The Sun. — London, England, 1840-05-13 00:00:00

EVI4INING EDITION. consequence would be the general Treed or co-ruption fieroughoct the boroughs of the kingdom if the delinquencies of the borough of Ludlow were passed over. He knew no thing of: any panics in that bar ash, and be simply grounded his vote on the tendency of example )old oat to other boroughs if the delinquencies of Ludlow were passed ower t be should, therefore, move the adjournment of the debate till Thursday. Ur. C. WOOD could not help expressing a hope that the wince pursued last night would not be again renewed. The request which had been in the first instance made that the motion should be postponed until his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Co`.onies could attend in his place, appeared to him not an unreasonable one to have been paatle from that side of the House, and he thought it ought to have boa readily granted by the other. He had in oonsegtseuoe voted for that motion ; but when in a full House that which bad been asked, and could only have been asked as a meter of courtesy to the Noble Lord, bad p awl refused, be thought that was a virtual decision that Vie writ ought to issue, and such being his opinion, he could not thick that the course adopted last night was sue av Each ought to have been pursued.--( Hear, 'sear, hear.) 483 a precedent it was most dangerous. It was a privi- Lege that was most valuable in tne hands of a minority, but which might be endangered by its exercise on improper poossions t it was a privilege so valuable that he would be afraid to risk it ley Its abuse.--( Hear, hear.) What his Hon. Friend, the Secretary for the Treasury, asked was, that the Noble Lord might have an opportunity of stating his views upon the general question, and of proposing Mute general measure as to bribery and treating; but be ißti not understand that the Noble Lord intended, when he did take part in the debate, to oppose the issuing of the writ for the borough of Ludlow. As to the state ment of the Hon. Member for Cockermouth, it was true 'that he, as a Member of the Committee, had stated his opinion, that there was a sail for further inquiry, but such did cot appear to have been the opinion of the Committee it. self. _-.(Hear, hear.) Not only had they made no report whatever of the kind, but the very statement the Hon. Gentleman himself had made was that the Committee had (bought proper to stop any further inquiry on the part of elausel upon the strongest portion of the case. The Committee carried the inquisy beyond the point affecting the seat of the sitting Member, beyond the point affecting the qualideation of the petitioner, and they carried it to the point of treating and bribery ; but they thought proper to stop that inquiry, and it appeared to him that he was bound to presume they stopped that inquiry thinking there was no wan for extending it further.—( No, no, and cheers front the Tcriee.) That was the only inference he could draw from their conduct.—( Hear, hear.) But, after all, the self awn° question Has decided last night—the self-same motion was made by the Hon. Member for Cockermouth, and a Maj.oriay decided against it.—( Hear, hear.) He should like to know to what extent these motions were to 13e made and repeated. Such a course did net tend much to the honour of the House. The strong presumption ' always was in favour of the issuing of the writ, ar,d he did riot thir( that on this occasion any case had been made out for refuting it.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. HUME did not think that anything would shed more disgrace over the proceedings of the Huse, than proceedings which would preclude all inquiry into allege alone of gross bribery. He was quite surprised at the speech of his Hon. Friend, for he had attempted to draw conclusions contrary to every other man en that side of the House._(Cheers.) Ho said if the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) had intended to bring in any measure to ad': et the representation of the borough of Ludlow, he would have supported the motion for delay—then why did cot he wait tilt the Noble Lord produced his measure, and see whether it might not be such a one as would put a stop to those proceedings, which, if alldwed to go on, must sep the foundations of the whole representation of the country?