The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-03-12 00:00:00

TED CORNLAWS AND POLITICAL ECONOMISTS. A DIALOGUE BETWEEN MICHAEL MONEYMAN, ESQ., AND JOHN PLOTJGHLAND, A FARMER. Mr. Moneyman—Good morning, Mr. Ploughland ; I am glad to meet with you—very glad indeed. Your crops look very flourishing —very much so. By-the-by, since I have resided in your neighbourhood, at Pecuniary Hall yonder, I have never had an opportunity of talking to you on the sub ject of that abominable starvation-trade, and commerce destroying tax, called the corn-laws. I have a petition here, praying the legislature to repeal them. I suppose you will have no objection to just step home with me and sign it. John Ploughland—Well, squire, I'd be glad to sarve ye if I could; but I am afraid if they were done away with (I sup pose yow mean that by the fine word yow call repeal) it would do us farmers a great deal of harm, and other hard-working folks no good ; but I doant understand all your fine long words. They tell me that foreigners, who have no taxes to pay, and who doant pay their labourers more than sd. a day, would bring their corn to England, and sell wheat as low as 30s. a quarter. Mr. Moneyman—So much the better—so much the better. Cheap bread, you won't deny, is a good thing for the people. John Ploughland—Whoy yes, sir, it is for some people, I've no doubt at all. It must be good for the people that live upon the funds, or the interest of their money, and do no work ; but it w ould be plaguy hard upon us farmers. Mr. Moneyman—Not at all, not at all. Your landlords must lower their rents. John Ploughland--Lorcl love ye, sir, how yow do talk ! Whoy they can't afford to lower their rents. _ _ Mr. Moneyman—Why not, Ploughland—why not ? John Ploughland—Well, now, I'll tell ye—but I think yow know soment about it yorself. There's my old landlord —as good a man as ever broke bread—when prices were high whoy, of course, rents were high, and this estate brought the squire in no less than twelve, thousand pound a year every year of his life ; but prices, year after year, went on getting lower and lower, and, as a matter of course, the squire was obliged to lower his rent, till now, according as I calculate, it can bring him in little more than four or five thousand pound a year. . Mr. Moneyman—Well, what of that ? Four thousand pounds a year is: quite enough for a lazy, do-nothing country squire to live upon. John Plougbland—l doant wish to offend ye, sir, by any means ; but may las ye what yow do ? Mr. Moneyman—l am engaged in commerce ; I am a mercantile man. John Ploughland—J, doant know. the meaning of them words, except by guess ' • but I suppose you are one of them gentlemen that. deals inlending money, and that buy things in foreign parts, and bring 'em over here to sell in our mar ket • but arter all you doant make anything to clothe back or fill the belly with. Howsomever, 11l say no more about that. You say that four thousand a yeal- is quite enough for a country squire, but you see about thTee thousand a year goes away from him to pay the interest on the mortgage that's on his estate. Mr. Moneyman—Don't you see that he had no business to borrow the money if he could not afford to pay the inte rest on it. He ought to be made to pay the interest, and to pay it too to the last shilling ; and when he cannot pay it any longer the mortgagee has a perfect right to foreclose, and seize upon it. Indeed he owes it as a sacred duty to his country to do so. The great moneyed interests of the na tion must be supported or credit will be shaken, indeed to tally destroyed, and then the state would go to ruin—inevi table ruin would be the awful, the appalling consequence. John Ploughland—Well, I doant know about that, for yon see I doant know the meaning of them hard words, but they make a big sound, and they not only puzzle me, but almost make me afeard. You,say, sir, the squire had no business to borrow the money if he could not afford to pay the interest ; but you see he could afford to pay it when he borrowed it, for then his rents brought himin. X 12,000 a year. Mr. Moneyman—l understand ye, I understind ye. Prices have fallen,.and low prices are good for the people. Fluctu ation is the soul of commerce—it is the fountain from which our great capitalists draw their wealth. John Ploughland—Well, sir, it may be so for all I know, but low prices have made landlords farmers, and farmers' la bourers poor enough in all conscience. Now, there's poor old Ned Nevergrumble and his wife—they worked upon this very farm for nearly 60 years—ay ! they were a honest, in dustrious couple as ever broke bread), and they never had a shilling from the parish as long as they could work; but when they could work no longer, poor creatures, we allowed 'em out of the poor rates five shillings a week, and so, with a little help from their children, they toddled on pretty well, and hoped to die in their wedding bed, as I've heard the old woman say many and many's the times ; but then the par liament in London passed the new Poor Law Act (I think yow had soment to do with that, sir), and then they made what they called commissioners, and one of 'em corned down here ; he was a lawyer's chap, and so stupid and ignorant that he didn't know a ploughshare from a counter ; or, for the matter of that, I doant think he knowed a plough from a harrow ; and as for knowing anything of the habits of the agricultural labourers, as he was always talking about, how should he know anything about them, for he had lived in London all his lifetime. Well, yow knows, sir, as well as I do, he formed a union and then made us as well as the other parishes about here build that big union workhouse up yonder, and it is as true as I am here alive if they didn't oblige us to turn out Tom Nevergrumble and his wife (and they are nearly 80 years a piece, and couldn't live long), and put 'em into the big work-house prison, for it's no better than a gaol (Mat Moonlight, the poacher, says its worse), and there they parted 'em from one another, half starved 'em into the bargain, and wouldn't let 'em have some nice little things that their children took 'em by way of comfort, because they said it would be setting a bad example. Well I did wonder at this more than a little, and I thought 'em no better than the savages that eat one another ; or, for the matter of that, not so good, for the savages do kill 'em at once, and don't starve folks to death by degrees. Well, I says to- myself, these poor law commissioners can't be Christians, that's sartin, and they never could have read their Bibles,- or heard a parson preach, or they would have knowed better. Howsomever they are both dead, and God rest their souls, for they had no rest in their latter days in this world. Mr. Moneyman—Come, come, Mr. Ploughland, you are becoming very tedious. If I did'nt know that you go to church I should have thought you a methodist preacher. It is false pity to commiserate the lower orders ; it does infinite mischief; they are a dishonest, ungrateful class of beings, and don't deserve it. John' Ploughland—Will yow be so good as to tell me what ye means by the " lower orders," for I doant know the meaning of them words. I never heard our squire or our parson talk about 'em Mr. Moneyman—l dare say, Mr. Ploughman, you never did, for both your parson and your squire have lived all their' life in the country, and must be ignorant. They are of the old school, and therefore know very little. I mean by the lower orders those persons who were sent into the world to work for the higher orders, to toil for the accumulation of capital, without which a nation never can be great or power ful. But lam wasting time. Will you sign the petition ? if its prayer be granted, it will make bread cheaper to the poor man. John Ploughland—Well, and suppose it do, what good will that do ? I know It will do no good to our farm labour ers, for yow'll see, if corn falls one half I shall be ruined, and so will all of us, and then the poor fellows will be starved to death. And besides low prices would do ,no good to the manufacturing poor folks. Say their masters give 'em now money enough to buy 20 loaves a week at Is. a loaf, why that would be 205., I think, a week. Well, suppose wheat fell one half, why then the masters would only give them 10s. a week. But, now I think of it, they wouldn't be able to give so much, for they would lose all the farming folks' cus tom, for we should have nothing to buy with, and we now, 1 take it, are pretty good customers. But it wauld ruin me at any rate. We must take care of number one. Mr. Moneyman—Your landlord must lower his rent, I tell you. John Ploughland—But I tell yow, sir, he can't, on account of that mortgage. Mr. Moneyman—He had no right to mortgage his estate. John Ploughland—Well, for the matter of that, perhaps he had not, and I as much as told him so when I asked him to lower my rent, and he said he couldn't because of the interest he had to pay. " John," says he, " I now think that it would have been better, but you know I have one son and three daughters, and I said to myself what am Ito do with these girls ? I must give them something by way of portion. I have always lived up to my income—my house was always open to the people in the neighbourhood, and a beggar never left my door hungry. I borrowed the money for the girls as they got married, feeling satisfied that, after the payment of the interest, there would be still enough left for my son to keep up the respectability of the family. But, alas ! alas Here the old gentleman burst into tears, I'll be—; no, I won't swear—l could'nt help crying too. Mr. Moneyman—All this comes from keeping open house and feeding those villainous impostors, mildly called beggars. I never give a farthing to beggars; but, as my duty prompts me I ought to do, I send them to the treadmill whenever I have an opportunity. But you know nothing of the great and all-important science designated political economy. John Ploughland—l never heared them words before. What does political economy mean ? Mr. Moneyman—l willtell you what it means. In one of its branches it relates to the most profitable way of selling and buying, and those persons who write or speak upon this science are called political economists. John Ploughland—Then I'll be hanged if my old woman isn't a political economist. She is a good'un at driving a bargain. When she goes to market to sell her butter and eggs how she does Niggle for a high price from the shopkeep ers, and when she goes to the shopkeepers to buy their goods she Niggles just as much to 'em at a low price. So that, sir, is political economy, is it ? Wh3r, everybody knows how to: do that, though some hav'nt impudence enough for it. Mr. Moneyman—That is one important branch of it ; but there are other branches of a vast deal more importance than that. For instance, political economists have discovered and proved, by incontrovertible arguments, that it would be better for the people of this great and free country to throw the land out of tillage and grow nothing but grass. John Ploughland—Grow nothing but grass ! and live with out bread, upon nothing but beef and mutton. Why, we couldn't even have a bit of bacon, and sartenly no bacon and beans. Why, sir, you are joking. Mr. Moneyman—Don't interrupt me, sir, I heard you talk nonsense very patiently, and yet you will not hear me relate the most profound and philosophical truths. Why, Mr. Ploughland, that great politician and most eminent and hu mane legislator, Mr. Joseph Hume, has proved to demon stration that it wo u ld be better for the people at large if all the land of Great Britain and Ireland was covered with six inches deep of lava. • John Ploughland—What's lava, sir ? is it a foreign sort of manure ? Mr. Moneyman—Manure ! No. It is of the nature of molten glass, and is occasionally thrown out of the craters of volcanoes, or great burning mountains. John Ploughland—And do you really mean to say that this Mr. Hume said that it would be better for the country if it _ was covered with glass six inches deep ? Pardon me, sir, but I doant believe ye ; I can't, upon my soul ! • Mr. Moneyman—Believe me, or not believe me, he cer tainly said it, and proved it, too, that it would be for the good of the people. He uttered this most profound truth before the assembled wisdom of the nation, or, as it is generally called, the House of Commons. John Ploughland—And wore'nt sent to a mad house ? ;• Mr. Moneyman—Sent