show you, by referring to the uncon tradieted evidence, that it %yea impossible Mr. Frost could be aware there were soldiers in s he town at all. He knew there were soldiers in the barracks, but lie could not know there were soldiers in the town, since the soldiers were not marched down to the Westgate until the very period when he is represent e d as making the inquiry if there were soldiers there, and the boy gives him the information which I will show you it was impossible that he could haze given. I shall not dwell upon this part of the evidence, because it was time dies qf th e Cros ao bring it home cleerly against the prisoner, 'and 'lt is sufficient for the to show you that the eeidence is - slidm as ought to raise a reasonable doubt on your mind to entitle 'me to call 'on you to give the prisoner the benefit of that doubt. Mr. Frost could not kilow there wer, s„ls'esss to induce him to meditate an attack on them, fOr the ma son I have given; nor could the boy Coles, who says he gave him the information, have known it either, for it was between a quarter to nine and nine that the soldiers marched to the Westgate, where they were masked, so that many of the special constables even did not know they were there; and if you examine the evidence, it was about the same rriod, as near as possible, that Coles tells Frost there were a dozen soldiers there, instead of 30, the real number; so that be could not have seen them, nor could h s even have been told by any one in the town, for he did not come from the town, but from Pilgwently, whither he went to breakfast, but returned without his breakfast, in consequence, doubtless, of meeting the mob advancing. And the other boy, Rees, is flatly con tradicted by a most respectable witnesson one point (which, without attributing perjury to these boys, the only witnesses out of the forty examined by the Crown, shows how little reliance is to be placed on information thus picked up). namely, that of the mob dividing, and going one part up Commercial -street, and one up the Friars. As for any intention to attack the'military it is clearly negatived by the circumstance that they directed no attack on the only post where they knew them to be ; and the only inference that can be raised is that they went to the Westgate for the purpose of obtaining these prisoners ; their object in appearing in such force in Newport being to make a display of their numbers, and endeavour to show how large and powerful a party took a deep into:est in the liberation of Vincent from prison, or in his amelioration in the prison. The Learned Counsel here, in a most eloquent manner (and we regret the necessity, in consequence of the protracted length of the proceedings, and the distance from London, of abridging his speech) proceeded to remark upon the exceeding improbability that Mr. Frost, whose wife and five helpless female children were living in Newport, who would be the first to suffer, to whom he never sent any warning to absent them selves—who had received an excellent character for hu matsity--who were in the warmest state of political excite ment—not only had deprecated, and, when in his power, as had been proved in evidence, prevented, not bloodshed, for that he never contemplated, but the infliction of per sonal violence, or even personal detention, on his most determined political opponents. The Learned Counsel then dwelt on the insufficiency of the evidence as to all points of treasonable intention, which rested only on de clarations alleged to have been made by witnesses, them selves giving evidence against the prisoner through fear of being involved in the same charge themselves, and contra dicting themselves and each ether most materially in the most important facts of their evidence, and the complete negative which every act of the prisoner and his companions gave to the intention thus imputed to them, for, instead of attacking the military, they passed them by at the only place, the workhouse, where they knew the military to be stationed. Instead of blowing up the bridge, if such had been their object, they never attempted it, though possessed of powder, arms, and in numbers to have made any at tack. Instead of stopping the post, which six men could have done, for the Post-office was only kept by a woman, they never went near it; and as for stopping the mail from Newport to Birmingham, the fact was there was no such mail. The ¶nail only went to Bristol, and no stop page of the mail at Newport could delay the Bristol mail to Birmingham, which, moreover, did not arrive there till just two o'clock in the morning; nor was there the slight est evidence given or attempted to be given that any per