—(Cheers.) Although his Hon. Friend, aye, even although the whole of the Treasury Bench, went with the gactioman opposite, that did not bind him, or those who thocight with him, that that was a most important qacation—( Hear, hear)—one calling for the interposition of a minority in the very highest degree. The Report upon which they were to act was one made by the tiret Committee under the new system introduced by the Bill of the Right Hon. Member for Ternwortli, who, upon the introduction of the sill, said—" I want to get a Com mittee who will report to the House fairly and impartially upon such matters as come before them." The Committee, in the present case, had reported upon those cases of bribery which had came before them, and be had no doubt they had done so fairly and with im partiaiity. In the same speech the Right Hon. Baronet said be wanted to constitute a tribunal into which party feeliags should not enter. New he would like to know whether there ever was a proceeding in the House into which party spirit had so 'erectly entered as into the one then under discussion. With else exception of the Han. rtletnber for Halifax, not one Member on the Liberal side had joined the Right lion. Gentleman opposite. It was evident, therefore, that this was a party struggle. ( Laughter and cheer; front the Opposition.) It had been part)' question by the 'Gentlemen opposite.— (Cheers.) They had been summoned here for a party purpose.—(Cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) Is was a trial of party.—( Renewed ironical cheers.) 'Fee Liberal party wished to make it a question of justice. —( Ironical cheers from the same quarter.) They wished to pet as sail to a system of abase which had been proved to azist in Ludlow, and which, if permitted to prevail, would uiia destroy an honest rpr;:sentation of the people.— ( Hear, hear.) The Committee had only pursued the in *.iyify so far as was necessary to disqualify one candidate, wild another—(Cri4s of " Question" from the Opposition, &hi" Go on" n-om the Ministerialists.) if such practices were to be alloted to go unpunished, the repr e , , e w a ti,,,, o f the people would become a nullity, and the Members of that Llerse would be returned by the wealthier classes diann,—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Question.") Mir. WA L if said if tb' Hon. Geadsmee wished to ide, he thought they b drev ad better discuss the euettioa than walking iu and out of the lobby. The }fon. Gem 1e t.)16; below hire (Mr. C. Wood) said that the course of the rminerity was a dangerous one. He (Mr. ViTakley) ad tetwed ttiat it was a course which ought not to be adopted, ewer; in extreme case s.—(Cncers.) It was a course fraught with danger, he admitted, and one which he had entered upon with the greatest possible reluctance —( Crict of " Oh.") Nothing hut the most urgent necessity would induced him to take part in these proceedings.— (Pmetewed cries of "Oh.") :lon. Gentlemen might ex claim " Oh," and be as rude as they liked, but it would not niter hie ceuduct or weaken hit convictions. It spa peered to him that it was a still more dangerous practice which they were desirous of preventing. Were they not desirous of putting e stop to the disgraceful conduct that had prevailed at the last Ludlow election? Was it not equally dangerous to permit the voters to- he bribed, tied both the bribers and the voters to go unpunished? Ile thought the observations of the Hon. Gentlemen below him rather suspicious, and he apprehended that his next movement would he to the other side of the Haire. (Laughter, cries of " Oh, r,b," and " Question.') It rotas a very dangerous move from the Treasury Beech to the seat below the gangway.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Question.") It appeared to him that the refusal of the Noble Lurd (Darlington) to postpone his motion was most ungracious. it he (Mr. W.) had done so, he knew what would he said of him ; and, it should be recollected, that the Noble. Lori, the Secretaty for the Colonies, was 'stor e away from c'aoice, but compulsion. He begged to remind tho Heuas of the part which that Noble Lord took when the evidence ou the Ludlow Election was laid upon 'the table. He (Mr. W.) moved that the writ be suspend ed till the Ist June, when the Noble Lord rose and said riot he was sure no lion. Member on the other side the Vouto would Move the writ without dun notice_( Cries of " Divide.") The present discussion would show the peo ple of England who were anxious to support bribery ana worwaption.—( Cheers.) There was no use its the Mem bers next week making eloquent speeches regarding trans actions at elections in Ireland. Every body would know that these arguments were founded it: the grossest hypocrisy -a-that these arguments ware not to prevent, but to sup port bribery whenever it could be practised. Lord CASTLE EAG Ii rase to order. It was Tette unparliamentary to attribute motives to Honourable Vembers. The SPZAK ER said that the course pursued by the Theta Member wits uedoubtedly irregular, and he trusted that he would have no hesitation in retracting the exprce done of which be had made use. Mr. WA KL El' said his meaning was, that Hon. Mem bers practised differently from what they professed, and their conduct led to the practices to which he had referred. The SPEAKER said, the Hon. Member in saying that they practised bribery, was maiiirg use of an accusa tion of a much more serious character. Mr. WAKL E Y only meairt to say that they sup ported those who practised bribery—( Loud cheering.) The bribed parties at Ludlow would have no objection—,. in fact, they wished nothing better than that the election mould be declared void, in order that they might have an opportunity of again selling themselves to the best bidder. e thought that gentlemen opposite ought to look to the effect which the publication of the evidence, and of their (resent cowrie, would have upon their oNn constituencies vit the tient election. They would be told, " Oh, d Goaded the peopl e of Lucilow, an d some of them' you. e ig3llmek 250./, for thei r votes. Now see how moderate wg ans--stwe you eau% refuse us 2W. or 301. a p (Great laughter.) It w as proved by the evidence brought. 