The Sun. — London, England, 1847-10-06 00:00:00

W m the ; -why, what could be so alarming as t h e fact that solvent houlsis__eostrceaufasieling?—(Hear, hear.) they had sped 2ulated And why felling ? largely, or bad been imprudent, but because ti ie ordi nary commercial facilities, on the faith of wl)i ch they had made their engagements, were stoppec'i. These th e houses that had carried our g o ' ods to the were ea& of t h e t the—houses mostly of fifty years' fI Lholll4ll standing, that l " grown with our gro ;Ob." Th e oaks of the forests if out down, could not .be 1111 aced in a year, nor could we at once get large. cap itsilists to embark in enterprise, or obtain the r equisi to tact and skill. In letting these houses be swept aw ay, we let our trade and our means of trade be swept away. (Hear, hear.) Money must not be merch: andise. The value of money depended wholly upon its being legal tender, and upon its issues being maintained in equilibrium with the wants of society, and not at all upon its converti and, therefore, it was idle to talk of "paper --rags, and ask what they were to be paid in • that w hich cancelled debt was in itself payment. Money ought to be unchangeable in value, and. all I other things should be compared with it. But, in taking gold for coin, we raised it above its natu ral 7:e vel by giving it a monopoly ; every multiplica tion ed paper abated the value of the coin ; but, at the same time, gold bars in their quality of m erchandise had a ten dency to rise ; this was n ot percei v e d till soy! re igns )ecame scarce, and then the whole paper . system crumbled, because the base had been taken away. Until we could do away these perpetual flue ti .cations between paper and gold we could not have a me tallic anal paper currency together. Look at . France as badly off as ourselves ; look at America, with perpetual panics ; but in Brazil they had a l rarely inconvertible paper, and no panics. There w' ere no panics in England during the war. Some would have it that the exportation of gold to buy wheat caused the present mischief ; but during the war we exported it in much greater quantities, for subsi dising and not for food.—(Hear, hear.) However, m )thing seemed likely to enlighten the public upon thi2 sub ject but the scourge being applied; it would be ap plied, and it was richly deserved.—(Hear.) The CHAIRMAN said it had been intimated t o him that one of the Members of the Northern Division of the county, who attended at great person: sl in convenience, was, before the resolutions wer4i put, desirous of addressing the meeting—he meant Mr. Newaegate.—(Cheers.) That gentleman, as they were well aware from a perusal of the debates in Parliament, had evinced great attention to and know ledge of the subject, and he had great pleasure in introducing hisn to the meeting. Mr. NEWDEGATE, M P., was then received with vociferous cheers. He commenced by observing that it certainly was at some personal inconvenience that he attended on that occasion, but, having the honour to represent a portion of that great commercial com munity, and disapproving, as most of them did, of the present monetary laws, he could not deny him self the opportunity of stating that, in his opinion, the present circumstances of the country required the deepest attention of the Government, and also the interference of the Legislature; and, although he could not agree in all the remedies proposed by those present who had for years past so distinguished themselves in the inquiry, he did agree with them as to the evil under which the country was now suffer ing. Circumstances were daily occurring of so grave a nature—(he would not say unparalleled, for similar events had occurred in 1823, 1826, 1829, and 1840) —that seeing their constant recurrence, unless a man's mind was bigoted beyond all chance of conviction, or any compromise of opinion, he must surely agree with them that the time had arrived when a thorough inquiry ought to be instituted into their cause and lamentable effects. He joined them most cordially in urging upon the Legislature an immediate inquiry.— (Cheers.) In 1844 he (Mr. Newdegate) took an active part in the House of Commons in opposing the Bank Charter Bill. On the second reading he ob jected particularly to the restrictive clauses, and when in Committee, he proposed a resolution (originating with the Private Bankers' Committee) condemnatory of the clause which arbitrarily limited the issues of the Bank to 14,000,0001. For so fixing this amount he at the same time saw no reason, except it was that 11,000,0001. was due by the Government to the Bank, besides there being at the time an issue of 3,000,0001. Ex&equer-bills.—(l - lear, hear.) H e (Mr. Newdegate) therefore proposed that the Bank should have the power, in cases of emergency like the present, to issue 22,000,0001., that being about the average of their issues for some years previous.— (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. .Newdegate) confessed he did not ge to the vote ; but he would ask them, would it not have been worth something to the com mercial interests if the currency had been rendered so far elastic as to enable the Bank to replace that money which they had been obliged to pay for corn, and thus in some degree meet the present exige ncies of the country ?—(Ch eers .) A n d w h at did they now find ?—that the Bank had only se ven m illi ons of bul lion. In September last they possessed about four teen millions. The potato disease then occurred— this was succeeded by a bad harvest; and it was es timated in the House of Commons by Mr. Baring, a former Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the loss to country was not less than 16,000,0001. What bad followed ? They had now had a good harvest ; but at a moment when plenty awaited them, owing to the iron rule of the money laws, they were unable to re cover from past disasters, or to take avdantage of future prospects. (So we understood the argument of the Hon. Gentleman to be.) And for what were they subjected to this iron rule ? He believed the inten tion to be by degrees to bring them down to a condi tion in which the monetary affairs would depend solely upon the state of the exchanges.—(Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Newdegate) was one who never wished to deny the position of an adversary. If, therefore, this country was solely an exporting country, and depended wholly upon foreign trade, he would admit that their money should be measured by their foreign trade. He (Mr. Newdegate) did not undervalue their foreign trade, but he could not shut his eyes to the fact that it formed only one-third to two-thirds of their trade ; and he would ask whether they ought to give preference to one out of three, or whether two interests ought not to h ave th e preference of one (Hear, hear.) He would ask another question. Were they, the people of England, unincumbered ? Were they not nearly 800,000,0001. in debt, and had they not annually to pay 28,000,0001., the in terest of that debt, besides the great and varied liabi lities of one to another? Was it reasonable then that they should thus be tied down to this approved system of exchanges ? He Would not enter into the - _ ...., deep abstract question respecting the value of money, but he could not but allude to one or two circum- stances. The people of Newcastle, in an interview which they had recently had with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, stated, that, unless some relief was af forded to them, they must be participators in the common suffering which pervaded other parts of the kingdom. What was the answer they received ? The Right Hon. Gentleman replied that the evils of which the deputation complained were beyond the reach of human interference, and that he hoped the circumstances of the country would be alleviated, and the existing distress pass away. He (Mr. Newde gate) entertained great personal respect for the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, and he must say that he was the most hopeful man of his acquaintance. — (Laughter.) Last session a deputation waited upon the same Right Hon. Gentleman, and told him that, in consequence of a want of money, they were not able to procure food for the people. The Right Hon. Gentleman, as usual, expressed his confidence in the temporary depression, and believed it would speedily pass away. A Mr. Nameless, a Member of the House of Commons, came to him on that occa sion, and, referring to the manner in which the Chan cellor had met the representations of the deputation, said his name ought to be, instead of Sir Charles, Sir Confident Wood.—(Laughter.) Now, what was the condition of the country ? They had been obliged to expend 7,00 0 000/. to make up the loss of the crops— they had made a loan of 8,000,0001. to relieve the destitutio n of Ireland, in railway tau, and 34,000,0001. had been paid little short, , ao so that during the last year had been advanced 1 000/. beyond the ordinary 'r ) upon N u ments of the country. Now, during the war, loans for that puri)%seaverage of three years, the 50,000,0001. ; but this, the amounted annually to gether an unproductive e7xpt.mrAT recollect, was alto :ttire. On the other and, with one exceptio n , the last year were with a view to p rod t t Laid during the ask, then, with their imports doubled He would ports increased nearly one-third —with Z i j ci tt hei r ex sufficient to meet all exigencies —whether - wealth ters ought to be forced upo n the cou rt ti; t ht ia : t i s : failure of one or two great c ommerc i al houses •;.'e (Cheers.) The fact was, that a party in the State s was determined that gold only should constitute capital and money. Sir Robert Peel, during the last session ' said that gold was capit a l, an d i n that sense differed from paper. To maintain this doc trine it mattered not what became of the tradesman or the labourer ; live or starve was to the advocates of these opinions a matter of comparatively little th o ught or consequence.