The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-03-15 00:00:00

Imptriai 13arilantritt. HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY. Some conveiiition arose as to the day for discussing Lord Fitzwilliam's motion on the corn-laws, but no day appears to have been fixed. ' - a - iisWeitci:ite Bishop of LONDON, Lord MELitf - ellblt` tated positively that there was no in tention of having'd Senday delivery of letters is London. No businesi'lif the least general interest arose. HOUSE - OF COMMONS.-MONDAY. Major Woon brought in the General Cemeteries Company bill, which wai'^read a first time, and ordered to be committed. Mr. HINDL'EY presented a petition in favour of certain improvements in the city of Westminster. Petitions irre favour of the existing corn-laws were presented by Colonel SibthorP, from the owners, occupiers of land, and tradesmen, in numerous parishes in the county of Lincoln by Mr. Packe,,from between 2000 and 3000 owners and occu piers of land (130,000 acres) in the county of Leicester, many of them being also manufacturers and tradesmen ; by Mr. Handley, froth parishes in Lincolnshire ; by Mr. Wood house ; by Mr. Byng, from 700 agriculturists of the hundred of Sculthorpe ; by Mr. Bell, from the owners and occupiers of 100,000 acres of land in the county of Northumberland, agreed to at a public meeting held at Morpeth ' • by Lord C. Russell, froth parishes in the co un ty o f B e df or d ; by Mr. Gaskell, from Wenlock ; by Mr. Bowes, from several places in the county of Durham ; by Mr. 0. Gore, from 17 different parishes in the couhtiesof Salop and Denbigh ; by Mr. Hal ford, from the merchants, bankers, manufacturers, and tradesmen of the borough of Leicester, bearing 2361 signa tures ; by Mr. 0. Gore, from parishes in Carnarvonshire ; by Mr. Round, from places in Essex ; by Mr. W. G. Wood, from Staveler; in, Westmorland ; by Sir W. H. Smyth, from the clergy, bankers, and tradesmen of Colchester; by Lord C. Manners, from Market-Raisin, Loughborough, and other places in thq county of Leicester ; by Mr. Mackenzie, from Cromartie ; and by Mr. Bailey, from the merchants manu facturers, and traders of the city of Worcester, and from several parishes in the county of Brecknock. Petitions if frying for the repeal of the corn-laws were pre sented by ill f. Langdale, from 590 clergymen, bankers, and tradesmen of Beverley and its Scarborough ; and by Mr. Hastie, _froni Tuislet'. Mr. ViuoitS presented a petition from Thomas Gisborne, Esq., complitining of an undue election and return for the borough of ;Carlow.—Ordered to be taken into consideration on Thursday the 11th of April. Mr. T. DUNCOMIIE moved a vote of censure on ministers, for their disregard of the vote of the house, as to the closing the Westminster the4tres in Lent. Lord JoitN 'Ru'ss . p.i. said that a bill should be brought in during the session on the subject ; and the motion was nega tived without a division. The house then went into committee on the navy estimates ; several votes were taken, and the committee had leave to sit again. ' The debate on Mr. Shaw's motion, relative to the state of crime in Irelind, was then resumed, and lasted some time ; but the mehibers gradually went away, and a quarter-past two, only 37 members were present, which being noticed, the house was of Course adjourned. `HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAY. Petitions against any alteration in the corn-laws were pre sented by "Lord Lyndhurst, from Colchester, and Lord Melville, from Dalkeith. Viscount GALLOWAY presented several petitions praying for additional church accommodation in Scotland. The noble lord inquired whether it was the intention of ministers to propose an additional grant for church extension . in Scot land ? Viscount MELROURNE said, it was not the intention of government at present to propose any additional grant for the purpose stated. Viscount GALLOWAY was sorry to hear the noble viscount say that, when so much money was expended in Spain, and such a large sum lately voted to Ireland. Lord BitOuokam observed across the table, that the money had riot yet been paid. (A laugh.) Lord Melville and the Duke of Richmond presented many petitions in favour of the corn-laws. Lord BROUGHAM presented several petitions against the corn-laws: The Duke of RICTIMOND presented 48 petitions against any alteration in the corn-laws, from places in the counties of Elgin, Yorkshire, Sussex, Hants, and Ely. FOREIGN FRUIT. The Duke of RlCHMONDintitn;ted that he had some peti tions to present against the duties on foreign fruit ; he begged leave to give notice that he would present those petitions on Tuesday, and call the attention of the house to the subject. • FOREIGN POLICY. Lord BROUGHAM, after warmly eulogising the statesman like qualities of Mehemet Ali, the present intelligent ruler of Egypt, wished to know if this government had done all in its power to prevent any aggression between the Porte and the sovereign of Egypt, and the ancient ally of England. Viscount =MELBOURNE answered that the government of England had done all in its power, and would continue to do so, to preserve the peace of both countries. CANADA. The Earl of RIPON, in moving for certain papers relating to the affairs of Canada, entered into a long statement in reference to the communications he had had while in office as Colonial Secretary with Mackenzie the Canadian rebel ; the noble earl distinctly stated that Mackenzie never had and never could'have his confidence ; he considered Mackenzie a very shallow gentleman; and altogether unable to explain his views. At the Colonial Office he (the Earl of Ripon) gave an interview to Mackenzie, which lasted two hours—three quarters of which Mackenzie contrived to monopolize to himself—so vain was he, that be (Earl Ripon) was obliged to tell him that, unless he confined himself to one subject, he would be compelled to wish him " a good morning." (a laugh.) The noble earl then moved for the papers. The Marquis of NORMANDY had no objection to produce the papers. Agreed to.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY. Mr. CHRISTOPHER having withdrawn his motion for a call of the }muse this evening, the Speaker took the chair at the usual hour, at which time a great number of members were prdient, and . the gallery and the avenues leading to it were crowded to excess with persons anxious to hear the de bate on the corn-laws. Mr. Ewarf was introduced by Mr. Brotherton and Mr. Thornely'iiiid took the oaths and his seat for Wigan, amidst slight ch6ering from the ministerial benches. A nuintie m iof private bills were forwarded a stage. The S .. P s ialEin said, for the conve n i ence o f t h e h ouse i t would be r 6efter in the first place to proceed with petitions only rerittfiSg fa the corn-laws. - 8 •": 74- 1 - CORN-LAWS. Petitions in favour of the existing corn-laws were pre sented—by Lord Eastnor, from several places in Suffolk ;by Mr. EaViii, from 20 places in Cambridgeshire; by Mr. Hodgesilrom several places in Kent; by Col. Wood, from Brecon irby Lord Lincoln, from Dover ; by Mr. R oun d, from several places in Berkshire • by Mr. Kemble, from se veral places in Surrey ; by Sir W. Heathcote, from South ampton ; by Sir J. Tyrrell, from 73 places in Essex ; by Mr. Palmeri from Oxford ' • by Mr. Hale, from 20 places in Glou cestershire • by Lord Maidstone, from Northamptonshire ; by Sir R. Hill, from 19 places in the county of Salop ; by Mr. Holmes, from a great number of places in the Isle of Wight ; by Mr. W. Holmes, from Berwick-upon-Tweed ; by Lord Ossulston, from 24 places in Northumberland ; by Mr. Christopher, from 21 parishes in Lincolnshire ; by Col. Rushbrooke, from a number of places in Suffolk ; by Mr. Benett, from places in Wiltshire ; by Lord Norreys, from a number of places in Oxfordshire ; by Mr. Gore, from Car narvon ; by Lord Hotham, fro m Leo m i n st er ; by Mr. 0. Gore, from the Central Agricultural Society of Great Britain and Ireland, agreed to at a public meeting, which was attended by upwards of 50 members of parliament; by Lord Grim stone, from Hertfordshire ; by Col. Lygon, from Worcester shire ; by Mr. Fellowes, from Huntingdonshire ; by Sir E. Filmer,.frOm'places in Kent ; by Mr. Hogg, from Beverley ; by Mr. Pease, from places in Durham ; by Earl Darlington, from places in Shropshire ; by Mr. Burrows. from places in Surrey by Mr. Cripps, from Cirencester ;by Sir.C. Lemon, from several places in Cornwall, signed not only by farmers but bfshopkeepers ; by Sir C. Knightley, from 37 places in Northamptonshire ; by Mr. Darby, from Sussex •, by Mr. Palmer, rom Essex ; by Mr. Duncombe, from D oncas t er and a niimber of places in Yorkshire ; by Sir G. Strickland, from Yorkshire ; by Sir Charles Broke Vere, from several places: in Suffolk ; by Lord Henniker, from a number of places- A ils Suffolk ;by Mr. Fleming, from Hampshire ;by Captain-Gordon, from 13,000 inhabitants of Aberdeen, signedbytill classes (hear) ; and by a great number of other members:from all parts of the country ; but the Speaker calle&,the names with such rapidity it was impossible to ascertain Many of them. Petitions praying for a repeal of the corn-laws were pre sented-hyMr. V. Stuart, from two places; by Mr. Lamb ton, from Durham ; by Mr. Elliott, from a place in Scot land ;-'by Mr. Easthope, from Leicester; by Mr. Chalmers, from Montrose; by Mr. Brotherton, from Lancaster; by Capt.,Berkeley, from Bristol; by Mr. Townley, from Wol verharciptcm ; by Mr. M. Phillips, from Lancaster ; by Mr. D. Nit_. Hirvey, from, three places in Essex ; by Mr. W. Roche, from Limerick ; by Mr. E. Buller, from Stafford : by Mr. Hume,. from five places in different parts of the c mntry.; i it.nd by several other members. The„slyst,majority of petitions prayed that no alteration migabe Ina - de iii the existing corn-laws. Mr. HUME gave notice, that on Monday he should bring forward the motion, of which he had given notice, for abo lishing the office of Lord Lieutenant in Ireland. In answer to a question from Sir T. D. ACLAND; Lord J. RUSSELL said he should move the Committee of Supply on Mouday, and that being a motion on the question which would in all probability occupy along time, he did not think it would be possible to bring on the Ecclesiastical Courts bill on that evening. In answer to a question by Lord CASTLEREAGH, Lord MORPETH said it was his intention to bring in a bill founded on the resolution relating to railways in Ireland shortly after the Easter recess. POST OFFICE. Sir : a. 'Nous said, some time since he presented a peti tionoigned by 1600 solicitors of all parishes in London, agalpit aiiy delivery of letters by the Post Office on Sundkrs. As grr:alinterest existed on the subject, he wished to ask the Chancellor .of the Exchequer what the • intentions of her Majesty's government were on the question. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he should not ,on the present occasion enter into any detailed account of proposed regulations in the management of the Post Office ; but that he was prepared to give the house full ex planation on two subjects referred to in the petition presented boy - the hon. baronet. In the first place, it was not the in tention of her Majesty's government, nor ever had it been their intention, in fact they had never entertained the idea, of opening the general post on Sundays for the delivery of London letters ; he repeated, such an idea had never entered their heads—(hear)---such a proposition had never for a mo ment been entertained. With respect to letters passing throtigh London on Sundays, he was of opinion that means might he devised for carrying such a plan into effect without interfering with the proper observance of the Sabbath. Sir It- INGLIS was of a different opinion, but he would reserite what he had to say until some future occasion. In answer to a question by Mr. PARINGTON, Lord J. RUSSELL said it was not his intention to proceed with the bill for holding district sessions in counties until after the Easter recess. CORN LAWS. Mr,illtz,micus rose to bring forward his promised motion on the subject of the corn laws. [At the time the house was very full, and there were loud cries of " Bar, bar," and Chair, chair," in consequence of the number of members gathered at the lower end of the house and at the bar. Or der having been restored the hon. gentleman proceeded.] He said that it was in pursuance of that course which he ven tured to suggest in the early part of the session, that it would be •couvenient to discuss the subject of the corn laws, that he now rose to bring under the consideration of the house those mar e general c onsequences o f t h e l aw, wh i ch upon the lasKoccasion were kept out of sight. Certainly, he consider ed, that it was far more preferable to judge a measure by its general effects than by what were