to a mad house, man ! Why, Mr. •.:.Hume is one of the most intellectual men in the kingdom, %:; and he has devoted, for many years, his great intellect to the r. consideration of the more than divine science of political t , economy. John Ploughland—Will you be kind enough to tell me what intellect ineari; ? Mr. Moneyman—lt means great understanding—a deep wind. John Ploughland—A deep mind ! I should think that a man who talked in that way must have a very shallow mind. It makes me recollect what I once heard our parson say. " Some things," said he, " are like puddles—they only seem deep because we can't see to the bottom of 'em.' Why, if the land were covered with glass, we shouldn't have a bit of ground to grow a turnip on, and we should all be starved to death together. The very thought of it makes my hair stand on end. Mr. Moneyman—lt by no means follows that we should be starved to death. There would be a transition—a change from an agricultural people to a manufacturing one. We should by that case, get our food from abroad in exchange for our manufactured goods. John Ploughland—But we farming folks could never be made into manufacturers. We 'must starve. I read some'ut about transition in the newspaper sometime ago, but ]'didn't know that it meant a change from life to death, which it sartinly did according to your account. Good morning, sir ; I'll have nothing to do with your petition. I'll never sign mY own death warrant. Whereupon Mr. Moneyman walked away, deprecating the ignorance and selfishness of farmers and landowners. — Morning Herald. ON MARITIME POWER, COMMERCE, &c., ITS 'USE, FLUCTUATION, AND PRESENT STATE, 1811. A prince employing his navy with spirit and courage, is arbiter and lord of the world. Arms upon land threaten and strike in one part only, but upon the sea, everywhere ; for no prudence can : keep a coast always provided and upon its guard ; nor can any power sufficiently protect it. A maritime power is more convenient to some than other kingdoms, according to their situation and circumstances. The monarchies of Asia always secured land forces rather than a navy; though Sidon, Nineveh, and Babylon, by means of commerce, abounded in wealth and armies. Rome and Carthage of old, with Venice and Genoa of late, rose to a great accession of power by sea; the Dutch Republic emancipated itself from the slavery of Spain by trusting to the oar and sail, by which Britain has obtained the dominion of the sea ; France also rendered herself formidable ; but naval power has been always fluctuating, because it is depen dant upon trade, which has frequently shifted its quarter ; whereby rich and great states have become poor and mean ; and by such revolutions, weak and indigent states have be come potent and wealthy. _ _ _ We see and know (says a judicious writer) that whatever state and power is possessed of extensive trade, must have a great naval force, the effect of which will render her consider able ; yet it is very requisite to know how this arises, and why the strength and dominion of a maritime power is firmer and more durable than that which arises from a great extent of territory, multitudes of subjects, and rich and fruitful countries. Trade is extremely serviceable to any nation, let the form of its government be what it will, because it introduces in dustry and arts, by which the manners of a people are entirely altered; for it is not absolutely the number of sub jects, but the 'number of useful subjects, that makes any state powerful. In the next place, it introduces property ; for without security in that respect, it is impossible that trade should flourish. And lastly, it draws an inconceivable flux of people whenever it is thoroughly established. Hence we may easily assign the true causes of the long duration of republics famous for trade ; such as Tyre and Carthage, in ancient times, and the Venetians and Genoese in later ages. •It is impossible that a 'nation, active and industrious, rich and populous, an at the same time living under a mild government, should not exert a greater force when employed in attacking others, and have much greater resources in case she is attacked herself, than other states that want these advantages. Hence it may appear how the state of Holland rose to such power in so short a time, and how her subjects were able to thrive and grow rich under taxes and impositions, which must have beggared them in any other situation than that of a trading republic. Trade alters the comparative strength of states and king doms, by creating such advantages that, if a state is on the continent, she can fortify , her great towns so as to resist a power ten times stronger in respect to people ; she can also maintain great numbers of regular troops, and hire mon; from her neighbours. Thus, the Athenians were too hard for the Persians, the Lubeckers for the greatest powers in the north, the Vene tians for the Turks, and the Genoese for the most powerful princes in Italy. Thence, the league . of Cainbray, formed by the greatest princes in Europe for the destruction of Ve nice, came to nothing in 1509, and the confederacy, in 1672, between Great Britain and France against Holland, proved ineffectual. The maritime power of Europe surpasses anything of the same kind in other parts of the world, and whatever was at tempted that way in former ages. But though the term maritime power, which is given to such nations as are most considerable for their naval armaments and commercial in terest, has been more particularly applied to Great Britain and the States General of the United Provinces, who have long acquired and supported this character, yet the French have been also entitled to a share in it, as their naval arma ments were very formidable, and their trade so very exten sive, that they lost upwards of 2,000 ships during the Ame rican war, and how many more since that period have they lost ! It is no uncommon matter to find one maritime , state rising upon the ruins of another. We find no navigators in history so ancient as the Egyptians and Phoenicians, who seem to have divided the commerce by sea between them, the former possessing themselves chiefly of the trade of the east, and the latter of that of the, west, by the Mediterranean. The commerce of the Phoenicians was much more to the west than that of the Egyptians ; it is no wonder that they are mort celebrated upon that account by the Greek and Roman authors. The Phoenicians possessed a narrow tract of land upon the sea coast, and Tyre itself was built in a very poor soil. It was like. Amsterdam, and had it been richer or more fertile, it would not have been sufficient for the support of the great number of inhabitants which the early success of its com merce drew thither. But Tyre, after a siege of thirteen years, was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar ; a new Tyre was esta blished, which soon repossessedltself of the empire of the sea t and cond• ued its commerce with more success and splen dour than before, till it was taken by Alexander the Great, who deprived it of its maritime strength and trade, which were transferred to Alexandria. Whilst both the old and new Tyre experienced such great revolutions,. Carthage, the most considerable of their colonies, became very flourishing. Traffic had given it birth, traffic augmented it, and put it into a < ondition to dispute the em pire of the world for many years with Rome. This people spared neither pains nor expense to bring navigation to per fection ; that was their only study, for the other arts and sci ences were not cultivated at Carthage. Address in commerce was a kind of inheritance in the families, and was the best part of their fortunes ; the young people heard nothing in conversation but merchandise, accounts, ships, and voyages ; and the old people professed neither , poetry, eloquence, nor philosophy. By this means they rose to such a height of power, that it would have been alMost impossible for them to have put their design in effect, if fortune, who always es poused their cause, had not accidentally instructed them in the method ; for a Carthagenian galley, which was out a cruising, venturing too near the shore, chanced to be strand ed, and before they could get her off, the Roman intercepting them, took her, and by the model of this galley they built their first fleet. Their resolution in enterprises of the great est hazard and moment was wonderful ; they had hitherto scarcely dreamt of navigation, yet now suddenly undertook the first proof of their skill in a naval battle with the Car thagenians, who held the dominion of the sea uncontested derived down to them from their ancestors. The Romans were successful, and the Carthagenians, after several engage ments, gave up to Scipio above 500 vessels, which he caused to be burnt within sight of Carthage, and that republic was thereby entirely destroyed. The battle of Actium gave the Roman empire to Augustus Crew, and Egypt fell under the power of Rome after the death of Cleopatra. Under the emperors, as there were legions established in most parts of the Roman dominions, so they had constantly fleets in those seas which lay conveniently for the defence of neighbouring countries. Thus Augustus kept a navy at Misennm, in the Mare Inferum, to protect and keep in obe dience France, Spain, Mauritania, Egypt, Sardinia, and Sicily; another at. Ravenna in the Mare Superum to defend and bridle Epirus, Macedon, Achata, Crete, Cyprus, and most of Asia; nor were their navies only maintained on the seas, but several too on the printipal rivers; as the Ger manica classes on the Rhine, the Danubiana, the Euphratuses, and others to be met with in Tacitui and other historians. So late as the year of Christ 307, when the Roman empire was united under Constantine ' there was an officer in Bri tain called the Count of the Saxon coasts, who was to guard the eastern and southern coasts from the frequent inroads of the Saxon pirates—but in 416 the Romans quitted Britain, and Rome itself was reduced by Alaric the Goth, who tri umphed over everything that was chiefly Roman, such, as learning, eloquence, history, trade, civility, even language itself. Upon the fall of the Roman empire, the trade of Europe seemed to be in some measure extinguished, but very • soon revived again among the Saxons, who upon their first land ing in Britain in 449, appear to have been the strongest maritime power in Europe, though their civil . dissensions soon extinguished their naval glory ; whlle a new race of people succeeded them in those plans which they had aban doned in Germany, and in that naval power which has always conquered, or preserved the island of Great Britain from the invasion of Julius Caesar, to the happy reign of King George 111. The Danes in 787 invaded England with only three ships, but they afterwards landed in suchpowerful tlee's, as to con quer the whole kingdom in 1016, after 38 enz-ig - - rents at , ea. The Saxons having lost their naval power coa_ het withstand the Danes, though Alfred in 874 revived the Sm.