sons were at Birmingham to inquire if the Newport letters were brought by that mail ; and as for proclaiming the Charter to be the law of the land, which was to be the grand treasonable result of overturning the law and over throwing the Constitution, not one single witness had said a word upon that point. The evidence of those de clarations rested on the evidence of the witnesses Harford and Hodges. On the witness Harford, and the credibi lity to be attached to him, he had already observed, and would not repeat his observations, save one that applied also to Hodges, namely, that he volunteered this in order to save himself from sharing the portion of Frost; and as to Hodges, he swore distinctly that he it was at Pie-corner at daybreak that heard Mr. Frost make this statement, whereas he, Mr. Frost, was dis tinctly proved by other witness, and witnesses for the Crown, to have been in another place at the time, and the witness himself who says be went home to bed twelve miles off before ten o'clock, whereas he was seen by others with in two miles of Pie-corner some two hours or two hours and a half afterwards. Watkins, a witness for the Crown, said he saw Hodges at the Welsh Oak, only two miles from Pie-corner, at half-past eight, half-past six being the time of daybreak, where he said he saw Frost at Pie-corner, and afterwards he hurried home on foot to Blackwood, so as to be in bed shortly after nine o'clock, Why, at half past eight o'clock the witness called to support his testi mony swore he met him at the Welsh O a k, t en m il es dis tant 'from Blackwood; and Brough and Watkins prove Frost to have been seen at the Welsh Oak at the time Hodges swears he was present at Pie-corner; and Antony also proved that he saw him in Tredegar Park, at a time utterly incon sistent with the date assigned by Hodges, Thus, by the witnesses for the Crown, was the story of the only wit nesses who spoke to this declaration of Frost utterly de stroyed. Thus he considered he had destroyed the last shred and remnant of the case for the Crown. It might be ex pected that ho should say something of the object of Mr.' Frost and of the multitude coming down to Newport, but though he protested when pleading for life against being required to do any such thing, he thought it.admitted of the most obvious solution. The evidence which had been given there must convince them that these men, whose intentions he implored them to construe by that which could alone expound them, viz., their acts, had no other object in view than that of showing their numbers, of proving how much mischief they could commit if mis chievously inclined, and thus inducing, by a peaceable demonstration, the Magistrates to pay regard to their often repeated requests for the liberation of Vincent and the amelioration of his condition. It had been proved by Saunders that when his house and his barn were full of people on the morning in question he was told that they were going forward to liberate Vincent and the prisoners from gaol. If that was their design, and if in endeavour ing to compass it they had masacred a whole body of her Majesty's troops, and if they produced confusion, anarchy, and bloodshed, although that would be a high misde meanour, and although the very attempt would be heavily, severely, and grievously punished, it would not be high treason, for that must be far some general object—the subversion of the Government or to Compel either House of Parliament to alter its measures. But even that design was negatived by some of the witnesses called on the part of the Crown, for it was stated by them that when Ze phaniah Williams was asked whether that was the object of the march, he said, " Oh no, we are not going to en. danger life or property by an attempt to liberate Vincent, we are only going to take a throw as far as Newport," and this at a time, when, if there were to be this mighty rebellion, we need have no fear of disclosing what his ulti mate projects were. What was proved against Mr. Frost was quite consistent with this peaceable design, be cause he was found, in addressing the mob, not to say, " Fire upon the inn I Fire upon the people I Blow up the bridge ! Attack the military t Confront and assail the sol diers !" but, when he came to the Westgate, he said, " Turn round and show your appearance in front." What did this show but that they were desi. ous to show the extent of the sympathy felt for Vincent and the others ? He appealed to the jury as men, as English men, as fathers of families, as husbands, as brothers, to show themselves, like their predecessors, the eternal safe guard and protection of the liberties of their country, by putting a mild construction