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. ZTewdegate) was not adverse to convertibi lity ; but the man was incapable and unfit to be Prime Minister of this great kingdom who was bigoted in the support of one doctrine, or who would sacrifice the interests of the country for the sake of one crude o pinion.—(Cheers.) He thanked them sincerely for the manner in which they had listened to him ; and begged to add his own sad conviction that, until an inquiry had taken place, as suggested by the resolutions proposed, and until they had a monetary system adapted to the circumstances of the country, they could not hope for permanent pros perity. Ile (Mr. Newdegate) believed that if in quiry,,was respec tfully urged upon the Government --if the commercial intorests could show that the present system, from no fault of their own, threatened t hem w i t h impending ruin—he believed if such a course was taken, the present Prime Minister, with whom he (Mr. Newdegate) differed upon many ques tions, but honoured, for many reasons, would not turn a deaf ear to them, but give them a patient hear ing.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said he hoped they would excuse his hasty appearance, and concluded by joining in a fervent prayer that their petition and remonstrances might obtain from the Government and Parliament a due and patient hear ing. —(Loud cheers.) Mr. MUNTZ, M.P., in obedience to londs calls, next came forward, and said he was anxious that some gentleman from the body of the room should . first have addressed the meeting, but he had no objection briefly to state his views upon the subject they were met to discuss. Sure he was, that if the people .of Birmingham thought as he did upon the question, that room would not have contained a tithe of those who would have been anxious to gain admission. Upon it depended altogether the prosperity or ruin of the country.—(Cheers.) He had always said that free trade, unless it was accompanied by an altera tion of the currency, would increase rather than alleviate their difficulties.—(Hear, hear.) He was aware that there had not been suffieient time (and also in consequence of a bad harvest) to judge of the effects of the late free-trade measures; but of this he felt assured, that they felt the present dis tress in a tenfold degree in consequence of the exist ing money laws. He had always said, in the House of Commons and elsewhere, that 19-20ths of the evils which affected the people of this kingdom were to be attributed to the grossest ignorance of the principles of government ; and, moreover, that, if justice had guided legislation, corn-laws never would have existed, and never been wanted, because corn would always have been remunerative.—(Hear, hear.) He believed their difficulties might be eased in a day, relieved in a week, and a state of prosperity be per. manently established.—(Cheers.) Reference had been made to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. And Sir Charles Wood, with whom he sometimes came in contact, was a pleasant, good-humoured gentleman— (Laughter)—but he was the most flippant superficial man he ever met with.—(Laughter and cheers.) He recollected he was once examined before a Committee of which Sir C. Wood was chairman, and Sir Robert Peel a member. Sir Charles came to him a short time before he was called before the Committee, and said, " We are going to examine you to-day, but there are two things you must not mention." " What are they ?" inquired I. " Currency and the corn-laws," replied the Chancellor.—(Laughter.) "But you can not examine me without my mentioning them." "But you must not," said Sir Charles.—(Laughter.) " But I can't help it," replied I.—(ltoars of laughter.) " Well," said the Hon. Member, " I was called in ; we went to work, and in a quarter of an hour we were at a dead stand-still.—(Loud laughter.) I was then out for an hour, and upon my return it was deter mined that I should be examined generally." The Hon. Gentleman proceeded to say, that, in 1844, a Right Hon. Baronet read a part of this evidence in order to controvert some statements he (Mr. Muntz) had then made in the House ; but, finding that every quotation made against him, he shut up the book with out reading the whole of it. It was very easy for a person to contradict another when he did not under stand the question upon which they were speaking ; and he (Mr. Muntz) believed that in the course of twelve months the people of this country would generally believe that the Right Hon. Baronet to whom he alluded—oracle as he was considered to be —never understood the subject of the currency.— (Cheers.) People were now-a-d a y s i n th e h a bi t o f saying " Oh, we admit that the return to cash payments was an evil—true it is that it has done injury —but, by returning to the old system, we shall be doing as great injustice as that of which we complain." Now, he (Mr. Muntz) would say that this was a great fallacy ; for he should contend that justice could not be done until all prices and all debts were re d uce d t o t h e stan d ar d an d prices of 1790. That was the position in which they stood. When the Bank Charter was under dis cussion, in 1844, he had contended for a margin upon which the Bank of England in cases of emer gency might work—that they might possess elastic powers in cases of pressure like the present. This, however, was resisted, for the Bill of 1844 was passed to work out the Bill of 1819.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Muntz) confessed that he should now be sorry to see that Bill repealed.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt it would shortly work out the only remedy for the whole evil.—(Cheers.) A great . deal had been said about gold. Now, he had no objec tion to gold. What he complained of was, that the coin was made of the wrong quality. After referring at some length to the operation of the present effects of the currency, the Hon. Gentleman said all those persons who took the views he did upon this question had for years past been stigmatised as " madmen " he had often been called a madman—but he had en tertained the views he now advocated for thirty-five years, and he found them to be correct. Holding such opinions, and having for so long . 6 , period tested them by practical ex perience, it was not very likely he should give them up to those who said that free trade would cure all the evils under which they were suffering. Now, the first proposition he should make, by way of remedy, would be the suspension of Peel's Bill, although he thought any alteration short of an altera tion of the standard would fall short of the purpose.— (Hear, hear). But it would be impossible, in the hrst instance, to debate the latter question. There must be in the outset a temporary suspension of Peel's Bill, and then they could talk of the standard. That being done, he should then contend that there should be no connexion between the Government and the Bank of England—(Cheers) —that the Bank directors should not have the p ower , as a t present, of controlling the circulation of the country.—(Cheers.) H . e would say, with ou t g i v i ng o ff ence , t h at i t was not right that twenty-four gentlemen, all connected in various ways with trade and commerce, should have the power of regulating the monetary affairs of the country.—(Hear.) He would have then a national bank, the commissioners placed at its head being made responsible to Parliament.—(Cheers.) Then he could increase the circulation of notes until ad vanced so far as to meet the necessities of the country ; and, in conclusion, he could have a silver standard according to the average price of wheat.—(Cheers.) But he saw no wish to do anything. If they could obtain a Parliamentary Committee, con sisting not of men who wished to trap or make fools of those subjected to examination, but of men who wished to do right, he could see no difficulty in re lieving the country and rendering it again prosperous. —(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, after referring to some misunderstanding between himself and a local paper, again deprecated free trade unless there was an alteration in the money laws. There was not a trade in the country that could compete with foreigners —they were quite as clever as we are; and if the English people thought that, under the present money laws, they could compete with foreigners, they were either excessively ignorant or excessively con ceited.—(Laughter.) If they continued the at tempt at free trade with the present monetary system there would not be one trade i❑ Birmingham worth carrying on. The Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer said there was no scarcity of money ; but if he had, as in his case, bills running of one month, two months, and six months, and could only get one month's bills discounted, and those at inordinate rates of discount, he would then know what the want of money was. It was very easy for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who could borrow money, by way of loan, at a great loss to the country, to talk in this manner. The fact was, he (Mr. Muntz) never heard such remarks from the members of the Government but he felt a disgust for Parliament.