-n marine, which was brought to such perfection by Edgar in 961, that his fleet consisted of 4800 ships. The Saxon line was re stored :in 1041, but in 1066 William Duke of Normandy invaded England with 900 ships and conquered Harold H., from which time commerce and maritime power, retired southward among the Italian states, particularly the Venetians and Genoese ; in the 13th century it settled among the seve ral free cities of Germany, whose confederacy was known by the title of Hanseatic League ; and in the 15th century the maritime trade of Europe and its chief naval power were thrown into the hands of the Portuguese and Spaniards, by their discovery of 'and conquests in the East and West Indies. The United Provinces in 1579 shook off the Spanish yoke, and soon became so considerable at sea as to acquire the ap pellation of the maritime power. England, under Henry VII., began to revive her commerce, which, in the reign of . . Queen flizabetb, was brought to such a height, as to render that princess the arbitress of Europe, and the naval power of Britain has ever since been increasing, while that of France, shut up suddenly, and (previously to 1794) has been more than once gazed at 'with adtniration. In 1662 Charles 11. sold Dunkirk and Mardyke to Louis XIV., whereby the English monarch incurred, the shame of selling that for mo ney which had cost the English the price of blood. Before the reign of Louis XIV. France had no marine, and even under the ministry of Richelieu, she thought herself power ful at sea with 60 vessels in all her ports, of which only one carried 70 ,guns ; but Louis with incredible diligence, aug mented his navy, and filled his sea-ports with 60 large men of-war. He sent a strong fleet, in conjunction with the English, against the Dutch, but Ruyster engaged them both with success four different times, and three of them happen : ed on the 7th, 14th, and 21st of June, 1673. However, in 1676, the French fleet, commanded by Dugnene, defeated the combined fleets of Spain and Holland on the coast of Sicily. In 1681 the French fleet was increased to upwards of one hundred ships of the line, manned with sixty thousand svamen ; and in 1690, Tourville ' the French admiral, with seventy-two ships fell in with the English and Dutch fleets, consisting of sixty sail, when a desperate en gagement ensued which lasted ten hours, wherein the latter was defeated, and the former for two years were sole masters of the sea ; when they were defeated by Admiral Russell off La Hogue. But Lewis soon repaired this loss, though in 1704 Sir George Rook beat Count Toulouse off Malaga, which put a final period to the marine of Lewis XIV., so that it sunk again into that weak condition whence it had been raised, in the same manner as many other grand things which had their rise , and fan during his reign. Of all those formidable fleets which Lewis had raised, there remained scarce thirty-five ships ; yet we know how they were increased under his suc cessor, and how formidable the French fleet were off Toulon, in 1743. Their navy was again brought to nothing in 1748, but how greatly has it been increased since that time, until the beginning of the French revolution ; but the memorable victories gained by the English admirals—Rodney, Hood, Howe, Duncan, Nelson, &c. over the Spaniards, Dutch, and French, places Great Britain most completely mistress of the seas. From the whole, it appears, that commerce and power are always in a state of fluctuation ; there is no permanency in either, and therefore a maritime state ought always to be jealous of every power that appears formidable at sea, and to be perpetually upon the guard, instead of despisin g the weak - ness of others and relying too much, however great, upon its own strength. HIGHWAYS BlLL.—This bill was considered in a com mittee of the house of Commons on Wednesday. Instead of the management of the highways being placed under the board of guardians in each poor-law union, a separate board of Directors of the highways is to be constituted in districts co-extensive with the limits of the several unions. The weather since our last has been extremely variable. Saturday and Sunday were unusually warm and mild for the season, but on Monday a cold frosty wind ensued, and on Tuesday it began to snow, and it has continued to snow ever since, with very little intermission. In some places the snow is much drifted ; but hitherto the communication has been very little impeded.—Leeds Intelligencer. THE BEER BILL. (From the Morning Herald.) To describe the moral and social evils which have flowed upon the country from the pernicious gift of a " free trade" philosophy to the people the beer shop act, is only to repeat, with the addition of the past tense, our own predictions, long since unhappily verified, of the mischievous results of that act, when it was under discussion in the legislature. Those predictions, or anticipatory statements, supported by reasoning, which the advocates of the unhappy measure did not and could not answer, we urged in vain upon the atten tion of parliament. The flippant and shallow sophistries of what is called " free trade," had at that time possessed the understandings of conservatives as well as liberals. There was a charm in the name which seemed to bereave men, even of superior intel lect, and of more than ordinary knowledge, of the accurate and discerning use of the reasoning faculty, and to render the information, which ought to have shed some illumination upon the subject, utterly useless for their own instruction. It seemed, indeed, as if the spell of some strange sorcery had beguiled the minds of statesmen and legislators, who, one would have thought, would have sternly resisted, under a sense of sacred duty, every attempt to debauch the morals of the people, varnished over by whatever philosophical pretence it might be, instead of allowing themselves to be made the instruments of opening ten thousand new channels of popular licentiousness and moral contamination on the land. When it is recollected that statesmen of the usually just perceptions and clear and cautious judgments of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel were cajoled into con ferring the fatale donum—the beer act—as a great boon on the labouring poor, by the empty babblers about " free trade," one cannot be surprised that the herd of small poli ticians on the tory side of both houses fell into the liberal " trap," and became the dupes of the worst enemies of the working classes, in assisting them to demoralise the people. It is remarkable that, two years before Sir Robert Peel became the supporter of the beer bill brought in by the ad ministration of which he was a member, the righthonourable baronet adduced the most irrefyagable reasons against the principle of such a theasure, in answer to some shallow dogmatism on the " philosophy" of a free trade in beer by Mr. Hume. What a lesson to statesmen does this example afford of the danger of abandoning high principles of mo rality in legislation for the fleeting advantage of any transient popularity ! The beer bill was undoubtedly a popular bill at the time, but that did not make it less unjust and demoralizing. It is the duty of wise statesmen, as it is of honest journalists, to protect the people when they blindly call for a destructive measure—to protect them from themselves. The popularity of the beer bill did not prevent us from opposing it in every stage ; yet though we predicted all its evil consequences, to the letter, we have no pleasure in finding that our anticipa tions were so severely prophetic. The lamentable experience of its effects, which has attested c-ir foresight, has brought ruin to many, and scattered Nide--pread demoralization through the villages and hamlet of England. There is now before us a e lall pamphlet, intituled " A few plain Questions and Answers elucidating the working of the Beer Act," well worthy the serious attention of the members of the legislature, to whom it is addressed, and to whom we earnesrly recommend its instructive perusal. It shows, that as to t , .e improvement which its authors and the free traders anticip red from the act, as to the rendering beer better and cheaper, it has been a decided failure, while the effect of the beer houses upon the lahouring classes has been disastrous in every possible point of view. We will here quote the in troductory observations of the intelligent writer of this cle ver tract : " An act more powerfully calculated to operate upon the moral destinies of this country was never passed than the beer act. For years has it been working a silent, but most disastrous, revolution in the ancient, orderly, honest, indus trious, and moral habits of the people of this country ; and, in this respect, what nothing else could have performed in so short a time, it was left for the beer act fully to realize. While the good and enlightened of our day have been seeking, by the aids of religion and education, to throw a moral grandeur and safeguard over all our national institutions and character, this simple and little-heeded beer act has been allowed to sap the very foundations of the superstructure upon which so many minds, labour, and expense, have been employed. The public, however, seem at length to have awakened to a sense of the danger threatened by the operations of this act, and the subject stands for investigation before both branches of the legislature. Let that investigation be fall, free, and dispassionate, and, in stead of an alteration, we shall have a repeal of the beer act. There are, however, two small points which.seem to stand in the way of so desirable a consummation. First, the revenue; next, an abstract attachment to the principle of free trade. The writer's conviction is, that if all the drawbacks appertain ing to beer-shop revenue could lie placed fully in review ; if the expense of prosecutions, imprisonment, transportation, and execution of parties, whose offences are traceable to the operations of this act ; if the expense of supporting whole families (by their respective parishes), whose indigence has been brought on by the improvident habits contracted in the beer house ; if these, and the numberless frauds practised upon the revenue in the manufacture and sale of illicit spirits by beersellers, would admit of calculation, it would be found that beer-shop revenue was of very questionable utility. With all deference to the principles of free trade, I would ask, will it be contended that an act, at the best but experimental, which haS produced insolvency to the licensed victualler, no good to the beerseller, and dissatisfaction to the public at large, ought to be allowed longer to disgrace the statute book ? Few who have turned their attention to the opera tions of the beer act have had better or more extensive op portunities of observing its workings than the writer of this article, and his experience to now set before you in question and answer, with a full knowledge of the truth of all that is there stated." It has rather surprised us, we confess, to hear Lord Brougham now state that he always objected to any beer bill which allowed the beer to be drunk on the premises. Our impression, but we suppose we were mistaken, was to the contrary. We well recollect that the Duke of Richmond, when it was found that opposition to the bill at a whole was fruitless, moved a clause to prevent the consumption of beer on the premises, which was lost. Previously to that clause being moved by his grace, in committee on the bill in the lords, we called the attention of the legislature and the public once more to the mischievous character of the measure which they were about to pass, in the vain hdpe' of having the sting extracted from it by the adoption of the Duke of Richmond's clause. Lord Brougham was then a member of the Houie of Commons, and we do not recollect"his -moving any similar clause in that house. However, we are glad to see that the noble and learned lord is so little bigoted at present tb the doctrine of a free trade in beer, as to be willing at length to put some legislative check , upon the social and moral evils which the beer act has been working for nearly ten rong years, by prohibiting the consumption "of the vile stuff - usually sold as beer on the premises. • It is the advantage of maintaining consistent opinions that we can refer back ten years to show that we took then the very same view of the beer bill which we do to-day. Indeed any arguments which we can urge now, either in support of Lord Brougham's proposed amendment of the beer act, or in favour of its total repeal, which would be better, would only be a repetition of what we uttered in the session of the year 1830. We therefore intend to republish to-morrow the argu ments which we used to induce the legislature to adopt the Duke of Richmond's clause ; from•which it will be seen that if parliament committed a great error on this subject —an error most prejudicial to the morals of the people, as well as destructive of the property of a respectable class of trades men—it was not through want of being forewarned of the consequences. We will also show how the dreadful machi nery of the scaffold has been worked to punish the crimes which the legislature itself created by passing an act to debauch the morals of the people. OVERLAND MAIL FROM INDIA. (From the Sun, of Saturday.) Mr. Waghorn's establishment in Egypt has put us in pos session of Bombay papers to the 19th, Madras to the 12th, and Calcutta to the 7th of January. It appears, that a change has come over the Affghans, and the Chief of Herat has joined Dost Mohammed and his brothers against us. Mr. Campbell, who was formerly in the East India Company's service, and now in that of Dost Mohammed, is busily occu pied in fortifying the passes on our proposed line of march to Kandahar. Russian intrigue appears