deemed its special or par tiqn,lar effects and more particularly it was necessary in this c ao, be cause it was imp oss ibl e to do justice to the subject withollt ,t q lang the most. comprehensive view of it. Still he wak'deci4edly of opimouthat any l aw a ll ege d to b e pre j udicial toAlie 'manufacturing or mercantile interests of the country witsireir Worthy of being the subject o f di s ti nct d e lib eration in ; and, notwithstanding the aspersions which hatFbeen 'cast on the manufa c turing interests of the country for• their impatienes, and their want of feeling, still he could not but think that they had taken the proper steps, and in his opinion they had pursued the only proper course. They had not only pursued a course which was reasonable and be coming is them to do so, but, whether as regards the present 0 or the future prospects of this question, he had no hesitation whatever in saying that their course had been the most judi cious that could have been pursued. He had only to regret that those who openly opposed this question so far forgot what was generally expected in this house, that you should hear before you decide. (Hear.) But the manner in which this question was now proposed for discussion would elicit upon what grounds it was that the house thought it expedient to refuse to hear the information that was tendered, and whether it was that that information was possessed, and needed not to be sought, or whether that information was in dispute, and it was thought wise so to leave it. The manner in which the question now came before the house would open the widest field for the display of all the intelligence that could be brought into its discussion, and there would be this advantage, which he feared would be the only one, that it would at least allow the country to know upon what ground the majority of the house and the legislature of the country intended to maintain these laws against the feelings and the wishes of the community. (He ar .) H e was g l a d to observe, moreover, the eagerness which opponents manifested for the discussion. There was one hon. member in particular so anxious to be heard that he not only proposed to negative this moticn, but he recorded his arguments along with his notice • and it was of so bold a cha rac t er th at h e (M r. Vil liers) felt very curious so hear him explain its policy. He hoped that upon this occasion also they should hear those more general views taken of this subject that they had been reproved on this side for not having taken, and that when told that this was not only an economical question, but one far wider, he trusted that they should hear what were the more political, social, and moral considerations. which justi fied the support of such a law—(hear.) The question would now be so regarded, and most certainly he should not shrink from so regardin g it, because he believ e d th a t th e more ex tensively viewed, the more minutely its consequences were examined, the less would persons be left in doubt as to its policy or its tendency. But still be was of opinion that this was a very simple question, and was as simple as many of those questions that had been already decided. It appeared to resemble such a question as that of personal liberty, or as freedom of opinion. There seemed to be even less difficulty to decide it, and to him it was a matter of surpriae that it should be left until that day to decide a question so little diffi cult as this. It really appeared astonishing that they should be in this period of English history gravely discussing whe ther a free, industrious, and commercial people should have the right to exercise their calling in any manner they pleased —that they should have the liberty to carry on their trade in any manner that should be most profitable to themselves and advantageous to the state, or whether they should be allowed the liberty of obtaining the subsistence which they might re quire at the least cost to themselves and the best advantage to the country. He would repeat that it was difficult to conceive that at this period they were discussing a question of that kind, and it would be a curious sign of the intelligence and integrity of the house that it should be found that one member, who deemed it important to move that it was the privilege of the people to exercise their industry with perfect liberty, and that another member (and perhaps the more suc cessful one) should have moved that it was important that the people should be restricted in the exercise of that liberty, and that the law which limited the amount and raised the price of human subsistence had worked well for the interests of the country—(hear, hear). If it occurred to the noble lord to think that they must slumber pending an inquiry into the consequences of such a law, it seemed to be no stretch of the imagination to su pp ose that those who resisted the motion made to-night should heartily laugh, when they went forth to a division on that motion, at the imbecility and ignorance of the people who could submit to such a law as the present — (hear). But, not to expose himself again to the charge of arguing this question upon too narrow a ground, and as it seemed by the author of the amendment to be proposed that they should consider its import upon the productive industry of the country, it appeared to him to be appropriate that he should at once proceed to consider the question in its effects upon the most numerous and importint class of the community. That class he considered to be the work ing class, for upon their condition and upon their content ment must the stability of the whole social fabric depend. He knew that it was not usual in the discussion of this ques tion to put very prominently forward the labourer. It was new this session to hear this was a labourer's question. He was aware there was another class for whose protection it was said these corn laws were kept up—he was aware of the claims which were always put forth on behalf of what was called ,the British farmer—the English grower. He hoped the case of the British farmer would receive on this occasion a very clear and distinct consideration, bemuse he was per fectly well aware th a t th a t valuable class of capitalists were under some delusion upon this subject—(hear, hear •,) but he was perfectly aware that they were vigilant upon this ques tion—that their attention had been drawn to the subject, and he thought it likely that they would attend to the discussion which took place on this occasion. He thought they would expect something more on this occasion than vague declama tion about their importance or exaggerated statements of their distress. They would hear, on the one hand, that the corn laws had protected them, and they would hear, on the other side, that the corn laws certainly had not protected them from distress, that they were not interested in the corn laws, and that the corn laws had occasioned that distress. He very much wished the whole discussion would turn on the interest of the farmer, because it was the only plausible plea, in his opinion, for the support of this law. He was very anxious not to be in error in any thing that he said with reference to this part of the subject, and he hoped that he should be cor rected if he were so. Was not thefarmer a person who, having certain property, wished to employ his capital in the cultiva tion of land, and did he not go to the owner of the land in the same spirit, and for the same purpose, as any merchant might go to the owner of a vessel, or any person engaged in trade might borrow money? He was a capitalist, and he went in a commercial spirit to the person who was to enable him to engage in his trade. Could there be any doubt that the price at which he was able to obtain his land must be determined by the value of the produce of'the land, and the competition amongst capitalists ? The capitalists couid not allow him to obtain more than the average rate of profit, and the owner of the land, from the circumstance that there were other capi talists to compete with him, would not allow him to have the land at a less rate. If a aw should be passed that should propose to fix the produce of land at 80s. or 645, and the per son who took the land expected the price of his produce, he (Mr. V.) supposed it would not be denied that he would pay in proportion to the value. But it was said there were cer tain local charges, and it was proper and just that the farmer should have protection. These charges were not subsequent to his occupation of the land ; they were known beforehand — they were the subject of precise estimate—they justified all his charges incident to the occupation of his house. He took the land subject to all the charges ; all the difference it made was, that if these charges were high, or the value of produce was high, it required a larger capital than it would otherkise require. This seemed to be so evident that perhaps it would not be disputed ; but it might be said that these charges placed the agriculturist in this country under disadvantageous circumstances when in competition with those of any other country. He ventured to say that the manner in which they proposed to indemnify the farmer for these local charges had the precise, effect of enhancing the price of pro visions. He had poor-rates, county-rate, labourers, servants, and assessed taxes ; w hi c h of these was not increased by adding to the cost of provisions ? How was he interested ? If these local charges are too much for him, according to the price he paid for his land, his business was to go to the per son of whom he took the land, that he might abate in the price ; but it was quite clear that he had no interest in all these out-goings and charges being higher than was neces sary. But, perhaps it would be said that all these things were true, that the farmer had an interest in the high price of produce—that he could only get profit for his capital ac cording to the amount of produce. He had reason to expect from the nature of the amendment that they shcaild hear to night, that notwithstanding all these things—that either through the gift of Heaven or the munificence of the land lord, or from some other circumstance that could not be ex plained—that important class the farmers of this country had done well ever since the corn-laws—they had ever been con tented, and it was a thousand pities to disturb that which worked well. He then proceeded at considerable length to argue that the burdens of the manufacturers were greater than those of the landed interest. In reference to the latter he said—You keep up those laws, you say, that you may be enabled to meet your public burdens. That is, you have these burdens, your public establishments, your public debt, and your aristocracy ; and you support the third that you may have the better support for the other. two. But to re peal these laws in the present state of your relations with the northern powers, and with America, would be useful in a politiCal as well as a commercial view—would be the best security for permanent peace. The agriculturists plead that they have the malt tax to bear. Let the malt tax then be remitted—nay, any just compensation to get rid of a bad system—only get rid of it. There are signs of the times from which the landlords ought to discern that they cannot continue much longer to set up their private interest against the intelligence, industry, 'commerce, and numbers of the country.. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND seconded the motion. Mr. CAYLEY moved, as an amendment—" 1. That, under the heavy debt and taxation of this country, its productive industry and vested interests require to be protected from the lightly taxed produce and cheaper labour of foreign countries ; 2. That the existing corn-law, by the protection it has afforded to the growers of corn under low prices, and to the consumers of it under high, has essentially answered the purposes of its enactment." - Mr. P. THOMSON, in a speech of considerable length, argued against the corn-law, and supported the original motion. Sir E. KNATCHBULL was perfectly aware of the difficulty of following the hon. gentleman on a subject of this kind, with which he was so perfectly at home. But there were some points on which he wished to observe. He had heard, with much astonishment and surprise, the statements that had been made by' a minister of the crown. (Hear, hear.) He was astonished to hear from that minister that he was prepared to act upon principles of agitation. (Hear.) He had promised in the beginning to state what were the inten tions of government for going into committee ; but that pro mise had not be en f u lfilled. It was stated the house was to go into committee to.consider the act ; but it was expected that it would have been made known what was the govern ment scheme on this subject. He had referred to Mr. Can ning's proposition in March, 1827. Why had not a similar course been adopted by government on the present occasion ? He would tell hon. members opposite thatthe public expected, in this kind of question, the government to take on itself the responsibility belonging to office. (Cheers.) They had not done so, nor had they even deigned to inform the house what plan they proposed. (Hear, hear.) There was the difference between the government and the hon. member who brought forward the motion and amendment. The latter had frankly and openly acted in the matter. They had said the land owners deserved no protection, and they had ca ll e d' f or an entire abolitio n o f t h e existing laws. He had anxiously lis tened for the proposal of the government ; but he could not, for the life of him, learn what were their intentions. He would not consent to go into committee as proposed, because, perhaps, then there would be a coalition between the two parties—government and the proposer and supporters of the abolition. Would the government rely on the authority of Mr. Canning ? No ; they would persuade the house to go into committee, and then would attempt to establish a free trade. But why was corn (the right hon. gentleman had said) to be treated differently to other commodities ? He would answer that corn was a necessary article, and in that it was most important to prevent foreign competition. He thought the real question now before the house was whether or not they should afford any protection to the large numbers engaged in cultivating and tilling the ground. (Hear, hear.) He would beg hon. gentlemen to remember that. He would tell them that if they once established a fixed duty, it would not last three years. When once the protection was removed, it would never be regained. He thought the right honourable gentleman the chancellor of the exchequer ought to side with thein in this. He could not imagine any scheme that would be more injurious to that department. He would tell the chancellor of the exchequer that the right hon. member the president of the board of trade was more likely to rob the exchequer than any man in that house. (A laugh.) If free trade were asked with regard to corn, it must be with regard to all other articles. (" Hear, hear," from the ministerial side of the house.) Really those cheers were fedrful from the other side. It had been said in the course of the present evening, and repeated more than once, that this was a land lord's question, and that the farmers and labourers were not at all concerned. He disagreed. upon that point. He could not understand how it was possible for the landlord to be in a state of prosperity, whilst the farmer, who occupied his land, was in a state of adversity. He believed that their interests were linked together. As regarded the labourer, his case rested on the same principle. As far as his expe rience went, labourers had been found in a better condition when the price of corn was high. Take the case of a labourer, with a wife and four children, He would assume that he had 12s. a week, and that the price of corn during the time he was receiving those wages was Is. per gallon. Suppose that 6s. was spent in the purchase of wheat, he had 6s. to supply himself with other, necessaries. But suppose that instead of receiving 12s. a week, he only received 65., and that his bread cost him 35., would he then be .as well off with only 3s. to spare, as he was when he h 6s. for other necessaries ? Would not lower wages place him in an infinitely worse situation ? If the house adopted a measure which should lower the price of ar . : , ::tural produce, how was it possible that it could he can...d into effect ? The hon. member for Wolverhampton had concluded his speech by declaring that there were three great incumbrances which it was necessary to remove. He had stated those incumbrances to be the church establishment, the debt, and the aristocracy. He had treated the aristocracy as if they ought not to exist. Of course the clergy and all who had considerable possessions of land were comprised in the term aristocracy. What then was be thought of a person who, to benefit one class of the community, would annihilate a large elasS of her - Majesty's subjects. That class of persons deserved at the hands of the country a different consideration. It was not true that the aristocracy raised the price of food iu order to depress the people. Their best defence was in their high and unble mished character. On the subject of these laws he would say that the recommendation of Mr. Huskisson was the most secure course that could be adopted. Mr. Huskisson said, " The history of the country for the list 170 years clearly proves, on the one hand, that cheapness produced by foreign import is the sure forerunner of scarcity ' • and, on the other, that a steady home supply is the o n l y safe foundation of steady and moderate prices. During upwards of 100 years, up to the year 1765, the import of foreign corn was restrained by very high duties. What was the state of the country during those 100 years ? That in ordinary seasons our own growth supplied a stock of corn fully ample for our own consump tion ; that in abundant seasons we had some to spare, which we exported ; that in bad seasons we felt no want, and were under no apprehensions ; that the price of corn seldom varied more than a few shillings per quarter ; that we had no years of inordinate gain to the farmer, and of starvation to the consumer ; that prices, instead of rising from year to year, were gradually diminishing, so that, at the end of this long period of a century, during which we never imported foreign corn, they were actually one-fifth lower than at the .beginning of it. Would to God that we had continued in this salutary system ! But in 1765 it was most unfortunately abandoned. What has been the result ? Precisely the re verse of the former system. Instead of a steady supply, afforded at steady and moderate prices, we have witnessed frequent and alarming scarcities. Every year our de pendence on foreign supply was increasing till the war came, and, by interrupting that supply, greatly agitated all our evils ; for a country which depertds on enemies or rivals for the food of its people is never safe in war." - These principles might be applied at all times. He would now conclude by reading an extract from a letter written by a person of high authority—a letter which the hon. member for Huntingdon addressed to his constituents, and it showed the opinions entertained by the present home secretary in the year 1822. He asked for the concurrence of the noble lord m the sentiments which he would read. Theletter was dated Woburn Abbey, Jan. 14, and was as follows " It being nil — possible by means of a corn bill to restore the war prices, I beg of you seriously to consider whether a new corn bill is likely to do you at present any good whatever. Supposing you were allowed to frame it yourselves, or that the legislature should enact a prohibition at all times to im port any article of produce as the soil of Great Britain, would your distress be at all relieved? I think not. I think also, if you agree thus far, you must also agree with me that any efforts in this direction are not likely to be attended with benefit to yourselves. For the truth of this appeal to the best of all tests—the experience of last year. By active peti tioning you obtained a committtee on the state of agricul ture. And what was the result ? Evidence proving the distress beyound all doubt, and a report suggesting no relief but time and patience. Time has not yet brought you any consolation ; and at for patience, you surely did not require 21 gentlemen to sit three months for the purpose of recom mending that well-known virtue. " But the committee have also advised an alteration of the corn bill. That is to say, they recommend a lower importation price with a duty. Whether such a law as a permanent system might not be better than the present I am not quite prepared. to decide. But it is clear that lowering the importation price would bring you no relief for present distress. And lam inclined to believe that, with many sugared words, the framer of the report intended to lay the foundation for subverting the principle of the Corn Bill alogether, and introducing foreign corn at all times into the market ; for the principle of admit ting foreign corn when our prices are low, being mice granted, it would be extremely difficult to counterbalance the taxes paid by the English farmer. A duty of 40s or 50s a quarter lupon foreign corn would hardly be enacted, and if enacted, certainly would not be persisted in. But lam inclined to think that if foreign corn were admitted, even if you had scarcely any taxes to pay, it would not be easy for the farmers of England, who require to live in a certain degree of respectability and comfort, to compete with the lords of Poland and Russia, whose vassal peasantry are unaquainted with the wants of a civilised state. Corn is a manufacture (to use our new phraseology) cheaply produced in a fertile soil, by wretched ploughs, wretched horses, and wretched men. "There is a party amongst us, however, distinguished in what is called the science of political economy, who wish to substitute the corn of Poland and Russia for our own. Their principle is, that you ought al wa y s t o b u y w h ere you can buy cheapest. They repeat with emphasis that the nation pays a tax of £25,000,000 yearly to the growers of corn. They count as nothing the value to the county of a hardy race of farmers and labourers. They are not for the difference between agri cultural and a manufacturing population, in:all that concerns morals, order, national strengh, and national tranq ,- *P'ty. Wealth is the only object of their speculation ; nor do they much consider the two or three millions of people who may be reduced to utter beggary in the course of their operations. This they call diverting capital into another channel. Their reasonings lie so much in abstract term., their spedulations deal so much by the gross, tha , have the same insensibi lity about the sufferings of a peon ie that a general has respect ing the loss of men wearied by Ais operations. "It is to these men, I suspect, that our ministers are about to give up Cie question of trade in corn." Yes, it was to these men thathe suspected our ministers were about to give up the question (cheers) ; but he called upon the Houk of Commons to interpose,to prevent this. (cheers) He called upon the House of Commons to interpose that they might not be reduced to that extent. The House of Commons, he was sure, would do its duty' and he was sure the no le lord would see that the sentiments which .he ex pres: in 1820 were infinitely more politic than those which he 11,.d lately expressed. He would not trouble the house by going into statistical details, but would only again express a hope that ministers would not give this question to that class of men whom the noble lord had described. (Cheers.) Sir W. Moleswortn, Mr. Clay, and several other members here rose together amidst cries of " adjournment. " Sir W. MOLESWORTH was understood to move the adjournment of the debate, and it was accordingly adjourned till this day. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-past 12 o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS.----WEDNESDAY. The House of Lords did not meet to-day. , HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY. In the Commons (after the presentation of many petitions), Mr. WYSE gave notice that after Easter he should move for bills on the subject of general education. Mr. C. LUSHINGTON intimated that to-day he should move for papers. &c., relative to atrocities said to be com mitted on board a Portuguese slave ship. Mr. F. BARING said (in answer to Colonel Perceval's inquiry) that when the report of the commissioners of public works (Ireland) was received, and itwas daily expected, it would be immediately presented to the house. Lord J. RUSSELL said that on Friday he should move the orders of the day regarding the supreme court (Scotland) bill, and the prisons (Scotland) bill, take precedence of the other orders of the day. On the motion of Sir W. MOLESWORTH the adjourned debate on Mr. Villiers's motion regarding the corn laws was resumed. After extended discussion, in which Mr. Chris topher, Mr. Grote, Lord Darlington; Mr. Clay, and Lord Howick took part, the debate was adjourned, at one o'clock, till Thursday. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. MANCHESTER, TUESDAY EVENING. THE CHESTER Cur.—The following are, as nearly as we can collect them, the prices of a market fluctuating every day, and, we may add, varying as the parties meet : THE CHESTER CUP.