upon the acts and the words of the parties accused, and considering that the demonstration of force was made only in order to back the application on behalf of their friends. Had the Minister who now sent his Learned Friends here to work against the lives of those hapless men indicted any of the one hun dred thousand men who had prepared to march from Bir mingham, or those who assembled at White Conduit 'House? No; they felt in times of excitement agitation Will prevail, and that the best way of checking it was by lenity and mercy. If men had committed a breach of the law—if they had sacrificed human lives—let them receive the punishment they deserved, but let them not be made traitors against their will ; on the contrary, let their loyalty be fostered and cherished as long as it existed in their hearts. The Learned Gentleman then proceeded to point out some inconsistencies and contradictions in the evidence of several of the witnesses ,for the prosecution, and re marked upon the keeping back of H. Williams, whose evi dence, when he was produced for the defence, went so far to do away with the charge of treason, by making it appear that the demand made by the mob at the Westgate was only for the surrender of the prisoners. After some further observations the Learned Gentleman continued— I have no more to say, Gentlemen. The prisoner at the bar stands, I hope, not in danger of a dreadful and bloody death, for I believe the law would deny him a grave. It is not necessary for him to appeal to your mercy, but to appeal to your justice. I know that when when you have considered the whole case, if you fl ed the whole of the evidence to prove a treasonable intent, utterly and totally fails by law, he may demand your acquittal. But I go farther, and say] that the events of this case have taught me a lesson which I shall never forget; but which, if I were a Juryman, I should treasure as my heart's blood, that a witness without intending to deceive may commit a mistake, upon which the Jury may act ; and when a fellow-creature has been sacrificed—when it is too late to repair the error, it may be discovered—what, Gentlemen, would be your reflections,, if, after having consigned the prisoner, not to the grave, but to a dreadful death, with scarcely time for repentance for his sins, you should meet the wife and children, then made widow and orphans, and discover that you had forgotten some part of the evidence—some shadow of a shade—some frail and fragile doubt which would affect the intentions of the pri soner and the character of his acts—think what would then be your reflections. Gentlemen, I have spent the time and the strength that I possess. I have only to thank you for the kindness and attentio n I h ave exper i ence d, an d 'God Almighty guide you to a just and Christian verdict. Chief Justice Tindal—John Frost, now is the time if you wish to add anything to what these gentlemen have said on your behalf. You cannot be permitted to say any thing after the Solicitor• General has addressed the Court. The prisoner, who was now somewhat affected, said, My Lord, I am so well satisfied with what my Counsel have said, that I decline saying anything in addition. It was now past four o'clock, and the A tterney- Glenerel said it would be a great convenience if the Court could state how late they were likely to sit this (Waning, as the Solicitor-General wou'd not be able to compress his obser vations within the usual time of adjournment. The Chief Justice said he could not well answer the question. Great inconvenience would arise if it should be late to-morrow before he was able to begin his sum ming up. The Solicitor-General here rose and said—Gentlemen, the duty which you have to discharge, the duty which the Learned Judges have to perform, and that which falls to me, cannot be otherwise than a very - 4 miaful one. It is one which, to consult the public safety, to do justice to the country, to yogrselves, and to the prisoner, requires, not that you ehmild'be driVen't6'the discharge of that duty by appeals caleulatCd to shako your understanding, by ad= dresses which, instead of being directed to the sound parts of 3our minds, so a,s to enable you to perform, yew G u tty with satisfact;,en to yontsekve4 upcfulnes4 IQ Itodeount— .t.. and justice to the prisoner, are addressed in see}, a Tr?"