The Sun. — London, England, 1840-04-07 00:00:00

EVEN IN (.1- EDITION . t in , which he states that he was an advocate for the bal- 1 lot, for enfr‘nchisiog every 10/. householder, for the ! extension of the boundaries of boroughs, but that \ he looked upon a pecuniary qualification, as necessary l ! so that gentleman remained entirely ot the s ame opi nioil after he was admitted into the Government : he (the Marquis of Londonderry) must therefore suppose j that the Secretary at War was a sort of sleeping partner in the concern. He then came to a person of I grew. importance as regarded Ireland, one whose appoint- I ment had given great alarm to the people of that country, ,(he allutlied to the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, who was so well known in Ireland as being hostile to the Union, and to the Protestant interest ; 1 1_ hat mom particularly to the Union, when he was ap pointed to a situation in the Government, presided 1 over by the Noble Visc ount, the people of Londonderry became pegliarly alarmed. That Right Hon. Gen tlemen, in a speech which he had made, declared that ' I !! ire would neither pay rent, tithe, or taxes. If he did, .1 the people might then call him Shiel of the silk gown. 1 That Right Hon. Gentleman, after he was raised from being a Greenwich pensioner to the Beard of Trade, I went over to Ireland to his election, and on the 16th 1 Sept, 1839, according to the Dublin Evening Post, at that election there was an Archdeacon, one 1 O f tkat body to whom such power was about v to lee given —viz., hhe Catholic clergy—was present, 1 and wade a violent speech, in which he characterised ) that House as the sink of hereditary legislation. Mr. ! lithiel made a speech immediately after, and stated that he fully identified himself with all that Ihad fallen from the reverend gentleman. That wise eulogising that violent speech in a most extra ordinary degree, yet still he remained Vice-President of the Board of Trade. The President of that Board tile° was nearly in the same situation. With respect to his i! agreement with the Government his opinions were very ffox., especially on the question of the Corn-laws. No now came to the Noble Lord—the Privy Seal, the - champion of the Exaltados.—(A laugh.) He found that in that Noble Lord's speech in May last, he dif tiared from the Noble Viscount at the head of the Go vestment, and gave his opinion that it was impossible to hold the finality of any human measure. He (Lard L.) new asked the Noble Viscount whether he still persevered in all the decl arations which he made on the I Sin of May last, when he resumed office—( Hear) — fnotwillbetanding that infusion in the Ministry, which oblvd the Noble Viscount's bosom friend (as we under eteod Lord Howick) to depart from his side ? This infu sion of such men as he (the Noble Marquis) had spoken of haarcaused an impression in the public at large that the le Noble Lord was looking to some undefine d chan g es. Now •• he azkpd the Noble Viscount whether there was any rea lson fcrr such an impression ? He asked the Noble Vie ecaott whether all those motions were to be open questions? I ll Indeed all questions seemed to be open in the present Ca hinet, Lie had mentioned four of them, and he could reentien half a dozen—(Hear,.hear.) He asked was every j Xlterber of the Government to be at liberty to take inde i pendent views of every question? If so that was a state I in evlsich no Cabiret ever before was placed. He did not I that any, statement of his could have any effect on the Ministers, or that any exposure would induce them to retire until the end of the world. But he would read an rb,tr2-et of the Parliamentary minorities in which they had ' been placed since Viscount Melbourne became First Lord of the Treasury. In 1833 they were in four minorities in the Please of Commons, and eleven in the House of Lords ; and 1836, eleven in the Commons and ten in the Lords. In I aO7, in the Commons, nine—in the Lords, five. In 1963, in the Commons, twenty-one—in the Lode, four. lln IVA, in the Commons, eight—in the Lords eleven, and in the Session of 1840, they have bad five . inineritie,s—(Laughter)—makinet in all 58 defeats in the Commons, and 69 in the Lords.—(Cheers and laugh , toy.) la this time there were no less than 112 Bills intro !thread isy the Ministry, and let fall to the ground.—( Hear, , hear, and laughter.) In 1836 there were 29; in 1837, 21 ; in 1338, 25 ; in 1839, 28.—( Hear, hear.) He made 1 thai statement to show that he had not risen on light • p f r3ZU , l.3. He asked the Noble Lord, did he mean to de , eve* e the House when be made those declarations in May beet--or did be mean to adhere to those declarations, not withstanding, that infusion in his Ministry, which com pelled his Noble Friend to leave his Government? Lord STRAFFORD, in reference to a petition which the noble Marquis presented on a former evening as from :rsitrbraletiolnlaorfo Londonderry, ,Marquis's speech;vassa rend that ad i n when Londonderry,tne report, is oa f the :greatest astonishment. When the Mayor woe dalied on for an explanation, he declared, upon his ilnenear, chat he had not forwarded the petition to the Igeble Marquis as thret of the Corporation, but as the peti ! eiee of isimself and the two Sheriffs, and not in their offi eve' I character.—( Hear, hear.) Visotoetot MELBOURNE said he had only to say that }he had not altered the opinions he had fn - merly expressed , open the subject. l CORN-LAWS. Lord FITZGERALD presented a petition,signed by 1 the lanthel proprietors of Galway, against tne repeal of the Corn-laws. As it was understood that the debate on iilA subject would be renewed, he hoped the people of i I, el.wl would take care and prove to the public, and to I Paihrasvert, that they were interested in the maintenance of the Corn-laws. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition &gam by sixty or seventy of the principal merchants of i Lt*etyrerul, praying for an alteration of the Corti-laws, cud t e e re e e ;itiilion of a fixed duty for the present fluctuating sae.; .. The Noble Marquis then presented a petition . ; !(,e,, W . :ltaeire in favour of the Corn-laws. PARTY PROCESSIONS IN IRELAND. The 41 ,rquie of NORMAN BY, after presenting peti tieete in iterate of the Irish Municipal 13111, proceeded to 'irk! Aplanatioes regarding the Temperance Procession 'and. on the St. Petrick', lley. The Lord-Lieu had directed that, if nothing threatening occurred, harry demoostration, the procession should not be is e:rreied with. As to the placards, he understood that tves net the set of the Society but of an individual, who tad i recant to sey it was by authority. As to the proces sion, it vies p 4 rtectly ordirly, but excited great interest as everything eunueeted with the SJciety had recently dune la ii•e!aed. but nothing had occurred to obstruct the peace or g:va ••litince to any individual of any peEtice. As to I the rail:m:s, l, e undo,stood they were merely red and e hies, trithout any third colou-, and were adopted merely ,e, e die -oration, and did net indicate any party feeling. Harlin; aa‘d thus much with reference to the procession, Le ,east ley be thought such procession an unwise mode of terteyhie out what he thought, to be a most beneficial t ae one in the habits of the people, to which he looked eftii il,r., erea•est interrst, as tending to their moral e oeitaration ; tut when he seid he thought it was an unwise iee•errii2g,l'e I heueht the friends of the Society felt it ne , "eery to retain their ii.fle , •nee on that day over the minds of teem members, which had tacit been an commonly sur r ,der.ei to eceivivial i:truenee, and thought the best mode i,f driarz ti:i4 was by exciting in them a pride in being members of the Society. With reference to the procession ei Detilin, h•• ha.t is ritt , oreFp , ..ctie r. ,.. it, but had not set re viettel eta answer; but in a private letter to him, his Noble rri,n4 the L - If d. L eetenant stated that he was himself in tar *vet , a during a portion of the time. and observed the passing of tine procession, and that nothing he had seen ie heleed had given him so much pleasure. He gave eree•lit to all those parties who, like the Rev. Mr. Matthew, ew, prorwiting the moral improyernent of the people of l e ered, 'I hat gentleman lind engaged most actively end e--aletiely in the cruse of temp ,rance, an I he had never' b e vel 050 word against his character. —( hear, hear.) He b; bevel there was nothing of a political character in this movemeut, and he understood that many of the principal Pretestant resident landlords had taken up the cause teitis the Rev. Mr. Matthew, tied given hint every sarpty,*. and assistance in their power. Among others he teigiA mention that arelitive of ins Noble Friend oppe ;ea Sir Lucius O'Brien, of the county Clare, had, much to logs c,-redit. taken up the cause of Mr. Matthew very warmly. . fre hoped that as there was nothing whatever or a p;litical character in the matter, it might be allowed te go on. and thereby promote the moral improvement of liektid. iki trvl toint akd no - ri,, Earl of WICKLOW fully participated in the wiFincts of the Noble Marquis with regard to what might be i'xi , erfai front the progress of these temperance societies. lie had t. ken the pains to r:nd the addresses of Father M4anditv on several occasions, and they breathed nothing but a spirit of morality, good will, loyalty, and philan thropy.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the occasion to w'aich .e had alluded, he understood that the greatest ril4rin prevailed in consequence of its having been an rii,neeed that 200,000 persona would walk in procession c4arylaz hsnners, upon one of which was " Strength in oar u!aicsn." He regretted that the Lord Li eutenan t h a d taKsrter,d with respect to these processions. Load KENYON presented a petition from John Joseph Slockdee on the subject of a Bill which was before their Lo - rdst111:1 that night. The petitioner prayed to bo heard at the toar against the Bill. H e b egged to give notice '• tlsot he 5h0:4,1 , 1 to-morrow move th at , on the Bill going into committee, the petitioner sh ou ld b o h eard at their Lerlibps' bar. L„, r d WYN FORD presented a pet i t i on from Thomas 1 Burton Howard, praying to be heard by Counsel against Site Printed Papers Bill. t The Marquis of WESTMINSTER presented a peti. l tien *ern the guardians of the poor of St. Mary-le-bone, - 4 , , ,i i aiwit the Corn-laws ; and from Saddleworth, to the sac eNeot. ° The Duke of SUTHERLAND presented petitions from Brora and other places in Sutherlandshire, praying for a total repeal of the Corr,-laws. The Bishop of EXETER said he had placed on their Lordsllipe' table copies of the questions he proposed to put to the Judges on the subject of t he Cler gy Reserves in Coracle. Lord LURGAN presented several petitions from Presbyterian congregations in the north of Ireland, against tthe intrusion of Ministers into the Church of Scotland ; ofs-s a petition from two Police Commissioners of the town of Belfast, s t at i ng t h at var i ous municipal duties now \ devolved upon them—that the Irish Corporation Bill pro uosed to transfer these duties to the Town Council, with out deuctually repealing the Acts under which the Police Coransiesioners acted, and praying either that Belfast tnigeit be exempted from the operation cf the Bill, or that those Acts might be specifically re pealed. He recommended the petition to the attention of the Noble Marquis at the h ea d of the Home Depart meat, with a view to ascert a i n t h e opinion of the Law Ad -1 \ - 7ers of the Crown upon the subject. PRINTED PAPERS BILI in movingthe second 1 Te r e LORD CHANCELLOR, 1 ce ding of this Bill, did not think it necessaryask their Lordships to express any opinion on the question f privilege which had been so much agitated elsewhere°•ahodf I be l'oc'us called upon to do so, he should have felt tha ' t h a i ' -situat.ion was one of peculiar difficulty. Not less diffi ! esltv would he have experienced had it been necessary for - hirn - ta call upon their Lordships to express any opi n i on on the deeislion of' the Court of Queen's Bench. The pre sent Bill left the question of privilege untouched ; an d so far from annu llin g the decision of the Court of Queen's Bench, it proceeded to apply a remedy to the incon veniences which had been found to result from the state of the law as laid down by that Court. He knew that the advocates of privilege to its highest extent thought this Bill something like an abandonment of that principle. Such, however, was not his opinion, for he con tended that it left the question of privilege quite untouched.