-P.P. 8 to 1 agst. Mr. Copeland's King Cole: 9 to 1 .„ Mr. Ferguson's Harkaway. (off) 12 to 1 „ Captain Healey's Van B uren . (t) 14 to 1 „ Lord Westminster's Cardinal Puff. (t to-day) 14 to 1 ~ Sir T. Stanley's Cowboy. 15 to 1 „ Colonel Peel's lon. (t) 100 to 6 „ Mr. Heseltine's Slashing Harry. (t) 100 to 5 „ Mr. Topham's The Drone. . The rest not named. THE DERBY.-81 to 1 was offered on the field this evening. Erin-go-Bragh has been backed repeatedly for some days, at 20 to 25 to 1. It is imagined the Londoners are rather " out" in their intelligence ; be it so or not, he is supported here in the first circles. 35 to 1 was taken to-day on the Duke of Grafton's JEther, and Mr. Thornhill's lot ; 400 to 20 has been booked on the latter. There appears to be a great desire to get on Flambeau at 15 to 1, and the Dey of Algiers ; the latter has been backed at that figure. Accounts from Montreal state that during the past year the imports of goods into that port, paying the duty of two and a half per cent. currency, was £738,023 4s. 2d. currency. The value of goods imported free was £40,957 Is. 7d. ster ling •, and the amount of crown and provincial duties col lected at Montreal in 1839 was £74,604 7s. 2d. currency. DUNDEE AND FORFAR RAILWAYS.—We observe that, after the Ist proximo, there are to be additional trains on both our railways, and that the hours of starting have been so arranged as to dovetail into each other with great conve nience to the public. 13y the accommodation thus afforded, one may leave Forf ar or Brechin in the morning, have nearly six hours for transacting business in Dundee, and be home again by tea-time •, or, if his dinner hour be highly aristocra tical, in time for that meal. Wednesday last was a stirring day upon the Forfar line. In the morning, and within five or ten minutes of each other, two large and heavily laden trains left the Almeriecloss depot for Forfar. At Guthrie station both were joined, and conveyed to Forfar by a single engine, the " Victoria." It was really a beautiful sight to observe this train—consisting of three passenger carriages, with nearly a score of waggons, containing coals, lime, yarn, and other goods —pursuing its even and onward course through a tract of country presenting such a diversity of " hill and dale, and wood and vale," as characterizes the en tire scenery along this line. The interest of the scene was heightened when, after the junction of the trains, both en gines were set to work—the one i n f ron t, an d the other in rear of the lengthened mass. The weather has been uncom monly pleasant, and a considerable increase, we think, has in consequence taken place to the number of passengers tra velling on the railways.—Montrose Standard. SWINDLING IN GLASGOW.—For some time past, a board has been hung from one of the pillars of the Tontine, headed in gold letters " J. C. Leckie, Registry ()nice ;" but so often does John Colquhoun Leckie, as fie calls himself, change his " office," that the whereabouts is ^ -nerally written on a piece of paper. This board is covered over with written advertise ments, some copied from the newspapers, others mere crea tions of his own brain, announcing situations of every variety. On Wednewlay he put one on the board, stating that a num ber of joiners, masons, and labourers, were required for rail road work in France. This led a great number of younglnen belonging to these trades to apply t o him for situations. The " office" being marked "85, Nelson-street," they found him seated in a room in a public-house, with a book of recipes for Mop: on's pills, of which he was once a vender ; and, having .rst got the fee of one shilling, he made the parties put do ,n their names, and then. gravely told them that they would ..earn all about it on Saturday. One young man, who had paid his shilling op. Thursday, and suspected all was not right, applied at this office on the subject, when the matter was reported to the captain of police. Leckie was conse quently taken up for examination, when it became evident that the whole affair was a swindle. He could tell nothing about the matter—had no documents to show on what au thority he acted—but asserted that he acted on the authority of Mr. James Fullerton, 20, King-street, Manchester, to whom he was recdfnmended by Mr. Fox, 2, King-street, Liverpool. Leckie was convened before Bailie Leadbetter, in the police court, on Saturday, when a number of young men, who had paid him a shilling to get their names regis tered for employment at the French railroad, with a salary of three pounds per week! were examined. No doubt the whole affair is a hoax ; but the prisoner was remanded, to give him an opportunity of procuring the testimony of Messrs. Fullarton and Fox in his behalf, if he can.— Glasgow Herald. THE BRITISH COURT. _ (From the Dublin Evening Mail.) W e gi v e froth our London Contemporaries, Without note or comment, several extracts in reference to the " Court " 'of her Most Gracious MAJESTY—and these extr acts, it will he seen, ar e taken indiscriminately from the columns of Tory, Whip" Radical, and neutral journals. The Government press has taken an extraordinary course in reference to the rumours, and charges the Conservative press With an attempt to malign her MAJESTY, and traduce her illustrious mother. This charge is preposterous, and utterly inconsistent with the upon the "Court'', fact. An attackdoes n o t_ necessar il y involve a'calumnY upon the QUEEN, no more than does a vindication of the Ladies in Waiting, relieve f rom odium the Lords of the Bed Chamber : (From the Globe) The Standard has not ventured a word in explanation or extenuation of the foul caluniny upon our youthful Queen and her Court, and which we on Thursday, so triumphantly refuted, and which was rendered yet more odious by the whining hypociisy—the disgusting pretence to superior sanc tity, in which the fabricators clothed it, for the purpose of giving it currency. Where are the " hundreds of letters" to the same effect with that which the Standard introduced, in terms which established beyond reasonable doubt an identity between the writer of the article and the writer of the letter ? We call for their production, if they have a being, that we may meet and disprove their slandars, as we have done those which the Standard has had the temerity to publish ? Are these the methods by which the vaunting monopolists of loy alty and religion support their claims ? To misrepresent and damage the acts of the government may be construed into mere party attacks, for political objects; but is it loyal to libel the Sovereign and to calumniate her Court ? Can the inter ests of religion be protected by slander, or be advanced by lies ? Religion comprehends and affixes its high sanction to honor, virtue, truth, and denounces alik e th e f orger an d t h e wilful publisher of a lie ! She repudiates with foul scorn both the acts and the agents of such • practices as those in which the Standard is habitually employed. We know of no depth of infamy more profound than that in which this slave of the worst section of Toryism is now plunged. We have removed the mask of sanctity, which to conceal its features was as sumed—we have branded its front with the terms expressive of the indignant feeling we are unable to suppress—and which will be shared by all who do not affect the loyalty they do not feel, and a zeal for religion, the morality of which they despise !" (From the Standard.) We need scarcely say that the Standard never spoke of our youthful Queen otherwise than in terms of the most loyal and reverential respect. We did speak of the court by which Lord Melbourne has surrounded her Majesty as not what it ought to be, and we referred to hundreds of letters which we have received upon the subject [the number has been considerably augmented since Friday.] As regards the supposed dismissal of Miss Davys, we quoted the affimative statement from one whig-radical journal, the negative upon that statement from another, leaving it to our readers to decide between the conflicting authorities, and without even declaring our own impression, which was and is that for a time at least Miss Davys was out of office—the letter which we published was a due tribute to Miss Davys's character, and to her father, in the circumstances of the case. As to the dissertation upon religion, in which the Ribbonman indulges, we do not see what it has to do in the case ; one needs not to be very religious to look with disgust upon some of Lord Melbourne's appointments in the court of a maiden Queen. Mr. Thomas Mooke has, we believe, escaped the reputation of a Puritan, and yet he, as a gentleman, felt the impropriety of a prince, at the muture age of 60, admitting to his society a convicted adulterer. We allude to his verses in the Two penny Post Bag, very justly reproving the familiarity of the Prince Regent with the late Marquis 'of Headfort. They begin— " We missed you last night at the hoary old sinners," &c. And contain, among other lines, the following— " When the dinner was over we drank, every one, In a bumper, the venial delights of trim. con. At which Headfort, with warm reminiscences gloated," &c., &c., &c. Now, if it was permitted to Mr. Thomas Moore, without incurring the imputation of affected sanctity, to satarise, as he did very justly, the bad taste of an elderly prince, of in different fame himself, as regards the moral duties, because he permitted the society of the late Marquis of Headford, why are we to be taxed with hypocrisy if we complain that Lord Melbourne has placed a _person exactly in the same disqualifying circumstances at the late Marquis of Headfort in attendance upon a young and inexperienced and unsus pecting young woman of nineteen. We say again that ap pointment was not such as any good man, any Christian, or any gentleman could make• advisedly ; or. having made in advertently, could hesitate to rescind, upon consideration of the circumstances, and we will be judged by Mr. Thomas Moore—no very straight-laced arbitrator—but a gentleman. (From the Court Journal.) THE DELICATE INVESTIGATION.—A lady, not more dis tinguished by the beauty of her person than by the refine ment of her manners, the delicacy 'of . her conduct, and the strength of her intellect, is attached to the household of an illustrious person whom every Englishman reveres for the prudence of her conduct. This lady, feeling indisposed, called in a physician enjoying the favour and confidence of the highest personage in the realm, who immediately after his visit requested a conference with a noble married lady in the same household. To this lady he made a communication which, if true, would be either a proof of a romantic, because secret, union on the part of his patient, or utterly subversive of her title to be considered a woman of honour. This state ment the most honourable lady repeated to her husband, who felt it his duty to lay the whole circumstances before a noble relative of the aspersed lady. Who can describe the anguish of the nobleman on hearing this statement? He proceeded at once to the palace, and immediately brought the affair on the tapir. The injured lady was thunderstruck; and indig nantly denied the existence of any ground for the suspicions of the physician. It was then proposed that a medical man of high character, who enjoyed the particular confidence of his late Majesty, should he called upon to report upon the truth or falsity of the physician's suspicion. The aspersed lady and her noble relative positively refused to submit to any such reference, arguing; and most properly too, that the word and honour of the injured lady ought at once to he con sidered decisive evidence of the falsity of the injurious sur mise. What course will be pursued by the family of the lady we are at present ignorant. The physician, we have since learnt, denies that such a communication was made to the noble lady as she reported to her husband ! ! ! (From the Gazette.) It is with extreme gratification we learn that there is not the slightest foundation for a very disgraceful report which has been circulated by a certain party in attendance at the Palace, and which had for its object the destruction of the fair fame of one of the ladies in immediate attendance upon our gracious Sovereign. So satisfied is her Majesty of the grossness of the calumny of this report, that the young and lovely object it was intended to injure, has been commanded to remain in waiting on the person of the Queen for the next six months without intermission. Time will show the truth or falsehood of this scan. 