—(Cheers.) He told the Chancellor of the Exchequer that he did not care a farthing for the opinions of Ministers who had no practical experience. Now he (Mr. Manta), for sooth, went to Parliament to learn the business and wants of the country from gentlemen who went out shooting, or else walked about the streets for the greater part of their lives. These men, he was to be told, knew more of his business than he did, who had for forty years been practically engaged in it. If, however, his business was to be carried on by such parties, he was afraid it would be done to little profit. Mr. Aluntz concluded a long speech amidst tumul tuous applause. At the conclusion of Mr. Muntz's speech, a gentle than situated at the reporters' table rose to address the meeting, and being asked his name, he stated himself to be Mr. Taylor, of Bakewell, Derbyshire. Being recognised as the well-known writer upon the subject of the currency he was loudly cheered, and invited into the orchestra amongst the other speakers. Mr. TAYLOR, on presenting himself, said he had travelled seventy miles to attend that meeting, and 'qe was in hope of greater good resulting from it than '. , l2.,prared to be the expectation of Mr. Muntz. They m u an knejv that a repetition of distress was lik e a t a l e to be r li e T' es a told. Former difficulties they were led h wouldn pass away, and they were now t o ld y the Chc e l Chancellor of the Exchequer that th e resources of th e country were adequate to the emer genc y, an d i t { la n a e t w their an d felt difficulties were but temporary, b u t th ey a ll assared that the Right Hon. Ge n tl eman was greatly mistaken uponth a t cou ne rt poi a n n e t bd . e t The p o e t e h c e h r day he f e ll u p on a paper which of the Chanc e ll or o f t h e Exchel , luced his b u d ge t l as t year, and it would3e uld n h e intr a ho teresting to the mee ti ng to know what th r e s Right e [lon. Gentleman then said. He would quote a pro minent passage of his speech :—" I d o not,' said the Chancellor, " anticipate anything like the results that took place on former occasions, and I should li)e very sorry to say anything calculated to create alarm ; and I also confidently trust that the experience of forme r years has not been lost upon the merchants and traders. I am glad to hear from all quarters the trade of the country is of a sound character, and not of that speculative character of former years. I am of opinion that the provisions of the Bill of 1i44 have been sound in principle, and the currency regulations have in duced persons to pursue a more wise and prudent course. The result is, there has been less of wild speculation than in former years. People have in vested their capital in home works, and the people have been employed upon them, and thus benefit the Exchequer to a considerable extent." These re marks were made in February this year; commercial distress commenced in April, which was alleviated in September. Subsequently it had come upon them with increased violence ; and, if, after the warnings and experience he.had had since that period, he was insensible to correction they might well apply the adage, " You may bray a fool in the mortar, and he will not learn wisdom."—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Taylor) thought symbolic money a great improvement upon money of intrinsic value, just as he believed the steam-engine to be a great improvement upon manual labour. He believed that symbolic money would be liable to be abused, but that the steam-engine had been improved, and there was no reason why paper money should sweep away all other descriptions of money without some attempts being made to cure the anticipated evil. They had the assurance of Lord Liverpool that the country, under a system of paper currency, was prosperous during the war.— (Hear, hear.) The principle of Peel's Bill, when the Right Hon. Baronet took up the opinions of Huskis son, was immediately acted upon in 1819 ; and it Sir Robert Peel's opinion, that the essence of money was value, was right, then also was Tom Paine when he predicted the downfal of this country.--(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Taylor) entertained a different opinion. He had read and written much upon the subject.— ("Hear, hear, hear," from Mr. Spooner.) He thought that money not possessing intrinsic value, but symbolic money, or paper, if brought into use, would have the effect of raising their commercial and manufacturing interests to a higher pitch of pros perity than ever before known in this country. The history of all countries showed that wherever money of intrinsic value was adopted as a circulating me dium it must end in ruin to the nation. They had al ways fallen when they came to this point.—(Cheers.) His attention was drawn in 1828 to the fact that money on metallic principle could not be carried out without diminishing in weight, and thus doing injury to credit and dealing. At the time Sir Robert Peel brought forward his Bill in 1819 he said, in his celebrated speech on the 24th of May in that year— " The quantity of circulation which was demanded in a time of confidence varied so materially from the amount which a period of despondency required, that the House must feel the absolute incapability of fixing on any circumscribed amount. It was impossible to ad vert to the evidence taken before the Committee with out being impressed with this conviction." Here, therefore, it was admitted by the Right Hon. Baronet himself that it was impossible to fix any amount of credit money.—(Hear, hear.) His (Mr. Taylor's) opinions with respect to money differed frem those of Mr. Muntz. His own opinion was such a system might be adopted as would set the precious metals at liberty, and render the price smaller ; that would make money cheaper without diminishing the specific quantity of coin. This would be by establishing a tax-paying or credit money.—(Hear, hear.) He was much pleased rthe other day in reading a speech delivered in London by Mr. Jonathan Duncan, who, to his mind, had clearly shown that a quantity of paper-money might be issued without depreciating value.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Taylor) could not help thinking that it would be wiser if some distinct plan of remedy, such as they were so often challenged to produce, emanated from the present meeting in pre ference to the resolutions now submitted for their adoption. He did think that commercial men, like those he saw before him, were better qualified to judge of those matters than such men as Sir Charles Wood. Some years ago, just previous to the Reform Bill, he was in communication with the Duke of Wellington, and Mr. Irving, of the great house just gone down, upon this all• important subject, and he could not help but think that if Mr. Irving had adopted his views and acted upon his principles as then explained, he would, like himself, have been saved from feeling the difficulties which the commer cial world and his firm in particular were now experi encing. In the year 1831 he had a conversation with Colonel Peel, the brother of Sir Robert. They would, perhaps, allow him (Mr. Taylor) to say that he was a retail tradesman in the town of Bakewell, and also carried on business as a banker, on a small scale, and in the old fashioned way. He belonged, in fact, to a race of tradesmen combining merchandise with bank ing, which was becoming scarce in the country. In 1831 Colonel Peel called at his counting-house and requested cash for a Bank of England post bill for 201. " I presume," said Mr. Taylor, " you are the brother of Sir Robert Peel." The Colonel replied that he was. " I wish," said Mr. Taylor "he would let us have more of this description of money." Colonel Peel said, " I wish so too," and intimated that his father was of the same opinion. In the course of the interview he (Mr. Taylor) offered ant essay on the currency, written by a young friend, and the Colonel requested that he would also give him a copy of his own pamphlets upon the subject. He did so, and requested that he would be kind enough to forward them to his brother for perusal. The Colonel promised that he would, and that when his brother had more leisure he should hear from him upon the subject. He (Mr. Taylor) had, however, never received a communication from the Right Honourable 1 Baronet. The reason he supposed was, the Right Hon. Gentleman thought that persons in his circum stances, and who had not the honour of a seat in Parliament, could not understand anything about such a subject. He might offer other remarks ; but, if at any future time some definite proposition was brought forward, he should be happy to lend his assistance in the discussion. He should indeed with pleasure stay over the next day, if by so doing any good could be effected. A conversation here took place upon the expediency of an adjournment, but there seemed to be a general wish that the business should proceed, and Mr. TAYLOR resumed. He regretted to observe that their views had met with little support from the public press. The Times had particularly treated them with unbecoming and uncalled-for ridicule. The spirit in which that journal treated other ques tions