14 the Conservatives for the purpose of unseating Mr. 7ki -60444 that Mr. Coppock gave a voter of the name of Co o k xok a ix! sow they (the Opposition) were anxious to div e Cook another 301. Ale had no wish to expete Mr. Cop tea, who was one of his Constituent s i n t h e borough -of itlnsbury, but it was necessary to state these facts to show stbat sort were the voters of Ludlow, whom the Gentlemen tzsite were so zealous to protect. For his part he did not so ow& desire to deprive the other side of the honour of reprvoenting that borough, for he should not like to see two Members on the same side with himself from so cor rept and rascally a place.—(Cries of " Question.") He was speaking to the question. When he read the evidence expected that the Right Hon. Baronet, who had brought ix the Act for regulating Election Committees, would have thought it his duty to propose come measure. But of what me was the Right Hon. Boronet's Bill if such practices as vevailed at Ludlow were not only allowed to cjntinue, Saul were encouraged.--( Oh, oh; divide.) Some people 'aid that the Ballot would cure all these things. Cer tainly it would not. When they showed him a corrupt borough —they showed him a place where the Ballot ought not to be allowed.—( Hear, hear.) The Ballot was a protection to the honest voter—but nothing could be more unjust than to glve it to the voters of Ludlow. (Clean from the Opposition.) They were ht such rogues . *at pot oculd not let in too much upon them.— eLong continued cheeringE. ) ilig, ln a a g n e o n th t ig i e: ll p art of the evi dence by found that Mr. whom , a 3 n ek ti n p o on 7 the Conservative party laid great reliance , Ackn owledged *at es *pet of Lord Clive's pointed out to people who were to be bribed, and amongst thorn lagem the a t he MUSE of Spade, who had refused 250/. at the l est en erdetiaa; and that ho (Mr. Ellis) remarked thereupon, time money could win the election that time, it must by Near, hear). There was also abundant evidence of treating and feasting. On the morning of the election, the votes were marched to the poll like soldiers, but not quite SO needy. Such was the place in which it was said there was no general corruption. They who suppor ted the motion for a now writ uuder such circumstances incur a fearful responsibility, and set an example which would be dargerous to;the coentrv. and he would resist them all I eight. He asked the Noble Lord, who were the most worthy of his respect or commiseration? The Noble Lord who was absent under such distressing circumstances—or the corrupt and rascally electors of Ludlow ?—(Ch .ers.) Lord CAiTLEREAGH said that his object in calling the Hon. Mesalxir to order was not to defend the orrupt voters, but to call him back to the question before the House, which had no conaection with Lord Stanley's Re gistration Bill. Lord MORPETLI said—l merely rise to state what eourso it is my intention to take, and what vote I mean to give. I think that this debate ought to be adjourned at least for the short period to Thursday next. I think the request modest and reason able, and that it ought to be acceded to. I think, at all events, there is so much misconduct proved on the part of the electors of Ludlow, as to make the demand for this delay not at all preposterous. With regard also to the understanding as to the notice which was expected to be given—l do sot mean to say that this has been a direct breech of contract, but I Wait, at all events, that the vir. teal understanding has not been fulfilled, when notice was oily given on Friday of the intention to move for a new writ on the Monday, the Noble Lord who had requested notice to be given Mr, 110 R SMA notice.—(Cheers.) Lord id ORPETH—WeII, Sir, the Noble Lord who had requested due notice to bo given not being in his place, but in retirement—(Cheers) —and it not being possible for him to be in his place on the Monday—(Cheers)—u n d er these circumstances, I think now, as I thought last night, that the debate ought to be postponed; and on that ques tion being submitted to me, I feel myself bound to give my vote in the affirmative—(Cheers)—there being e ven per . haps Ices objection lo the postponement to-night than there was last night, as only two days, instead of three, would intervene.