—( Hear, hear.) Privilege might exist to the fullest extent that it ever had done, but it might be necessary to apply a more quiet and easy method of vindicating that privilege. It was no reason, because they applied a remedy for certain evils, that if that remedy were not applied, privilege would cease to exist. The question was not whether they possessed the right, but if some more easy mode of vindicating that right could not be dis covered. Those who considered the privilege either did not exist or ought not to be exercised, so far from finding any objection, would find that the proposed measure en tirely met their views, because it gave a legal and Parlia mentary mode of doing that which they stated ought not to be done by any other method. This Bill gave a legal right of carrying into effect that right which all thougth necessary to be exercised by both Houses of Parliament. The question was whether the state of the law as at present an expounded—and whic h he admitted without expressing y it was not opinion—whether , under existing circumstances, necessary that some remedy should be applied. He would not occupy their time by arguing that which he believed no one would deny—•that the Houses of Parliament could not exercise their duties without the power of printing and publishing. A gre at p art of the difficulty in this case had arisen from not considering the legal meaning of the word publishing ; i n common parlance the meaning of that word was sufficiently well understood ; but with regard to the publication of a libel, legally speaking, it was almost impossible to print without publishing—the very communication of it to any gentleman who was not a privileged person was a publi• cation. The House of Commons had for the last two cen turies been in the habit of printing and selling its papers, not, perhaps, in the same manner as now, but during the whole of that period they had been in the habit of ordering the publication and sale of certain papers, and whether that sale was for the benefit of an individual officer of the House, or of any fund, in point of law it made no differ ence whatever. They would find from a Report of a Committee of the House of Commons, that the order of 1835 with regard to the signing of papers by that House had occasiened rather a diminution than an increase of circulation ; but if it were right that the Houses of Parlia ment should possess the power of publication, unless they were to be prohibited from printing at all, then the extent to which that power should be carried must be confided to the House itself—if the power of expounding the extent to which that power might be car ried was intrusted elsewhere, great inconveniences and disputes must necessarily arise. He would suppose one case : suppose the House of Commons found it necessary to exhibit articles of impeachment against any public offi cer, it would be impossible for the House of Commons to carry on tho necessary proceedings without printing and publishing in the legal acceptation of the word. What would be the consequence ? Why, that the individual against whom the articles were exhibited would have no thing to do but to bring his action against the officer of the House of Commons, who must either abstain from appearing, and let judgment go by default, or plead a jut tification, and bring the question to trial, and when their Lordships came to the investigation, they would do it with the verdict of the Jury on the subject already recorded. It was necessary to apply some remedy to this evil ; they might be told that in a case ot that sort it would be obvious that the right would be conceded at once ; but who were to be the judges? Were the Houses of Parliament to de legate to the Courts of Law the power of judging of the expediency of any political measure ? It was obvious that the Houses of Parliament could not delegate to any other body the power of judging of their privileges. He was asking no more than what was conceded to tribunals of in finitely less importance ; if this power were submitted to the judgment of other people, it might be law, but it would no longer be privilege. This was the case with the juris diction of all other Courtshaving power of noticing contempt, and in all those cases the Court itself was the sole judge of the circumstances. The Court which he had the honour en preside over, might be called the of licinum of libel. There were upwards of 9,000 bills filed every year, and one half of them contained libellous matter which would oe actionable unless proved ; it often happened that liti uants in the Court of Chancery did not confine themselves to the matter in contest, but often exhibited their fiery spleen and malice by stating that which was highly impro per to be stated ; but no other Court had any right to in terfere—the Court itself on complaint being made, caused the matter to be investigated of its own authority, and if necessary, made compensation to the party aggrieved by ordering the matter to be expunged from the record. Corn mittals for contempt were the necessary power of all Courts—it might be abused r,o doubt, but no other Court had any right to interfere ; the parties committed might sue out their habeas corpus, and be brought before the highest tribunal of that nature in the kingdom, yet, if it were a committal for contempt, the Court would not in terfere. The Court of Chancery sometimes found it necessary to employ agents, and it it permitted a suitor to appeal to any other jurisdiction to complain of the officer of the Court, it could not perform its functions, an l therefore it will not permit him to do so, bat will order an inquiry to he made into the circumstances, and if it shall be thereupon deemed right, will order emu pensatien to the injured party, and punishment to the accused. These were instances in which, it being con ceded that a jurisdiction existed, it followed the exercise ot that jurisdiction must be left to the Court or Assembly which possessed it. It was thus indispinsebly necessary, not only from the nature of things, but by the analogy .of WI those other cases which might be brought to illustrate the same principle, for if the Honeys of Parliament pesses , ied the power of whiting and publishing at all they must ex ercise their discretie:i what forms should be adopted in the exercise of that right. Now the decision of the Court of Queen's Bench, which he dii nor mean to impugn,etated that it was the right and power of the two Houses of Parliament to do what they thought expedient with regard to papers under their control, heti' decided that the party against whom an action was brought for libel was not protected by showing the libel eith which lie was charged, and for which damages weve sought, was republished by older of the House of Commons. The same question would arise on any publication by order of that House If their Lordships ordered a paper to be printed end pub. lished (the legal consequences would be the same whether it was voted or not) and an action were brought against their Lordship;' oilier, who would be neccasarilt hm pleyed, ho would call for the exercise of the privileges of the House for his protection. Now as the law stood, it was decided that the officer could not protect himself by showing that he acted under the direction of their Lord ships. Now that was showing they could not exerciae this privilege ; fur if were done it must be done by some agent ; leaving the question in this singular predicament, that it was the acknotsledeed right of the House to adopt what course it pleased within the walls of the House, but it it were necessary in any case to exercise the power of publication, the law must necessarily be such as to protect the necessary agents in that duty, and that was all the Bill proposed. A very obvious mode of remedying those incon veniences was by doing that which was decided not to he malting the authority of the Houses of Parliament the just itication of the alleged libel which mielit he carried into effect in various ways —( Eleer.) (T o e Noble and Learned Lord gave one or tee examples, and proceeded.) There were two other modes suggested, but so much alike they might be considered as forming one proposition, namely, the enacting that a certificate on the authority of the House of Commons, that the paper in re spect of which the ection had been brought had been or dered to be published by the direction of the House, beinge brought to the Court, should be considered as stayi n g the proceedings, and the Court prevented further inquiry on being satisfied of the facts alleged in the certificate. This to a certain extent would bring the authorities into the Led lision it was so desirable to avoid. This Bill proposed something not quite the same, but much connected with it. It did not leave the Court to make an order staying pro ceedings, but directed the certificate to be brought to the office of the Court, and thus delivered the Court from en tering at all upon the proceedings, by which it was sug gested the objects would be attained. He was not aware of any possible objection to the remedy proposed. It could not be considered at all disrespectful to the country, and be thought their Lordshipa would be of opinion that in making provision for the future, it would be necessary to guard against the possibility of that collision taking place, which could do no good, and which it was the object of their Lordships to avoid. Those were the objects of the Bill so far as related to prospective proceedings, but it also proposed to stay all actions which hail been brought under the circumstances with which the Bill originated. He ap prehended their Lordships would have no difficulty in ac ceding to that part of the Bill, because those actions pro ceeded in violation of the orders of the House of Com mons—in violation of that which, if their Lordships acceded to the Bill, they would be of opinion ought to be the rights and privileges of that House. It had also one further object. In consequence of the conduct of the attorney who continued to act after the issuing of the order of the House, another action, had accrued, though of a different kind. He understood . a pe tition had been presente d, p ra y ing that that, individual might be heard at their Lordships' bar, which, as it would be matter for consideration when their Lo rdshi p s went into Committee on the Bill, h e wou ld not now enter up on. If he were asking their Lord s hi es t o adopt a new plan of action, to enable the House to do that which they had not done b efore, it would be matter for serious consideration whether or not they would make an altera tion in the