would have led him to expect differently. After some further remarks, Mr. Taylor resumed his seat amidst loud cheers. No adjournment taking place, there were loud calls for Mr. SPOONER, who rose amidst enthusiastic cheers. He said—Mr. Alderman Weston and fellow-townsmen, I can assure you that I am exceedingly unwilling to obtrude my opinions on this meeting, for very many reasons, which, I believe, the assemblage will agree with me, are deserving of some little weight. I first began the consideration of the subject in the years 1810-11, and the subject again came before the con sideration of the country in 1819. My opinions are formed on the great principle of the currency in 1819, and from that time, I can safely say, I have given to the subject the most thorough investigation of which my mind and powers are capable. I can honestly and conscientiously say I retain now the same opinions I then formed ; and every day's experience convinces me those opinions are sound and correct. Now, Sir, in 1810, certain propositions were laid before the House of Commons by a very talented man—a man whose acquaintance I had the honour to enjoy, and who took what I think a clear and luminous view of the danger in which the country was placed by the very unlimited extent to which paper was issued, and the want of any check to its depreciation. I so far agreed with that Hon. and A Learned Gentleman ; but at the same time he proposed a resolution which I was assured the country was not in a state to carry out. He proposed during the war —during the heat of an arduods contest, when we were burdened with an immense and increasing debt, with an annual expense which we cannot now but wonder how it could be raised—he then proposed, Sir, to return to the ancient standard of value. There I dissented from him. I agreed that there existed great depreciation. I agreed that there were many causes, and that they demanded to be deliberately considered, and that steps should be taken to arrest the progress of the depreciation ; but I could not agree in a resolution which I was convinced was impracticable—a resolution calling on the nation to realise their obligations in the me tallic standard of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Now, Sir, how was that gentleman met by Sir Robert Peel in 1810.11 ? That resolution, as to the depreciation then proposed, was long argued, and it was solemnly determined that a one pound note and a shilling, after six or seven nights in one House of Par liament, and five or six in the other, were for all legal purposes the same as a guinea, and the Right Hon. Baronet was of the same opinion. Now, I ask, how can Sir Robert Peel reconcile that view with the one he 11 now takes lie ? then said there a d a V id,,No,,, b ut ep l re s ci ai a n said there 18 ' 10- was— and everybody who had investigated the subject were of the same opinion then. The Right Hon. Baronet w w h ou en ld th n e ot de d b e t pa w rt as from increased the standard frnrn fnu four hundred n v n a d l r u e e d then, mil lions to up w ard s o f e i g ht h un d re d m illi ons, w h en there was in 1810-11 a depreciation of some 15 to 16 per cent., and yet, in 1819, he called on Parliament to enforce a return to the old standard of value, which, in 1810-11, he said he would in no way de part from. Sir, I ask you, is that not enough to make us doubt whether he is right now ? It is impos sible that he can be right in both cases. If he was right in 1810-11 —and I think he was wrong— what becomes of his opinion in 1819 ? If he was right in 1819, what becomes of his opinion in 1810-11 ? Well, we went on until 1819—in 1819. In 1816 the law was changed altogether as to the standard of value which existed in the country, the original standard of gold and silver conjointly, with metal. In 1816 the silver standard was taken away and gold alone was adopted, with an increased weight of taxation and an increase in all our debts of seven or eight per cent. That, Sir, was the first step of injustice in 1816. But, Sir, at the same time there was another step of gross injustice. Up to that time the standard of value was guarded, because there was an enactment that the precious metals once coined could not be turned back into a mercantile com modity, because melting and exportation were at tended with heavy penalties. Those laws, however, were evaded, but not without some risk, by persons uninfluenced by high moral considerations, who sought for pecuniary profits, caring not for the retention of their character, and who had no hesitation in breaking the law. It was then deemed advisable that the restriction should be taken away, and the value of all debts, of all claims of creditors, were rendered with the standard of value very much dearer than as it existed in the time of Queen Elizabeth. That was the second stage of injustice. The Act, however, of 1816 was in abeyance until 1819, and did not come into operation as to legal tenders until the latter year. In 1820, for a short time, I had the honour of a seat in the House of Commons, and one night, when in the House of Lords, I heard the late Lord Stanhope put the ques tion of the alteration of the standard of value, in a very clear and able way, to the late Lord Liverpool, who was then at the head of his Majesty's Govern ment. He asked the Noble Earl why he had made the change ?—why he had picked out gold for the standard of value in England, when it did not exist in any other nation ?—why he had added to coin the increased value which I have endeavoured to explain ? And Lord Liverpool answered him in the flippant man ner in which Sir C. Wood replied to the Newcastle deputation, and thus said the Noble Earl :—" The reason why is, that I think the richest country ought to have the richest standard."—(L aug h ter. ) N ow, Sir, there is an old saying, which at that moment pressed on my mind, I think it is from " Hudibras," " Who drives fat oxen should himself be fat." Sir, what is the richest country ? The richest country ? Why that involves large and unlimited commercial transactions ; and how are they to be carried on unless the standard of value has an expansive power to meet and represent those transactions ? Therefore, Sir, I say, if he should have taken the converse of that proposition, and endeavoured not to limit the power of the standard with our increased burdens, but given it full play ; if he had let loose the energies of industry ; if he had acted on the policy of Pitt ; on those principles which enabled Pitt to carry on the greatest war in which this country was ever engaged, and which terminated in a glorious peace under the walls of Paris, I think he would have done right. Sir, those were the views I took in 1819. In 1820 I had a seat for a short time in the House of Commons, in connexion with the late Mr. Dug dale, and had to present a petition from this town, complaining of great distress. It fell to my lot to make some statistical statements, and I had to tell them of the number of cattle slain in this town, for then there was a tax on hides, and a registrar appointed, and the number was easily ascertained. Well, Sir, in that short time, from the passing of the Bill in 1819 to 1820, with an increasing population, the number of animals slain had been very much reduced. It had thrown many persons altogether out of employ in this manufacturing district. At that time they were arguing for the necessity of inquiry into the causes of distress. Mr. Holme Sumner, the then Member for Surrey, presented a petition from the agriculturists. The ironmasters of this district, the coppermen of Cornwall, the woolstaplers of York shire, the farmers all over the country—all sent peti tions; and there was one from this town, complaining of distress, and asking for inquiry, perhaps the largest that ever emanated from it. Well, Sir, Mr. Holme Sumner asked for inquiry on behalf of the agricultu rists; but I said I should object to any inquiry limited to any particular class of distress occasioned by Peel's Bill, which was passed the year before ; and I also said, that the distress could not be remedied unless there should be a general inquiry into the effects which that Bill had produced, and I said, Sir, sooner or later, if that Bill were not repealed, it would shake the foundations of society, and endanger the sove reignty of the Crown. I was not long in Parha m ent ; I was r e t urne d f or a nom i nat i on b orough, the right of nomination being claimed by two great families; I was nominated by one, and a petition presented against my return. I was unseated. There happened, however, that year to be a vacancy for the county of Warwick ; I had no pretensions to represent the county, but Birmingham endeavoured to obtain, that which I think it had a right to, a voice in the representation of the county, and did me the honour to set me up as a candidate when far, far from home. Well, Sir, what did I find when I came home ? I found, as the chairman of my committee, and one who had subscribed largely to wards the expenses of my election, the very father of Sir Robert Peel.