- ...a. .b raz• and to deprive you of your understanding. What is the task which is thus thrown upon me? lam here not as the enemy of that man, or with any angry or unkind feel - ing towards him. God forbid that I should hurt a hair of his head beyond what the law requires, but I have a serious and important duty to perform, which I would perform zealously and forbearinely but from which I dare not shrink. I owe a duty to the country-1 owe a duty to my Lords—l owe a duty to you, Gentiemen, and I owe a duty to the prisoner at the bar. What the Learned Gentleman has just addressed to you has not only made that duty most distressin r, but almost incapacitated me from performing it. Why should Ibe driven to appeals which ought never be made ; which are inconsistent with justice and irreconcilable with public safety ? Why should you be asked what would be your feelings if you were to meet the widows or orphans of the men murdered on the 4th of November? Are there no widows or orphans but those whom the Learned Gentleman has presented to your notice ? Nay, Gentlemen, will not yourselves leave widows and orphans, if ycu have not the manliness to perform your duty in the great hour of peril ? Mercy is a delightful attribute, but God forbid we should forget justice, for if we abandon justice mercy must soon flee. I little expected that my Learned Friend the Attorney-General and myself should be represented as doing what would be little else than putting a knife in that man's heart, and sacrificing his life with the lives of fifteen others. Gentlemen, it has been said that this is a Crown prosecution. My old and valued friend (Sir F. Pollock) made some observation which ex cited my surprise. But I know that it was only a passing shade, and the heat of expression excited by the sense of the deep and responsible duty he had to perform ; and in a subsequent part of his address he satisfied me of the cor rectness of that expression, for he admitted that the Crown had a duty to perform from which it could not be absolved. A great deal had been said about this being a Crown prose cution for high treason; but the nature of such a prosecution gave the prisoner tenfold advantages over those he would have under any other form—as regarded lists of witnesses, the privileges of Counsel, and other matters which the Jury must have observed—and the prosecution could never have been adopted with a wish to deal with severity towards the prisoner, but because the char ac t er o f t h e transact i on w i th which they had to deal brought the case under the descrip tion of eharge with which he was indicted • and, besides this, the issu e o f th e procee di ngs, b e it ;hat it might, would tend as well to excite the vigilance of the deluded as to warn the deluders that the crimes of which they were accused went to the destruction of the constitution, the peace and safety of England, and came within the descrip tion of the charge which they had now to try. They had heard much of the power of the Crown in those cases ; but he knew of none which it had which were not possessed by every private prosecutor, and it merely represented the public peace and public safety, and the feelings of any faction would be put down long ere the Crown could be affected. He would not indulge in expressions of " bloody this and bloody that," as the Learned Gentleman on the part of the prisoner had done; but he would say that this was a prosecution arising out of an insurrection and tumult, which had been attended with great danger. On his own and his Learned Friend's part he desired to put the case before them in a proper manner, and when they had done their duty they would feel as much sympathy for the prisoner as any other individuals, and they would rejoice if, consistent, with their duty, the Jury could acquit him. He trusted that they would not allow the prisoner to suffer because of the course which had been adopted by the Counsel for the defence, and the weakness which such a course generally showed. They had seen the delusion which had been practised by these transactions upon mon so ignorant that the object of it bad to be trans lated into Welsh, and into whose hands arms had been put, although they knew not for what purpose' they were to use them. This inquiry would teach them the risk they ran in permitting themselves to be made blindly the tools of their leaders, and would teach their leaders the lesson that, despite their demonstrations, the law still remained in its vigour, and able to protect the peace of the community. He agreed with Sir Frederick Pollock—he had no ob jection that they should keep before them the conse quences of a verdict of guilty upon the prisoner • but, whilst they did not f o rg e t t h ose t h at were near and dear to him, they ought not to forget —they ought also to regard those who were dear to them. He asked them to consider the circumstances of the case calmly, and to do their duty, unshaken by any feelings which were calcu lated to swerve them from it. He did not know that there