'nag., and should it prove, as we have every reason to expect it will— " An odious, damned lie !" we trust there will be found those among the high-born and noble of the land who will not scruple to unmask the base notorious knave ! the scurvy fellow ! who contrived this mis chief : "Oh, heaven, that such companions thou'dst unfold, And put in every honest hand a whip To lash the rascal naked through the world, Even from the•east to the west 1" Our information on this subject is of that nature that we should not scruple to take the offender in hand ourselves, and show him to the world with all his imperfections on his head. (From the Spectator.) The political barometer this week was still pointing to " very dry," when there came a refreshing shower of court scandal to the relief of the daily papers. We could not, if we would, pass altogether over a subject which has so forced itself on public notice—a subject to which, in its germinant state, we were ourselves amongst the first to direct attention. That subject, divested of its incumbrances, appears to us to relate solely and simply to the conduct of the nobleman at the head of the government ; and to resolve itself into the question—whether his present position and influence are conducive to the honour and stability of the throne, or com patible with the interests of the nation and the due admi nistration of its affairs. Time was when we could afford to laugh at the Major-domo of the Palace, and count his spunging visits as so many capital jokes ; but • "Hmnugte seria ducunt " In mala;" and the public is beginning already to taste something of their bitterness. With the details of the gossiping stories to which allusion has been made, we will not waste our own or our readers' time ; contenting ourselves with this general observation—that if these stories are open to doubt, so is their denial. " Nothing easier," it may be said, " than to invent rumours and give them currency." " Yes, one thing," we reply, "to deny their truth." To give a very wide cir culation to a false story, is not a very easy matter, we appre hend ; and, generally speaking, stories do not gain extensive credence without being either true or probable. On the other hand, their contradiction only requires some usual treasury hack to come forward with his usual swagger and shuffle, and begin, in the usual tone of mock authority, " We are glad to be able to give the most unqualified denial ; ' or, " We beg to announce that there is not one syllable of truth in the statement of a contemporary," &c. ;—just as if one of a gang being brought up for judgment, another of the same gang should leap on the bench, (some " Artful Dodger,") and affecting to pronounce his acquittal, gravely proceed— ' " Bill Sykes, it gives me pleasure to say that you leave this court without a spot on your character !" If the mere cir culation of a report, then, is not sufficient to establish its truth, so neither is the mere denial sufficient to attest its falsehood. "It may be spread corruptly, and to , serve a party." The answer is, it may be denied corruptly, and to save a party. In short, where the means of authentication are wanting, denial is just as unavailing as assertion—may just as much be a fiction, just as much an "insult," just as much a " base, abominable aspersion ;" and, in the end, the belief or non-belief of such rumours will depend on the good sense of the public ; according to their means of judgment, they will receive or reject impressions, without reference to any ipse dixits either on the side of accusation or of artful dodgery. Now, we will only say further respecting these rumours, that they had been circulating some time in the whispering gallery of fashionable life, before they found their way into the circles below, and began to be echoed by the louder voices of the press ; so that, if they are altogether false, delusion has been carried further in this instance than it was certainly ever known to be before. We have ourselves heard various editions of various stories, some not a little tempting to sport, if we could bring ourselves—which we cannot—to look on this subject in any other than a serious light, But let us make what deductions we may from them ; let us explain away this, mid doubt that, and .palliate the other—the result of all is, that the court of Queen Victoria is fallen from its proper government, and that not the Queen, but the " Governor,' is to blame. Whatever bit of court scandal is put into the alembic of truth to be purged of its alloy, though every other ingredient fly off in the process, there always appears to remain a residuum of Melbourne at the bottom. TIA influence of this nobleman with our young Queen has never been disputed, either by ministeiialists— with whom it is a boast, or by the opponents of the govern ment—who resent it as a grievance. Now, let any one ask himself, whether, if that influence were exercised to a beneficial purpose, it would be possible —we will not say, for those proceedings to take place at court, which tran spire from time to time—but (doubting to the utmost limits of reasonable doubt) for the rumours themselves—for the very breath of such ill reports—to escape the gates of royalty ? Should we not look, rather, after so long term of uninterrupted tutelage, for the beginning of some good and solid effects ? Would not a press subservieneto the noble and daily tutor, be found, not alone repelling charges of unworthy conduct, but putting forth proofs of a directly contrary nature? Should we not find it—if there were but a reed to hang one of your tales on—launching forth in counter-narratives, and ceaunting the praises of the Premier and the wonders of his guardianship, as loudly as it is now confined to the task of de fending him from continual new allegations of a treacherous misuse of that guardianship, and of the influence it has unhappily invested him with over the mind of a young and confiding girl, whose character and future conduct—now taking their share for good or evil—involve at once those national interests which ought to be dear to her, and that security to her own peace and happiness which is dear to the nation ? We pause for a reply. Mr. George Robins is said to be the first of his profession who has been selected to sell the honour and dignity of a baron. THE CRUMB AND CRUST OF THE CORN-LAW QUESTION, To the Editor of the Worcester Journal. Sin,—The, independent and honorable stand made by the conductors of the Worcester Journal on behalf of the landed interest generally, which includes all its classes, from the higher aristocracy to the agricultural labourer downwards, and the smaller tenants of land more immedi a t e ly, an d w hi c h I con ceive also include therein the security and prosperity of all the manufacturing and trading interests of this country, which first sprang from the wealth and the support of the soil, are the grounds of my apology for communicating to my fellow country men of all classes, through your medium, what (after sober re flection and mature calculation) I humbly take to be the crumb and crust of this all-potent question. And in coming to the succeeding conclusion, I wish my readers fully to understand that I have no personal interest in connexion with landed pro perty, abtractedly considered, and apart from commercial en terprise and its benefits, to create an unfair bias, but that, on the contrary, I have entered warmly and largely into com mercial speculation and science, sustained in safety as I hold them to be by the integrity of landedpossession in this king dom, as their rallying point under any and every fluctuation and emergency. The landed proprietors of the present day `date from—that is, they go back for their title to the period of the Cohquest, and mainly take their stand upon its arrangement. Now I conceive, without another national conquest, such arrange ment is nationally binding. Commerce in England was then unknown, or, if known and applied, was very limited in extent. History establishes this fact. William's baronial officers had the land divided amongst them, and under what is known as the "fuedal system" possessed it for their own benefit, subject to certain services to the Crown. This gave the Barons ab solute, or at all events, virtual authority Over the whole population. By degrees the baronial land became sub-infeuded or divided, and this led to the institution of "freeholders" and copyholders (viliains) upon the baronial title,—all holding from the Crown. As population increased and prospered, and civilization and intelligence generally advanced, the former gradually acquired wealth, in gold and silver, and partly by the agency of rude manufactu res , building, &c., but princi pally by implements and materials for agriculture, for many ages. As the barons became more luxurious, a mutual in terest arose from the artificial wants of the one, and the ambition and the self-interest of the other—at this time the trading portion only. By this means, land gradually in process of time, by purchase or partition, became more gener ally divided among successive generations of the careful trader and the thrifty and the prosperous artisan. Thus—with the exception of a very limited class, in the comparison, and the succeeding hereditary members of which represent some of the chief captains of the Conquest, and who now, by the fair in crease in the national value of land, possess princely domains ; upon this irrefutable basis, is legitimately founded the general title of all our landed proprietors of every kind. It must be evident from the above showing that the landed proprietors became the feeders of the people in the mass, and that consequently they were fairly entitled to make their own laws in regard to the principle on which corn, the produce of their own land, should be sold or protected. But as popula tion still increased, and as a commerce became necessary to the general well-being and wants of the state, in the further employment of that' population and its enrichment, a new class arose under the further creation of wealth, which wealth becoming at once both cause and effect in its hands, this has been followed by an exhaustless train of comparative over production, in exercising the general enterprise and intellect of the people, stimulating them to a rivalry with foreign na tons. Hence we trace the early navigation of the world, and the interchange first arising from artificial wants rather than actual necessities ; and as mankind became luxurious the more radiant productions of the globe became centred or concentrated in this remarkable island, favoured by its pecu liar locality. This has placed its inhabitants in greater power, honour, wealth, and intelligence, than history records of any previous people. But the successive struggles by which this wealth and ascendancy were first accomplished and have since been maintained have encumbered the present generation with a heavy public debt, a debt that must he held sacred, being the national loan of our own ancestors, upon the public faith, to the price of our national security against usurpation, and by means alone of which we have maintained our own sta tion and independence, and commanded the world. Contemporary with our progress in the arts and manufac tures, and the riches of commerce, have been the advances of our neighbours of foreign countries, who have not, under either their wants, position, or institutions, or their interests for preservation, become encumbered with so large a debt ; and consequently, labour being cheaper, under a far poorer population, when applied to the growth and production cif bread corn, in can be afforded to the consumer with them at even less than half of the cost to us ; and the cases are in no way similar between us. Hence arises a natural but diffi cult problem—bow to balance the account in the interests of nation against nation, and to balance the interests of conflict ing classes in the same nation, and into which its inhabitants are necessarily thrown by the results of increased population and purely natural causes. But this is not to be equitably effected by the destruction or even the partial injury of one staple class (and that the only original one) to propitiate or chiefly benefit others. The manufacturers, who have hitherto prospered well and made large profits, now loudly proclaim that they are in danger from the rivalry of continental Europe, the main lever whereof is ' cheapness of bread,' and of losing their present wide custom of the world, and that the supply al ready exceeds the dciaand (forgetting that this supply has been produced by the comparatively cheap agency of ma chinery) ; and as a rc:nedy for their own particular interests, they call out for an open trade in corn, which would enable them not only to supply their present foreign connexion, but to create a much more considerable one in the countries from which a supply of corn, in years of scarcity especially, would come ; and that their property, necessarily enlarging, would not merely confirm the prosperity of