practice. But when he was asking their Lordships centuries, he in thought their How w thei i r t w L a o s rds t h h i to do what the House of Commons had done for at least two been that the or public opinion was in two cen turieswi_ .ou. , injured, w th o o u s l e d see little f complaint must either bare Houses of Parliament, se ing it. He did not think s it parties did not consider themselves to deter individuals favour a of the power exercised by the from question that had been done whic come to any determination them to give their assent to t necessary to ask their Lordships to upon i it: his object was to show further than simply to propose to e tl y la were asked to do. In asking Bill, he did not carry them exer cise of their duty,. the officers of that raovrd an t d he of s th ec e o o n t d her re H ad o i u n s g e of Parliament. them to protect, in the Parliament. He therefore d II. DENAI AN said he was very anxious t i o t take the earliest heth hy ou a g me „ the Lo ß r i their Lordships o w p o p u o l r d t u h n e istty consult stating the th p e uhlic reasonsinterests to the mo ribdlsehifposr, tion of his Noble and Learned Friend. It was impossible any one to have brought this measure before th i eTrl s .. i t l a . s notice in a more moderate or appropriate tone than and Learned Friend nad done. At the same time he thought, Noble on this discussien, the nature and tone of those dis cussions, cuesions, which for the last four months had occupied the - ' public mind, made it not unnatural in him to offer a few observations on the state of this question, he trusted for the pur pose of refuting misconceptions which had generally prevailed, to rescue persons who had but done their duty from undeserved censure, and to state the true grounds and princip ed les on which such a Bill as the present oug ht ever to be adopt by either Ho House of Parliament. He would proceed at once to state the tares on which so much m ise.onception had prevailed. An actirn was brought three years ago beiore a Special Jury, but that was not the first proceed in g of importance in the day before that tria l was to take place the House of Com monste cause. On H h entertained a motion, and entered into a long debate; w hich appeared before the whole population of the metropolis early next morning, on some preliminary proceedings in the course of that action, upon an order made by the House of Commons, and upon which the House debated, whether or not it would interfere. Now, he stated in the outset of this case a strong conviction that if anything of that were to be permitted there would be an end of the boasted independence of their tribunals, whether by King's letters, as heretofore, or by any resolution of either House of Parliament, or other great authority in the State ; if interference were permitted with the proceedings of the Courts of Justice, all respect would be divested from them. That trial came on, an individual pre ferred a complaint for libel against the officers of the House of Commons, who were defended by the most able Counsel, and had several defences open to them, and among others, whether in fact the publication was a libel. He (Lord Denman) had great doubts whether it was a libel, and he expressed those doubts strongly, but the Learned Attorney-General thought fit to give up that ground, and then the question was whether or not the justification of its truth offered, was or was not made out to the satisfaction of a Jury, under the charge which he felt it his duty to lay before them, not concealing his opinion that the justification of truth was made out. The Attorney- General put forth another defence upon certain resolutions of the House of Commons in 1835 and 1836 ; by the former they resolved to make all their publications assessable to all man kind at the lowest price ; and by the second, they defined the terms on which the sale should take place under the authority of the House of Commons, and this was the first difference, of which he was aware, between his Noble and Learned Friend and himself. When his Noble and Learned Friend said nothing was done different from what had been done for two centuries, he (Lord Denman) took the liberty of saying on the contrary it was entirely novel and unprecedented, and, therefore, it struck him that the only mode by which a justifica tion of the libel could be made was by stating the House of Com mons had the power of calling by the name of privilege what ever they chose to call by that name, and the more so from the preliminary discussion in the House of Commons to which he had referred. He felt it, therefore, necessary, on the part of English nation, to say, "I do not admit that to be privilege, and will not give it the name of law."—(Hear, hear.) He might have expressed this too warmly, but he felt that if he had delayed expressing this opinion, he should have been delaying to do his duty. Was he right in so deciding? Why, a Commit tee of the House of Commons met to consider the question, framed a most learned Report, entered into a full dis cussion of authorities on every side, and came to the conclusion. After first stating the necessity for publica tion, it asserts that by the law and privilege of Parliament that House had the sole jurisdiction to determine upon the existence and extent of its privileges, and that the institution and prose cution of any action, suit, or other proceeding for the purpose of bringing them into discussion was a breach of such privilege, and rendered all persons concerned therein amenable to their highest displeasure, and, therefore, for any Court to presume to determine in matters of privilege was contrary to the law of Par liament,andabreachandcontemptoftheprivilegesofParliament ; so that the justification of publishing a particular document was that they had a right to sell any document they printed, because they had a right to do what they pleased. "My Lords," said the Noble and Learned Lord, " I take it this is not the law of England, and I wish those gentlemen, who I am sure believed the existence of the privilege they asserted, had refrained from using words of menace towards the tribunals of the country which cannot have the slightest effect upon the decisions to which they come, (and which I am satisfied the the House of Commons would deeply deplore, if they could so), or induce them to state an opinion contrary to , that which they believe to be right."—(Hear, hear. ) A second action was commenced, and then upon that action instead of justifying the truth, the sword of truth was thrown away and the sword of power was resorted to. He was bound in the first instance to give his opinion of the law, and himself and the other Judges were bound to give their opinions when the question was raised upon the demurrer, and he felt bound therefore, with some indignation, to repel the notion that the Judges were volunteers in the contest. They had no choice of acting, their duty required them to pronounce their judgment Ile would not enter particularly into the discussion of the mean• ing of the resolution ; but it seemed to him if that was the law of the land they had been mistaken for years and centuries in supp sing.that they were living in a free country. — ( Hea r, hear.) Because it was saying that if such a thing was law they would abrogate it. He believed that the House had never attempted such an exercise of power, and, in the case of Ashby and White, one of their Lordships had distinctly stated that neither House had the power to create privileges / inconsistent with that law. Now he would like I o know at what period in the Constitution either House had the power of asserting what its privileges were. In the time of James the First it did not exist, for in that reign a person of the name of Floyd, for some light words which he made use of with respect to the Elector Palatine, and the electors, was adjudged to imprisonment, the pillory, and confiscation of his estates, and there the Lords said it was no business of the House of Commons and would not allow them to carry their sentence into effect. He might be told that this was all declamation, that it was only fancying what might arise, and that the Representatives of the people would never use the power given them. Now with re spect to that, what took place in the time of Charles the Se cond--more enlightened times than thosehe had before refer red to? Why, in that reign certain subjects of the Crown, who thought it would not be convenient for Parliament to meet at a certain time, petitioned the Crown not to call Parliament tone- then so soon ; and what was the result ? Why, as soon as the House met, they said the petition was a breach of their pri vileges, and that for that the petitioners should be sent to gaol. In consequence of the adoption of that course, one of the King's subjects was arrested by the Sergeant-at-Arms, and was not only imprisoned, but a sum ot 30/. was extorted from him. An action was brought to recover damages for the imprisonment and the extortion of money, and two of the Judges who tried that action were brought to the Bar, and called upin to an: wer fur awarding damages. In 1701, a pe tition was presented from the Grand Ju.y of the County of Kent, requesting the House of Commons to aid more in the war. and the petitioners in that case were sent to gaol as guilty of a breach of privilege. 'The persons who presented that were De Foe and Lord Somers, who wrote works against the right of the House of Commons, or that House, to take such a s-ep. In short, in every instance where they had taken place the outcry against it was universal. In favour of the existence of privileges it was said that they were given to Parliament for the purpose of its checking the power of the Sovereign. But supposing the Crown and the lion's of Commons to be contending against great rights, surely the Courts ought to have the power to interfere. In thy: case of Sir F. Burdett in 1.310, Lt ,n 1 Erskine ' Sir Samuel and Mr. Brougham took a most decided part against the notion that privilege superseded law ; and 110 person could attribute to those Noble Lords anything but a desire for the aights and liberties of the people.