The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-03-22 00:00:00

/ • t. • • • t. k ; t • • . , • 1 THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. the tiberpool tantlarb. FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 22, 1833. STRANGE as it may appear, we are still without any eartain advices from :Oporto to a moderately late date. It is not known whether the adventurer, Don Pedro, has made-his escape or has resolved to hold out to the last. lz is said that Admiral Sartorius has been superseded, and that the terms of capitulation proposed by Don Pe dro were refused by the King, but we have no authentic information ou the subject. We are prepared, however, to receive by the next arrivals a final settlement of the contest, perhaps, the unconditional surrender of Don Pedro.. THE Committee appointed to search for precedents, on the subject of the Irish Church Robbery Bill, have re ported that Ministers, by their mode of.introducing it, have not only betrayed their own ignorance, but have positively violated the forms of the House. The bill, therefore, is a brutum falmen, which being translated by Colonel Jones, the annotator upon Joseph Hume, means "a flash in the pan." It has gone off in smoke, and a new bill must be brought in, if brought in at all, founded upon the resolutions and a Committee of the whole House. "Althorp" arid the word "blunder " are syno nymous terms. FOWELL BuxTozes motion on Tuesday evening gave rise to a short interlude, or one act piece, Of the farce genus, which, to do the parties- justice, was capi tally performed. Lord Althorp requested the honourable Member to pastpose his motion •on the ground that ministers themselves had a measure to bring forward as , aoon as they could come to a fair Understanding of its details. As to the nature of the measure the noble lord refused to disclose any idea. Mr. Buxton lamented the uncertainty that prevailed on the subject, and urged the impatience of the country to see the question set at rest, as one of the reasons for pressing his motion on the House; but as Lord Althorp named the. 23rd of April as the last day of the respite which he asked frotn the anticolonial party, Mr. Buxton made a merit of acceding to his request by withdrawing his motion. All this was a well concocted scena. Mr. Buxton, we believe, is as well if not better acquainted with the in tentions of his Majesty's ministers than Lord Althorp himself, and certainly far better than any of the parties Who are deeply interested in the fate of the West Indies. THE affairs of Turkey, and of him who we apprehend •is the last of the Sultans, are involved in much uncer tainty. By various accounts it would appear that Russia has a large naval armament under the wall of Constan tinople, and a military force, consisting of 20 or 30,000 men, within a few days' march of that city. All.this, it is said, is for the purposes of mediation, and in order to preserve the peace of Europe, although it is admitted that Ibrahim Pacha has accepted the terms offered him by his humiliated master. Russia under stands well the exact diplomatic meaning of the terms peace and mediation. With one foot in Stamboul and the other in the Capital of Persia, she will speedily be etabled, without any very considerable exertion, to make a seven-leagued stride to the banks of the Indies. If it be the Emperor's intention to carry Lord Palmerston's pacific pOlicy to the British empire in India, and give us the benefit of his mediation on our own soil, we would advise him to make as much speed as possible, for if the present administration remain much longer in office our India will hardly be worth the conquest. Perhaps it would not be a bad speculation to sell him our transatlantic colonieS—the money would be a windfall to the Chan odilor of the Exchequer. WE have reason to believe that our Liverpool destruc tives will, before many days, bitterly lament the inquiry Which they have been the means of instituting before a committee of the House. of Commons. If such men would be stung by feelings of shame they would hide their faces from their fellow-townsmen for ever. If de rision,—if laughter, holding both her. sides,—if the finger of contempt, pointed at them by every respectable per son, could drive factious charlatans out of society, we should never be annoyed by their presence hereafter. They have made a grave charge, which they are unable to support by the least show or shadow of evidence. They have obtained a tribunal, or what Lord Althorp, inspired by " absolute wisdom," calls a "grand jury," composed of fifteen.enlightened senators, and before this tribunal they . have brought sundry old women who sell ale by the quart, and retail gossip