were ally material points in the law of the case whereon his Learned Friends and himself differed. The law, as laid down by the Attorney- General, had not been excepted to, and it had only been slightly qualified by Mr. Kelly. The Jury however, would take their directif ns as to this. from the Judges on the bench ; but it was necessary that he should state his vier of the case under the correction of their Lordships, and of the law of it, and how it applied itself to the facts. The charge against the prisoner was that he prior to the 4th of November believed that a large body of men in different parts of the country were prepared to rise in rebellion throughout the country, and that one of the purposes for which they were so to rise was for the purpose of seizing on the town of Newport, to prevent resistance if they could by terror, and to overcome by force if it were necessary. It was at Newport that the rebellion was to be begun. What was done, in legal language, amo un t e d t o a l evy i ng of war within the realm against the Queen. The Solici tor-General then proceeded to say that no man deplored more than he did that which had happened in the front of the Westgate, or the number of lives that had been lost; but then he considered that what had happened had saved hundreds of lives from being lost, for he was satis fied that if Captain Grey and the Mayor had tampered but for a few moments with that mob the consequence would have been awful; it was the well-exercised appli cation of military power that he was sure had saved the town and its inhabitants from more widows than now. Had the mob gained but possession of the town, as Mr. Frost hoped, they would have seen, what would have become of the wive, and daughters of the town ? If Mr. Frost now called upon the Jury to look to his wife and his daughters, he (the Solicitor-General) asked the Jury what regard Mr. Frost should have for the wives and daughters of others ? He indeed sought his own sa f ety and flight, and left the t own abandoned to a lawless mob, who " showed themselves in front." Mr. Frost left even his own flesh and blood to suffer from that mob. What be came of the town—what of his wife, and what of his fa mily, he knew not. The Solicitor. General then proceeded to contend in very powerful language that if the meeting, which was convened for de scending on Newport, had not been for a treasonable purpose, the prisoner would have found no difficulty in calling witnesses to have proved it ; and that, notwith standing the protest of his counsel, the case raised against him was such as to render it necessary to prove his inno cence, if he could do so. And after referring to the doubts thrown on the evidence of the witness who spoke to the declaration of Davis in the presence of Frost, and to the doubt whether the insurgents demanded the special constables to surrender themselves prisoners, or whether they merely asked for their own prisoners, he said, as there was a doubt, he should on the part of the Crown abandon both points, and then asked permission of the Court, as he was entering on a new part of the case, to conclude his reply to-morrow. The Court accordingly rose at twenty minuts past six. THE MARKETS.-(YESTERDAY ) (From the London New Price Current of January 7.) StifaAlt.—For West India Muscovadoes Sugar there was a good demand last week from both grocers and re finers, the purchases for the three market days amounting to 2,000 hhds, and tierces at prices fully equal to those paid previous to the holidays ; for fine yellow descriptions how ever buyers were compelled t o p a y rat h er hi g h er rates, the supply being very small. St Lucia of low mid yellow quality was disposed of at 60s 6d, Jamaica rather better 61s, with more colour 635, good 645, fine middling 67s to 683, very fine 70s, Dominica good grey 635, Demerara good brown 583 per cwt. This afternoon a good demand prevailed for both gro cery and refining purposes, notwithstseding the public sales of Mauritius, the rates paid are fully equal to those of Friday, and 6d above for good yellow descriptions. Barbadian sold with animation Is above former rates for good and fine, and 6d for other descriptions ; fine fetched 69. to 69s 6d, good SSBs to 68s 6d, mid to good mid liaa 6d to 673 6d, low mid 63s to 64s 6d per cwt. REFlNED.