to be as actively at work as ever. These circumstances, taken in conjunction, will ac count for the conduct of Persi towards our ambassador, Mr. M`Neil, and the recent decline of British influence in Cen tral Asia. A considerable force, under the command' of Major-General Bowen, was taking the field against Jhansee, which, it was expected, would be shortly reduced. An en joy from Hydrabad had arrived at Sir John Keane's camp, with the avowed object of arranging for the peaceable advance of the British troops to that city, on their way to Cabool ; but it was more than suspected, that is object was to recon noitre the strength of the British army. As, however, his arrival at the English camp was followed by no perceptible change in the previous arrangements of the Commander-in- Chief, an impression prevailed, that his real object was dis covered, and his mission, therefore, rendered unsuccessful. The Madras papers state, that the probabilities of a war with Burmah increase fast. Tharrawaddie shows increased obstinacy against our resident. An extensive manufactory of gunpowder and bullets was carried on at Rangoon, Mar taban, and Bileng, and 1,000 " invincibles" had arrived at the former place ; as had also, happily for the British resi dents, her Majesty's ship Favourite. Another account states, that a rebellion of rather an ex tensive nature was spreading on the mountains N.W. of the capital of Ava; headed by a cousin of the usurper, and thar rawaddie had so far become civil as to allow the Woonghees to meet Colonel Benson at the Lootaw, or Vale of Justice. About the end of November three of a party of seventy conspirators, who were taken a few leagues below Prome, were crucified at Rangoon, having their mouths cut from ear to ear, and a sticlt run down their throats. One lived about six hours, the other two about twelve hours. . Their bodies remained on the cross three days. On the Bth December five more were crucified, they all dying like martyrs to their cause. Everything appeared quiet on the Nepaulese frontier, although it is alleged Ghoorkha emissaries were busy in every quarter of Hindostan, exciting the native chiefs to dis affection. From Jeypore accounts state, that matters at that city had been settled satisfactorily. The mutineers (from 4,000 to 5,000 in number, with 18 pieces of cannon,) after standing their ground till arrangements had been made for attacking them in position, laid down their arms, gave up their guns and other materiel, and had been disbanded, selections of them having been received into the new levy to be incor porated with Foster's brigade. The transportation of Indian labourers had been put an end to at Calcutta, agreeably to the instructions forwarded from England. . _ Accounts from the Red Sea state, that the expedition which sailed from Bombay on the 31st of December, had taken possession of Aden, after storming the place, the loss on the part of the British being 12 killed and wounded, and on that of the Arabs about 150 killed. Sir Peregrine Maitland, late Commander-in-chief at Ma dras, embarked for England in the ship Columbo, on the 4th July. The ships Berkshire and the Tay had arrived safe at Bcmbay, from England. The Malabar sailed for London on the 4th of Jinuary. The Aurora was to sale on the 24th of the same month for England, with invalids from the several British regiments in India, under Lieutenant Poore, of the 4th Light Dragoons. The next overland mail for England was to be despatched from Bombay on the 26th ult. The mail sent from Bombay on the 19th of January, via Falmouth, will not reach London before the 26th inst. The public will thus perceive the great advantage which the country derives, in the obtaining early intelligence, from Waghorn's unpaid services. ATTEMPTED SUICIDE.—NOVEL MODE OF PRESERVA TION.—The other morning, as Messrs. C. Howard and Bro thers' watchman was putting out the street lights in Port wood, which would be about five o'clock, he heard a loud splash in " Dean's Dam," which is full of warm water, and on approaching the dam, for the purpose of observation, he found that a middle-aged female, having more cares than cash, had adopted that plan of self-destruction, and thus extinguish " the ills that flesh is heir to." The watchman, not knowing at the moment how to render any effectual as sistance in a case of such imminent peril, neither manual help nor ropes being at hand, had recourse to the ladder which he had with him, and, contriving (with the guidance of the light of the moon) to pass the head of the female through the staves, succeeded in drawing her out of the water by the neck, partly drowned and partly hung ! The rash woman, we un derstand, having recovered from the effects of her folly, does not feel inclined, upon reflection, again to attempt so wicked dire for her cares.—Stockport Advertiser. THE COURT AGAIN, (From the Standard.) We print the folfowing letter with reluctance, and with a feeling of pain, which we are sure will be participated in by all who may read it ;—it is one of (we may say) hundreds, that have been addressed to us on the same subject. Hitherto we have been silent from a sense of loyal duty, and of the reverence due to the pure and high delicacy of our young and lovely Sovereign. Rumours have, however, got into circu lation—rumours of which we shall say no more, than to avow our conviction of their utter falsehood, which compel us to know that, though censure has not dared to attack the Sover ereign herself, the court of Queen Victoria is by some belie ved at least to be in its conduct what it ought not to be. How, indeed, can opinion be otherwise when the public hears of the description of persons whom Lord Melbourne has pla ced about the Queen, and of his lordship's own unbecoming assiduity in attendance upon her Majesty? We do not affect to calculate much upon Lord Melbourne's sense of duty as a good man or a Christian. or upon the in fluence of loyalty upon his actions—but if he is a gentleman, if his heart acknowledge the claims of a young, inexperienced, generous, and therefore confiding woman, to have her future life protected from difficulties of the most painful character to a woman, though the woman be a Queen, he will give due weight to the , communication of our correspondent, and retrace a course, the effect of which must be to destroy the comfort of the Sovereign, whom an unhappy concurrence of circumstances has placed too much at his mercy : " TO BE EDITOR OF THE STANDARD. " Sir,—l have just seen in your valuable journal of Mon day a paragraph touching the dismissal of one of her Ma jesty's household, which has given rise to some very painful reflections. It is not quite two years since the people of this country greeted her Majesty's accession with their warmest sympathies. Many ,were the anecdotes which got abroad re lative to some of her first acts, and they were hailed as augur ing well • for her future career. Amongst those which came to my ears was an , account of her selection of the lady who has just been dismissed, which as I had from authority which may_ be depended upon will now relate to you. At the time I heard it it,gave me unmixed satisfaction. The Dean of Chester, Dr. Davys, was the tutor of the reigning Sovereign. To that truly- pious man was confided the, education of this precious charge from her, earliest years. lam told that he has steadfastly refused several offers of Church preferment, that he might be near her when she most needed the sage counsel of one whom .she would naturally regard with respect. Quiet and unassuming, of deep but simple piety, the Dean would be the last person to obtrude himself beyond his proper sphere. Soon after her accession the Queen sent for her aged preceptor, and said that she wished to have some person about her to set a good example to the ladies of her Court, feeling that the strictest. propriety should be observed in the presence of one so young, so inexperienced as herself. She therefore requested that. the Dean would allow his daughter to attend upon her.person, which honour was positively de clined. He was ready, to make any sacrifice, he said, but that his daughter had a Soul to save, and he knew the tempta tions of such a situation would be very great. He did not feel justified in sacrificing the highest interests of one so dear to him, even for such a purpose. The Queen, bursting into a passionate flood of tears, declared that Miss Davys should not be compelled to do anything against her inclinations, and pledged her honour to that effect. The good old man yielded upon this. She would have been a maid of honour, but Lord Melbourne objected to her filling that situation, on the score of her rank. Her Majesty, determined to carry her point, made her her Private Secretary. Since that time, I have often looked to the court news to see what traces I could dis cover of her movements. Last summer I heard that the Dean was out of favour, and I now read of his daughter's dismissal under very painful circumstances. I fear the Hope of our nation is surrounded by very baleful influences, when she can thus be prevailed on to part with one to whom she is said to have been once tenderly attached, and who from her sterling virtues formed one of the brightest ornaments of the Court. " PROTESTANT." (From the Morning Post.) When we see a minister ndt satisfied with an office of such deep responsibility at the present moment as that of British premier, become an inseparable and directing member of a young' sovereign's domesticity, it is impossible for those whose duty it is to, watch the course of events not to ani madvert upon the pianful rumours that circulate in the me tropolis. They pervade the conversation of every class of society ; the only difference being that. we have heard them with more positive detail in the higher circles, and that they acquire, as they descend, a degree of grossness and exaggera tion calculated to impair the loyalty of feeling. As to the grounds of these rumours, they are such that we will only sketch their outline in the most distant manner language will admit of. It would appear that a young lady of rank at tached to an illustrious duchess had rendered herself an ob ject of jealousy to the party in power at court by her friendly intercourse of long standing with persons who, since her Majesty's accession to the throne, have lost their influence. It is added that this malevolence, which had produced much family difference, has assumed within a few days a more decided and virulent form ; that an imputation of an odious description was raised against the honour of the noble maiden ; and that the name of a certain member of the faculty was introduced into the intrigue in corroboration of the foul and unfounded insinuation. A noble marquis, however, nearly connected with the lady in question, is said to have forthwith repaired to Buckingham Palace, and, requesting an imme diate audience, to have repelled with respectful indignation the base charge, and duly vindicated the fair fame of his maiden relative. We most sincerely hope that the above alleged facts may proi'e totally devoid of truth. We have but mentioned the gentlest of all the statements we have heard, and it has reached us from one of the highest reunions in this town. But whilst we should see with the most poignant regret that the august lady—the object of universal affection and solicitude—had, at her tender age, been made by court intrigue a party in the affair so abhorrent to delicacy, we cannot but think that, even should all these rumours prove utterly groundless, the influence now guiding the court must be of a very injudicious nature, when such reports are rife in the metropolis. It is understood that the rashness of the member of the faculty above alluded to has been visited with such marks of serious displeasure as will relieve him of future trouble and attendance at the royal palace. STATE OF TRADE. MANCHESTER.