by the hour,.who amuse the en quirers with stories, ancient as the building of Babel, as to how John Brown heard Mrs. Betty Smith whisper to her brother-in-law, that her daughter saw a man (name unknown) place something into the hand of Peter Jones on the day of the election, which had all the appearance of being a piece of paper, not,quite so large as a news paper, and consequently might, for anything that the Witness knew to the contrary, be a five, a ten, or a twenty pound note. Rumour, fancy, and hearsay evidence are all they are able to offer in support of their allegations of bribery. Nelly Green heard her husband one night speak in his sleep about selling his vote, and this worthy matron is sent to London to state the fact. Poor Green, honest man, was only dreaming of money. Not one farthing did he receive ; but, then, he had no business to be talking when he should have been snoring. It was a Lerivus matter, and worthy of being investigated by a committee of the reformed Parliament. Green might have received a bribe; and had he received it, of course it mat have been given hint by some member of the ourtivration. The castle in the air might have had some tZtundacion, and it was quite right that our modern purists should endeavour to ascertain the fact. A hunt after a bribe in Liverpool is capital diversion to legislators, who hardly know how to employ their time. The country is ikt so prosperous a coudition-that it is . of far more impor tance to inquire into the price of beer, and the quantity thank at an election, than to inquire how the taxes are paid, or whether some of them might not be repealed. Lord Althorp must be gratified in the highest degree at seeing Mr. Benett, Mr. Evart, Mr. Wason, and a few other equally respectable reformers consuming their time in nibbling at imaginary grievances, and false charges, which might haVe been spent in an attack upon the treasury bench, and a furious assault upon the ex hausted revenues of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It must be rare sport to him, but as the frogs said, so might the people say, "it is death to us." But to be more serious, for it is, after all, a serious matter to see our public men, and the representatives of the nation wasting precious time in an inquiry which must in the end overwhelm its originators with ridicule, and make them the laughing-stock of all their acquaintances. Our readers will hardly believe, but we shall make good our assertion ere long, that the whole of this investiga tion, this piece of solemn mockery, had its origin in a hoax ! The defeated candidate, his committee, his friends, his counsel, down to his very attorney, were all hoaxed! Some wicked wag wrote them a letter, stating, that on one of thle days of the election a certain £5OO note was changed at a Liverpool bank, and the small change ap plied to electioneering and bribing purposes. The num ber of the note was briber and the bribees were all named,—and one, of the . nicest cases made out that ever fell to the charge of an ingenious artist learned in the law. It happened to be true, : that on the day men tioned a £5OO note was changed .by the gentleman in question. This was the basis of the -hoax. A fictitious number, however, was given, and instead of small notes being paid, the change consisted of . rather large notes, which were applied to -commercial. purposes, and their payMent can be proved. Strange as it may appear, the fictitious name 'of the. hoaxer was not even suspected. His statements were of so particular a nature that they were, with Ou - inquiry, assumed,to be true, and so much reliance was placed on his facts, that the banker, his clerks, and all the parties named were summoned to Lon " don to unfold this clear and incontestable act of bribery and corruption. By some means or other, however, the hoax got wind, and an application has been made to with , draw their subpoenas, which the gentlemen have very properly refused to return. Such is the eventful history of what was supposed to be one of the strongest charges against the ill-used and calumniated freemen of Liverpool. All the other charges are of a similar nature. They rest upon vague gossip, or ten-times-removed hearsay evidence alone. A person of the name of Abercromby has stated that he saw a free man receive a bank-note, (or what he considered to be a bank-note) on one of the days of election. This bank note however turns out to be nothing more than an innocent ribbon, wrapped up in paper.