—Refined goods have been in steady demand and previous rates have been fully supported. Pieces at former rates. Bastards above 50s have been disposed of to a fair extent. For Treicle of common quality 32s has been paid. Patent and the best old make have been dis posed of to a fair extent at 33s 6d to 35s per cwt For Beaded Crushed Sugar, small parcels, at 34s 3d "a 34s 6d for Pieces and Basttirds small parcels, at 22s to 26s for the former, and 17s to 18s far the latter. Loaves 101bs at 37s 6d to 38s, and 1411 as at 36s to 87s per cwt. To-day the Grocers bought sparingly of Refined goods; and standard lumps were obtainable at 76s to 76s 61 per cwt. Treacle of common quality, is much wanted at 32s : but the short supply checks business ; Patent and the best old make sell steadily at our quotations ; Pieces are in good demand ; Bonded crushed is riot to bo bought under 34s 3d, but there is not much demand. Mauaurtes.—This afternoon there was a good disposi tion evinced on the part of the Trade to purchase at the public sales, which comprised 8,438 bags, the principal part of which consisted of the new crop; the whole of which were disposed of, and there was a fair competition amessest the buyers: the prices paid were equal to those at last week; fine yellow sold at 67s to 68s, midddiog to good 62s 6d to 66s ; strong coloury grey 679 to s? , B3s, very ord brown 44s 6d to 455, middling to good 449 to 58s per cwt. A small part of the above waa sulphur!, and sold rather below the valuations. EAST INDIA.—For Refinin% under Bond the merchants have obtained rather I S'.gher prices; Manilla at 19s to 21s 6d for ordinar; 'orovvn and yellow ; Siam at 24s to 27s for low and good middling white ; Java at 20s to 20s 6d for ordinary brown, and 22s 6d to 23s 6d for low yellow and grey. This afternoon Bengal was in good request, and 2,111 a bags at public sale found free buyers at higher prices ; good and fi ne w hi te fetched 69s to 74s ; greyish, 65,s to Ws; wrong yellow, 67s 6d to 695; damps and waffled, 603 to 72s 6d per cwt. FoREIGN.—There has been no public sale of any kind, and none is announced. This afternoon Manilla and Java were in fair request by private contract at the rates quoted above. 1,315 bags from the Cape were put up to auction and sold at the full value, viz, low and mid brown, lit 18s to 225, washed las to 19s per cwt. Coesee.--414tIsh Plantation has been less in demand, and the sksserations by private contract have been ve ry li mised • this is to be att r ib ute d to the large quantities of East India and Cape, which have appeared, and still re main to be brought to publie sale, but the merchants •,,, ac refused to reduce their pretensions for Clean see' seas w e page of tlse small st oc k , and prices ed.. This afterasseils Masks's, ' _re was little passing in the me Foreign /rad- The home . prices und erwen t no varia c t s ion• s vt purchas e spar i ng l y o f E ast an d \ India ; 1,900 j bags Java, 1,000 bags Pedang from the Cape, and 107 _.,s, in con -main as previously EVENING c i ck, ~o rn to F-le - 7; J:l . , • ported, good p a l e green i s h 7 5s a 7 5s 6d, good yellow 76s a 775, bulked 73s a 745, sea damaged 683 a 745, there were buyers of the whole rather under these rates ; Pedang was nearly all taken in at 65s a 69s 6d for good greenish mixed with blacks, excepting a few lots which sold at the lattet figure, being its full value ; Jamaica sold at previous rates, but there was little spirit in the biddings, good mid went at 133 s a 1333 6d, mid 123 s a 123 s 6d, good and fine ord 983 a 105 s, a few lots unclean, howeVee; were taken at 943 a 96s for good to fine ord. OILS.—The transactions in pale Seal and Cod Oil have been to a fair extent since our last report ; the former has been disposed of currently at 311, and the latter at 291 to 29/ lOs per tun. In Southern there has not been much business doing. Sperm is again higher; 1101 to 111/ paid for small parcels of first quality. Olive at previous prices. Palm in, small parcels fetch 341 to 35/ 103 per tun. TALLOW. —Th e rates previously established have been supported for Petersburg yellow Candle on the spot; first quality has fetched 48s 9d to 49,3 per cwt; for delivery in the next three months, 48s 94. To-day there was more business doing in RUssian Taillo,s, and the rates quoted above were supported on the spot as well as for delivery, at which the demand was very good. SALTPETRE. —Rough has brought former rates : at auc tion 529 bags Calcutta of fine quality, refraction 24 per cent fetched 25a 6d to 26s per cwt : the deliveries from the warehouses have again been large. British Refined is steady at 27s 6rl in hhds, and 283 in barrels. Rust, BRANDY, AND HOLLAND& —There has not been much passing in Jamaica Rum ; but the" merchants ask previous rates ; for other descriptions there has been a better demand, and the prices previously established have been supported; 240 puns have been disposed of, 100 puns were strong Demerara 34 to 37 per cent over proof, at 5s Id to 5s 2d. ; the remainder Leewards 12 to 15 per cent over