—Since Tuesday last, the animated demand for cotton in Liverpool has continued to act upon this mar ket, and a still further advance has been generally realized, both on goods and yarn, though not to a greater extent than the increase in the price of cotton since that time, so that the spinners and manufacturers derive no benefit from it. Un der these circumstances, the working of short time, which eenis indispensable for the protection of their interests, is rapidly extending. A general meeting of the cotton-spinners and manufacturers of Stalybridge and the neighbourhood was held on Wednesday evening; when it was resolved that the respective firms composing the association should commence on Monday next working three days 'a week only ; to conti nue for six months, unless a change of circumstances should arise ; -and we understand that the example is likely to be followed by all the spinners at Ashton-under-Lyne. As this resolution will apply to a number of large establishments, producing a very considerable quantity of goods and yarn, it is likely to produce an important effect upon the markets, and also, we are sorry to say. upon the condition of the work ing (-lasses in the neighbourhood.—Manchester Guardian. LEEDS.—The markets since our last have improved uPon those of the previous few weeks, especially for coarse wool lens, the demand for which has considerably increased, and there is no doubt that extensive sales might be effected, if they could be offered on somewhat lower terms ; but from the firmness which the wool market has recently acquired, it is not probable that prices will be materially diminished. — Leeds Intelligencer, BRADFORD MARKET.—There was an average quantity of business done in the Piece Hall here on Thursday, on pretty much the same terms as have prevailed of late ; and in the yarn market the sales were brisker than last week, but chiefly at former rates. In the wool market there was rather more business done, at previous prices.:7-Ibid. • HUDDERSFIELD MARKET.—We had again a brisk demand for goods of n early all descriptions here on Tuesday. The business done in woollen cloths, both plains and kerseys, was more extensive than on any, market day for some time past ; and in fancy waistcoatings, doeskins, Tweeds, &c., numerous sales were effected, former prices being fully sustained. The wool market was firm, and a good deal of business was done. —lbid. BARNSLEY LINEN TRADE. — During the past week our bleach grounds have been partly at a stand, in consequence of the severity of the weather, and weavers have bad a little waiting for white yarns from the same cause. The home trade remains steady, with a moderate demand.—lbid. NATIONAL EDUCATION IN CONNECTION WITH THE CHURCH. The following is a schedule of the inquiries which each in cumbent is directed to make in his parish or district, in re-, ference to the scheme, recently set on foot, for the establish ment of commercial schools is this diocese : " 1. Population by the census of 1831." " 2. SCHOOLS CONNECTED WITH THE CHURCH." " How many schools for the poorer classes in your parish or district connected with the church ? Daily and Sunday for boys and girls. Sundays only for boys and girls. " 2. The numbers in your daily school ? " 3. The numbers in your Sunday school, exclusive of those who attend the daily school also ? " 4. Are the children regularly taken to church ? " 5. Is the national system adopted either wholly or in part in the schools ? " 6. Are.your schools in union with the national society ? " 7. Are any other books than those of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge used in your schools ; and if so will you be so obliging as to furnish the b oar d with a list of them ? " 8. How many school-rooms are there ? " 9. What are the salaries of the masters and mistresses, and assistants, respectively, and how many of each sex are employded [not gratuitously] ? " 10. Whence are the funds derived ?—from endowment, payment by scholars themselves, or from subscriptions or donations ? -- ;117. 7 .Are there any endowed' schools in your parish or district ?—what advantages are offered under the trust ?—the trust how limited ?—who are trustees ? " 12. Do the farmers and tradesmen send their children to schools connected with the church, within your parish or district ?—if so, up to what age—whether girls as well as boys ?—at what rate of payment ; as boarders or day scho lars ? if boarders, whether for the week or for five days ? " 13. If the farmers and tradesmen do not send their chil dren to schools connected with the church in your parish or district, where do they receive their education ? " 14. Would a higher description of school for the chil dren of farmers and tradesmen, maintained by their own pay ments, be likely to find support ? or would it be practicable to engraft upon your national school a superior branch, for the use of those classes paying for themselves ? " 15. Could such a school' be instituted in your district for a surrounding district? " 16. What want of education, either for the poor or the classes immediately above the poor, is there in your parish or district; and what measures, if any, are in progress to supply the want ; or in what way, and by what means would you suggest that it should be remedied? " 17. How many infant schools (not dames' schools) and the numbers in them ; " SCHOOLS NOT IN CONNECTION WITH THE CHURCH. " 1. Have you any, and how many schools in your parish or district not in connection with the church : and of what description ; whether self-supported or charitable; Sunday or daily ; and to what class of dissenters belonging ? " How many school rooms are occupied by such schools ? " 3. What are the numbers in each respectively ? Total receiving instruction not in connection with the church. "4. Any infant schools (not dames') with how many regular school rooms and children? _ _ _ 5. Are there any commercial, middle, or higher schools, (whether in conjunction with the church or not) in your parish or district ? if so, to be filled up in the accompanying form, for the return of commercial and middle schools. " RETURN OF COMMERCIAL, MIDDLE, AND HIGHER SCHOOLS. " Name of master and denomination of schools. " Number of scholars, day and boarders. " Terms, day and boarders. " Ages. " Instruction. " What religious education, " Observations..,Whether. disposed. to union or not ; if the latter, why ? " GENERAL REMARKS." TOWN-COUNCIL PROCEEDINGS. A meeting of the Town Council was held on Friday, at the usual hour, to take into consideration the report of the finance committee, as read on Wednesday. Previous to entering on the business of the day, Mr. Higgins and Mr. Mellor com plained strongly of the bad ventilation of the , room in which the council meets, and the question of providing better accom modation was referred generally to the town-hall committee. Presentations of the Grand Jury were read of a warehouse belonging to Sir John Tobin, occupied by Messrs. Haskayne, and Co., requiring additional shores towards Angel-street; of a wall in the soap manufactory in Sir Thomas's Buildings, occupied by Messrs. Steel, being ruinous and dangerous ; and also, of a wall in John-street, occupied by Messrs. J. N. Holmes and Co. REPORT OF THE FINANCE COMMITTEE ON WAREHOUSES ON THE DOCK QUAYS. Mr. CURRIE, as chairman of the committee, at which the repott was adopted, rose to move its confirmation. No ques tion was ever more important, or had to encounter more dif ference of opinion. He thought that the reference of it to the committee was attended with this advantage, that it would not be decided on hastily, but would be discussed with a full knowledge of all the facts. His own impression was, as one born in Liverpool, bred and living in it, that the town should receive every improvement calculated to promote its trade and prosperity. He did not hesitate to say, that if it could be stripped of all'extraneous circumstances, this measure was one that should be adopted. (Hear.) But it was attended with important circumstances, that were not so easily got rid of. (Hear.) Before they adopted it, they ought to be fully satisfied that every improvement which circumstances ad mited of, had been tried and failed. He nought the owners of a large amount of property which, whether truly or not, they thought would be seriously affected by it, had a right to expect from them that they should see that all other means had failed, before that property was in their opinion, put in jeo pardy. With that view, in that prudential motive, he came to give his vote. He would not further occupy their time, as the evidence in the report was ample, and he was ready to explain any . grounds on which they had proceeded. He moved the adoption of the report. Mr. J. HOLMES (we believe) seconded the motion. Mr. Alderman LEATHOM would not occupy their time long. He would not object to the reception of the report, subject three resolutions which he would move by way of amendment. The first was to the effect, that the increased commerce of the port, and the rivalry of others, rendered necessary more effectual means for the prompt dispatch of vessels, and that, to attain that object, it was necessary that warehouses should be built on the margin of the docks. The second was, that the recommendation of the finance com mittee to buildi transit sheds should be adopted, with liberty to the dock committee to add a third story. The third was, that the dock committee should be at liberty to proceed with the bill, reserving all other matters for the further consider ation of the council. Mr. BOLTON rose with pleasure to second the amendment. It was gratifying to find a subject of so great importance divested of party politics—he wished he could add of private interests. It was their duty as councillors to leave behind them all prejudices and partialities, and to take the best course for the prosperity of the town and port. From recent discussions on the corn laws they must have learned that we were in danger of losing {altogether some foreign markets which we had exclusively supplied up to a very recent period. It appeared also by evidence before this council, that Lon don possessed in its docks superior advantages for trade to ours, and that even Hull surpassed us.—(Hear.) Was the second port in the kingdom, he might say in the world, always to labour under undue disadvantages ? He trusted not. The dock committee had taken the matter up, and if this port had advantages over London, would avail them selves of them ; if disadvantages, would overcome them. He would now look at the details of the evidence before them. First then, was the evidence of the various mercan tile associations. [From the report pot being put in our possession until a late hour, and the want both of a table of contents and an index, we have great difficulty in following the speaker in his references.] From various of these, they had assurances in favour of the measure. The Mexican and South American Associations, the Brazilian, the American Chamber of Commerce had joined in resolutions that they were not aware of any disadvantages attending the measure beyond such individual loss as might result. That it would be a great public improvement. That the advantages would be great in facility of discharge, saving .of cartage, and of enormous loss by pilferage. " The expense of cartage would, be entirely saved, and, what is of still greater importance, the enormous loss by pil ferage, of which the merchants have so long complained, and which chiefly occurs on the way from the ship to the ware house, would in a great measure be avoided, These, together with the better security of property, the increased means of claisification of goods, and the consequently greater facility in the transaction of business, are some of the direct benefits which would result from the proposed warehouses. These, again, would lead to the increased importation of goods to be warehoused for re-exportation, and other indirect advantages. " In conclusion, the deputations express their conviction that the adoption of the proposed measures would communi cate an impulse to commerce, and to the general interests of the port, which cannot easily be over-estimated ; and they trust that no private interests may be permitted to stand in the way of so great a public benefit." He would not diminish the effect of this by any observa vations. He came next to the evidence of Mr. Tyrer and Mr. Aiken. From that it appeared that Liverpool was formerly preferred to London for distant voyages, and £2OO more was given to a vessel for taking a cargo from the latter. Now there was greater despatch in London than in Liverpool.