—( Hear, hear.) Feeling the osibility of the judgment he had given, he consulted his Friend Lord Brougham upon it, and he was most happy that that \oble Lord had told him that the doctrines lie id down were necessary, and the language he had used —sing them down most proper. The large power of de claring- their privileges was not asked by the present 13111, and he hail therefore the satisfaction of thinking that the present ifieuse of Commons di4 not put their case on that ground. The present Bill was confined to the applica'ion of remedies to a small part of the inconvenience that now existed. Those who argued this ease in the House of Commons had put the matter upon a different ground to that upon which it was put in the Court of Queen's Bench. Tire assertion made in the House of Commons was that the measure was necessary, inas much as Macy could rot legislate without it. Now he had tried tt ith great care to discover why it wits that the House of Commons rho • id possess the privilege of printing and seliing its proceeding s, hut he could not discover it, the reasons giv n for it could not be borne out for a moment. It was said that. the House was leraild to put the people in possession of the grounds upon which they acted. That might be all very well, but was it to be dene by ex par to statements, injurious to individuals, cir culated be the highest authority ? They said that they must sa t isf e heir constituents; but was that. to be done by publishing libels, or Isy the premature circulation of evidence tak, n ex parte ? Tb y were told of the high duties they had to execute, and that was urged as a ground why they, and they alone, were to be Ow judges of their own privileges, and were alone com pet, lit to say what they would publish, and what not. In the reign if Charles 11., an individual named Dangertield laid upon the table of the House statements traducing a most worthy individual, and the House sold it for the benefit of the in t ens '., tint that was no ground' for adopting sotch a course Now it had happened to himself when in office, that oers hot teen written to him relative to the removal of a rnagistra is in the principality of Wales, and what course did he adopt 00 that occasion He slid not circulate the letters he had received, but called upon the person accused in them to defend himself against the charge, and that he considered was the proper coarse to take. The practice of indiscriminate sale would be pr.tluetive of the wof st effects, and as an instance of that, he might state that in 1836, after the resolution had beets adopted, a petition was presented against the present Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, one of the most excellent and honourable men that ever sat on the bench, reating him as the most corrupt and ignorant offender that had ever disgraced the seat of justice, and if indiscriminate sale had taken place that petition containing such assertions would have been made public. (Hear, hear, hear.) There was another case which originated in their Lordships House—the case of Polack. Why, because a man was a wit ness before a Committee of either House, was he to IRS made a butt for any and every one to fire at with impunity—was another to come forward and say that that man was not to be believed on his oath—that slander was to be circulated through out the country at three halfpence a sheet, and yet he was to be left without a remedy? The Report upon Petitions and public officers showed the perfect impotence of the House to protect individuals, or apply any remedy for injury. Supposing that the judgment of the Court of Queen's Bench was wrong, he was satisfied that there never was a Giurt more ready and stilling to butt to the judgment of env Court by which their judgment had been considered. It haci been said the Judges in the case .of Stoekdale acted as arbitrators. He denied that. They aated as Judges, bound by their oaths to decide on all the cases that came before them according to the best of their judgment. His attention had lately been called to a return which had been moved for in the other House—a return of all the judgments of the Queen's Bench taken into a Court of Error, and the number which had been reversed, he supposed for the purpose of showing that the Judges of that Court were not infallible. They laid no claim to that, and had not the case, ha.salioenth:::lasery-t slightest objection to the return. It was made; and it appeared to show that, in a period of five years, twenty judgments had been appealed against, ten of which had been reversed. Of course there were many judgments which, from their nature, could not be appealed against, but it ought to be known to them and to the public, that during that period upwards of 6,000 judgments had been given, and if out of those only ten had been reverses!, that showed no mean proportion, to the whole. But when it was stated that out of twenty ap peals one-half had been reversed, surely that also showed that the Court of Error to which those appeals had been made were not influenced by anything but duty, and, when they saw occa sion, had not refused to do their duty by reversing the judg ments. That being so, he would ask why those perties, de fendants in those cases, had not carried the judgment of the Queen's Bench into the Court of Error ?—(Hear, hear.) Sup pose the judgment of the Queen's Bench had been the other way—that the Court had given judgment for Hansard, and that Stockdale had appealed to a Court of Error —would Commons, in such a fered in any manner to stop such appeal ?—(Hear. the House of Judging from f;rofomr inwtautrdtehteja had ca se d t o h n e e ll o o n u s f e o former er oLordsc have given up . on Court, and he waes iopte:foefctthlyeirsuprreivitlhegate or r ha o t f H t o h u e s ir e would not judicially under their n otice, they That judgment still remained, supposing the judgment.otoifcteh,ebQu e e w n o ' u s l ß d e n h c a h v h e a d r e b v e e e r n s e b d r iotuhg had they found it to be err f and not being appealed r d om it became authority, and all the right to resort to anti act upon H it. avi g then went to the Sheriff, and upon the re 'vilege point, the case s i s . i h b e j e judgment g o m f u h u e t r 0 11 f 1 a t j h e e s ter 0 the damages were as the real nature of the case, h u a rt h a sessed at 100/. Another action was brought for there no Counsel appearing for the defendant in order to state eared for the defen again went to the Sheriff, no Counsel app He did not wish dant and the damages were assessed at 6001. • the same cause ; no plea was put in to that action it Stockdale for seeking redress for injury in a Court of Law. to say one word with respect to the proceedings taken ag_anist Not one word with respect to the proceedings against the at torney for acting professionally according to the instructions of his client, nor with respect to the proceedings taken against the attorney's clerk, for obeying the instructions of his master n a d d e r r e g c o e n i —( Hear, hea r )—b u t h e wan ted to say one word on t he sub j ect of the Sh er iff, b ecause , if th e H ouse were called upon e ver to give the sli g h tes t sanct i on to th e pun i s hment which they ha d undergone, that ploiuusteiff,csomuluduneeyv—erthaegyree were to as just TheinueSh theheriff wtruasstmeheseou h ftehraetemeiolnedeythaesrtehnetstiiltiffwaosf his a dutynyofththeigrivLeoridtshiluips. mediately over to the plaintiff, and the Court on being applied to, was bound to give the plaintiff the money, and if the respon Noble to s . zy had 1:1 THE SUN, LONDON, TUESbAY,ARRIL,_7, 1840. Sheriff had refused to obey the order of the Court, they would have been severely punished. Yet, for obeying the orders of the Court, they had been obliged to undergo a severer punish ment than the greater portion of felon convicts. They had now Stockdale threatening to bring actions before every ether Sheriff in the land, which must create a state of things most dangerous to the welfare of the country, and his opinion was that it was very proper for the Legislature to interfere. He sincerely thought that this was a case in which it was most fit for the Legislature to consider whether it should not interpose to prevent fresh actions being brought, and to prevent also the present ones from proceeding. He could assure their Lordships that it would take much plead ing at the bar in order to convince him that 7001. was not am ple compensation for all the injuries sustained by the plaintiff. The Bill ought to be considered, because publication now was inevitable—the debates in both Houses of Parliament came out the next morning—they could not but have publicity, and he, for one, much preferred full to th h e alf ex p e u r b e l i i a c e it o y f . a w H i e se c d o i n s s e i r d e c t r i e o d n: inflicted upon individuals, un by the term employed by the Committee of the House of Com mons in their Report, that they had bound themselves to take t o every prevent injury m fromean , being n g less that injury was so small as to bear no comparison to the public good. The Bill to that extent he thought ought to be adopted. But there were some parts of the machinery of the Bill to which he could not consent ; for instance, why should an officer of the House of Commons go to an officer of the Queen's Bench, and without the inter ference of any of the Judges of the Court put an end to an action. Why should such a stigma be thrown upon the Judges? It was totally undeserved. There was a part of the Bill to which he could never give his assent—it was a clause putting an end to actions brought by Mr. Howard for trespass—the action mi ght a be, be, for anything that was known, totally unconnected with the proceedings of the House, or why should the officers of either House be protected from pro ceedings of excess ? He did not see why Howard should be deprived of his action any more than a freehold might be taken from any of their Lordships by the vote of either House of Par liament. He did not think that the protection afforded by the Bill went far enough. The protection ought to extend to every individual publishing reports or proceedings of the House, in any newspaper or otherwise ; for every newspaper, news vender, or bookseller became an officer of the House for the purpose of publication, when they disseminated and gave ex tensive publicity to their proceedings. If only extracts were given he should say, submit the case to a Jury, because they might be made unfairly, but at all events a Jury woulddo justice between the parties. But if the whole proceeeding on the whole Report were given, then, in his opinion, they ought to be protected equally with the publishers of the House. It struck him that second actions for libel ought to be prevented in any case where a defendant had justified and succeeded ; where a jury had found a libel to be true, then the law ought to say that that was a bar to any further proceedings. He had entered into those matters in a manner unworthy of their great importance—(Hear, hear) —but he trusted that he had suc ceeded in showing that the Judges had acted conscientiously, and ought not to be stigmatised as they had been. Their legis lation would come to very little if judgments were to be inter fered with by supposed privileges, or if the law could not be carried into execution by fearless and independent Judge. Lord MELBOURNE said the important subject now under consideration had been treated in the most becoming manner by his Noble and Learned Friend, and he trusted that the same feeling might prevail throughout all their discussion upon it. Whatever might be their opinion of the proceedings and transactions, it was impossible for any of their Lords hi p s to feel otherwise than that the collision between the Courts and the other House of Parliament was such as called imperiously for the interference of the Supreme Legislature,in order to settle such a great, difficult, and, he would add, dangerous question. It was to be expected that his Noble and Learned Friend, who had borne so great a share in these transactions, should take that oppor tunity of vindicating himself and his brethren ; and he also knew how delicate a subject a judgment was in that House; but it was to be remembered that Judges were not infallible—they were not found to be so in Charles the Second's time on the great cafe of the Ship-money. That judgment was generally supposed to be not only constitutionally and theoretically im proper, but also legally erroneous. There was no remedy for that judgment but throxgh Parliament, and he thought th • Par 'lament right in reversing that judgment, and in taking care that it should not be acted upon, but he had always felt that Parliament went a great way - when they made the Judges criminally liable for their opi nions. Judges were sometimes liable to - error and mistake, and in such a case as the present it became absolutely necessary to pronounce an opinion on the judgment. He thought it due to the other Hou.e of Parliament to say, that it. his opinion its privileges were absolutely necessary for the conduct of the business of the country—it was the privilege of both Houses of Parliament, both upon precedent and the reason of the case. His Noble and Learned Friend had cited many cases in which the privileges had been abused —no doubt, so also had the prerogatives of the Crown, but they had been curtailed—so also would the pri vileges of the Parliament if they were pushed too far. He believed there had been recently no abuse of these privi leges, and he quite agreed with his Noble and Learned Friend, that it was lamentable to see what had been the commence ment of that business, and he quite agreed with him that the insertion of Stockdale's name into the Report twas altogether unnecessary.