- It is singular, with respect to this Abercromby, that report says he is under prosecution at the present moment for slander. He may be guiltless of slander it is true ; but still, the eyes of such a man must not be taken to see further into a brick-wall than those of other men. But it is unneces sary to say more till the whole of the evidence is laid before the public. The "grand jury" will, of course, ignore the bill, and perhaps an attempt will be made to hush up the whole proceedings. But murder will out, as the saying is, and we shall not be remiss in aid ing our contemporaries in making a full disclosure. It will be seen that Mr. Hunt is attempting to imitate Mr. Thornely, by charging the electors of Preston with bri bery, in order to obtain a committee under the precedent of Lord John Russell. That precedent was an unfor tunate mistake on the. part of Lord John, which we think he must now see and regret. He evidently did not know what he was doing, but the ministers must now abide the consequences. . . WE take leave to refer our readers to a letter, signed MERCATOR, which will be found in another part of our paper. The inequality of the assessments upon large and small houses has been a fashionable theme for popu lar declamation for some time past ; but on this, as well as on other subjects, the most noisy are the most igno rant. Whether the assessed taxes can be dispensed with, or modified, or whether others can be substituted, is not the question we are now considering,—but, the doctrine that has been most industriously circulated by the sages of " The Political Unions," that Woburn-Abbey, Chats worth, Eaton Hall, Trentham, and the principal resi dences of the nobility and gentry should be assessed, not by what they would let tor, but according to the sums expended in the erection of them. Were they taxed according to this standard of value, the sufferers would clearly be every class of artists from the sculptor to the bricklayer's labourer`; from the landscape to the house painter ; for all these persons find occupation in building and decorating palaces. If these residences were taxed agreeably to the radical scale, the greater part of , them would be closed, and how, we would ask, would this affect the lower classes who find employment as servants? How would it affect coach-makers, and indeed all the trades connected with the elegancies and luxuries of re fined life ? Surely this subject requires no laboured dis quisition or subtlety of reasoning to arrive at the con clusion that the attempt would be madness ; and that those who are clamouring for this equality know not what they are doing. THE blundering progresses swimmingly in the great assembly of the representatives of the nation. The Irish coercion bill has been moulded into as unshapely a form as can well be conceived, and rendered as unintelligible and inefficient as possible. It is now neither more nor less than a bill to hang or banish the dupes and victims of O'Connell and his friends, while the great agitators are passed over, and allowed to escape with impunity. Ministers, according to Mr. Stanley, " have struck out political offences of all kinds,—all cases of libel, political meetings, and matters connected with the press,—all there offences have been taken out of the bill." How O'Connell must laugh in his sleeve at this im becility ! Mr. Stanley will be disappointed of his sweet revenge. He is not permitted to touch a hair of the head of the leading agitator and his fellow-demagogues. They are allowed the length of their old rope ; and while they spout sedition in Dublin, and fill the papers with their vituperations, those who follow their advice will be punished in the provinces. For the victim there is mar tial law, while the author of his errors and crimes sleeps securely under the portals of the British constitution. This being the case we have the strongest objections to the bill in its present form. It is a .cobweb to catch the weaker insects while the larger ones shoot through it. Under its provisions there is one law for the rich arid another for the poor,—enactments giving a bounty to agitation, and hanging those who are the lesser and meaner criminals. It is, like many other whig measures, based on injustice, and on this ground alone should be opposed by all conservatives, as we are glad to perceiye it has been by Lords Chandos, Ingestrie, and Hotham, Messrs. Baring, W. Duncombe, and Cecil Forester, and what is most extraordinary of all, by Mr. James Aber crombie, the late Chief Baron for Scotland. The support which the bill has hitherto received from the tory party has, in point of fact, been given under the impression that the government were in earnest in their exertions to suppress agitation, and bring to summary and condign punishment the restless and unprincipled demagogues who have too long been permitted to violate the law, and disturb the peace of the country. But it