—(Cheers.) That gentleman stated in this very town, and throughout the county of Warwick, that he supported me because he had heard me in the House of Commons give the best exposition of the evils of his son's Bill that he had ever heard at that time. I held those opinions then ; I hold tham now—for these, Sir, with me, are no new views. I remember the time when my much respected friend and yours—Mr. Thomas Attwood—and myself, were the only two persons in Birmingham who had studied the subject, and given our opinions on it at length, and then they laughed at and ridiculed us, and called us the " Currency Doctors of New-street." Sir, I for one will never be laughed out of my opinion, and I defy ridicule to drive me away from it ; I never will consent to give it up unless lam convinced lam in error. In 1821- 22, there occurred the most dire distress that ever pervaded England. The Luddites were abroad in Nottingham, the population were out of employ in millions, and they went up to London demanding that steps should be immediately taken to evade the mis chief of Peel's Bill of 1819. Lord Castlereagh then stated in public, and said to myself in private, that they had carried the measure too rapidly ; th a t money must be put cut again, and th ere were th en four plan s before Parliament to endeavour to re store prosperity. Well, then, trade for the next three years was in an efficient state, but then came the evil again. They had not cured but only tam pered with it; they had extended the currency, and by it given employ to labou r an d t h e embark ing of skill and capital. Then all our articles of productive power were above those of the continent ; we ceased to export gold, and wer e t aun t e d subse quently with over-speculations and with over-trading, although the Minister of the Crown had avowed that we had been in the lowest depths of despair, and it was necessary to stimulate a little wholesome specu lation to call out the energies of the people. Gentle men, I am afraid I detain you.—(Cries of " No, no.") I could go on and tell you of the evils arising from gold deaving the country, and the panics which arose in 1829-30, just before the Refor m Bill passed. They were then traced to building operations and other speculative causes, with partial re li e f and greater dis tress, varying under different circumstances of the case until 1844, when Peel said he had a complement for them all, when he said he thought his Bill of 1819 would restrain the abstract fact of over-trading, and the wild-goose chase of speculation, but now he would put a greater limit to the total amount of the Bank of England issues, and he would fix the arbitrary sum of fourteen millions. I was not in the House of Commons at the time when the Bill passed, but I went up with a deputation of bankers to Peel, and I told him—" Sir Robert Peel, your Bill of 1844 prevents the fluctuating of which you complain, but if f u ll y carr i e d out, I warn you that the first time a fami ne or any want of food occurs, there will be a drain of gold, and you must abandon your Bill, for y ou w ill not be able t o k ee p the population employed." N ow , Sir, I ask you to look at the present facts. This is the first demand we have had for the i m p or t at i on o f corn, and in what situation is the Bank of England ? Why, with her hands tied up, with the best, the most undoubted security, possessing property to three times the amount they require for an increased circulation—they cannot do it because they are re strained completely by the complicated Bill of 1844. Such is the unhappy state of things; and I say it is for this great town—it is for the country in general —to ask themselves, " shall we consent to stop the whole commercial industry of the nation—shall we consent to have our hands tied up—shall our whole productive power be s h ut up, b ecause P ee l h as said that fourteen millions on security shall be the extent to which the Bank of England ought to go ?" No. Peel has said, " Perish cotton, perish corn, and all other grain ; I have swallowed two or three of my opinions, but I cannot swallow the rest." But now, must state anoth er proceedingsanotherreason of this evening. I why I did not wish t S o ir t ' ak l epart in am glad that I have come here to receive your direc tions ; but I know what will be said—it will be said that it is a Spooner and Attrvood crotchet — that we want to issue our inconvertible paper—that we want to foist . our dirty rags upon th e country —that is not for the interest of the nation, but for the indulgence of our own miserable crotchet. I care not for that ; I have refuted the calumny before, and I know the distitch— " You break the web of sophistry in vain, The creature's at his dirty work again." Now, Sir, it is for you and this meeting to speak out. I ask you, are you content with things as they now are ?—(Cries of " No, no.") Do you believe that they are come to the worst ? I tell you—no. I tell you it is utterly impossible that the means of labour and employ can be found, whilst the circulation of the country is taxed on seventeen millions of bank notes. Can any reasonable man expect to carry on the transactions in which he is engaged on the same taxes as fifty years ago. You have no more circula tion now—l doubt whether you have so much—and, again, I ask you why should the metallic standard be the same in the time of Queen Victoria as in the reign of Queen Elizabeth ? There is an increase of taxa tion, there is an increase of price ; and then taxation is laid on so heavily that it stops consumption, and then the weight fall s on t h e poo r labourer, who is obliged to cease to consume. Nothing can be clearer than that there is a tax on every commodity. Gold is a commodity, and therefore taxed. But we are asked by the Right Honourable Baronet, in his mild, pleasing, gentlemanly way, " What is a pound ?" Why, I told him, and we all know, that a legal pound is a certain quantity of gold, of a certain fineness, and bearing the stamp of the Queen's head. But, Sir, is that pound the same pound in which our eight hun dred million of debt was contracted ? Is it the same pound with which the owners of the soil charged their estates with pensions for their younger children ? I answer " No." Look at the debates. I remember in 1820 I discussed the question with Mr. Ricardo, and he then stated that the effect of a return to the old standard would only make a difference of 4 per cent. I ventured to doubt it, and to say that it would make 30 per cent.; and I understated the amount ; and Mr. Ricardu then said, if he could agree with me that the effect would be 30 per cent., or even 10 per cent., it would be impracticable, and we had no right to undertake it. Now, I ask you all, as practical men —as men in business—l ask you, from what you know of that which went before, has the Bill of 1819, has the change of currency, effected only an alteration of 4 per cent., or whether you have not found that it has made an alteration of from 13 to 14 per cent. ? Has it not affected public credit? Has it not affected private debts ? Has it not affected every engagement into which you have entered ? Is not property depreciated, whilst debts remain the same ? Has it not robbed the debtors to the injustice of the creditors ? Have they done what they ought to haee done ?—and if the remedy is not applied, will there not be a source of confusion and distress horrible to be contemplated by every lover of the welfare of his country ?—(Cheers.) Well, then, it has been ,said that you rob the creditors, but I say that you cannot do justice to all without doing slight injustice to some. But I aver that it is to the interest of the creditors to have a speedy adjustment of the monetary system ; for the only chance of the creditor to receive that which is due to him is to put the system on a just and equal footing between the debtors and the creditors ; to put out a circulating medium sufficient for the energies of the people, and without which debts owing will never be obtained. With respect to what I should recommend on the present occasion, I wish to have it known I declare it openly, and I believe my late honourable colleague knows the same, that I had not the slightest hand in getting up the meeting. I ab stained from it altogether. I knew it would be at tributed to Mr. Attwood and to me, and I considered that it would be better to keep in the back ground, and I determined not to stir a peg. If you, fellow townsmen, are ready to stir, we are willing to assist you. I have tried to assist you for many years ; in vain I endeavoured to press the truth upon you; and I say to you it is now in your power to relieve your selves. Many have laughed at me in the House of Commons and in the House of Lords. Some of them, however, have within the last twenty-four hours stated to me their alteration of opinion, that they be lieve the whole currency a delusion. The best way, I think, is for the meeting to appoint a committee, and then they should apply to you for funds. I re commend that committee to apply to the present Government ; it is not easy to make any impression on Sir Charles Wood, for he possesses that quality so desirable to possess in difficult times, that he will not see anything wrong—he will not believe that anything is wrong until it comes home to his own house. Gentlemen, the Right Honourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer is like the ostrich of which I have read—he hides his head in a bush, and then believes that his whole body is safe. He says —let the people only pay the taxes and all is right. He tells you that all the present misery and 'ruin is owing to over-speculation, to over-trading, to railways, and to everything but what is the just and real cause. Mr. Taylor, who understands the question better than most men, who has laboured and written in the cause, and to