proof, at 3s 9d to 3s 10d for proof strength 3s 3d is asked : there are buyers to a fair extent of all kinds rather under previous rates; but to this the merchants are not inclin4d to accede : no arrival since we last wrote. For Brandy there has been only a limited de mand, at the following rates :-Ist brands of the vintage of 1836 at 4s lld to 5s ; 1837, 4s 9d to 4s lld ; 1838, 4s 5d to 4s 7d ; Bordeaux, 23 Id to 2s 8(1 per gallon. Geneva has been disposed of to a fair extent, at /s Id to 2s 2d per gallon. British Corn Spirits have secured a fair sale at the rates quoted. TEA: —The Monthly Tea sales consisting of 03,100 packages, or 6,740,200 lbs commenced yesterday, and were well attended. The following are the prices paid :—Con.:ou but mid rather coarse and old 2s 4d, but mid rather blackish leaf 2s 44-d, but mid eves blackish leaf and rather old 2s 4id to 2s 44d, but mid blackish leaf rather coarse and strong 2 , 54d to 2s flid ; Twankay but mid even rather brightish leaf 2s 6d to 2s 64d, but mid 2a 5d to 2s kid ; Orange Pekoe good fresh and burnt largish wiry leaf 2a 9 d ; Gunpowder and mid pale small brightish leaf 4s 6d, good mid 4s Bfd to 4s 9d ; Young Hyson good brightish leaf 5s 2d to bs 3d ; Hyson mid rather strong little burnt 3s 6d; Souchong mid rather strong 2s 9d per lb. Company's Congous are held for 2a 3d money, and 2s 4fd to 2s bd with a prompt, bat there are few buyers. The deliveries of Tea last week amounted to 800,000 lbs. To-day them was an increased disinclination manifested on the part 'of the trade to purchase Tea at the public saki, and the demand was extremely limited for all kinds ?, twenty-eight thousand packages which passed the ste,e the small quantity only of 1,800 pkgs found buyers at tF.e rates of yeQterday ; the remain& r was taken 'n and wi'chdrawn, the merchants not being willing to submit to s.nyifurther reduction ; still without news from Canton, and to this may be ascribed the dullness in the trade. Common Con goys sold at 2s 3d to 2s 3id. IRISti DUBLIN MARKET NOTE for int> ,4 'EEI 4 : ending JAN, 3 42 0 40 10 r row • 870 Wheat,per barrel moue.._... f 3 0 U Bere . lO LI • , e 150 Barley 1;82 Oats ll I. .1 Maur, per cwt. stone."... • 11 0J; Oatmeal 8 stone l5 Sold to Bakers only. . 6,281 Cwt. flour tii 1 , 1 ‘2/ 4 Average price 'Wheat and Pour 65e ad, per sack. • r• 9(1. Receipts of Flour, 11,7t3 s eco . uie irT t rnm 1 5 , • . ch Od to 206 h. 25 .. Sales of Do. 18,002 1 . 1.,i ;d „, od to 13s Pr.lclt Or BR AD. Quarterr. $ H2ll Qututern CORK MARKETS.—JAN 4 Wheat (per Inst.)l6s Od. to 41S. Oats (per t-..t.s „,,, is . 14.3. 3(1 Barley (per Irist.) 7 6 21 0 'Flour :t.er `, .11:. 1; Oatmeal (per cwt.)... Beef, 4d. to 7,l—Mutton, trit3.l..—Vc.a. 4 44 to Pork, 410. to 5d.--Fresh Butte', 10u. to Id. Palc co BOrtgli. • 'l%- , the Merchants. Tc the Courts. firgt Quality ... ...... . •••• ••••••••se.•.•• Second 20 t: Lf3 lb 0 17 4 53 ~ 444444444444 •••••••0111 52 .....,,,,,, ~...,, , CLONMELL NIA Ith.E'ISo—JAN 4 Pe , (wt. s. d. s. d. .„ .1 .4. tt. New Butter .•..•w...50 oto 90 0 1 ltdee (raw).......... to to 24 4 .) Oatmeal l2 0 12 3; 8ac0nP1g5......-....36 C 40 P Rentierea Lard 0 52 1J ! i1ead5..................26 4, ..., 0 Per P.a.. . tiour, Second 0 44 .' Iltour,l'hada 0 4 . 1 ? 6 Household ...— 4? 42 0 1-- Fteurstsa Al 5. 0 ..... . Per Etsarel. t. 14 , 0 am e-ed--••• .......... 0 T. - gI 8 r t e 1 ...7.7 ".. ..... l3 0 ... „ KILKENNY ItARK EIS. u.r .eat3perbarrel)3os.oo..to37B. Ott.l Beef ' . : . )er li-, ....... 03.00 to O. Barley 20 022 0 / ft4t:t•rn ...., .4 , -1, 6 ...atS ii 0 14 6 1 Pork . •"."*"." . 4 0 0 ....... .161...- I , lour (per bag) 0Q 0 . 441 C • . . a • o. 4.0 0 0 . - Rutter (pet ewt.) 90 0 9. ' . F es Frh Bu t ter ..... 0 0 1 0 Bacon Pigs 35 0 36 0 !Salt Ditto ..... .. 0 6 01' Coals 1 0 1 2 Potatoes ;per 47) 012 6 3 Third Fourth Fifth .. Sixth. HAMBURG GR. Wheat. Marks 433 to 45t. Magdeburg 420 to 456 Anhalt, white 429 to 466 red Brunsaick 426 to 462 - Mecklenburg 396 to 46. Polish Holstein VS to 139 1 aye, Mecklenburg .... 225 to 2851 - Dantzic - Elbing and Ko MARKETS. AIN. nigsburg - 23! to 276, Upland __Riga C Carolina and Tennessee 7 4 t0 O 9% T1 Georgia, Ist sort : :i% 9.,4 1 2d... !,,i, SS, j 3d and 4th 6 7i,, ....1 Mocha . . .......... ...... l3 to 133 Batavia 5 ,4 6%i Sumatra Rio Bahia n, 54 SUGAR.—(Wit liavannah, White .....„. 6%t0 P.% Brown 5 , i4 6% Rio, White • 5.., 6 Brown Manilla, Brov Barley, Mecklenburgh 204 to 240 Magdeburgh to -- Holstein 204 to 240 Summer - 186. to 19e oats, Elder . ..... Mecklenburg ... 156 to 163 -- Holstein 132 to 165 Elst Friesland ll5 to'i:js Poase, Mecklenburg Beans ... Buck Wheat ............. 