—(Hear, hear.) It would have been quite suffi cient to say that books of an improper character had been in troduced, and stating the title of the book and the name of the author was entirely superfluous. Still, he must say, that no great injury had been inflicted—he did not now speak of the character of the man, for a libel was a libel if it was the m ost true statement of the worst man in the community, just as much as if it was the falsest statement against the highest and best character. He knew enough of law to tell that, but it was not a libel in point of reason—( A laugh)—and before they thought of depriving Parliament of these powers, it should be shown that there had been some grave abuse of their privileges. With respect to the Sheriffs, unquestionably no other course was left them, as the officers of a Court of Law, but to obey As commands ; but that was the very reason why they should at once put an end to such a state of things.—( Hear, hear.) The House of Commons was bound to stand by its privileges ; .hey could not consistently with their duty give them up, and although the means at their disposal were very unpopular, they had no other means of vindicating those privileges which it was their duty not to surrender. He believed it was Mr. Burke who on one occasion said that the House of Commons was the worst body in the world for maintaining a conflict of an executive character, for they had nothing but their Sergeant at-Arms with his mace. It was necessary, however, that the present state of things should be remedied, and he trusted their Lordships would go into Committee with the view of putting an end to a system which was so unpleasant and so dangerous. The Duke of WELLINGTON entirely concurred with the Noble Viscount, that the present state of things should be put on end to. The Noble and Learned Lord (Denman) hail re ferred to a censure which was supposed to have been cast upon the Judges of the Court of Queen's Bench, but in his opinion one of the merits of the Bill was, that it slid not inflict any cen sure, but left the Judges of the Court of Queen's Bench exactly where it found them. In his opinion, the measure was founded on the necessity that the two Howes of Parliament should enjoy great and extensive privileges, that each of them should have the means of judging of and maintaining its own privileges. It was obvious, from what had lately occurred, that these means did not at present exist; and for that reason he was disposed to vote for the second reading, in order that they might go into Committee, and render the Bill perfect. He agreed, also, with the Noble and Learned Lord, that the origin of the present unfortunate state of things was the resolution of the House of Commons of 1833, by which their papers and reports might be sold. They had been printed and published occasionally ; but before that time they had never been sold by authority. The Noble and Learned Lord proposed a mode of managing the sale of those papers, in which he did not entirely agree ; for he thought the resolution of sale, and sale by authority of the House, was that which had created the present difficulty. He regretted that neither the present Bill, nor anything which bad emanated from the House of Commons , indicated' a wish to give a security to the public with regard to the sale of these papers. They might proceed to-morrow with the sale of these papers, inflicting injury without any remedy to the public : indeed, in the last Report of the Committee of the House of Commons on Printed Papers, it was distinctly avowed that not only was there no security to the public, but that all attempts that were made to fix a security against libels being published in these reports had altogether failed. There had been there two cases of libel—the case of Stockdale, which was decidedly a libel, and that of the Lord Chief Justice ofehe Common Pleas. He (the Duke of Wellington) had no objection to the printing and publishing of these reports, but when it came to a sale of papers then let the law take its course. The public were materially interested in its not being understood that the Houses of Parlia ment were sellers of libels against individuals. He was one of those who thought that the great political interests of that country were best served by avoiding causes of offence against other nations, and therefore it was that he regretted to see in the other House of Parliament libellous petitions presented against the Sovereign of another country. In his opinion these indi viduals ought to be answerable for the libels they published. Under all the circumstances, he hoped that in the Committee upon the present Bill means would he found of leaving the right of action for libels published and sold for the House of Com mons in the state in which it was by the common law previous to 1835. The Noble and Learned Lord (Denman) had pro posed a mode of effecting that object, but it appeared to him that that would go to a total alteration of the law of libel. If come modifications however were not introduced into Commit tee, the Bill would not be acceptable to the public. Lord WYNFORD agreed with the Noble Duke as to the propriety of going into Committee on the Bill. With regard to the Sheriffs, they were bound by their oaths to do what they had done—they had only to look to the Judges for their orders, anti yet the House of Commons had inflicted on them the pe nalty of imprisonment. The making a general return to the writ had prevented them getting .redress by habeas corpus, but he hoped that means might he found by which all the facts connected with their case might be brought before some Court of Justice, and that a Jury of their country would give them such redress as they were entitled to, Viscount GAGE regretted thatehis course had not been taken earlier, as it was evident that no satisfactory settlement of this subject could be procured by any other means. He, therefore, regretted the delay which had occurred. He was far from objecting to the retrospective nature of the measure, and regretted the Bill did not afford sufficient redress for the these tical v e p r r di o c c: proceedings.—(Hear, injuries already suffered. He believed the persons most to blame in these transactions had not been alluded to throughout the debate. He thought the greatest blame rested upon the Juries who had the power to arrest the course of resulted all the evils which h s ( v e h l -Itch:rut' House damages was wrong, and he looked upon that verdict as a poll.- som T e he fu ll r i th ar e r pisrovofisioßnUwTeEs yeolfwr.:re now called nylon without The giving such heavy that had privilegesyeneyears ; medy. He hoped their LordshipsCmwomumldopnass'satnhdefrßornil curtailing any of its enactments. the realm the protection to which they were entitled, and e l: the o was more than ever called for, from the manner in hi necessary,gr e a with t the o ,7: Noblethe Duke, subieethsi that of of Commons. Questions were asked of witnesses before Select Committees which were teeny unnecessary, and the answers an do fhedid Parliament not a p p h l aydhbi his been remark exercised exclusivelyd uri ng to thwteh the a s t Housef e w to which involved not only the persons giving the answe_o one r_s, other persons also, in th e m o s t serious consequences. N could take up the evidence taken before Select Committ in ees without observing that thei r Lordships we re more careful striking out names and places than the other House. He COCommons m t o h n e s so uld hold not of say what made the Houseutitwasirnposs,h of impossible to read evidence taken bef ore. Committees of the House of Commons of late years without observing this, and this was the more re markable as the House of Commons published the names of the Members asking the questions. When they saw men occupying liaent t fh h oor e em h e d i u g st o h t eces confess ns j wf u e d es sire that ea s st i t t i u ho a ne t s i t o t nh n oo s us g l t a hs r e o t r u in g ° h on t s i before nJ o r that H s a to ouse, and individuals, ought to be allo we d t o s h e lt er personspraisvkiliengge questions,thoofsePar and great blame was attached to the Committee for not having interfered to prevent their being put. The LORD CHANCELLOR, in proof that the sale of their publications hadbeen allowed in former times, would refer to the Report on tne table, from which it appeared that from 1690 to 1716 the sale of the proceedings had been authorised, and the price affixed by the House itself; from 1717 to 1729, the votes and proceedings had likewise been published; from 1729 to 1777 the votes and proceedings had been printed and sold by Nicholls for the House, and, after the expenses, he had accounted to the Speaker for the profits, which amounted in general to about 2411. a-year up to 1772 In 1772 the profit h a d diminished in consequ ence of the pu blication of the debates, and in 1779 it had turned the other way, and instead of a source of profit, had become a loss, when the Speaker very naturally transferred the account to the Treasury.—(A laugh.) He mentioned-this to show that the practice of selling had existed in former times. 'I he papers now ordered to be printed were subjected to the superintendence and revision of two Committees—they might not exercise sufficient vigilance, but still he thought it right to mention this, in order to show that precaution was exercised in what was ordered to be printed. Lord DENMAN said that this was not mentioned when the ease was brought • before the Court. It had always been well understood that the House had the power of ordering whatever it chose to be printed for the use of its own Members ; and it was contended that they had a right to sell whatever was printed for the use of the Alembers. He believed the object ought to be to secure that all papers published should be bona fide, and published by some responsible authority. The Bill was then read a second time. The LORD CHANCELLOR said it was desirable the Bill should be committed as soon as possible ; the proceedings in the different cases had been adjournedito the first day of term, which was Wednesday week ; and if the Bill were not law by that reriod, one of its objects would be defeated. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that a Noble and Learned Friend of his had commissioned him to state that he was exceedingly desirous of expressing his sentiments on the Bill before it went into Committee, and he was still so unwell that he could not be able to attend in his place before Fri day. He hoped, therefore, that the Committee would be fixed for Friday. The LORD CHANCELLOR was exceedingly desirous of hearing the sentiments of his Noble and Learned Friend, but there was this difficulty. that the first day of term was Wednesday week. Some parties had petitioned to be heard by counsel against the Bili, and if their Lordships should consent to hear them, and the Committee should be postponed till Friday, it would be impossible the Bill could pass before Wednesday. Perhaps their Lordships would give a stage, pro forma, to-morrow, and take the debate on the bringing up the Report on Friday. The Duke of WELLINGTON—Had stated what his Noble and Learned Friend had desired him to state, that he was anxious to discuss the principle of the Bill, and that he could not be well enough to attend before Friday. Lord REDESDALE then addressed something to the Noble Duke in a low voice, to which the Noble Duke replied in a loud tone, at the same time resuming his seat—" No, no, I won't consent to anything." The LORD CHANCELLOR—The difficulty is not as to the adjournment, but it is as to the first day of term. The Duke of WELLINGTON—The matter is in your Lordships' hands. If it is decided to go into the Committee to-morrow I will attend. The LORD CHANCELLOR hoped, if their Lordships postponed the Committee to Friday, they would not object to sit on Saturday, as it would be otherwise impossible to pass the Bill in time. Lord ELLENBORO UGH would suggest that the Commit tee should be fixed for to-morrow, and the Noble Duke would in the mean time state to his Noble and Learned Friend the difficulty in which they were placed, as he might have forgotten that Wednesday was the first day of term, and to-morrow the Noble Duke might perhaps be able to state to their Lordships the result of his determination. The Duke of WELLINGTON would attend to-morrow and propose his amendments. The Bill was ordered to be committed to-morrow, and their Lordships adjourned at Half-past Nine o'Clock. CORN-LAWS. MEETING OF THE RATE-PAYERS OF THE PARISH OF ST. MARI LEBONE. A public meeting of the Rate-payers of the parish of S Marylehone was held yesterday at the Workhouse, New-road, " for the purpose of taking into consideration the expediency of petitioning Parliament for a total repeal of the Corn-laws, and to consider the present position of the question." The meeting was convened for one o'clock, but the proceedings did not commence till a few minutes after two. Among the gen tlemen on the platform we noticed Lord Nugent, Sir Benjamin Hall, M.P., Mr. Walker, Delegate from Manchester, and Messrs. S. Smith and Greg, the Anti-Corn-law Lecturers, &c. The crowd consisted of about 400 persons, among whom was a strong body of Chartists. After some preliminary discussion Lord Nugent was moved to the Chair.--(Sheers and uproar. ) The NOBLE CHAIRMAN proceeded to state the objects of the meeting. They had met to discuss with firmness, and he hoped he might add, with fairness and moderation, one of the most important questions which could occupy the attention of the country.—(Cries of " No, no," and " Yes, yes.") He had always considered it the most important of questions next to that of a full, fair, and free representation of the people. He had en tertained that view of the matter ever since the memorable protest of Lord Grenville and Earl Grey, which exposed the fallacy of the existing system, and which protested against its injustice and inhumanity. He had held that opinion through all the changes of the sliding scale, and all those proceedings which had given to injustice the force and sanction of law.— ( Hear, hear.) A shower of rain now began to fall, and as the meeting was held in the open air, a great number proposed to adjourn to some other place. The rain, however, soon ceased, and amidst a scene of great confusion the proceedings were again resumed. The CHAIRMAN proceeded to say, that the question before the meeting was one which concerned every party in the state. He should say, in behalf of every interest in the country—on behalf of trade, which languishes under high prices—on behalf of commerce, which cannot flourish without a free intercourse with other nations—on behalf of the manufacturing artisan and the agri cultural labourer, who could not thrive under a system of mo nepoly—on behalf of the producer, and of the consumer, he should say, repeal the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) He should conclude by leaving the resolutions to the decision of the meet - ing, and by begging them to give an impartial hearing to every party who might address them. Mr. PRITCHARD proposed the first resolution, which he would content himself with merely submitting to the decision of the meeting. 'I he resolution was as follows :—" That in the opinion of the meeting a total repeal of the existing Corn laws is expedient." Mr. S. SMITH, who was received with cheers, came forward to second the motion, urging on the meeting many considera tions which would render a repeal of the Corn-laws desirable and beneficial. Mr. Fartneew came forward to move an amendment to the resolution. He thought the present agitation had been got up to delude the people. It was an agitation by which they could never be benefited, as any measure for repealing the existing laws could never pass in a House of Commons as at present con stituted. He complained of the proceedings of the Vestry, who on a former occasion had refused to convene a meeting for the purpose of taking into consideration the case of Frost, Wil liams, and Jones. He would take the opportunity of moving as an amendment to the resolution before them—" That in the opinion of the meeting the vindication of the laws is of more im mediate importance to the liberty of the people than a repeal of the Corn-laws, and that this meeting view the transportation of Frost, Williams anti Jones, in defiance of the law, as an act which demands the strenuous exertion of every honest man to protect men from being convicted on a trial essentially bad and illegal, by which a precedent would be established fraught with imminent danger to the liberties of the people." Mr. WALL, a young working boy, came forward to second the amendment. The NOBLE CHAIRMAN put it to the meeting if Mr. Wall should be heard, when there appeared a large majority for hearing him. Mr.' WALT, proceeded amidst the loud cheers of the Chartist part of the meeting, and the opposition of the other parties composing it, to state that the people were not interested in the agitation for the repeal of the Corn-laws. The speaker con tinued to address the meeting for a considerable time for the purpose of discountenancing a union between the Chartists and manufacturers on the subject under their consideration. The CHAIRMAN refused to put the amendment, as it im peached the proceedings of a Judge and a Jury, and the meet ing was of opinion that the amendment s hould not be p ut. Mr. GREEN then moved as an amendment that the meeting should adjourn. Mr. SMITH seconded the amendment. Sir 13. HALL then came forward to address the meeting, but in consequence of the opposition of the Chartists was unable to obtain a lieving. The amendment was then put and negatived. Mr. YOUNGE proposed the second resolution, " That the de cision of the Honse on Commons on Mr. Villiers' motion in the Session of 1839, and the suppression of a full and complete discussion of the Corn-laws in the present session of Parliament, proves the excessive preponderance of the landed interest in that House, and imperatively calls for such further extension of the suffrage as will secure a full, fair, and efficient representation of the people." Mr. SODEN seconded the resolution. A boy of the name of Osten. came forward to move an amendment to the resolution in favour of the present Corn laws, which was not put to the meeting. The resolution was then put and carried with only one dissen tient. Mr. COCHRANE proposed the third resolution—" That an Anti- Corn. law Committee be formed in the parish of St Mary lebone, with full power to adopt measures for a total abolition of the existing Corn-laws." Mr. SouxN seconded the resolution. The resolution was put and carried ; and it was agreed that the Committee should consist of 19 persons, who should have power to add to their number. Sir B. HALL again presented himself to the meeting; but, in consequence of the continued uproar of the Chartists present, the Hon. Gentleman during his address was entirely inaudible. Mr. NELMS proposed the fourth resolution—" That a peti tion, founded on the resolutions this day passed, be presented to the House of Commons by Sir Benjamin Hall, Member of Parliament." Mr. Hone seconded the resolution. The resolution was carried. A vote of thanks was then passed to Lord Nugent for his conduct in the chair, and the meeting separated. THE QUEEN V. FEARGUS O'CONNOR.— At the Liverpool Assizes, on Thursday, Mr. Watson applied to Mr. Justice Coleridge to postpone this trial, which is an in dictment for sedition, until the next Summer Assizes, on the ground of the absence of a material witness. Mr. Wightman, who conducted the prosecution, did not oppose the application, and his Lordship accordingly acceded to it. Mlt• BENNETTS LECTURES.—On Friday evening Mr. Bennett delivered the third and last of a series of lectures on Oratory and the Drama, at the Mechanics' Institu tion, Chancery-lane. He commenced with some observations on the scene in Macbeth in which the Weird Sisters perform their incantations ; and he showed how (by altering the present mode of representing this play) much might be added to the scenic effect, and at the same time more fully illustrate the poet's views. He enumerated the ingredients which arc sup posed to be put into the cauldron by the witches, and gave ex tracts from Greek and Latin authors (amongst which he intro duced the writings of Albertus and Olaus Magnus) to show that in the ages in which those writers lived witches were supposed to possess supernatural power, and they speak of the actual in gredients made use of. In the sleeping scene. where Lady Macbeth shows the horrors of a guilty conscience, the Lecturer displayed an accurate knowledge of the human mind by the able contrast which he drew between the somnambulism of guilt and of innocence; and in pourtraying the character of Macbeth, he read a severe lecture on that ambition w hich is unrestrained by religion or morality; but, in justification of the character of Macbeth, he pointed out his just laws , his martial cha racter, his wisdom in the council, and his valour in the field. At the conclusion of his lecture Mr. Bennett was greeted with the loud applause of a very numerous and respectable audience. The Earl of Minto held a Levee on Saturday, at the Admiralty, at twelve o'clock. The Noble Lord will continue his Levees every Saturday, at the same hour, till fur ther notice. COAL PIT EXPLOSION. —It is our unpleasant duty to record another of these direful events which occurred on Monday week, at Willington Colliery, by wh ich nine indi viduals w ere ses .:rely burnt, two of whom have since died. It is fact much to be lamented, that so many human beings should yearly fall victims to such accidents; and that more effeaual means are not used to check such frequent, dread ful, and alarming occurrences. The life of a human being, under all possible circumstances, is always valuable, and demands the utmost protection, and no one drops especially into a premature grave, without having man} friends to whom he was dear, to bewail and lament his loss. This is true with regard to all classes ; and in none are the social and sympa thetic feelings more developed than in the labouring classes, amongst whom those serious accidents aro solely confined. We, therefore, hope this accident will arouse the serious atten tion of the feeling and humane.—Northern Liberator. DOW. SHIPPIN G INTELLIGENC,I4:f (LLOYD'S.) VESSELS SroKEN WITH.—John Souchay. Mediterran tan to the Ritier. Plate, 19th December, lat. 31 long. 15, Chit .''