whom I am myself much indebted for the con firmation of those opinions which I had formed before I knew him, has pointed out to you two passages in Sir Charles Wood's speeches, in which he stated, not long ago, that we were in a wholesome state of trade. But nosy, because the gold is gone, and bank-notes have gone in the same proportion, because if gold goes the circulation must become contracted in the same proportion, he tells you that there is something rotten now—that railways and over-speculation have killed you, and that what was good then is now altogether wrong. I fear, gentlemen, that I trespass on your time, but I tell you that I have scarcely e n t e r e d on th e subject, much less exhausted it. It is a most complicated one, and on it the happiness of our fellow• creatures and the future prosperity and welfare of the nation depend. I tell you freely and honestly that the crown on the Queen's head is not safe unless the Ministers take on themselves the investigation of the subject. I know that this is bold language, and I dare say it will be reprobated, but at least it is honest language, and formed on the conviction of my own mind. It is an opinion formed on no basis arising from my profes. sion—that of a banker. I tell you, and you know it, that my prosperity depends on yours, and I am there fore likely to form a good and sound judgment as to what will lead to your prosperity. I will tell the proudest Minister, surrounded by his head men of office—men of the highest classes, not men sup ported by commerce and manufactures—although I do not wish to say that men of high families should be proscribed from taking office—that they are not the most likely parties to detect evil ; I will tell them to follow the example of William Pitt, who sought for information from the manufac turing classes, and who turned round to a depu tation, and said, when they stated the evils that ex isted, and applied for a remedy, " If Parliament loses the power to relieve distress where distress exists, and to remedy evils where recognised and acknow ledged, it loses the only function for which it was created, and the only use we can derive from it." Sir, I thank you and my fellow-townsmen for the patient hearing you have given me, and I believe it wants nothing but that yours and other great meet ings should declare that they want inquiry to obtain inquiry. It is possible for a great nation so to adjust all the different proportions between debtor and creditor, and so to arrange a circulating medium, as to carry out all our great commercial transactions, to act with justice to all parties, and to restore peace, happiness, and prosperity--to act towards the labour ing classes, who are the very foundation and strength of the nation, so as to place them in a position where every man who is willing to work shall command work, and that he shall not be compelled to ask as a favour to be permitted to use the labour of his sinews in order to obtain a morsel of bread. The resolutions being carried, and a rote of thanks been passed to the Chairman, the meeting broke up. PRINTERS' PENSION SOCIETY.—Last night a meet ng of this society was held at the London Tavern, Bishopsgate-street; Mr. J. C. Bloomfield in the chair. The Secretary (Mr. Hodson) stated that since the last meeting no less than ten of the pensioners had died during the year, being a larger number than ever oc curred in any previous year; the next election of pen• sioners would take place in March, and several of the applicants had already been admitted as candidates; the number of pensioners at present on the books of the society was only 43, the average number being 50. Since the formation of the society in 1827, no less than 130 persons had received the benefits of the society, which was to afford permanent relief to aged and infirm printers and their widows, by the ;ranting of pensions of 121. 12s. to the men, and 81. Bs. to the widows. The subscriptions and donations were very favourable, and although the capital stock of the society amounted to 5,0001., the committee strongly urged upon the sub scribers the necessity for further exertions in aid of the funds of the society. The trip to Brighton, and the pro duce of the benefit at Vauxhall were also productive, but not to the extent desired. The general business having been gone through, a vote of thanks was passed to the chairman, and the meeting broke up. THE MAILS.--.-SOUTHAMPTO N , OCT. s.—The Ori ental Company's steam-ship Jupiter, Captain Meehan, from Gibraltar, arrived here this day at 12 30, and landed the Peninsular and Mediterranean mails, under care of Lieutenant Wilkinson, which were forwarded to London by the one o'clock express train. She left Gibraltar Sept. 26, Cadiz 27, Lisbon 29, Oporto 30, and Vigo Oct. 1. She has brought home 15 passengers, and a cargo consisting of specie, grapes, lemons, eggs, leeches, hams, melons, and twelve head of bullocks. Intelligence from the ports.—Gibraltar—Her Britannic Majesty's steamer Virago, a French brig of war. At 9 a.m. arrived the Peninsular and Oriental Company's steam-ship Hindos - tan, and left at 3 p.m. for Malta, &c. The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steam packet Paella arrived Sept. 22. At Cadiz—The Spanish frigates Isabella II , Villa de Bilboa, and a steamer ; a French steamer and English yacht, Stormfinch. At Lisbon—St. Vincent, Queen, Caledonia, Canopus, and Vengeance; steamers — Sidon, Odin, Dragon, Avenger, and Jackal ; a French frigate and two steamers ; a Spanish frigate and one steamer, and the usual Portuguese squadron. In the Douro, Sept. 30.—Her Majesty's steamer Polyphemus, and French brig Meleagre. The Jupiter had light winds and fine weather most part of her voyage. The Observer of Sunday last gave six folio columns of monetary matters, commercial failures, and railway intelligence. The articles chiefly orh;inal, and matchless tor their accuracy. Price of the Observer (40 columns), 6d. There is scarcely a club-house, institution, library, or news-room in all England, Scotland, Ireland, the Con tinent, East and West Indies, America, &c., in which the Observer is not taken in, and frequently duplicate copies. The extensive publication of the Observer commences at six, and concludes at ten on Sunday morning. A Mon day edition of the Observer, best adapted for the country and abroad, is regularly published at four o'clock on Monday afternoon. GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY.---We understand that it is the intention of the board of directors to renew their application to Parliament, in the ensuing session, for the promotion of the Isle of Axholme extension line, embracing Wakefield and Leeds, in connexion with the Great Northern Railway.—Doncaster Gazette. Lord Brougham, who has been entertaining a select circle at Brougham Hall, Westmoreland, is expected to arrive in Grafton-street at the close of the ensuing week, en route to his Lordship's chateau at Cannes, in the south of France, where the Noble and Learned Baron intends to pass the winter, LAW INTELLIGENCE. ARCHES' COURT, Oct. 5. BROOKS V. CRESSWELL.-THE OFFICE OF THE JUDGE PROMOTED. Dr. BURNABY sat for the Learned Judge, to dispose of an application for relaxing the suspension upon the Rev. H. Cresswell, vicar of Creech St. Michael, So merset. The rev. gentleman had been proceeded against in March, 1846, and for certain immoralities was suspended from office and emolument for the term of eighteen months, a certificate of good behaviour being required at the end of that time. Dr. ROBERTSON made application for the relaxation. The PROCTOR for the promoter in the suit objected that the costs had not been paid, the promoter having died in the meantime, as several ineffectual attempts had been made to serve the rev, gentleman with the monition. Dr. BURNABT said he should take time to consider the case. PREROGATIVE COURT, Oct. 5. No case of interest came on to-day. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MA A SION-HOUSE. Mrs. Harriet Vernon, the wife of a licensed vie ' tualler, in Northumberland-alley, Fenchurch-street, was summoned by Mr. Harvard, City inspector of the weights and measures, for having refused to give him access to the bar of her house. Turner, Mr. Harvard's assistant, stated that Mr. Harvard, seeing some measures in the bar, desired to examine them, and to be let into the bar for that pur pose. The defendant said she would hand the mea sures up to him, but she would not allow him to go inside, and she persisted in refusing to admit him, thus presenting a complete impediment to the per formance of the inspector's duty. Mr. Harvard said he had found it necessary to go into the bars of a great number of the trade, as they were in the habit of hiding the small measures they used under the counter. He here produced several small measures, which were, he said, a third smaller than the standard, and had been found hidden in the bars of other houses. Mrs. Vernon said she did not consider that the in spector had any right to enter the bar, which she thought ought to be kept strictly private, on account, not of the short measures, but the property contained in it She submitted that it was quite enough if she handed to him all the measures he wished to examine. The LORD MAYOR read the clause of the Act, which inflicts a penalty not exceeding 51. upon any person who offers an impediment to the inspector's performance of his duty. It was evident to him that the defendant had acted in ignorance of the law ; and therefore, to induce her to keep so salutary a statute alive in her mind, he should inflict upon her the very much reduced fine of 10s. and costs. His Lordship hoped that all the licensed victuallers of the City of London would profit by that example. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. DECISION UNDER THE PAWNBROKERS' ACT.— Edwin Howell, agent, was brought up for final exa mination, charged with having pawned a large quan tity of stays intrusted to him to dispose of by a Ger man manufacturer named Vlies. The case stood over for the magistrate's decision on this point. The prisoner, it appeared, had been en gaged by Mr. V lies in the capacity of agent for the disposal of the stays. Being in want of money, Mr. Vliea applied to the prisoner for 201. The prisoner deposited upwards of 200 pairs of the stays with a pawnbroker as security for the loan of 20/., on condi tion that the stays should be forfeited if the money was not repaid by a specified time. This pawning took place without the consent or knowledge of Mr. Vlies. The money was not repaid in time, and the consequence was that the stays became forfeited, and the pawnbroker disposed of them to various shops. The transaction having come to the knowledge of Mr. Vlies, the prisoner was ultimately given into custody on a charge of having illegally pawned the property. After the professional gentlemen for and against the accused had argued the question at considerable length, Mr. HARDWICK decided that the case did not come within the meaning of the Act, inasmuch as the ac cused had not converted the money obtained by the pawning of the stays to his own use, but had given the sum to the proprietor of the stays The accused was accordingly discharged. ArrxwATiox.—John Booth, of Wellington Stone Wharf, Regent Wharf, was summoned by Ann M'Donald, for refusing to maintain her illegitimate child. The mother of the child, a hard-featured char woman, apparently fifty years of age, said the de fendant was the father of her infant; he had given her 2/. towards its support. The defendant did not attempt to deny the charge. Mr. HARDWICK ordered him to pay 2s. 6d. a week. The defendant's wife, a well-dressed, lady-like woman, wished to know whether she could not send the money to the complainant, instead of allowing the complainant to call on her husband for it? The husband, who looked rather sheepish at his position, promised to arrange everything satisfactorily outside of the court. PAUPER IMPOSITIONB.—Ann Flynn was charged with having defrauded the parish authorities of St. James's, by means of fraudulent representations. The prisoner had applied for relief to the parish officers, for herself and two children. The parish messenger was sent, and was shown two children, which the prisoner said were her children. She re ceived relief accordingly, but Mr. Dore, the relieving overseer, having received intimation that the prisoner had borrowed one of the children for the purpose of imposing on the parish, caused her to be taken into custody. The case having been clearly proved, Mr. HARDWICK. committed her for 14 days to hard labour. Mr. Dore said he had no doubt that this example would have a satisfactory effect, for he had good reason to believe that the offence was by no means of rare occurrence. WORSHIP-STREET. Yesterday Henry Thomas Thomas was charged with having fired off a rifle, loaded with ball, at a young woman, named Sarah Meade. The complainant was now in attendance, but ex hibited such extreme faintness that the magistrate allowed her to be seated. She said that while con versing with two female friends in front of the Eagle Tavern, at 11 o'clock on the night of the 28th ult., the prisoner and another young man, each of whom had a gun in his hand, accosted them, and the pri- Foner jocularly observed that they were returning from the Albert Shooting-gallery, where he had just shot a bear. He then pointed his gun at one of her friends, who requested him to desist, and he at once lowered it, with the observation that it was not loaded; but directly after raised it to his shoulder, within a yard and a half of the complainant's head, and it instantly went off. She was not at first aware that she was wounded, and joined in the laughter of her companions on hearing the report, but at the same moment experienced a sensation of numbness down the side of her face, which was streaming with blood, and was only saved from falling by a by stander, who supported her in her arms. Mr. John Mather, the divisional surgeon, described the injury as a lacerated wound, extending about seven inches from the centre of the right cheek into the back of the neck, where there was a correspond ing orifice, thr oug h w hi c h the ball had evidently passed. He considered the wound to be of a very dangerous description, and ordered her immediate removel to the hospital. The prisoner declared that it was his firm belief that the gun was not loaded, and that the disastrous result was purely accidental. 2/ 4 3Mr. HAMMILL ordered the prisoner to be fully com mitted upon the charge, but consented to accept his own recognisance in 4001., and two sureties in 2001. each, for his appearance at the Central Criminal Court. THAMES. Mary Ann Johnson , a little woman, aged 35, who carried a fine child in her arms, was brought before Mr. Yardley, on remand, charged with uttering base coin. Mr. Powell attended on the part of the Mint to prosecute. The prisoner's career is a very remarkable one. She has been known to the authorities of the Mint as a smasher for twenty years, and has been convicted four times. Iler first conviction, under the name of French, took place at the Central Criminal Court in 183 9 ; the second, when she assumed the name of Allen, in 1836 ; the third, when she adopted the name of Lane, in 1839 ; and the fourth, in the name of Anson, in 1842. On the first and second convictions she was sentenced on each occasion to a year's impri sonment and hard labour ; in 1839 to eighteen months' imprisonment; and in 1842, when she was found guilty of a felony, and the convictions for smashing were produced in evidence, to two years' imprison ment, to the great surprise of the Mint solicitor, who expected that such an expert and dangerous offender would have been transported. The prisoner was for merly remarkable for her strength an d agility, of which she has given many and serious proofs. In 1836, while she was being tried, she amused herself in the dock by pitching fragments of rue (usually placed in front of the dock during the sessions) into the bar risters' wigs. and She casttthe i so me very suspicious glances at Mr. Powell, inkstand, using d s , which an A d ir• heput Cope, the Govern or o f Newgate was it out of h er way, and advised him to ' look out, on which the prisoner declared that Mr. Powell was a gentleman, and s h e ;o b ta i ned j ust i ce f rom him, and that the inkstand was intended for the head of another person. After the Common Sergeant had passed sen tence upon her, she uttered the most dreadful threats, and the Learned Judge directed the turnkey to re• move her. " That's much sooner said than done," exclaimed the prisoner, as she felled one turnkey, six feet in height, by a tremendous blow with her fist. A. second and a third who attempted to secure her • were knocked down in succession, and a fearful strug. gle took place in the dock before she was overpowered. In 1842 she was apprehended in Chiswell-street, and she knocked down the police-constable who laid hold of her, and then, with affected politeness, said, "My dear Sir, you are not strong enough to take me ; pray send for another officer." A second policeman made his appearance, and he was soon laid alongside his comrade. The prisoner looked at them coolly, and said, " Good gentlemen, don't disturb yourselves, for if you get up again, down you go." She kept her word with them, and also knocked down five other strong men in succession before she was se cured and carried on a stretcher to the station house. Some riband was then found upon her, and she told the inspector that Mr. Powell wanted a good case against her, and he would be enabled to match the riband in High-street, Islington. This informa tion was sufficient, and the officer ascertained that she purchased the riband in the street mentioned, and that she had tendered in payment a counterfeit half-crown. Since her last conviction she had made a professional tour in the provinces, and has been frequently in cus tody for uttering base coin, but, owing to the diffi culty of proving two utterings within ten days, and other causes, she has escaped. The officers of the court expected a scene with her yesterday and Mon day, and preparations were made for a csntest, but the prisoner was quiet. She said her child was at the breast, and that the last two years in the " steel" (House of Correction) had taken all her strength away, and that two men might conquer her now. In this case three utterings were proved against the prisoner, which all took place in Stratford and Bow, adjoining parishes, on Saturday. The first was at a grocer's shop, where she purchased two ounces of sugar-candy, and tendered a base half-crown, which she succeeded in passing. From there she went to the King of Prussia public-house, called for a pint of porter and passed another counterfeit half-crown. On leaving this house with the change she was seen by a person, who knew her well, and he gave such information to Andrews, a