is now cleat that this bill has no such object. Riots and murders, arising from the collection of tithes, are not to be placed under the ban of this arbitrary bill. Lord Lansdowu and the Duke of Devonshire are to be as sisted by it in the collection of their rents, but no clergy man of the Protestant church is rendered more secure in exacting that to which he has as good if not a better title than these noble lords have to their rents. It is a delu sion altogether. Its ulterior objects are foreign to the enforcement of the Just rights of the church. It is simply an alxiliary of spoliation. It is directed against the Protestants ; and their coercion, and not that of O'Con nell and his crew, is its secret aim. WE had prepared an article in exposition of the new liberal system of applying large sums of money, wrung from the Protestant people of England in the shape of taxes, in order to encourage the spread of Popery in Ireland, hilt which owing to the crowded state of our columns we must set aside for the present. It is, how ever, a vitally important subject, and one which we must dissect to the very marrow. Money is levied from us to exclude the bible—the book of truth—the word of God —the canons of Heaven, from the poor Protestants of Ireland. Oh, shame ! shame! WE committed a mistake in our last number in sad dling Mr. Ewart with some of the sins of Mr. Wason, which, considering that the honourable member has a superabundance of his own to answer for, would have been an act of great cruelty on our part, if it had been done intentionally. It was Mr. Wason, and not Mr. Ewart, who opposed Lord Sandon's .motion to admit counsel in defence of the freemen of Liverpool. Mr. Ewart was a silent member on the occasion, and did not commit that which he allowed to be committed by his friends without offering a word in favour of his calumni ated constituents. A learned contemporary having, in pursuit of his vocation, put forth a laboured article on the church - and the dissenters, and as the publication of such articles, with a view to under mine the established church and afterwards the monarchy, is one of the means by which the revolutionary movement is to be simultaneously forwarded in the metropolis and the provinces, we think it right to make a few observations on the sophistries which this one in particular contains. It is grounded through out upon the common fallacy which, however common and however unblushingly repeated, is known to be a fallacy, even by most of those who employ it, namely, that the church is sup ported by " a compulsive tax." The church is no more sup ported by a compulsive tax than the new-made Earl of Durham is ; and the people of London may just as fairly petition to be exempted from the prime cost of coals, as the people of Eng land may to be exempted from the imposition of tithes. Tithes are a property which no more belongs to the people than do the Earl of Durham's coals. Tithe is not a tax, and no unpre judiced man who is not very ignorant will call it so. When all rents were paid in produce the original proprietors set apart a tenth of the produce for the support of a religious establishment, and this tenth, thus appropriated, has been by law confirmed to that establishment for the last 1000 years. How absurd it is, then, to call it a tax any more than rent is a tax ! and how is the dissenter aggrieved by the payment of it? If he is a tenant he hires his land, knowing that it is subject to tithe, calculates the probable amount of the tithe, and makes a proportionable abatement of the rent which he offers to pay. If he be a pro prietor he either possesses the land by grant, inheritance, or purchase. If by grant or inheritance, tithe was expressly re served, and that portion of the produce never was his. If by purchase he, of course, _gave less for titheable land than he would give for land tithe free, and therefore never paid for the tithe : and what he never paid for he cannot honestly call his own. How absurd, then,. again we say, is it to call tithe a com pulsive tax ! It is, as it has been justly called, "a lien upon land which precedes rent, and was created before rent was paid." But, says the disciples of Ricardo, tithes are a tax because they are paid by the consumer. This theory, however, is aban doned as groundless. Colonel Torrens in his tract on " The true theory of rent" has exploded it. He has proved that "'lithe is not paid by the consumer, even as rent is not paid by the consumer. Both are paid out of that surplus fund which must be accumulated, though neither landlords nor clergymen were in existence." Ricardo's theory is abandoned even by the Edinburgh Review. Seeing that about one-third of the land in England and