+ London to Australia, 20t1,, lat. 30 long. 15 ; Mungo Park, Lisbon to Monte Video, 24th, lat. 28 long. 18; Octavio, Lima to Liverpool, 9th ult., ]at. 25 long. 42 ; Carribean, Mauritius" to Ccrk, 28th, lat. 50 long. 22 ; Admiral (barque), 29th by the Columbus, arrived at Liverpool. Simpson, Odessa to Cork, 13th ult., lat. 5I long. lon. 10, by the Coalham, arrived ai Bristol. Cwsar, Messina to St. Petersburg, 25th ult., lat. 50 long. 8, by the Jack, Rees, arrived in the River. The above Court resumed its sittings yesterday, before the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, the Recorder, She Sheriffs, Mr. Sergeant Arabin, &c. &c., with the usual formalities. When the Grand Jury were sworn, the Recorder pro ceeded to address a few observations to them upon the subject of the cases that would be likely to require their tention. The RECORDAR said that he regretted to find that the ca i m iar contained the names of a great lumber of pri soners, ~ nd that man y o f t h e o ff ences c h arge d were of a description. He then adverted to a charge of very seriotu.. child-murder, and to anothe r against five persona for 'I not appear that he made any allusion mutiny ; but it 41 to the charge a , ;1 1 11 : t. Gould for the murder of John Tent pleman. Two cases of na importances were tried, and the Court adjourned at five o'clock. THE MARKETS. ?BICE; 01 , The highest price of Bread in th Loaf. Good Bread may be had at! ' ISREAD. le Metropolis is 10;icl for the All 9cl, PRICES 0 Per Cwt. Per Quarter. New English Red C10rer...505.985. St. Foin -s. 50s 70s Old Ditto Ditto s. a. -s. Rye Grass --s. 2.45. 001 New Foreign Ditto ...-s. 60s. 90.5. Macey Grass --s. 455. 60s Old Ditto Ditto .--s. -s. -s. 3.inseed, for feeding -s. 4tis. 52s New White Clover sls. Ws. 70s. Ditto, for sewing -s. 545. 501 Old Ditto Ditto ..... ....-s. -s. --s. Ditto, for crushing -s. 425. Stis New Trefoil ...-s. 16 , 34% Car. ary -s 100 s. 105 s Old Ditto s. his t,tss Hemp -s. 335. 40.4 Trefolium -A. 30s. 30s. Per Bushel. English Carraway -s. 435. 5.2 i. 'White Mustard...lls. 04. 14s. rd. Foreign Ditto •-4 505.511. Brown Ditto lO3. Od. 21s. I'd Coriander -s. 14s. 20s Tares Os. 01. Vs. (M. Rapeseed, English One (per La' , t) 211.20/. Foreign 211. 2bl. PRICES 01 HOPS. Farnham Pockets (per cwt.) VI Os. 0/. Os. to 01. Os. fast Kent. Pockets . 4s. 10s. 51. 15s. to 61. Os. ')itto Bags '1 his. 01.: Os. to V. 4'. Mid Kent Pockets Si. 10s. 4/. 10s. to 5 1 .12 0 . Jitto Bags 5/. 10s. 01. Os. to 4;. Os. S issex 3l. Os. 01. Os. to 3'. ss. searlings O/. Os. 31. as. to 3!. 10s. Old Olds PRICES OF LEATHER Per lb. d. to d Per lb. d. to d. CrepHldes,3oto4olb.each 11 13} Horse Hides, (lerman... 12 22 ---------40 50 l2 16 - Spanish ... 13 24 ---50 60........ 13 18 Calf Skins,3o to 4011)..doz) 15 22 Bull Hides .. Butts, V.triol ... .. ......... 17 19 ---5 O 60 21 28 - English ...... . • .... 15 24 ---.70 100 - Foreign Foreign Hides - 5ma11............ 20 22 Dressing Hides ------- -----Slaaved." 13 17 Basils... Bess. Saddlers' Hider..... 15 1111 Bellies Horse Hides, English ... 11 15 Shoulders .. Calf Skins. if rounded 2d. to 4d. nor b. more. PRICE OF OIL. RapeOil,brown, per ton, fici/. N.-Refined, 37/.los - Linseed Oil, 24/. F.iitbeed Oil Cake at the Mill (IC00), 13/.135.-Raue f eke. per ton,7/. PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, etc. per 1121 b. Town Tallow Ms. 6d. Yell , .w 50ap........ -s. Od. Yellow Russia s:3s. 6d. Mottled White Soap Ditto .... Melting Stuff Ditto Rough PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of 811% Price 01 Tallow (as stated by the Tallow shelters) as. Id, PRICE OF CANDLES. The price 01 goes Store Candles in the Retail Shops is AS follows :-.. Candles, per dozers. Ss. Od. ; inferior, 7s. tkl. ; Moulds, Os. 6d. Sixpence rer dozen discount for cash. el.rwin COAL MARKET. - s, il Buddle's West Hartley l9 0 Chester Ilebburn Main - .0 1, Holywell Main - .0 0 Ord's Redliugh:. (16 I Pontop Windsor . 18 0 Tanfield Moor 22 4 . Wylam , Walls End Clarke and Co l7 9 Walls End Gosforth 2l 6 Walls tend Heaton ... 21 0 walls End Hilda 2O 9 Walls End Northumberland 19 6 Walls End Walker 2O 9 Walls Endßraddyll'sHetton 23 0 Ships arrived since! SEEDS. 1. di Wals End Hetton' 23 6 Weis End Lambton ... '6 6 Walls End niissell's Raton 23 3 Wally End Hartlepool ... 23 6 Walls Eud New l'eos ... 5.1 3 Wa is Endßichardson'. Tees2l 6 Walls End Toes Tanfield ~. 18 0 Walls End Victoria Tees ....:.1 6 Walls End Wendleston 2t , 0 Brampton Main Hartley 24 4 Nevill's Llanelly Walls End Devonshire 2O 6 Walls End Killingwerth ast market-day, 78. :OUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEEK Per Quarter. Morpeth Penrith Sheffield Winchester Per Bushel. Carmarthen.,,, Cowbridge— Swansea Per Roll. BArnardcastle Durham...... Richmond --I Stockton Wheat. I Barley. s. to s. s. to 56 35 56 68 32 38 48 68 34 36 55 31 64 69 18 28 40 5.4. s.d. s.d. L. 00 9 0 0 0 40'. 00 9 6 0 0 50 100 110 00 561 94 9 6 4 9 50 11 6 166 80 12 0 17 6 7 120 100 70 113 0 16 6 9 0 Oats. s. to s. 28 22 34 23 30 23 27 d. a. d. 00 44 00 23 10 0 4 0 28 32 Beans. S. 13. 41 - 48 40 Pease. , . a. 43 -- - • • 70 88 60 80 50 R 0 60 80 42 45 s. d. 1.4. 00 00 56 00 50 53 56 60 2$ 48 . - • 47 _ . 8 3 0. 1 0 . 1 : 1 :1 0 ; 00 A 0 00 00 00 p 0 9 0 12 -0 k 74 60 100 1 • 10 g(1 go lv 9 0 9 0 76 80! 0 0 90 PRIZE CUPS.—New and Second-band SILVER PRIZE CUPS are offered at very REDUCED PRICES, and selettioa may be made from a great variety, both of Sizes and Pattarns, at Fine Vertical Watches, jewelled, with double b acked engine-turned cases, warranted £4 4 Patent detached Lever Watches, jewelled in four holes, maintaining power, with seconds hands, and double-backed cases, warranted BIRMINGHAM AND GLOUCESTER RAILW."; —We observe from the Brist - .1 1 Mercury, that at a meeting 1: the Bristol and Gloucester Railway Company, held at Bristt `. on Tuesday, J. M. Gutch, Esq., congratulated that Compels% on its breaking off a egotiation with the Birmingham iota Gloucester Com pan y, " n on the ground that the Gloucester and Bristol line was by far the best for traffic, and likewise because ' the conduct of the Gloucester and Birmingham Company had excited so much dissatisfaction in Worcester—the Compel,/ having promised to make that city a station, or to form at least a branch to it, or give 70,0001. to the city to enable the citizens to do it themselves, and having performed neither of these conditions, the citizens were so indignant at this breach of faith, that in any negotiation with whic.h the Company might go to Parliament , they %/O find themselves most strongly opposed by th e inha bitants of Worcester." The Bristol Mercury goes ° to say that " A gentleman, who stated himself to be a D ite • c ; tor of the Gloucester and Birmingham line, vindicated '- Company from the charges of Mr. Gutch, and asked if therk: was a bond, why were not its conditions sought to be enforcea by the people of Worcester ? This gentleman, we presume!. I being a Director, must know something of the obligations ell the Company, and therefore his assumed ignorance of the existence of the bond is very extraordinary, although very much in keeping with the whole conduct of this Company to the people of Worcester. We take it for granted that the re fusal of the Bristol Company to join them will oblige the Bir mingham and Gloucester Company to withdraw their Bill now before Parliament, and if it has not that effect, the opposition of this city to a certainty will. THE QUEEN.—It is upon no slight grounds We congratulate the inhabitants of Hampshire and the Isle of Wight on the probability of seeingtheir beloved Queen araongsS them in the course of the present summer. No one, of come , can speak positively as to the Royal intentions, but some orders and contemplated arrangements have come to our knowledge' which satisfy our minds that a disposition to visit the Isle of Wight prevails at present in the royal mind. We have gene - , rally been found pretty correct in our prognostic ations courtly and political movements, and we do not think we she.' bo found to be wide of the mark in this. The Royal Yacht squadron is expected to have a magnificent season. At the re gatta, it is hinted, a prize will be contended for, surpassing anything ever yet subscribed for yr given. —Southampte'r Independent. T. COX SAVORY'S, Goldsmith and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill (Seven Doors from . Gracechurch-street), London. Drawings of Cups will be forwarded in answer te a post" paid application. It is desirable Letters for Drawings should mention either the size or about the price of the Cup or Cups that inaY required. - - SUPERIOR LONDON-MADE WATCHES• -A. B. SAVORY and SONS, Watemakers, No. 9, Corn hill, London (opposite the Bank of England), submit for se lection a very large STOCK of Highly-finished London-ma de ATCHEs, the whole of which being manufactured under their own inspection, on their own premises, they can afford to sell at least 251. per cent. below t - ie •isnal trade price for an ar ticle of the same quality. A pr sited warranty is given with each Watch. PRICES MOUNTED IN SILVER CASES. . . Either of the above in silver hunting cases, 10s. 6d. extra• A large variety of second-hand Silver Watches, which hale been carefully examined, and can be warranted at £2 2s. exch* GOLD CASES, SIZE FOR LADIES. Fine Vertical Watches, jewelled, in engine-turned gold case, and gold dials, warranted Fine Vertical Watches, jewelled, with double-backed 0 engine-turned gold cases and gold dials, warranted 12 1 2 Patent. detached Lever Watches, jewelled in four holes with double-backed gold cases and gold dials, 14 1 4 ° warranted GOLD CASES, SIZE FOR GENTLEMEN. Patent detached Lever Watches, jewelled in four holes, seconds, and double-back:d gold cases, war -14 14 o ranted Patent detached Lever Watches, capped, jewelled in s;x holes, seconds, double-backed gold cases and 0 7 enamel dials, warranted Patent. detached Lever Watches, canoed, jewelled in six holes, seconds, double-backed gold cases and , 0 gold dials, warranted Either of the Gentlemen's Watche' may be had in gold huntino cases, for 31. 3s. each extra. N.B. Second-hand 'Watches purchased in exchangf• BIRTHS. eph 105 On the 25th ult., at Tott en h am -p ar k, th e l a dy 0' - Rawlings, Esq., barrister at law, of a daughter, still born. ate, On the 30th ult., the lady of W. Brooke, Esq., of Alarg of a daughter. S. On the 31st ult., at B ou l ogne - sur -M er , th e lady of w. Vint, Esq., of the 13th Light Dragoons, of a daur,hter• a n so t n h . e 3d inst., at C ars h a lt on , S urre y, Mrs. Ri c hard of Coles, O the On the 3d inst., a t Gl oces ter-terrace, Regent's - P ark, lady of H. S. Grteme, Esq., of a daughter. On the 4th inst., at St. Mary's ED , Islington, IVIARRI. Esq., of South-street, Grosvenor-square, to Sophia Ann , eldes ke-terrace, o o e roo daughter of Walter M. Watts, Esq., fC I b Islington. John On the 4th inst., at St. George's, Southwark , Ai r ' f Air. Compton, of Fordham, Norfolk, to Ellen, daughter o Bay field, of \Vest-square. Prior On the 4th inst., at St. John'q, Paddington, William Johnson Richardson, of Stock liouse, Essex, Egb , to Al3 ht l Edcard SavrYrri Milford, second daughter of James Renshaw, of Connaug squaw, Esq. ---_-------"--- DIE. On the 23d ult., John Mitchell, D Jun., Esq., surgeon, Kill ton, H s erefordhire. On the 3d of February, at St. Dorothy's, Jamaica, Jack O son, Esq. ae 73. n the 31st , ult g ., d at Boxmoor, Herts, Charlotte, wife of the th e Rev. F. W. G g o tch, A. aed 29. On the Ist inst ,at Harrow-on-the-Hill, Emily Consett, youngest daughter of Thomas Hewlett, E: q. , ag ed nine Amery- O n the 2d inst., at Richmond, Surrey, I‘lla On the 3d inst. , at Sio n - p l ace , Isleworth, 3rrsy. n a haugh. Jos e p h On the 4th inst. , at his residence, Soley - t errace, Foxcroft, aged 7 0 . On the 4th inst., in Alfred-place, Charlotte, re lict of Charles Nevinson, Esq., formerly of Saville-row, aged 85. An n Champion, aged 49. :11r. tl ert ori _ .. • , d G o f London: rined nd Publishe by MURDO OU . No. 112, P Str t and, a at Th c Sun No. 112, 'tr Y 3n ' t jn the county of Middlesex.