police constable, No. 60 K, as induced him to follow her until he met with another constable, named Benton, No. 381 K, who was in plain clothes, who was directed to track her footsteps. He saw her enter the Coach and Horses public-house, in Bow, and he'went in at the same time. The prisoner called for a half pint of porter, and tendered in payment a sixpence. After it was put into the till Benton desired Mrs. Middleditch, the landlady, to look at the piece. She did so, and found it was a bad one. The prisoner was then given into custody, and she abused Mrs. Middleditch in a most dreadful manner, and so terri fled her that she was ill for some time afterwards. On the policeman searching the prisoner he found upon her two genuine half-crowns, a sixpence, a shilling, and the halfpence she received from Mrs. Middleditch. The prisoner defended herself with great energy, and said, that although she deserved all she got before, and had spent five and a half years of her time in prison, she was not fairly treated this time. There were several half-crowns in the till at the first public house she visited, and it was impossible for the wit ness to swear that she gave the base half-crown found in it. There were also plenty of sixpences in the till at the Coach and Horses, and the one she gave could not be identified. After cross-examining the police-constables, she directed the magistrate to order them to withdraw while she put a question to the grocer's shopman who gave evidence against her. Her wish was complied with, and she then asked him if the police-constable who introduced him into the cell at the back of the court did not point her out, and say, " That's the woman ?" The shopman admitted the policeman had done so, but he should" have identified her if the officer had not pointed her out. The prisoner—No, you would not. There were three other women in the cell, and you were looking from one to the other. The shopman—l was looking for your child, which you had with you when you came to our shop. You. very artfully gave it to another prisoner when the gaoler was unlocking the door. I knew you when the policeman said, " That's the woman." I should have known you without. There is the child. Mr. YARDLEY said the conduct of the police -con• stable was highly improper. The woman ought not to have been pointed out, and the constable ought not to have spoken a word. lle desired that such a thing might not happen again. It was most unjust, most unfair to the prisoner to point her out to the witness, and he would take care the judge should be made acquainted with the misconduct of the officer by in serting the fact in the depositions. Mr. Powell also disapproved of the conduct of the police-constable, who had acted contrary to instruc tions repeatedly given to the police force in similar cases. The priscser was then committed for trial for the felony. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, Ocrosint 5. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The share market has been better to-day, but only a small amount of business has been trans acted. The sales are-Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire, 31/. Shares, 5% dis.-East Lancashire, New, Quarters, 1 1 ,E dis.-Lancashire and Yorkshire, Fifths (late West Riding Union), 2% dis.-London and North-Western, 152-Ditto, 40/. Shares (late L. and M.), 20 p.-Ditto, New, Quarters, 714 p.-Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln s hi re , Eighths, 334 dis.-Ditto, 101., Preference, par-Midland Stock, 1104- Ditto, New, Halves, p.-Ditto (Birmingham and Glou cester), 120 -North British, New, Thirds, 114 p.-North Staffordshire, % p.-South-Eastern and Dover, Thirds, No. 4, dis.-York, Newcastle, and Berwick (G. N. E.), 1% p. -Ditto, New, IU, p. MANCHESTER, Ocroßai, 5. STOCK EXCIIANGIC.-The sales are-Ambergate, Notting ham, Boston, and Eastern Junction, 1% c. dis.-Birken head, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction, 5 1 % dis.-Lan. cashire and Yorkshire, 321. (late Extension), 54 c. dia.- Ditto (West Riding Union). 2% dis.-Leeds and Thirsk, Preferential, I.' s c. dis.-London and North-Western, Quar ters (C), p. -Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Preference, par-North Staffordshire, par-Shrewsbury and Birmingham, (A), 3 3 4 c. dis.-South-Eastern and bover, No. 4, 2 1 4 c. dis.-York, Newcastle, and Berwick, Preference (guar. 6 per cent. till 1850), 1 1 ,E p. LEEDS, OCTOBER 5. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-East Lancashire, New, 54 dis. -Ditto, Quarters, 1% di s. -E ast and West York shire, 64 dis.- Great Northern, 5% dis.-Laucashire and Yorkshire (West Riding Union), 2% dis.-Leeds and Dews qury, 24 c. dis.-Ditto, Branches Scrip (blue), 15s. di& -Leeds and Thirsk, 184 dis.-North British, Thirds, Is. p.--Ditto, Quarters, 3s. 9d. dis.-York, Newcastle, and Ber wick, Preference (guar. 6 percent. till 1850), 1 1 ,E p.-Ditto, No. 2,21 s. p.-North Staffordshire, 3s. 9d. p. NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, OCTOBER 5. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Caledonian, New, 2 1 / s dis.-Great Northern, 54 dis.-North British, Third s , ls. 3d. p.- York, Newcastle, and Berwick, New, No. 2,1 p. SHEFFIELD, OCTOBER 5. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-East Lincolnshire, p.-Great Northern, 5 1 4 dis.-Lancashire and Yorkshire (West Riding Union), 2% dis. -Midland, Sheffield, and Ro therham, 31. EDINBURGH, OCTOBER 4. STOCK EXCIIANGK.-The sales are-Aberdeen, 321.- Airdrie and Bathgate, 3/. 10s.-Arbroath and Forfar, 261.- Ditto, Halves. 131.-Ayr and Galloway, 2/. lOs -Caledo nian, 391.-Ditto New, IL-Caledoni an an d Dumbarton shire, 10s.-Clyclesdale Junction, 534 -Deeside, 31. Bs.- Dunblane, Doune, and Callender, if. 65.-Dundee and Ars 291. 105.-Ditto, N ew , N. 2, , 2, 391. -Ditto. New, 71 ..- 5s D .-ro o itto No. 1, New, No. 3,3/. 75.-D un d ee and Northern Junction, li. 10s.-Dundee and Perth,.334 53.- Ditto, New, Reg., 171.-Ditto, Quarters, 2/. 15&-Eastern Counties, 171. ex div.-Ditto, York Ext ens i on, 8 4 , 103.- East of Fife, 4/. 55.-East othian Central, 1/. Bs. 6d.- Edinburgh and Bathgate, 64 -Edinburgh and Glasgow, 521. ex div.-Ditto, Halves, 15/. 15s. ex div.-Ditto, Quar ters, 13/. ss. ex div.-Edinburgh, Leith, and Granton, 171. -Ditto, Preference, 204 -Ditto, New, No. I, 31. 195.-Ditto, New, No. '2, 24-Ditto, Quarters, Reg., ss. 9d.-Ditto, ditto (scrip), 75.-Edinburgh and Northern, 171. 105.-Ditto, New, Reg., 11. 128.-Ditto, ditto (scrip), 21. 12 8.-Ditto, Newport, 71. 55.-Ditto, ditto, New, Reg., 15s. 3c1.-Edin burgh and Perth, 14 2s. -Ditto, Halves, ss. ed.-Glasgow and Ayrshire, 1051.-Ditto (5 per cent. guar.), 1191.-Ditto, New Stock, 411. 10s.-Ditto, Halves, No. 1, 71.-Ditto, Halves, No. 2, 81.-Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 84- Glasgow and Garnkirk, 381. 158.-Glasgow General Termi nus, 114-Glasgow and Greenock, 17/. 2s. 6d.-Ditte, Halves, 81. 175.-Ditto, Preference, 8/. 2s. 6d.-Glasgow, Kilmar nock, and Ardrossan, 3/. 12 s . 6d.-G rea t North of Scot land, 17s. 6d.-Morayshire, IL 7s. 6d .- North British, 25/. 10s.-Ditto, H a l ves , 13/. 246(1.-Ditto, Quarters, 4/. 12s. 6d. -Ditto, Quarters New (scrip), 9s. 6d.-Ditto, Thirds, Reg., 11.-Ditto, ditto (scrip), IL 2s. 9d.-Ditto, Fifths, 51. s s , --Scottish Central, 25/. 15s.- Scottish Grand Junction, 105. 6d.-Scottish Midland, 171. Bs.-Stirling and Dunfermline, 44-Stirling and Midland, 71.-Wishaw and Coltnesa, 451.-York, Newcastle, and Berwick, 137/.15x.-Ditto (Ong. New. and Ber.), 31/. 2s. 6d. ex div.-Direct Bombay and Madras, Is. 9d.-East Indian, 1/. Os. 3 d.-Great North of India, 2s. 6d.-Great Southern of Madras, Is.-Madras, Nellore, and Arcot, 15. 6d. GLASGOW, Ocronza 4. STOCK EXCHANGE. -The sales are-Caledonian, New, 195.-Dundee and Perth, New, 16 1 4-Ditto, Quarters, 465. -Edinburgh and Glasgow, 51 3 / 4 ex div.-Edinburgh and Northern (Newport) 7 4-Edinburgh and Perth, Halves, ss. 6d.14-Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 1004 ex div. ex new-Ditto, 404 Shares, 39 1 ,4 ex div. ex new-Ditto, Halves, No. 1, 61. ex int.-Ditto, ditto, No. 2,8% ex int.-G rea t Northern, 575. 6d. ex i n t.-G rea t Southern of Madras, fid.- Manchester and Southampton, 7s. 9d.-Monkland and Kir kintillock, 204-North British, Thirds, 20 5.-Ditto, New Quarters (scrip), 10s. alien - Is. On the 2d inst., in Chester-square, the Hon. Mn.s Sander son, of a son. On the 2d inst., at Great Yarmouth, Mrs. Henry Mac kenzie, of a son. On the 2d inst., at Putney, the wife of Thomas Jones, bar rister- at-law, of a son. , O DIED. O c e h ,i ti p l t e a 3 in Ot ß h o u lf l e t. :a a: ed ll 7 a 4 m . mersmith, Mrs. Rolfe wife of the the 30th ult., in Southampt on - row, Russell-square, On the let inst., Mr. Benjamin B rown , o f Howland-street, R la i tniC iird Rosser, Esq., aged 90.1 Fitzroy-square, aged 82. On the 2d inst., at King's-terrace, Southsea, Captain James Campbell, R.N. On the 2d inst., at Ham, Surrey, Mr. J. Wade, aged 82. On the 2(1 inst., in Upper E*tjn-street, Pimlico, Han nibal Sandys, Esq., aged 84. On the 3d inst., Mrs. Ann Lee, of Newgate•market. On the 3d inst., at Berated Vicarage, Bognor, Jane, daughter of the late Richard Stert, Esq., aged 68. : "^!nted Published by MURDO YOUNG, of :le. 112. strand, Printer, at The Sun °Mee. No. 112. Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, In the County of Middlesex Wedneeday,October 6, 154 T. THE 811 N, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 6, 1847.