Wales is tithe free, together with large tracts in Ireland, and the whole of Scotland, the reviewer acknowledges that " the cultivator of tilled lands have not the power to throw any considerable portion of the burthen of tithes on the consumers; and admits that Adam Smith says true, when he affirms that " Tithes constitute a portion of the rent, and that their payment has no eject on the price of corn." Thus, then, we have tria juncta in U7lO, Colonel Torrens, Adam Smith, and the Edin burgh Review against our learned contemporary, our readers may choose to which authority they will bow. But, it will be said, if tithes are not a compulsive. tax, at least church rates are so. We are not prepared to admit even this without reservation. In ancient parishes, when the church was built, its reparation, and the decent maintenance of public wor ship, were no doubt provided for by the proprietors of the parish, and the lands have descended by inheritance, grant, or pur chase, subject to this publicly known and acknowledged charge, which, therefore, has been allowed for in all leases, grants, and sales. Where, then, is the grievance ? But what is the case in newly created parishes, like Liverpool ? When this town ship was separated from \Talton parish, the rectors were to en- joy all the tithes, obventions, offerings, oblations, a, ecclesiastical benefits, which anciently belonged to OD and vicar of Walton; and, in addition, were to have, them, a house and garden as near the church as 00' niently be. Now these ancient ecclesiastical benef transferred from their original proprietors, and which, with the housei and gardens provided by the statute, churches, would, if not somewhat improvidently coi have amounted probably to between two or three ' year, can hardly be called a compulsive tax on the tenants and proprietors of the present day. If they their property, they inherited it subject to the c harge bought it, they bought it subject also, if they are tena' know what they have to pay previous to the bargain ' with the landlord, and must deduct the amount of th e from the rent they agree to pay. Suppose, however, that, it is a compulsive tax, what amount to ? The church rates in this parish never in the pound ; and of this, probably one-half, certain' a fourth, is spent in providing for the decent burial of and other poor rate charges which must exist w hetbk were any established church or no. The extreme ex' fore, of the compulsive tax upon a dissenting ten-pc holder, is 15d.: its probable extent is 10d. a year. heavy burden, surely. But it is said he has no right to be taxed at all to religion which he does not approve of. This is a were true, it would prove too much, and would from all public payments which their caprice or tempt them to refuse. It has been well observed that "an individual can no more plead dissent, in tax imposed on him for the support of an establiC he can plead a leaning towards republicanism in b; which might be imposed on him for the support of a If this right of objection is to be admitted in one case, in all ? If a dissenter can refuse to render to the things which the legislature has decreed for centuries to it, then a republican can refuse to render to Caesar that are Caesar's. The maxim would be a bounty and disloyalty, and all public payments would soon end. With respect to the number of dissenters, it is of difficult to ascertain it. The proportion in Lancashl to the number of Roman Catholics, and the great to' usually large ; but, we believe, as we have before ei to show in this p4er, that the families of those whe parate places of worship, as enrolled members, do two millions, of which at least one million are Mel are not dissenters; and, therefore, the whole number enrolled dissenters will not exceed one million. But numbers of those who are nothing at all, and the those who hate the church as an instrument of relit bulwark against the inroads of anarchy, are very and must be vigilantly observed. PLUNKETT MUTIL ATLD.—Lord Plunkett attemptt fend the mutilation of the Holy Scriptures by the five - ' times refuted sophistry [if such drivel deserves the nag , ' bad sophistry,] that the supplying of extracts is not tio and therefore the exclusion of the whole Bible is not to Now, for the five hundred and first time, we will repe futation of this silly nonsense, and we pray of Lord to mark us. The supplying of extracts from the Scl certainly not, per se, mutilating the Scriptures; but 0' ing of extracts to the exclusion of a great part, is lout the whole extent of the part proscribed. We will sl language that Lord Plunkett can still understand, I may have forgotten all other. The Lord Chancellor': now we have attention—the Lord Chancellor's salary four quarterly payments. Now the payment of aq , lacy were certainly no mutilation; but let his lordship, for a moment—only for a momen t, as we d o not w i s h —his quarter's salary paid him, with au intimation th t to expect no more for the whole year, would not Lord call his a mutilation—a horrible mutilation, of his sal be sure he would. "The Devil quotes Scripture," to the proverb; does the enemy of mankind therein , the doctrine that he hates? No; like the Irish NY tails extracts that, by an artificial application of disjoil ments, he may destroy the efbct of the whole.