the holders of land, and lessen their burdens by feeding the people with cheap bread, but simultaneously promote navigation and interchange, and consequently sustain for all time to come the right arm .of our national strength ; that i n f ac t th e i n t eres t s o f the ma nufacturer and the landowner and agricultural producer are identical." On the other hand, to this purely theoretical conclusion the landowners say—" The long-established prac tice and the facts and the security and the obligation — an are against it ; for reme m b er th a t we i n th e first place created you : our power, our swords, our possession, our wealth, our wants (the latter real or imaginary,) first produced you and all your subsequent prosperity, by our first protection ; and (although we willingly admit the present reciprocal benefits) all the important national results arising from your enter prise, your talent, and your capital, was first of all acquired from us. Let it not, good Sirs, be forgotten by you that in the early struggles we alone give men and means ; we formed the chief or onlyjimlwark, and the rallying nucleus around which your ancestors and their institutions ranged themselves, and preserved you, their descendants, from foreign conquest and tyranny ; that in all subsequent national struggles we have borne ' the brunt of the fray ;' and that even now, we are not only the legal holders of the soil, but are in no trifling degree or proportion also the funded creditors of the whole nation. The State imposts have ever been more than pro portionately heavy and burthensome upon us, because our property was tangible and visible, and always heavily taxed for your benefit as well as our own, and during the late successful ' life struggle' was freely handled by the State. We then, by-our cordial desire to cherish you, protected by our blood and treasure the manufactures you have so well established, besides having always been ourselves the largest consumers and the best paymasters; and, as far as it has been practicable, have given you the monopoly of the home market, to the exclusion of the foreinier,—and thus have ad ditionally taxed ourselves. We therefore deem it but just that our manufacture, which'is bread corn—produced by our capital and labour in agriculture (which is the staff of the land)—should likewise be duly protected. Until then some equitable national plan can be devised bywhich its great cre ditor may be satisfied, and State taxation lessened, it is im possible without absolutely robbing and wronging us, the pro ducers, with ten times the capital at stake you have, to suffer foreign-grown corn to come in duty free, or even under the restrictions of a fixed duty, inapplicable to variable seasons and variable supply. We admit that the soil is capable of much improvement and greater production, by increased cul tivation, through the advance of science and the further ap plication of capital ; but much outlay is required to reclaim the millions of acres of yet uncultivated land in England and Ireland; and with the designs in hand, and the irrational threats propounded by you, more capital will hardly be ven tured upon so precarious a vista ; Moreover, in sound state policy, we cannot see the national advantage of an unlimited extension of machinery and manufactures. You possess from us of the land remember, both iron and coal, forming together the grand fulcrum lever of all your operations: We also sup ply you with lead, copper, tin, timber, pottery wares, &c., and as we consume your home-made goods largely in return, are entitled to the first consideration in your dealings, as well as in sound patriotism. All those advantages you possess from us, in much greater proportion, and at far lighter cost, for • your steam engines and your workshops, than we supply them to any of your foreign competitors ; and as they form the active elements of all your power and wealth, and all your means of profit, are, we conceive, a fair ample counterpoise against the purely comparative high price of corn, in relation to the value of money and its return, and the payment for in dustry, in the shape of wages, threefold those of the wretched abject population of Russia and Poland. We, of the land, have also a moral view of the question, entirely lost sight of in your manufacturing calculations We nurse, rear, and desire to preserve a hardy rural population, as essential to the state. If you can preserve your present relative position with your foreign rivals (without our actual injury) all is ob tained that you ought to obtain or require ; and we consider, that those increased riches or wealth to be made by you, which would destroy the whole nursery of the " bold pea santry, its country's pride,"—that would propagate over our " corn-cropped land' the squalid vice—the sickly form — the wretchedness—ay, more, the irreligious habits and exam ple of your general town population, would irretrievably blight the whole morale of this sea-girt isle"—paralyse all its noble energies, and eventually destroy its power. This is our case." I thus put the preliminary case of the landholders and that of the manufacturers, with their objections ' and the answer of the former, for this letter. If favoured by its insertion, in your next number I purpose giving the replication of the manufacturers, and a general and impartial summary of the arguments on behalf of the proprietors and tenants of the soil, in another• letter, for the calm consideration of my fellow countrymen in both interests. I am, Sir, Your's with esteem, AN ENGLISHMAN. Feb. 23d, 1839. DENCEUMENT OF THE AGRARIAN CONSPIRACY. In his reply to Mr. Shaw's motion for an inquiry into the state of crime in Ireland, Mr. O'Connell attempts not to deny the existence of extent . of the agrarian conspiracy ; but enters into an elaborate defence of the conspirators and their crimes : justifying the one as a consequence of the Act of Settlement (or present arrangement of property), and the other as retaliatory punishments for the cruelty and miscon duct of the land proprietors ! Well, let the apology stand for what it is worth. The existence and denoeument of thq conspiracy is what we are • more concerned with at present. The conspiracy is admitted to exist—to be extensively ramified—and to be organized to a high pitch. What is to follow ? How is to be wound up and closed? This we learn—not from his parliamentary ad missions—but from the communications of Mr. O'Connell to his active agents of agitation in Ireland. This gentleman announces to th'e Precursor Society, in a letter dated March 7th; that he will come to Ireland, and remain there during the Easter recess, organising the popular party for more strenuous exertion ; and that having tried a further experi ment or two on the United Legislature, he will forthwith set up . for himself in College-green —or rather, take the preli minary steps, and conquer or die in the achievement : " Being defeated in these attempts (he says), I will then submit to the Predursor Society the necessity of either dis solving, or making way for the National Association for the Repeal of the Union. a This last plan must be carefully digested, in order to make as many friends and as few enemies as possible. I mean of course in Ireland, but if I stand alone, I will then commence the repeal agitation, and never abandon it, save in success, or in my grave." When this; bone of contention, together with the agrarian grievances, shall have been thrown into the seething caldron of Irish disaffection, it may be conjectured, but not described, what a new and monstrous " tranquillity" the Irish govern ment will have to boast of producing.—Dublin Evening Mail. CRIME IN SWEDEN.-It appears that in 1835, the total population of Sweden being less than three millions, one in every 140 persons was convicted of some criminal offence : while in England and Wales the proportion was one in every 1,005, and even in Ireland one in 723. CENTRAL AGRICULTURAL ASSOCIATION. On Monday afternoon a meeting of deputations of various agricultural associations was held at the Lowther Rooms, Strand, for the purpose of receiving the report of the com mittee appointed " to concert such measures for the continu ance of the present system of corn laws as they may consider advisable, and for the general purposes of the agricultural interest." His Grace the Duke of Buckingham in the chair. Amongst the distinguished gentlemen present we noticed Sir Charles Knightley, M.P., G. T. Harcourt, Esq., M.P., C. G. Du Pre, M.P., Plumptre, Esq., M.P., Fleming, Esq., M.P., Bragge, Esq. ' M.P., Compton, Esq., M.P., Eaton, E sq ., M.P., W. M. Praed, Esq., M.P., Long, Esq., Bell, Esq., and many other influential gentlemen connected with the agricultural interest. .The noble Chairman said the present meeting had been called together in pursuance of a resolution passed by the meeting of the 28th of February last, when he and others had some reason for believing that the anti-corn-law delegates had retreated. But that retreat was of very short duration —for he believed that they are now sitting not far off, with a view to carry their ruinous project into effect, if they pos sibly could. His sentiments, however, were so fully known upon the necessity of maintaining the present system of corn laws, that he would not detain the meeting many minutes, but he would express a fervent hope that the farmers through out the kingdom would not flinch in the hour of peril (hear, hear) that they would put on a bold and determined front, and defeat the attacks of bold and dangerous men upon the present system of the corn-laws. Hear, hear,) Their cause was good, and not w ith s t an di ng t e desperate efforts of the anti-corn-law advocates he had no doubt but that the agriculturists would succeed. The doctrines now promul gated by the anti-corn-law delegates were frightful to con template, and would absolutely call for some strong expres sion of disapprobation from this respectable meeting. (Hear, hear.) The secretary then read the following report : " Report of the Committee appointed at a Meeting of Depu tations of various Agricultural Associations, held at the Union Hotel, Cockspur Street, on Thursday, 28th Feb., 1839, appointed to concert such measures for the continuance of the present system of corn-laws, as they may consider advisable. " Your committee proceel:led forthwith to discharge the duties intrusted to : them, and having appointed Colonel North their chairman, directions were iven to the secretary to communicate the general .resolutions to the several agri cultural associations throughout the kingdom, and various answers have been received, expressive of their determina tion to give every assistance in support of the agricultural interest. " Your committee feel that, notwithstanding the signal defeats which the delegates have sustained, both in town and country, yet until these defeats are finally confirmed by the probable result of the hostile motions which are yet intended to be brought before parliament, the committee would ill discharge the duty confided to them did they not most earn estly but respectfully impress upon the general meeting the absolute necessity of not relaxing in the least degree from its exertions to frustrate the attempts of their opponents, whom your committee find have again renewed their agitation in London. " Your committee cannot avoid drawing the serious atten tion of the meeting to the dangerous and unconstitutional principles which the corn-law delegates have made public in the advertisement which has this day appeared in the Morn ing Chronicle, and your committee trust the general meeting will come to some resolution which will show their detesta tion of those principles, and at the same time give an as surance that their determination to resist any alterations in the corn laws arises from no selfish'motives, but from the honest conviction that such repeal, under the present cir cumstances of the country, would be more injurious to the middling and labouring part of the people than to any other classes whatever. " Your committee beg most respectfully to offer the con tinuance of their humble services to carry into effect the duties entrusted to them. " F. SYDNEY NORTH, Chairman." On the motion of Mr. Du Pre, seconded by Mr. Harcourt, the report was unanimously agreed to. Sir C. Knightly, after a few prefatory remarks, moved the following resolution That this meeting, observing the declaration of the anti corn-law delegates, as advertised in the Morning Chronicle, of this day,—Resolved, that it is our opinion, an opinion founded on observation and experience, that it is just and imperative that the farmers of this country should be pro tected by laws regulating the importation of foreign corn ; that the present graduated scale is most equitable in princi ple, admirable in working, and fair in its provisions, not only as regards the agriculturist, but as concerns every in terest in the nation ; and this meeting will by every legitimate means use its continued and most energetic exertions to main tain unimpaired the present system of corn laws, and to frus trate the selfish and mischievous measures originating from the anti-corn-law delegates, and pursued with such constancy of purpose and emulated hostility to the general interests of the empire." Mr. Plumptre, M.P., said he felt great pleasure in second ing the resolution, and he could assure the meeting that the agriculturists in East Kent were, like themselves, strongly in favour of the existing system of corn laws. ' The resolution was then unanimously agreed to. Mr. Webb, Mr. Harcourt, M.P., Mr. Bagge, M.P.,Mr. Bell, and others, addressed the me e ti n g i n su pp or t f the existing corn laws, and the meeting broke up. CENTRAL AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, FOR PROTECTION AND ENCOURAGEMENT. 