—Tuesday, April 7, 1840. EAST INDIA SHIPPING. Arrivals.-The Childe Harold, Willis, from 11,mbay, off Falmouth, sailed Dec. 12, Cape, Jan. 3, St. Helena, Feb. 3 ; Ann Murray, from Bombay, off Falmouth, sailed Nov. 2, Cey lon, Nov. 26, St. Helena ; Jan. 27, Alan Ker M‘Kechnie, from Bombay, at Liverpool, sailed Nov. 10, Cape, Jan. al ; Thomas Harrison, Smith, from Van Diemen's Land, off Pen zance, sailed from Hobart Town, Nov -; Java, Pi.;kering. from Manilla, off Cork, sailed Oct. 20, Cape of Good Hope, Jan. 19; Indian, Frost, from Bengal, off Liverpool, sailed Oct. 25, St. Helena, Jan. 21. Arrivals at Hobart Town, Van Diemen's Land.-The Essex, Roxby, Oct. 22, from Sydney ; Lord Sidmouth, Macfarlane, 25th, from Maria Island, sailed, Nov. '2, for Whaling; High lander, Lovett, 25th, from Wine Glass Bay ; Maria Orr, Cham berlain, 25th, from Maria Island; Adelaide, Smith, 27th, from Port Philip ; Samuel Cunard, Williams, 27th, from New Zealand; Mary Ann, Marshal, from Port Philip; Wallaby, Bailey, 28th, from Recherche Bay ; Britomart, Man, 30th, from Port Fhilip, and sailed 7th Nov. on her return ; Eagle, Fawthorpe, 30th, from Port Philip ; Rubene, Rogere, from Havre ; Crusader, M‘Donald, from Sydney ; Jane, from Calcutta, and King George's Sound ; Lord Hobart, Nichols, from Port Philip ; Marian, Watson, 11, from Sydney. Departures from Hobart Town-Elizabeth (F.) Oct. 24, for the Fishery ; Indus, Clarke, for Sydney ; Emerald, Den ton, 29, for Salem ; Wm. Carely, Glanday, Nov. 1, for Syd ney ; Lord Sidmouth, M‘Farlane, Nov. 2, for whaling ; Me rope, for Port Philip. Arrivals at Launceston.-Charlotte, Tregortha, Oct. 24, from Port Philip, and sailed on the 31st, on her return ; Lady, Mary Pelham, Mills, 28, from Schoater's Island ; Tamar, Bell, 28, from Sydney ; Mona, Downes, 29 ; Africaine, Dut ton, Nov. 4, from the South Seas ; Brazil packet, Milligan, 8, and Henry, Raffle, from Port Philip ; Sally Ann, Sanders, 11, from Portland Bay ; Lady Emma and Prince Regent, Evans, 11, from South Australia ; Arab, Westmoreland, 11, from Port Philip ; Rapid, Hart, 12, from South Australia. Departures from Launceston.—Bolina, Burrell, Oct. 31, for New Zealand ; the Prince Regent and Vibilia were loading for London. _ ... Arrival at Sydney, Nov. 11.—Australian packet, Nicholls. from London for Port Philip ; David , Clarke, Oct. 27, from the Clyde. Arrivals at Calcutta.—The John Calvin, Abercrombie, Jan. 21, from Greenock ; Bouthsook, Dutemple, 22, from Bourbon ; John Hayes, Wetherall, 22, from Kayts, &c. ; Sey mour, Morton, 23, from Liverpool; St. George, Williams, 25, from Bristol and Cape ; Sir Robert Peel, A.!ild, from the Clyde ; Indus, Clarke, from Sydney ; Earl Grey, Mawson, 27, from Liverpool; Cambria, Robertson, 29, from LiverpoiA Viscount Melbourne, Mackenzie, 29, from London ; Rich mond. Hyne, fro.n London and Cape ; Repulse, Beckford, 30, from London ' • Exmouth, Warren, 31, from London and Ply mouth ; Walmer Castle, Close, from London ; Zenobia, Owen, Feb. 1, from London and the Cape ; Bland, Callan, from Liverpool and the Cape; Elvira, Gill, 3, Shepherdess, Beggar, 5, from Mauritius ; 'Thomas Grenville, Thornhill, and Marion, P0pe,.8,, from London and Madras ; Matilda, Rowe from Liverpool ; Lady of the Lake, Ettley, 9, from the Clyde and Mauritius; Windermere, Brown, 10, from Liverpool and :Mauritius; Thesis. Gaymer, 11, from Liverpool; Glen swilly, M'Neill, from South Australia. Departures from Saugor Bengal,—Madagascar,Gimblett, and Dauntless, Corlass, Jan. 19, for London ; William Jardine, Crosbie, for Liverpool ; Maidstone, Wimble 24th ; Earl of Hank ieke, Henning, 24th ; Lord Hungerford, Saunders ; 26th, for London ; Imogen, Downes, 29th, for Liverpool ; In trepid, Stewart, for Berbice, Duke of Lancaster, Hargreaves, 31st, for Liverpool ; Lord Lowther, Yates, Feb. 2, for Madras, Cape, and London ; Edward, Robinson, Parsons, 3d, for Mauritius ; Rosalind, Fonrose, 3 d , for London ; London, Tay lor, 6th, for Liverpool ; Robert Small, Scott, sth, and Scotia, Campbell, 7th, for London ; Beyverie, Bth, for Bordeaux. Arrivals at Bombay.—Buckinghamshire, Moore, from Mau ritius ; Cornwall, Cow, from Madras ; Lady East, Robinson, from London ; General Palmer, Elliott, from London and the Cape; Rothschild, Letkett, from Liverpool and Cape; Lan caster, Jefferson, from Liverpool ; Progress, from Bordeaux ; Urania, Noakes, from the Persian Gulf. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS (MONDAY EVENING.) HERALD.—The Funds have made a slight step in advance to-day, and are decidedly more firm than even the shade of advance would account for. The commercial intelligence by the overland mail from India is not of much importance, and, indeed, in its gene ral features, differs little from former advices. In ex change business, however, there was much activity ; the demand for remittances was considerable, and bills to a large amount bad been negotiated against shipments to England and France at 2s. lid. to 2s. lid. The rates in the beginning of the week ending with Feb. 15, Aare, however, as high as 2s. 2d. a 2s. 21d. per Company's rupee. The quotations of Treasury Bills were 2s. Old. id. to 2d. Bank Bills, according to respectability of the institution, 2s. Old. to 2s. Id. Government Secu rities were at 11 to I i per cent. premium. Ben gal Bank Shares were inquired after, and sell ing at 2,300 to 2,325 premium, with an upward tendency. The Agra Bank had declared a dividend of 9 per cent. on 22. 8 rupees per share ; premium 125 per share. trnien Bank were 305 to 310 rupees premium. Money had become more plentiful, owing, ►t was said, to the non-execution of some French orders for indigo at the low limits fixed, in consequence of which the funds were made available for returns at the then favourable rates of exchange. Of indigos there was little of the fine qualities at market, and, as the season was advanced, the market allowed rather a disposition to advance. In silk there was 1 a scarcity of fine quality, and prices continued high, but there was little doing. In silk piece goods there was st good demand for cerahs, which were scarce, and prices proportionally high ; but choppahs and bandanas com manded little attention. The Cotton Market was quiet, and prices as before. There was some demand for shell lac, principally for the American market, and prices were steady. The second Government sale of opium for the season had taken place, of which the following is the statement : Chest‘. Highest. Lou est. Average. Proceeds. Behar 1,550 630 595 610 8 3 9,46,300 Bewares BOO 560 540 550 13 4,40,650 The sale was well attended, and the buyers were prin cipally speculators on the spot, and speculative shippers. So that the opium trade was going on as flourishing as if no Chinese war had occurred to interrupt it. In European goods there was a favourable demand for mule cotton yarns, and considerable sales were reported. lu piece goods, such as chintzes, dyed and white cottons, the trade was dull, but there was some inquiry for long cloths and cambrics adapted to local consumption, and fair prices were obtained. For jaconets, mulls, and lappets, the sale was steady, although owing to extensive importa tions prices had experienced a slight decline. In woollens the demand was firm, but without any variation in prices. Iron was in request, and Swedish steel in demand, and scarce. SUN.--Merchants in the City did not receive their private letters by the overland mail, except, we believe, in one or two instances. There will no doubt be a general delivery of them from the Post-office to- morrow. Tea, which in the morning brought 2s. sd. per lb. for Company's Congou, subsequently fell to about 2s. 3id., although in the afternoon 2s. 41 was the nearest quo . LUDLOW ELECTION COMMITTEE. tation. There was a good deal of business done in the Funds up to ►.he close of the day, the public being again at liberty to commence their investments in the Three and-a-Half per Cent. Annuities, the transfer books of which are now open. Consols left off at 90i 91 for Money, and 91 for the 12th inst. Exchequer Bills closed at 225. prem., and East India Stock at 178 i. The dividends will be paid on Wednesday. Two letters have been written by the Chairman of the Committee of Portuguece Bondholders, one to the Finance Minister of Donna Maria, and the other to Lord Palmerston, urging the claims of the foreign creditors of Portugal, which is in a situation ter appro priate large SUM! to an overgrown army, a considerable navy, the arts and sciences, and even pageants, and theatrical amusements, but can do nothing for its pre servers from the tyranny of a Miguel. The New Five per Cent. Stock closed at 3-11, and the Three per Cents, at 24k. Spanish Consols left off at 271 ; Mexi can at 28i ; and Brazilian at 76. The Railway Shares were all a shade higher. Tho Committee met at the usual hour yesterday, when Mr. CocKuuitN, after thanking the Committee for the indulgence they extended to him on Saturday, said he did not altogether regret the delay which his indisposition had caused, as it would have the effect of sparing the Com mittee both time and trouble; for having had an opportu nity of reading over all the evidence he had, upon a full con sideration of its bearings, come to the conclusion with his Learned Friend Mr. Talbot, that there were portions of it which it would be perfectly hopeless to resist. He alluded more particularly to the charge of treating ; and after the production of the letter written by Mr. Cop pock to Tilly, the publican, he felt it was impossible for him to contend that this charge was not brought home to the sitting Member, Mr. Alcock. The Learned Counsel said, had he consulted the feelings of all the parties con cerned, he should have gone on with the case, and should have placed Mr. Coppock in the witness-box, where that gent'eman wished to be placed, to rebut some of what he must characterise as the most gross and wilful misstate ments which had been made before this Committee, and which amounted to a case of wilful perjury. He had felt, however, that it would be a waste of time to rebut one portion of the evidence when another had been substan. tiated, and was enough to deprive Mr. Alcock of the scat. A discussion then took place as to the course which should be pursued at this point of the inquiry. After a ion , deliberation, the Committee decided— " That Mr. Alcock had, through his agents, been guilty of treating at the last election for the borough of Ludlow." The election in consequence will be voided, as in a sub sequent part of the proceedings the petitioners abandoned their claim to the seat, on behalf of Mr. Clive. There will consequently be a new election. Her Majesty's drawing-room on Thursday next, the first since the Royal nuptials, is expected to be very numerously attended. Among the fair debutantes who are to be presented to her Majesty are Lady Fanny Vane Stewart, daughter of the Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry, Lady Ida flay, daughter of the Earl and Countess of Erroll, Lady Georgiana T o ler, daughter of the late lamented Earl Of Norbury, Lady Sarah Villiers, daughter of the Earl and Coun tess of Jersey ; the lion. Miss Needle, daughter of Lord Braybroke, &c. EVEVING E CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.