—Stan' LONDON LAT,EIST NE WS. Wednesday Evening, Half:past Seve7 In our Consol Market we have had very little doing last report, and the quotation, this afternoon, for I cents. was 88h. Our various Foreign Bonds have also evinced lit ment. Belgian Bonus are 881 to 891 ; Dutch, 471 73 3 74 ; and Russian, Mi. Portuguese Bonds and Scrip are both flat, the Se' dis. Our arrivals from foreign parts to-day are unusuo and no tumours have been stirring. The Malta mail has brought us late dates from the world. The Gazettes contain the following pi which may interest our commercial readers. " Considering the proximity of this island to the of his Majesty the King of the two Sicilies, and the traffic carried on between the same, and that it is 'di establish this trade upon the principle of reciprocity, lency the Governor is pleased hereby to enact and dee' " on vessels belonginr , to subjects of his • the King of the two Sicilies, when coining - direct 00 countries, the rates of tonnage duties to which 13riti!' are subject, shall, •in the first instance, be levied, those payable by foreign vess els. " 2.—That such additional tonnage duties, and other shall also be levied on vessels belonging to sub:pets 4)f Majesty, when coming direct as aforesaid, as shad cC (and no more) any uifierence of tonnage duties, a l charges which, over and above those to which such v& liable in the dominions of his said Majesty, may be iv' British vessels, provided always, that nothing herein c' t , be construed to deprive vessels belonging . to the subi e l' e i Sicilian Majesty, of the right of exempt io n, in the c 3 -,, fled in the first and second articles of exceptions anne.l. 7 i tariff (B) of tonnage duties,. dated Bth December, " 3.—That the payment of additional duties, authooi levied on the following articles; in - pursuance' of the P tion dated Bth December, 1832, shall not be enforced portations in vessels belonging to the subjects of the King of the two Sicilies, when laden in and conr o 7 - from those dominions, namely,— Tariff C, On cattle, charcoal, oil, olive-stones, car° i, and cotton, seed, rice, soap, firewood. " Tariff D, Wines and vinegar. "4.—That additional duties shall be levied upon laden at any port or place in th e d om i n i ons o f h is M a i; King of the two Sicilies, and imported into the islan sumption, in vessels belonging to subjects of his s aid .; whenever, upon the exportation of similar goods, if f vessels, from any port or place in the dominions higher duties are levied, or smaller drawbacks or, granted, than are granted or le v ied w h en suc h g ooc . ls es , ported in vessels belonging to subje c t s o f hi s sa id INI"J snch additional duties are not to be greater iu oxli p ' may countervail the difference so resulting. s.—These enactments are to take effect from the bruary next inclusive. By command of his Excellency, " Palace Valetta, " \V. Sig. " 22nd January, 1833." " Acting chief sec, to govel TO CaFLRESPOWDENTS. The communication signed OAKES is very nrobablV for wit, but we regret that we are so dull as not to discover its point. The letter of a "A SUFFERER" is a sort of indirect - meat of his unoccupied house. , Mr. KIRKMAN FINLAY'S pamphlet will keep till o-:, when we intend paying our respects to it. Wel to learn what can be said in defence of the systen lu e poor children to death, and are therefore glad to be chairman of the Pitt Club of Glasgow in print. LIVERPOOL ;—Printed on Tuesdays and Fridays, in UnK l e hol John Street, and Published at No. 7, High-street, r SAMUEL FEANCEYS, Stationer, of N. 7, Anson-stree.'„, Advertisements are also received in London by Ale');,ir & Co., Warwick•square, Nen - gate-strect; and bit' Fleet-street. X 4 I i 1 a otl" ns, an to the rec have, each m ight re ll i / 1 benefits, . bich, toe .: tote, nor ! l e y tho ' u n Com mr s : the diss eol , ~ they in berl e t b ' Large ' of tenan ts, , t in they,lss!' of th e c ''' w hat M I e d rer el ce t i ,4 tainlY a • 1 f the th e h,., a . 0 e t ...,0 x hethee , y e xtent , tP , e 4 T _pou- nd h° 10 '" Q 4q P ear. 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