— The following strong case appeared in Mr. Tyrer's evidence : " The Anne Baldwin went to London, and arrived the same day that the Teste arrived at Liverpool. One of them was consigned to us. Both arrived on the Ist November, 1833, from the Mauritius. The Anne Baldwin was of 280 tons bur then, the Teste of 199 tons, and both loaded at the Mauritius at the same time. The Anne Baldwin took in another full cargo in London, and arrived here before the Teste was dis charged. It was one of Mr. Brocklebank's vessel., and generally he has a good deal of cargo of his own ; but we arrived here with a full cargo before Mr. Brocklebank's was discharged." • Mr. Wilke's- evidence was also to the effect, that the des patch was much greater in other ports than Liverpool, and the expense less. It takes three days to do in Liverpool, what is done in two in Hull and in corn the despatch is three times as great as in Liverpool. Other witnesses showed that Lon don rated first, Hull second, and Liverpool last, in despatch and economy. Mr. B. then referred to the report of Messrs. Falcon and Clint, which he described as fair, clear, and lucid, and read an extract to show the advantages of closed docks, and the construction of warehouses within their walls. He cited the evidence of Mr. Clint, p. 160 : " The system in London is beautiful, and it secures three very desirable objects—great facility in discharging ships, great security to the revenue, and also great security froM plunder to the merchant i and the working of the docks in London is certainly very superior to any thing we have here." Also, the same gentleman's evidence, page 166 and 173. With reference to the recommendation to build transit sheds of one or two stories, they would be costly, and he could not learn that the trade would be willing to pay anything addi tional for so little advantage. Mr. Currie had spoken of prudential considerations. But, was there to be no prudence on the side of the public ? Would they be justified in laying foundations on which they never meant to place a superstruc ture ? _Unless the corporation would give money to lay the foundations, and take the Chance of return on the superstruc ture, he did . not know where it was to come from. He would now revert to the evidence against the measure. The North American Association said that warehouses were not desira ble, but gave no reason—that transit sheds would be useful, but did not say how they were to be paid for. The shipown ers said that warehouses would be unjust and useless, and that the warehouse property was worth four millions—which he doubted—and suggested other regulations and improve ments, all good in their kind, and which, no doubt, would be attended to. The West India Association had recom mended a concentration of docks, and increased dock ac commodation on the west side of Prince's Dock.—To, this, Mr. B. stated several objections.—He now came to the great gun of the proprietors of warehouses. He thought it was strong in assertion, inconclusive in what it was means to es tablish, and anything but'convincing. It talked of "jeopard ising property." Property was jeopardised by railroads. The power-loom jeopardised the hand-loom ;—the thrashing machine the flail. It was the argument of monopolists of all kinds—the whole argument against improvement, that of old and bad machines against new and good ones. They claimed on their side " sense and public opinion. " Where they found it he did not know, as the majority of the associations were against them. He understood that some warehouses paid from 6 to 8 per eent. ( " Yes, yes ; " " No, no ; " " I deny it.") He had the authority of Mr. George Holt for saying that a warehouse which cost less than £6OOO let for £5OO a-year. (Great confusion, which the Mayor, with diffi culty, composed.) Statements had been made about charges. Perhaps it was true that in London, without cartage, they were higher there than in Liverpool, subject'to that. That was no reason why they should not be made cheaper, if they could. Liverpool had great natural advantages. It had rail roads, canals, and proximity to the manufacturing districts. It had salt and coals close at hand. These were great ad vantages ; but, with all these, they ought not to play the fool with their position, but ought to take every advantage of which it was capable. It had been argued that the measure would be injurious to warehouses. lie denied it. It was stated in evidence that the proposed addition was equal to 60 warehouses—say to 120, or 10 per cent. on the whole. If 10 per cent. of them in inconvenient situations were turned to other purpeses, by better accommodation, it ought to be done. The owners of those had no right to subject goods to a tax, in order to force them to he sent to inconvenient situ , ations. The great outlets of the town by water might be donsidered to lie between the railroad in Wapping and the canal bridge. This was the natural situation for warehouses, to a depth not exceeding 5 to 600 yards from the line of docks. Inside of that line, none could be injured, and to the east, beyond John-street, they would not be worse than to the north, beyond Robert-street. He should regret if speculations in warehouses beyond that limit should be un fortunate ; but the progress of the town ought not to be in terrupted, because individuals had made unfortunate selec tions. With respect to pilferage, it was notorious that there was scarcely any in London, but very large in Liverpool, and which, by an uniform system, might be put an end to, as it had been in London. Towards the close of the report of the warehouse owners, there were many valuable suggestions for affording increased facilities for shipping. He hoped the dock committee would get the powers for which they sought, and give those increased advantages.—Mr. B. then referred to the report of the surveyors, to be found in the report p. 188, but we find it quite impossible to do justice to details entirely topographical.—Referring to the finance committee, he thought it right to state that the decision against the mea sure was come to only by the casting voice of the chairman at a full attendance, seven out of the fifteen members voting on one side, and seven on the other. He was fully convinced that the prosperity of the town depended on the course which the council now adopted. The contest did not lie with the owners of warehouses in good situations, but of ware houses in bad ones. For himself, the decision was of not the smallest consequence to him, but he had felt the greatest inconvenience from the imperfect arrangements of the port through all his mercantile life, and he wished to see them re medied. He would say that members were not sent there to promote their private interests, but to promote the public good, and divest themselves of all private considerations. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman BENN regretted the finance committee had not taken a more enlarged view, and were about to prejudice the trade of the port by delay. He denied there would not be any injury to existing warehouses by the project of the dock committee, as it would take live years to complete it, and trade would doubtless grow up in the time to a greater extent. There were many descriptions of goods which could not be warehoused and sampled here for exportation, and were consequently sent to London. On Cuba, St. Domingo, and Brazilian sugars, the charge here was 13s. a case, in Lon don 7s. The accommodation for indigo was ver y inadequate. The large room that was promised for it he found filled with cotton, and the indigo thrown into a dark room where it was impossible to judge of its quality. Purchasers would not come unless they could see the articles, and they were better classi fied, and the sampling on a better system, as in London. The question was, would they not want those warehouses in five years, and was it not better to have them on the margin of the docks, than at a distance. By the London system, the same extent of water accommodation was made three times as productive as in Liverpool. It only needed a vote of the council to give us these advantages, and the present was a most favourable opportunity. He had never conversed with a single merchant, or intelligent impartial man, who was not convinced it should have been done long ago. Mr. JOHN CROPPER, as so' much had been said about Hull, referred to the evidence of Mr. Wilkes, p. 134. He stated that Hull had no advantage except cranes to take goods direct from the quay ; that cartage was almost un known, but lighterage nearly as expensive. He also referred to the evidence of Mr. Clint, p. 160 and 165, relative to London—" Competition is the cause of the perfection of the London system.' " A great deal could be done (in Liver pool,) but it would be beginning at the wrong end to build warehouses on the present docks." (Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman EARLE said the excellence of the London system was entirely owing to the competition of companies. As for the trumpery case of indigo, if it came, there would be warehouse room for it. He had as good a warehouse for the purpose, in Lancelot's-hey, with side lights, as any in London. Mr. MASON eulogised the committee for the pains they had taken in collecting evidence. He always considered that the project :had all the ingredients of a doubtful and dan gerous experiment that it was a speculation of doubtful benefit to any, and of certain injury to many. He disputed the assertion of the dock committee, p. 8, that all the ad vantages are on its side, and that there are no disadvantages It would jeopardise property, discourage the investment of capital, and injure parties entrapped into very stringent covenants. Mr. M. then supported his position by referring to the evidence at considerable length, and commented with much severity on that of Mr. Walmsley, who, he said, " appeared more as an advocate, than as a cool, candid, im partial witness. His examination is not by question and answer, but by speeches. He commences with one long speech, and finishes with another, with a great many inter mediate ones."—(Laughter.) Mr. T. HARVEY explained that gentlemen were invited not to wait for questions, but to express their sentiments their own way.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman G. HOLT said, the argument had gone wholly with reference to local interests, and the property grown up round the docks, loiing sight of the principle that the docks were national property, and that not merely Liver pool, but Manchester and other places, had an equal interest in them with us. He heard no one deny the advantages of the measure. but it was proposed on the pretext of injury to existing interests. The common fate of property is change and mutation, and the common cry of vested interests has been a thousand times refuted in the case of, railroads and canals. The Shipowners' Association" did not represent ships, but warehouses under another name—(laughter)—it was another shape the same parties had assumed with their usual adroitness. He wished not merely to do here what had been done in London and Hull, but to exceed them if could. He referred to a letter to show that a ship which took nineteen days to discharge in Liverpool, had been dis charged in London with the same cargo in four days. Mr. H. entered into statements relative to some warehouses in Barton-street, to show that the return was 6 to 8 per cent. With respect to insurance, the finance committee had not put any queries to the local insurance company lately esta blished, and he had their authority to state, that if ware house were built on the plan proposed, the premium would be considerably reduced—(hear, hear : " for cotton ?")