34, Manchester-street, Manchester-square, London. Meetings of the committee of this society were held as above, for the despatch of business, on the 6th and Bth inst., present—E. S. Cayley, Esq., M.P., in the chair; the Right Hon. the Earl of Tankerville, Sir Charles B. Vere, M.P., Col. Rushbrooke, M.P., W. S. Blackstone, Esq., M.P., Col. Rolleston, M.P., Charles Wm. Packe, Esq., M.P., Col. Sibthorpe, M.P., R. Hume Mindlemass, Esq., Dr. Calvert, R. Broun, Esq., F. E. Parry, Esq., &c., &c. The Hon. Henry W. Wilson, of Alexton Hall, Leicester shire, has been elected chairman of the committee for the present year. John :Joseph Allnatt, Esq., hon. secretary of the Walling ford Agricultural Association, has been elected vice-chairman for the present year. The following noblemen and gentlemen have been re-elect ed vice-presidents of the society for the present year :—The Earl of Tankerville, the Earl of Ossory, Lord Wynford, Lord Western, the Earl of Darlington, M.P., Sir Chas. B. Vere, M.P., Sir George Sinclair, Bart., M.P., John Max well, Esq., John Benett, Esq., M.P., Edmund Wodehouse, Esq., M.P., E. S. Cayley, Esq., M.P.,' H. Handley, Esq., M.P., William Ormsby Gore, Esq., M.P. It was resolved that the appointment of sub-committees, and other objects connected with the interests of agriculture, should for the present be postponed, in order that the atten tion and efforts of the society may be concentrated in the best means of protecting British agriculture from the present attack upon the corn laws. Thelowing petition to the House of Commons was adopted for presentation to the house by William Ormsby Gore, Esq., prior to Mr. Villiers's motion on the corn laws : " To the Honourable the Commons of the United kingdom, in Parliament assembled ; "'The humble Petition of the Central Agricultural Society of Great Britain and Ireland, " Showeth,—That your petitioners comprise a numerous body of landowners, yeomen, farmers, and others, deeply in terested in the protection and welfare of British agriculture, and represent the feelings and interests of nearly seventy of the local Agricultural Associations of the United Kingdom. " That your petitioners have seen, with regret and alarm, that great efforts have been made, and are still being made, to arouse throughout the country a feeling hostile to the laws which have been enacted by the legislature for the purpose of upholding the security and value of agricultural capital. " That it is the opinion of your petitioners that the corn laws are of essential importance, not only as affecting the interests of those whose property consists in agricultural production, but likewise as affecting a vast amount of other property, which is dependent upon the stability of agricul tural property. Moreover, your petitioners feel themselves justified in asserting that if a rigid examination were insti tuted into the facts thus combined, it would be found that the ramifications of these interests are so great and diversified, as to extend themselves to the entire property of the country. " That, entertaining these convictions, your petitioners have beheld with the utmost surprise and indignation, that certain parties of their countrymen deluded by a false calculation of their own more direct interests, have attempted to fix the odious character of monopoly to that which operates merely as a just protection, and conduces to the general advantage. " That to show their abhorrence of the partial and unjust operation of a monopoly, your petitioners beg to express to your honourable house their re a di ness , as far as their own interests are concerned, to concede to others of their coun trymen that fair proportion of protection which they find essential to the preservation of agricultural property, when ever it shall be evident, as your petitioners submit is the fact in the present instance, that such protection is required either by reason of a severe and unequal pressure of taxation, or of any other cause that may render the law of competition un justly destructive in its operation. " That your petitioners beg to assure your honourable house, that instead of being actuated by the base motives which have been imputed to them, of impeding, for the sake of a selfish purpose, the progressive prosperity of thei r country, and thereby diminishing the enjoyments of the less fortunate class of their fellow-subjects, whose comforts are dependent on their daily earnings, and whose only'resource is their daily labour, the reverse of this is the truth, your petitioners being convinced that the abolition of all protection from agricultural capital would bring about, in the first in stance, a diminution of the wages of those who are employed in agilPo iture ; and in the next, that llid evil of decreased earningt , , and consequently of decreased enjoyment, would be extended by degrees to the general tabour of the community. " Your petitioners, therefore, implore your honourable house to preserve entire the existing coin-laws, as, in the opinion of your petitioners, these laws are indispensable for upholding the present insufficient remuneration of labour, for securing the enjoyment' of property in general, and for preserving that just union of interests which constitutes the strength and prosperity of states. " Signed in the name, and on behalf of the Central Agricultural Society of Great Britain and Ireland, in virtue of a resolution to that effect, unanimously carried at a general meeting of members held in London on the 26th February, 1839, of which the undersigned was Chairman, TANKERVILLE." NATIONAL CONVENTION.—ULTERIOR MEASURE-MEN. —On Wednesday, Mr. Whittle moved a vote of censure against three delegates for having, at a late meeting of the Democratic Association, promoted the adoption of a resolu tion, which in terms declared that " if the convention did its duty, the people's rights would he secured in less than a month." This being a direct condemnation of the conven tion for not having resorted to the " ulterior measures," he thought these delegates should explain or apologise for their conduct. This motion gave rise to a discussion of three hours' duration, in the course of which it appeared that Mr. Harney, one of th e i m p eac h e d " mem b ers ," who was also secretary to the Democratic Association, had at a late pri vate meeting of that body suddenly pulled a dagger from his bosom, and brandishing it before him declaring his readiness to employ it for the liberation of his afflicted country. The truth of this imputation Harney refused to deny. Several speakers condemned in strong language the employment of such means for the promotion of the popular cause. Mr. M. Fletcher said that he had never been the advocate of violence, and had never recommended the people to arm till he saw them secretly providing themselves with daggers and such like dastardly weapons—the arms only of the base and treacherous assasin. (Cheers.) Then, at last, he advised them to exercise one of their dearest constitutional rights, and to provide themselves with weapons fit for men and Eng lishmen to use in fair and honourable warfare against all foes, foreign or domestic. (Loud cheering.) Others defended the accused members. Mr. Harney retorted the charge of em ploying inflammatory language, against Whittle, by saying that the latter had at his election expressed his hope to see the heads of the ministers yet dangling over Temple-bar; and advised the people to arm with daggers and muskets. The three impeached members, Harney, Ryder and Marsden, having been called on for an apology or disclaimer against the democratic resolutions, and having jointly and severally refused to comply, the vote of censure passed by a majority of 15 to 10. Notice was then given of a motion for Thurs day to expel them from the convention. Next there came on a motion by Richardson to impeach certain memb ers o f being engaged in a conspiracy against the convention, which the latter refused to entertain. MISCELLANEOUS. The accounts from the pastoral districts state that th e lambing season progresses satisfactorily to farmers and pro prietors of flocks on the northern moors and mountains. LADY HEWLEY'S CHARITY.—The appeal is appointed for a hearing in the lords on Monday the Bth of April. The house then to proceed, and go on, day by day, until it gives judgment on the appeal. A letter from Manheim states that the works on the rail road between that town and Heidelberg, are going f on with the utmost activity, an d th at t h ere i s every hope of its being finished in the course of the present year. Lord Henley, brother-in-law to Sir Robt. Peel, is recover ing from his long and severe illness, brought on by a paralytic attack. The noble lord is now able to attend to his official duties as one of the masters in chancery. The port of Newcastle General Shipping Company have at present six fine vessels in the Tyne, preparing for foreign voyages. The number of vessels already belonging to the company is ten, of the value of £34,000, exclusively of three which are contracted for. NORTH DEVON ELECTION. Sir William Molesworth has addressed a letter to one of his principal tenants in North Devon, in which he states it to. be his duty, as a reformer, " not to vote for Mr. Buller, unless he declares himself in favour of the ballot, and of an amendment of the reform bill." A letter, with the following address, was sent by a woman at Newent, to her daughter at the forest of Dean :--" To one Nancy Finding, as wos when a wos singul but noo a his mar red to a man in the colepits an live at the Hold Baily Hill." —Worcester Journal. The most severe and unseasonable weather prevails at this moment throughout this district. After a succession of several fine days, an unfavonrable change took place on Monday last, which has been daily followed by severe frosts ! heavy drifts of snow, and piercing w i n d s f rom th e nor th a nd north-east.—Western Luminary. The Countess of Norbury and her sorrowing family took their departure from Ireland on Friday—driven by murderers from their native home—and never to return. This is one of the practical effects of a hellish conspiracy, deadly in its conception, as it is universal in its ramifications.—Dublin Evening FEMALE FASHIONS.—In the female fashions for March, changeable silks are entirely exploded in every department of the toilet, but striped ones are in great request, particularly those striped in different shades of the same colour. Blue, green, red, and grey, seem to b e th e h ues i n most request f or these dresses. Black, however, during Lent, seems more in favour in all parts of the toilet than last month. It appears that Papineau has not been,,and he will not be, permitted to proceed from Havre to Paris, until furnished with a passport from the British ambassador. Applications have been made to Lord Granville for a passport for him ; but the noble earl is said to have refused compliance until in structed from home. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY.—There has been a decided improvement in the market to-day ' • the de mand for flannels has been better, a n d more pieces have been sold than on any previous Monday for some weeks back. — Prices, however, have undergone little or no change.—The wool market has been brisker, and the manufacturers have bought more freely ; prices remain firm. OSTRICH HUNT.—The neighbourhoods of Whipsnade, Kensworth, and Caddington, were enlivened on Friday last by the appearance of a fine ostrich stalking across the country at full speed, with a numerous field of eager pursuers at his tail, to whom the noble bird afforded considerable sport and won derment, topping all the fences in its course, at easy flying leaps, until he was at lengh captured at Caddington, after flooring the first man who handled him. He was immediately secured with ropes, and carried to Mr. Stokes's, on Caddink ton-green, and in the course of the d a y a servant o f M r. J. IL Lawes, of Rothamstead, Herts, arrived and claimed the bird as his master's property,:from whose premises it had strayed. —Hertford paper. WHAT WILL THEY SAY AT COCICERMOUTH ?