174 to 192 Rapeseed, Aanover 30(1 to 396 t Tares to 'ON, Maranham '13% toB3 , Madras 5% Chi •Surats 6% 0 Domingo ..• •• FEE. Domingo 5% to 5% Lei Guayr3 5% 6% Porto Rico. ............ 6 6% Havannah ..................5 6N 8% Discount.) Bahia, White ..... 5% to 7% Perßrown . .......... 5% 5 na mbuco, White ...5% 7 X4 Brown ...5 53‘ 'N S% t c Patronised by their Majesties the King and Queen of Hanover, and their Royal Highnesses the Princesses Augusta and Sophia, her Serene Highness the Princess Esterhazy, the Princesses Mary and Rosa, her Grace the Dowager-Duchess of Bedford, and their Graces the Dukes of Devonshire and Manchester. i'a addition to the above distinguished patronace to Vae newly-invented Spectacle Lenses and Invisible Opera tive Voice Conductor, the Messrs. S. and B. Sobimons, opticians and aurists, 39, Albemarle street, Pie,cadill y,at and 96, Ch eaps i de, feel great pleasure to st ate th their va l ua bl e i nventions have also gained the, sanction and unqualified approbation of above four hundred of the principal members of the medical proczssion ; as also of numerous individuals of high disti:.4ction, who have been greatly benefited by their use. 'lmmediately these improved Spectacle Lenses are pleeed before extreme imperfect vision, it is at once brol:,ght back to its natural and original state, every objezt becomes clear and dis tinct,.and the most minuta particle is seen, either by day or candlelight, w;.th ease and distinctness. Theis Voice Conductor, 'ay which thousands of deaf perscros have been greatly benefited are not the least p er ceptible, nor' m.arc unconifoqable, than having a Viee6 of wool in it:z. place, and ."tie' faintest whisper at a r.ublic assembly is, heard with exact distinctness. -39,, Alhe marle-strt::et, and 96, Cheapside. No travellers nor agents ars-. employed. rie new agitation has commenced ir.) good ear nest, and the worst feature in the case is, that the rash: uess and downright folly of a number of the Tory ora , tars in England have placed their ow n party in a false position, and have given O'Connell an the temporary ad vantages derivable from professions of loyal devotion to the Queen, the Monarch, and the Constitution--Bel fizst News Letter. RURAL POLICE (DERBYSHIRE).-The adop tion of the new force was negatived by a majority of three. Fifty-five voted. ~..,.. GOLD WATCHES, £7. 7s. each. Highly finished H or i zonta l Gold Watches, jewelled i n f our h olesith , w enamel dial, hand t o mark the serynnis, & c . Seven Guinea each. Th ese e l egant little Watches will be found excellens time-keepers, and a printed warraNty is given with fixed term on which they will always receivf, rzty attention required. T. COX SAVORY, watelitnakar, Jewelle , r and Silversmith, 47, Cornhill (Seven doors from Grace&aurch-street), London. N.B. Second-hand Witches purchased in exchange. _______________ PL A TE.—A:. B. SAVORY and SONS, Manufacturing Silxersmiths, No. 14, Cornhill, (opposite the Bank of England), offer the best rid* SHELL -BORDERED SILVER WAITERS, of every size, with plain centres, at Ss. per ounce, Sr with chased centres; at Ss. lid. per suns,. Price, with Chased Centres. Diameter. Oz. X. a. d A round .- A round Silver Waiter, with shell border; 1) 1 7 •1 0 liver Wa iter, With shell border . Sin. 12 at as. 64. 5 14 • A round Silver Waiter, With shell border, lo 'AI 91• 5 A round Silver Waiter,withshellborder, with shell border, 12 30 15 5 • A, round Silver Waiter, shell border, 15 42 11/ 19 II round Silver Waiter, with shell border, 1$ alt 45 17 IP A round Silver Waiter', with shell border, 111 124 58 IS • sive, contain a large and choice selection • f Silver Plate, The Plate rooms of this Establishment , which Cr. exten- Plated Goods, arid every article requisite to complete a 13ser vice. Li st of Prices gratis. A. B. Sav or y an d Sons, Manu facturing Silver sm ith s , N o . 14, Cornhill, London, opposite the Bank of England. fiih'TfiS. On the sth inst., in Henrietta-5V eeet, Covent-g ar d en, Mrs. W. Wardell, of a aughter. lady On of the Rev. the ath inC.st., AL Long, of at the Reet,ory, Whitchurch, Salop, the a ton. Ond R theobert ith inq., a /1111 Alfre t James's Ch urc h , Westminster, Esq., .13th Light Dragoons, to Elizabeth, eldest daughtr, r of John Ar.ercer, Esq., Maidstone, Kent. D iED. On the 3d inst., in Sackville-street, Colonel William Gordon Macgregor, Inspecting Field-officer of the London district. On the 6th inst., Henry, the youngest s on of Richard Jack son, Esq., of Charlea-street, St. James's -square, aged 24. London: Printed and Pubisbed by ATURDO YOUNG, of IN, 112, strand, at The Sun 0 1Hee, No. 11'2, Strand, i n th e county of Aliddiesex.—Wednesday, January 8, 1840. ~~ 19 5 111 1 i' - 4,4