—yes, if cotton was not one of the articles intended to be stored. The measure might be put off, but it was ultimately inevi table. Mr. Join , / SMITH put it to the good sense of the Dock Committee, if it would not be better to accede to a proposal agreeable to all parties, than to go to parliament in the face of the united opposition of the warehouse owners, the Earl of Derby, and other powerful persons, which could result in nothing but the expenditure of the public money. Mr. J. S. LEIGH we understood to say, that the Earl of Derby had, objected to the bill, but Mr. Smith was not war ranted in saying that he would resist it. (Hear.) Mr. ISAAC HOLMES observed, that it had been stated by Mr. Bolton that the question was entirely divested of poli tics. There are, however, other things that people are anxious for, viz. " power and patronage . ' That was the ob ject of the Dock Committee. His opinion was that it would be one of the dearest and most unsatisfactory plans that had ever been devised or adopted. They said the warehouses might be rendered fire-proof for £145,000. He was con vinced they would not be completed for £200,000. The alleged safety from pilferage had not yet been proved, but was entirely a matter of opinion. Why could not the private owners of warehouse property take the same care of it as the Dock Committee ? They must delegate the power to some one, and if they did, what was the increased security against fire. Would they put the fire-engines in the docks ? ( Yes.) They could not. Mr. Tyrer had said they might scuttle the vessels. Would they put the fire-engines in these ? Alder man Sheil had gone even further than this. He said, " The same wind that took the fire from the warehouse would take the ships to the opposite side of the dock by merely loosing their fastenings ?" It would be totally impossible in case of tire in one of the warehouses to move the engines so as to prevent the ships taking fire. He remembered the fire at the Goree, which, if it had happened at any other time, would have burnt all the shipping in George's Dock. Though the street was a wide one, the front of the warehouses took fire from the heat of those at the back. As to the insurance, he had authority from Mr. Bunnell to say, " When fire takes place in Liverpool where cotton is deposited, you know not where it will end ; the fire is blown up in the air, and falls you know not where ; therefore, you never need ask us to insure under six shillings ;" and the same sum was required for ships. The shipowners were perfectly disinterested wit nesses, and their evidence was of greater importance than that of any one else. Mr. Aikin says, " with respect to steam ves sels there is not so much despatch in any port." The Medora, consigned to Barton, I rlam, and Higginson, was only docked on Friday, from Charleston, was discharged on Saturday at noon, and on the following Thursday was on her voyage to Barbadoes, with a full cargo. Why had not the Dock Committee taken the means within their power to accelerate the despatch of ves sels ? Why was not one set of porters attached to a vessel, in stead of ten or twelve sets ? Why were not the land-waiters, who went down to the Custom-house at eight o'clock in the morning, assembled at the depots at once ? Again, rail or tram-roads might be made round the docks, in the same way as at the Goree. Mr. Clint says, " twice as much work might be done in the docks, under proper management ;" and Alderman Sheil says, " the Dock Committee are not free from blame at present." In this he agreed, and he only wished that the Finance Committee had asked the same question of Mr. Walmsley, that luminary who enlightened the people of Manchester, who enlightened the people of London, who enlightened the Corn Exchange, and who, en lightened the town-council. He (Mr. H.) had been led to believe that he was there as a juryman, and he thought it would have been wrong in him to have gone into the witness-box to have given evidence on a case in which he was to act as a judge. Mr. Filcher had also had a knock-down blow from Mr. Bibby. They were told that Hull could discharge three times as much corn in one day as Liverpool. Now, he had heard the men of Hull were made horses or asses, but he ne ver before heard they were used as jigger-ropes ; but such was the fact ; they carried their corn upstairs on men's backs. There was one part of the Finance Comrnitte's report with which he disagreed very materiaily, viz., that the private warehouse owners should not be entitled to compensation. This he thought they had a right to claim if the proposed new system was carried into effect. The depreciation of ware house property had been very great already since the agitation of this subject. He knew of two warhouses in the Goree that formerly let for £7OO which had fallen to £l5O, and they were now given up. A gentleman who had a warehouse on the New Quay, in a valuable situation, had not been asked the amount of the rent for the four months which had elapsed since it was built. At the present time not one half the warehouses were full. Mr. Holmes made some other observations, which were inaudible from the calls to "divide." Mr. G. WRIGHT said, that he had gone to some expense in building and fitting up a small warehouse, for which, though it had been for some time in the hands of Birkett and Dover, and a board outside announcing that it was to be let, he had never had more 'than one applicant—Mr. Frodsham—and it turned out afterwards that he was only joking with him. All that he had heard from merchants and brokers, in doors and out, had not changed his opinion, that there was no want of warehouses. The proposal was nothing but a hit at the poor carters and their half-a-crown a-day. He saw there some gentlemen who had not the length of themselves in landed property, and who would screw them down to nothing. Th e cries of divide were again loud. Mr. WALMSLEY next spoke in support of the amendment, and in the course of his address complained that Mr. Mason had stated that he was not a cool, candid and impartial witnes s Mr. MASON denied that he had used the words in th e sense alleged. The MAYOR said he certainly thought Mr. Mason's remarks would not bear that construction. Mr. MASON said if his words were construed as personally offensive, he did not mean that they should be so applied. Mr. J. SMITH also disclaimed all intention to wound Mr. Walmsley's feelings. Mr. WALMSLEY was neither wishful for an enviable nor an unenviable notoriety, and threw back the insults in the face of those by whom they were given. He said, that had the party who made such charges been on committee, they would have learned that the liberal m em b ers of them had' no patronage whatever. No politics were introduced either into the Dock Committee or the Finance Committee ; but many gentlemen who had entered them with that prejudice, had found that no politics entered into any of the committees. He took Mr. Mason's words down, and they were, that in giving his evidence he was not a cool, candid, and impartial witness. Mr. MASON denied that he had said so. The MAYOR said that he had admitted that he had not in tended any thing offensive. Mr. MASON explained that he had said that Mr. Walms ley appeared before the committee in the character of an ad vocate, rather than a cool, temperate, and impartial wit After some altercation, Mr. WALMSLEY expressed himself to be satisfied, and proceeded. He intimated his surprise and regret that the Finance Committee had pursued the course they had chosen. They had conceded the principle, but swerved from the strict line of duty. They would have the foundations strong enough till they had become the arbiters between the mer chants and the warehouse-owners ; but that would never happen. They had conceded a principle, and dared not carry it out. He cautioned the members in their future proceed ings not to make shipwreck of principle. They would de stroy the port for a fancied interest, and he entreated the council never again to fall away from principle, for this was interest and not principle. Mr RAM SD E N 'was surprised that a gentleman who was him self so sensitive, should work himself up into such a rage that he could get up and attack a public body. He admit ted, in his very strange speech, that the Finance Committee had done their duty, and then accused them of a truckling policy, and of having swerved from duty. If his words meant what language was usually supposed to mean, he repelled, with the same indignation that had been exhibited towards Mr. Mason, the disgraceful insinuation. He stated that he considered the question to be decidedly one of vested inte rests ; that compensation ought to be granted for the injury done to private property; and that the Dock Committee' had not made out their case. He regretted that the question had not been dispassionately considered by all parties. The assertion of the Dock Committee, that the Finance Com mittee were not capable of taking an enlarged view of the subject, was most extraordinary. He denied that they had carried out all the means in their power to effect a quick despatch, and contended that they ought to have done this before they applied for the powers sought. They should appoint a larger staff of paid officers, and it would be worthy their consideration whether, when they went to parliament, for it was conceded they must go, they would not propose to let each dock to a separate company for twenty-one years. Mr. SHAND, Mr. D. HODGSON, Alderman EVANS, Mr. FRE ME, &c., afterwards spoke on the question, and the amendment was then put, and lost by a majority of 33 to 27, viz.:— For the amendment—Councillors W. Thornhill, J. Mellor, T. Bolton, E. Filcher, J. Walmsley, J. Woolright, J. Bibby, W. Rathbone, W. Lassell, T. Brocklebank, J. Carson, V. Higgins, T. Blackburn, T. Morecrott, E. Segar, J. Platt, G. Ramsden. Aldermen—R. Sheil, J. Hornby, R. Roskell, T. Leathom, G. Holt, R. Benn, E. Evans, T. Bulley, T. Holt, E. Harvey. Against the amendment—Councillors D. Hodgson, J. Holmes, R. Houghton, Isaac Holmes, W. Shand, W. Pres ton, T. Case, J. Barton, B. Frankland, G. Wright, Th os . Sands, H. Holmes, J. Priestley, C. Lawrence, J. Cooper, J. Lawrence, J. N. Wood, T. Harvey, R. Gladstone, J. Mason, J. Smith, G. H. Lawrence, J. S. Leigh, F. Jordan, J. Crop per, jun. W. M. Duncan, W. W. Currie. Aldermen—T. Booth, C. H. Jones, W. Earle, jun. J. Moon, W. W. Currie. The original motion was then put and carried by a majority of 36 to 23, viz For the motion—Councillors D. Hodgson, J. Holmes, R. Houghton, Isaac Holmes, W. Shand, W. Preston, T. Case, J. Barton, B. Frankland, G. Wright, Thomas Sands, H. Holmes, J. Priestley, J. Bibby, C. Lawrence, J. Cooper, J. Lawrence, J. N. Wood, T. Harvey, R. Gladstone, J. Mason, J, Smith, G. H. Lawrence, J. S. Leigh. F. Jordan, J. Crop per, jun. W. M. Duncan, W. W. Currie. _ Aldermen R. Sheil, T. Booth, J. Hornby, C. H. Jones, W. Earle, jun. J. Moon, W. P. Freme, the Mayor. Against the motion—Councillors W. Thornhill, J. Mellor, T. Bolton, E. Filcher, J. Walmsley, J. Woollright, W. Rathbone, W. Lassen, T. Brocklebank, J. Carson, V. Hig gins, T. Blackburn, T. Morecroft, E. Segar, J. Platt, G• Ram sden Aldermen R. Roskell, T. Leathom, G. Holt, R. Bennt E' Evans, T. Holt, E. Harvey. The business referred to by the Mayor at the commence ment was then disposed of, and the council adjourned, having sat five hours. WIGAN ELECTION. , A The nomination of the candidates for the representation 0 ' the borough of Wi gan i n p ar liaAent took place on Friday , at the Town-hall, Market-placMVigan. The doors of the Town-hall were thrown open shortly before eleven o'clock and in a few minutes the place was densely crowded with the supporters of the rival candidates. In consequence of the illness of the mayor, Mr. Bed (the late mayor) was sworn in as returning officer. Mr. BEVAN briefly addressed the meeting. He said they were all aware that, in consequence of the extreme illness and debility of their late representative, Mr. Potter, that gentleman was no longer able to continue his duty as went: ber for the borough, and he had therefore replaced the trust in the hands of those who had conferred it upon him. I t consequently became the duty of the electors to select 0 0 ° ther gentleman to occupy the place of representative of the borough of Wigan. He (Mr. Bevan) believed that two go° tlemen appear before the meeting as candidates for that ho nour. He sincerely trusted that the proceedings would a* conducted throughout in an orderly and peaceable manner. There was no need of strife on either side. He trusted, too, that the proceedings would not only commence, b u t that they would be allowed to termi na t e without any tumult' or any necessity for making an addition to the civil force' (Hear, hear.) He was determined, as one of the magistrates , to preserve the peace of the town by all the means in Ill! power ; and he sincerely hoped that th e mee ti ng wou ld teu him that there was no need of having recourse to any extra, ordinary measures. (" There is not ') It had been hintau to him that some of the masters in the outskirts of the tool were bringing the colliers forward. He would, however' take it for granted that was not the case, because they (th e colliers) had nothing to do with the election. The magic" trates, nevertheless, had deemed it their duty to make Cr: rangements to preserve the peace. (" Ay, and a noice se' ov constables yo've made to keep th' peeace.") Mr. Bevan then called on those