—The pert and prating member for Cocke rm o u th, it i s sa id, h as written to the clique to prepare the way for such a change in the 1- presentation of Edinburgh as will have the effect of substi tuting this zealous friend of the church for the venerable Mr. Speaker Abercromby, who is to be pitchforked into the House of Lords. Th e t ru th appears to b e, t h at the wings are putting their house in order preparatory to a total evacu ations& Downing-street, and the Speaker must be transferred to the peerage without delay. Hence the cause of the.ru• moured change.—Edinburgh Evening Post. MORTALITY IN LlMA. — According to Dr. Smith, in his work entitled Peru as it is, the deaths in Lima, in a popula tion of 45,000, are annually about 2,700, or one individual of every seventeen. In E ng l an d, fif ty years ago, the mortality was one in forty ; but, by improved police and medical prac tice, has been latterly reduced to one in fifty-eight, or less than one-third of the mortality prevailing in Lima. NATIONAL EDUCATION.—The national schools in the diocese of Bath and Wells have been ordered to change their names to that of " Schools of the National Society for Edu cating the Children of the Poor in the Principles of the Church of England," and a series of books for the g eneral instruction, of the pupils, founded on the orders of the com mittee of education of the diocesan school society, have been decided upon.—Bath Gazette. DEATH OF JUDITH GRISI.—Last week 2\ - C 7 ma was to be per formed at the Odeon, in Paris, when the playbill was sud denly altered, and La Sonnambula was announced instead. The cause was neither an indisposition nor a caprice, but the death of Giulia Grisi's sister, poor Judith, who sang with so much feeling and expression in La Staniera, and enacted Bellini's Romeo as it has never been played since. Judith Grisi died at Rome. THE BRITISH MUSEUM.—By the annual account laid be fore parliament, it appears that the income of the British Museum during the past year (including parliamentary grants) amounted to £33,447 125., and the expenditure to £30,808 13s. 9d. The estimated expenditure for the present year is £32,390. It appears, from this return, that the number of visitors who have been admitted to visit the British Museum during the year 1838, as compared with the three previous years, has considerably diminished. In 1837 the number of visitors admitted to view the general collections in the mu seum, amounted to 321,151; in 1838 to 266,008. The nunc. ber of visits to the reading-rooms, for the purpose of study and research, was 69,936 in 1837, and only 54,843 in 1838. The number of visits by artists and students to the galleries of sculpture, for the purpose of study, was 5570 in 1837, and 5015 in 1838. The reading room was closed for a short pe riod last September, which may partly account for the falling off in the number of visitors. WHEAT LAND.—The average rent of wheat land in Eng land is, per acre, XI. 2s. 6d. —The average produce is three quarters, per acre, on such soils : and three quarters of wheat will make 358-i quartern loaves. When the quartern loaf sold at gid., wheat was, £47. lid. per quarter : therefore, the wheat was equal to £7. 3s. 9d., and the loaves equal to £l2. 155.; and, therefore, if the whole of the rent was re duced, it would only effect a saving to the consumer of three farthings per loaf. INLAND BONDED PORTS.—Exeter and Birmingham hav ing been appointed ports for foreign bonded goods, it is in contemplation immediately, to form a chamber of commerce for Worcester, and to apply to the lords of the treasury for an order making this city a bonded port. —Worcester Journal. A small steamer, intended to ply on the lake of Brienz, was brought on the 28th ult. from the lake of Geneva, on which it was built by an English gentleman, in a vehicle drawn by twenty-six horses, and accompanied by a numerous crowd anxious to witness this " sailing on dry land." At Teversal, near Mansfield, on Monday, an old man died in his 95th year ; he was a farmer, named George Reynolds, and was Appointed parish clerk in 1764, the duties of which office he performed for upwards of 70 years, and to the week before his death attended to his farm.—Sheffield Chronicle. On Wednesday morning week, Ramsden, the walking post man to Billericay, was found dead on his route. On Sunday morning last Henniker, who was appointed to do his duty, dropped down in a fit as he was bringing in the letters and shortly,after expired.—Chelmsford Chronicle. HUDDERSFIELD MARKET, MARCH 12,—This market was equally animated as last week's ; in fact, a fair average busi ness is doing in most descriptions of goods, especially in fancy woollens and waistcoatings. The demand for plain broads and narrows is on the increase at better prices. A careless observer would infer, from an apparent dulness in the hall, that little business was doing, but when the small stocks are seen, associated with the general employment of the oper atives, a different impression is induced. Indeed the gr eat mass of business is nuw done to order. Hence the activity in the warehouses. Wools remain tolerably steady, rather inclined to advance. MURDER OF A POACHER BY A GAMEKEEPER.—At Os' ford assizes, Joseph Chapman, Lord Dillon's gamekeeper was tried for the murder of James Trottman, a poacher whom he met on the night of the 15th June last in his lord ship's woods. The prisoner had formerly been a poacher himself, and was well acquainted with Trottman, and had had several conversations with him on the night in question, when the deceased declared that he intended to shoot rabits, and that if one came in sight he would fire at it. Some angry words followed, and Chapman stepped back a pace or two and fired at Trottman, who fell mortally wounded. The jury found the prisoner guilty of murder. When the verdict was announced, a shout of triumph was raised by the people in the body of the court. The judge passed sentence of death on the prisoner. LORD FRANCIS EGERTON, M.P.—We understand that his lordship continues to improve in health, and is quite free from pain ; but such has been the violence of his recent attack of gout that he is unable to stand. The noble lord and his lad)" and family intended to have gone yesterday to Oatlands, Sur rey, for the benefit of a change of air; but owing to the con tinued weakness of his lordship's feet and legs, it has been deemed advisable to remai n i n t own a f ew days longer. HIS lordship had expressed his anxious desire to have been present at several of the recent parliamentary divisions, but as the cause of his lordship's absence is generally known to his friends, there needs no further explanation of the omission of his name in the lists of divisions.—Morning Herald. ANGLESEY CORONERSHIP.—The election for the coroner' ship, after a long-protracted contest, terminated on Satin' day evening, in favour of Mr. Jones, the numbers being For Mr. Jones, 997 ; for Mr. De w , 994. M r. J ones had 144 vorers unpolled in the town of Beaumaris, besides great number in the county. Mr. Dew had not a dozen unpolled. Mr. Bodvan Griffith, the agent for the successfu l candidate, was hoisted in a chair, and carried by the multi tude, in defiance of his remonstrances, from the Hall to the Liverpool Arms Inn, from the balcony of which he addressed the electors on behalf of Mr. Jones as. allows :—Freeholder s of the county of Anglesey, you have nobly done your duty , you have proved to the open world that you are not to be coerced either by the four Bulls or their was ; we we r e told here on the day of nomination that it was madness 00 the part of Mr. Jones to go against such powerful opposition' but it has turned out to be the right sort of madness. Inde pendent electors, this is a grand conservative victory —l° u , votes recorded at thi s e l ec ti on w ill b e a lesson to the foul ( Bulls, that they a r e no t t o tramp l e upon the independenc e of this island, and why should they? You have paved the w a y for the next co un t y e l ect i on, come when it may.— N o rt h Wales Chronicle. THE GREAT WESTERN STEAM-SHIP. A half-yearly general meeting of the proprietors of the Great Western steam-ship was held in Prince's-street, Bristol, last we ek ,; The report stated that the company's first ship had dispro ve ' all . unfavourable auguries, and promptly re war d e d the ente r " prise of the projectors. It was impossible to speak too highly of the qualities of th e G rea t W estern steam -ship' After having run 35,000 nautical miles, and encountered 3" days of heavy gales, her seams required no caulking, and when she was do c k e d s h e did not show a wrinkle in l' er c copper. The average of h er passages out was fifteen day s and a half, and home thirteen days ; the shortest passage '? t , was fourteen days and a half, and the shortest home twel ; " and a quarter. Aboat 1,000 passengers had gone in the sh.W.: After alluding to the great ex p ense necessar y to combine speed, security, and enjoyment, it was expressed a hope th at ' through the liberality of the American congress, the duty e ; 2d per bushel on coals would he given up, and thus a savin. , of nearly £lOOO. a-year would be effected. The company have decided on constructing the next vessel of iron, e which the preparations are far advanced. It appeared front the statement of accounts that, after paying £2,000. force, ditions to the ship and insurance to October next, £l,a for goods damaged in the hurricanes in October last, n. upwards of £2OOO. being set a p ar t f or a res erve fund, th ere remained from the profits sufficient for a dividend of five p e r cent., makin g , w ith a former one of four per cent., nine P e r cent., for th e y ear . Th e repor t was unanimously a dopted. _ The result of the mee ti ng gave un i versa l sa ti s faction to th e proprietors. THE ms The • Tti em G reat W F ultim o ) last, d °, having dare en cotnn Ilexa r,;:?assge she, pass, tered ver y Passi a l and 0 g et , g throu g h i Yo rk subjoin th 1 11 °4l th e Prier ! i geti ABI : IN GTO 11 1 ,1 i e e .0 eo „; cates t he gee It'At Britain, -re dary of 4 1 _ ret cl re soTre P ' bol ion 1: t _ ja itw rhti ll. . t e4 :B4 e "lll':' ` k4:: ll : °4e rP a t: 00 1 e it h 'l e afxr ''PaeP e en p k.w a al o t e d withs e t n s s i a r e p e i d s e tkB e s , e e h itt q 's' t i i h s h ' ee rout o .griiii ,3 l l . a bOtlt'" W ell as E t , as ion vr l e tri,. tr tn attaria • e -i r :as s th ott i t 'e a r this ear r3i do yen A„. awayg _( (tliee ti? Ti ug e °ffiet ali:f Pi Pu tinder e k e ! do Place, th e Arol l as rati o tant the ton t h e they con 1, . 1 e salne sia r ' aay f ie t9lnvi eit, raii r e t)ert, abo 7 i lyiti of th h' side t fc % rob e facts, ° ai f 0 7, th ou agent Fr e , 4 l l e e °ver b th e ut i tc ° th e ri,ct on toe il onl k llslah; re Thi Gole r sa S t s '3' el l the 4 41 0 r Fai rli ev ent o i v Ostook aecord a , llitde r t.4 kdvi ks witl appoi the des I at aien , Pat d4 l 4tyr e ' of a q o Pktch e ' d d a nd tal amongte of New nga •°ther thi n, flklf• k t he tr te e ,' - tb_ eS ral • O f th e " P r o oat r al3 ° eh agent it a i rgeu os a 2'ged • 3 th re e M i r tn e e d d e t; th e ,,_ t ary f or Pert them Pp, Ce Was d °11 ; 14 , f; a e e k se are 0 r ,; ( 4 44 r i d het Rel " t .e r Tent r io t A pr tak e ti°ll ht, 4 of h ad alto Fe t his I ;:t ti ° ll ar a4 tt ) t° thfore, i 5,.111 iti tpay to tors i tk• Iti on tw o or d e ,...Sto ry ineed t o -I , toa eo poeis"'q a 0 all to , th a t .(ado oft _ h e is to gr tha'telap 'se e k e not ti rs es made ; eT`tl t ir , „„ °,,1 ' th e i r th e th e t landa 84 -Po, rip g th e . ),, arid, hi •]4 to and ed'.‘ g 1 .4 e' six , iitta nt deal o , c4 tiandl e rteral It ;,°d' Pti h o ° f PeNti n ti°ll h r tl„ a ,' Joh %)1. -118 °f li eraor p airr ter;tise the t rst: o , l i h l; a co " b oti; ae m 0,14-4 . 1 g con Ptibitella the Bern 0e1 5 1 4 Y ta m _ hou r I ,a•til Y °f a gai lorth 'east hO - g l ng te at with, or 'lnds and 1, Cont:, th \qt r ad ;!°stilit y ) 0 18 1) t ees fro ] (L ea easi on te that • ° • f th e , t o at , It i s ow a n l ea T oft: elgOta Anna tht t•ta, is 4. 1 [ lit e : • PPointi t T a m , n °[ 1: sa id to 4,00 0 • e' The The dt ft e resu ° red of ti e t i e d its o fl 0; ;t4 et tirne (1' Thine 4 a the Vessel , dlhour Ullo a h ad atid of rp r ou, Tee Neill tito a Ve "013L1 ye s i q(31; tithe other er' tbr r i,- , th e tr A " N n.. esPa the ep BThe G antea rltswic. th ba ne h lt e oaemo4 get • 'er e tle t . 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