gentlemen who had candidates to Pr e " pose to come forward. After a moment's delay, Mr. JOHN WOODCOCK rose, bu t • it seemed not to have been determined what candidate should be first proposed. Mr. W. therefore stood up while the question of priority was decided, and was assailed in the mean time with shouts of " Can't you speak ?" &c. On e gentleman on the Ewart side, called out, ".I think the woodcock is short of spirit; he does not show fight this morning ;" on which one of the witty unwashed, who stood among the crowd, shouted, " The nightingale is coming t ° sing:" Mr. WOODCOCK at last sat down, and Mr. RALPH THICKNESSE came forward, amidst mingle d . cheers, groans, and hisses, to propose M r . W m . E war t. P` said—The gentlemen on the opposite side seem to back in their courage this morning. I have -110 hesitation at all In proposing Mr. Wm. Ewart. (Cheers and hisses). No can' didate ever came before you in whose fitness and ability to represent you I could place more confidence. He has been , as you are all aware, the representative for several sessions; of the second commercial town in the British empire, tut with the exception of London, the greatest seaport in tu", world, and it was never charged upon him th a t h e had managed the important interests committed to his care with ability and proper attention. After some other remark eulogising the conduct of Mr. Ewart, he concluded by Pr ° l ; posing him as a fit and proper person to rep resen t th e boroue of Wigan in parliament. (Loud cheers.) Mr. J. S. HERON seconded Mr. Ewart's nomination. JOHN WOODCOCK, Es q . p ro p ose d M r . K ears l ey as a 6t and proper person to represent th e b oroug h o f Wi g an " , ' parliament. He said, I need not occupy much o f your valuable time in dwelling on the merits of the honourable candidate whom I have proposed, as he is well known to yo u all, having spent his whole life in thi s ne i g hb ou rhoou• (Cheers.) He has once already represented you in parlia ment, and should he have the high honour conferred uPe ri him of being again returned as one of your members, I hal no doubt that he will give his support to any measures e a practical reform which may be calculated to promote the ge°. of the people, without trenching on the safety of the c onsti; tution. At the same time, he will oppose the wild a na visionary schemes of reform approaching to revolution' (Cheers and disapprobation.) A more manly, straightfo r ' ward, and independent memberyou cannot elect ; and I heP t e , that to-morrow you will show your estimation of his merits by placing him at the head of the poll. (G rea t cheering.), JOHN LORD, Esq., in seconding th e nom i na ti on of lur: Kearsley, said—l shall not occupy your time by making long speech, becau se a gentleman who has preceded me n*/ been somewhat prolix in his remarks. Of Mr. Kearsley, will merely say, what many of y ou k now and will rean6 r acknowledge, that when he was our representative he behavc" efficiently and well. Having said this much, I shall beg permission to make a few remarks upon one or two state ments of Mr. Thicknesse. He first informs you that Sr' Ewart has been memb er f or 'Li verpoo l i n several sess i on s °' parliament, and a more unhappy hit could not have bee° made, for if he were a good member, how is it that he 05 ; not again returned ? (" Hea r , hear," and cheers.) Is t not known to all the world how he was returned the fir s " time ? Yes ; it is known that he was returned by briber); and corruption. With this fact bef ore hi s eyes, how cool the gentleman who introduced him to represent him to vf li as a pure and unstained character ? This f ac t canno t be . ele" nied, because Mr. Ewart has himself ad m itt e d it. (" N ° ' no," by Mr. Ewart.) It is too notorious to be denied 11 anybody. But suppose that Mr. Ewart were a good meinn for Liverpool, does it necessarily follow that he will be a g°7i member for Wigan. (Cries of , No, no," " Yea, yes," great confusion.) The interests of the two towns are quir t distinct. What does Mr. Ewart know of the coal trade, f ° ,, instance? Or what connection has he with the other trau` t carried on in the town of Wigan : He is a lawyer, and wh s ? connection has a lawyer with manufactures of any kind (" He is a gentleman.") Mr. Kearsley is brought forwar d as a stanch supporter of the church ; but because he ic e d supporter of the established church is he necessarily o ppo,; to the members of any other denomination ? (" y es , veer, " No, no," and much disturbance.) The whole tenor Of his life shows that he regards all men, whatever their religiou s opinions may be. He has no excl us i ve notions, as s oni i, w ould fain have l'ou believe. To th ose w h o ta lk so much about supporting the established church, I would say, whe ther would you trust it to Mr. E wart or to Mr. Kearsley If you send the latter gentleman to parliament, he will take care to support all measures for its ame li or ation; for, as I t well known to you, he has foll owe d i n t h e steps o f Sir Robe-% Peel. (Great laughter, and cries of " oh, oh.") Why, i t/- no t more than two y ears s i nce that your honoura b le repre sentative said that Sir Robert Peel was one of the best meal' bers in the House of Commons. (" Yes," for s ticking the loaves and fishes.") Mr. Thicknesse has also runt allusion to the window -tax, and its unequal pressure ; b u ".e the facts be as he has stated, why have not the present 141 7 ministers abolished that tax ? (Hear, hear, and a crY ° t " Because the lords won't let 'em.") I think it socnew li t. ° ; unfortunate that Mr. Thicknesse should have selectedtnii window -tax to animadvert upon. He has stated general g that every one pays Bs. 6d. a window, until the house bilss . certain numbe r and then the rate of taxation is decreas ed ' Now, I would b eg l eave t o as k hi m , d oes t h at app ly to t ,c ', great body of the community ? because it so happens that te" poor man pays no tax at all. (Hear.) M r . Thickness the': goes on to the corn-laws, and here also he is very un fortunat e He asserts th a t the effect of those l aws i s to re lieve if () landowners from all taxation. I would like to know v /P ri , pays the land-tax.—(Hear, hear; a cry of " Why, the c o o ; sumer to be sure," and great uproar.) He also informs ss that the people are dying for want of bread ' • but stiPP ° o the corn laws were repealed to-morrow, would the poor o c e be better off than he is now ? The necessary consequen c e would be, that the spinners and manufacturers would red g, the wages of labour. (The little thin man, again ris i l i be `'No, no.") Where is the man that has supported ;, poor in the way that Mr. Kearsley has done? He is an '. O ll dependent man ; his means enable him to obt a i n an d do; that he wishes, and he neither wants to be a poor-law CO, missioner, nor a mercenary dependent of a tottering try.—(Great confusion.) How is it that Mr. E w art omitted to mention the question of the poor-law?—(R o b le hear.) It is because he knows that that law is n ot Pals•;00 to the poor. Mr. Ewart has done his utmost to throw 0 ' ,"1 e e upon Mr. Kearsley, but Mr. Kearsley did]not vote for ;i poor-law, as his opponent did ; an d if M r . K ea rslec b ' e returned, I have no doubt that he will be disposed, in, n , p r esent session of parliament, to attempt its ameliorati'd; But these, gentlemen, are questions better left in the 1 10 of members of parliament ; and will conclude bysaying , if your choice should fall upon the gentleman'whose tion I feel pleasure in seconding, you will at all times f o r , him ready to do his duty, not endeavouring to make his t be tune by means of y our votes, b ut zea l ously support ing real interests of both the rich and the poor. or 3 RALPH THICKNESSE, Esq. here rose and said, Mr. 1 ), 0 c, has repeatedly charged me with having made attacks on Kearsley. I deny that I e v er p ersona lly a tt ac k e d that.g c o l tlemen • but I admit that I made an attack o n his pobt4l principles, and I would have made a stronger one if it been in my power. bete A cry of There is another candidate coming," was i ,; l 4 raised in the court, which was followed by s h ou t s o f " " 3 '20 him up then." Mr. Edward Nightingale, the Mancboo radical, (who had caused an address to be placarded &I l e for the town, in which he offered himself as a candidate d representation of Wigan, in oppositio n t o b o th Whig a le tory) was then seen struggling through the crowd. , tic e made his way, with considerable difficulty, to the Pl e a whence the speakers addressed the meeting, and was P t : 0 0- with loud groans and hisses. He did not s e em a t all cis certed or abashed at the reception which• he eerle li pr eo , The names' of his proposer and seconder (James (=WV : ill' butcher, of Scholes, and Samuel Wigan, victualler, of r of gate) were handed in to the returning officer, but neith e or them attempted to address the electors, which caused e fl og oci pression that the new candidate had not been duly prof' a ve r and seconded. Several persons called out, " His prof has cut." and i ' Mr. BEVAN then announced that there were three c f e r dates, and asked whether any other was to be brongb i t 1 0 1 ward. (A cry of " Where is the third ? I never heard proposed. Mr. BEVAN.—He has been proposed. A person in the crowd.—What is his name? Mr. BEVAN.—Edward Nightingale. Mr. EWART then presented himself to the electure; o oo 3 was received with loud chee rs by his friends. He coma' vi be by remarking that the elect ors , lik e hi m , h a d b een s omelt amused by the little interlude that had just taken pla_ i ce o 'rer was what he termed an excrescence on the general pc",..pd , ante.—(Laughter.) He congratulated his honourable ie l b - c en Mr. Kearsley, that the third candidate who had .iu„,s t „ i ieP nominated had been prop ose d an d secon d e d by the ".„" lie Whatever feeling he mi g ht ex p er ience on the occal e 'ar s ' was sure that the g ra tifi ca ti on o f hi s h on . f r i e nd Mr. ley, would be much greater when he reflected that the of ciples of Chartism were proposed and seconded by tw°,°,tion own party. (Hear, hear.) . Where, he asked, was reTo it; —where universal suff erage , an d th a t w hi c h h e haileubv ti 7 consequence, universal discord—when thu s ' s upported , l of the partizans of his hon.—could he any l on ger Caiot be Tory—friend. (Hear.) Mr. Ewart n ex t s poken of w i f a o termed the inconsistency of Mr. Lo r d, w h o had foun d „05 0 with the gentleman who had done him the honour to P t r:cyfr , him, and who, he alleged, had made personal allusions, r ase, Kearsley, at the same time that h e (M r . Lord) had In' personsal allusions to him (Mr. E war t) i n r eference , wasf conduct at Liverpool. That gentleman h a d a sked why if he had done his duty at Liverpool, he was not age', se 1, ) , turned. It was well known that he h a d been returliccrbise majority of 600 householders, b u t th e T or i e s, suPPor te d of overwhelming oligarchy of the free m e n , had prevaile . h id' this majority. Mr. Lord had made personal allusions o ic h, because, at an election, practices had taken place to A bele, individually, he was not' a party, and which he ever ha",,,,, 5 e: and ever should hold in detestation.' What was the that Never was there a candidate so invited as he was uPf, c oli o occasion by the popular voice. His honoured relative stood beside him, knew that the great body of the f' os inB was on his side, but that an aristocracy, parties Pc'.. s ec isie`; great West Indian and Canadian interests, ruled the . I ,`. a loe. of that town. One of his party had boasted that he OW could return a candidate. Those parties brought er ect ion' vidnal into the field to oppose him, and to secure his c' JO; were obliged to have recourse to practices highly rep fed sible ; and to resist the tyranny of the aristocracy , r n e r co or i ; by 'a single individual, his (Mr. Ewart's) party, had _ 0 OS to means which, he lamented to say, approximated t . 9, lth ro e to those of their opponents. (Hear, hear, hear.) " -.Yea - t . , gard to his fitness to represent Wigan, the electors,L, 1 - j most proper persons to judge. He had been invited quisition most numerously signed ; and he felt he o rttl e have deserted his duty if he bad not given them an l'so o nity of recording their votes and (Cheers- b y a e electi on In aJority c wart.R-earse, Kearsle' Ewart. ''war s t. e . P: . " 4 ,,.Wart earsi ik e'