—( Laughter, arid cries of " Oh, oh," from the Oppoeition.) And as to the threatened obstruction of the public business, it is true that last night the Go vernment had public Lusiness which tvas ob. structed.—( Hear.) And now I leave it to Gentlemen opposite to settle their accounts with the Hon. Member for Essex, who has a motion on the opium question. If they think proper to obstruct that motion, it is a consum mation which I am certain I cannot avert, but I shall en deavour to recencile myself to it.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) As to the motion for adjournment, I will sup port that vote, but, at the same time, I feel called upon to add my testimony as to the mischievous tendency of carry ing on debates by adjournments.—(Tory cheers.) And after I have given my vote on the question of adjournment to Thursday—if I do not succeed in that, I, for one, should not feel myself at liberty to back any further mo tion to the same effect.—(Tory cheers.) I shall give it no support ; but as long as I think it possible that the attempt may be attended with effect I shall oppose such motions..—(Cheers.) At the same time, I think that the postponement to Thursday ought to be agreed to. It is a reasonable and moderate request, and, in fairness and decency, it ought not to be refused. The House then divided. The numbers were— For the adjournment Against it I SS Majority On the re-admission of strangers to the gallery, we found Mr. HAWES meting an amendment, to the effect that the House do now adjourn. He would not, he said, at that time move the adjournment to a particular night, as it would be competent to him to make that motion at a later period of the evening.--( Laughter.) He thought the adjournment ought to be until Thursday—first, on ac count of the absence of the Noble Lord the Secretary of the Colonies; and, secondly, because some measure ought to be taken respecting the bribery that had been proved, before a writ should issue. There was a third reason for the postponement, that the country ought to knaw what course tie House would take when bribery and treating bad been proved against a candidate, for, as far as the debate had gone, the pahlie were practically told that bribery and corruption might be practised to any ex tent, and that the House considered bribery by the candi date as unworthy of notice.—(Cries of " No, no.") The Hon. Member then read extracts from the evidence of Sarah Merrick, to show that bribery nniveraally pre vailed in the borough of Ludlow during the late election. The borough had also been disgraced by drunkenness and debauchery. He thought, therefore, :they were justified in asking for the suspension of the writ, with a view to have some inquiry instituted respecting the corruption that existed in the borough, and to devise some measure for remedying it. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, but no division took place ; end on our return to the gallery we found Sir R. PEEL advising the House to acquiesce ie en adjournment till to-morrow, with a■ understanding that no public business shoald be proceeded with until Thursday. Mr. HUME agreed that it would be better to adopt that course than to persevere in the contest. Lord MO RPETH hoped there would be no objection to fixing the droppe orders of yesterday fur some day subsequent to to-morrow.—( Cries of " No, no.") Sir J. GR A HAM said that only one of two questions could be put, either " that the House do now adjourn," or " that the debate be now adjourned." The question was then put "that the House do now ad journ," which was agreed to. Adjourned at Ten minutes past Seven o'Clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, 1114 r 12. Their Lordships met at Fire o'Clock. A Message from the House of Commons brought np the York Improvement Bill, and several other private Bills. Lord KEN Y ON presented petitions from the counties of Kant, Cardigan, Oxford, and York, against the grant to Mavnooth College. TiTiiES COMMUTATION ACT (IRELAND). The Bill for amending the Irish Tithes Commutation Act, by converting tithes into a rent-charge, passed through Committee, and was ordered to be read a third time on Thursday next. The kart et RADNOR prosontei petitions frosa va— rious places praying for the total repeal of the Corn laws, and is favour of Church Extension. Lord S;i:GRA VE preaentad petitions from the agri cu:turists and agricultural labourers of S:ow-in-the- Wold, Forehampton, and Chariton Kings, in the county of Glou cester, against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Also a petition from thu operatives of Frampton Cotterell, in the same county, praying for the total repeal of all Corn laws. The Noble Lord said he cordially concurred with the prayer of the former petitions, and though the latter was numerously and respectably signed, he could not but thit.k the petilioners were labouring under delusion ©n the aubject. The Bishop of RIPON presented petitions from Mon mt,ittishire and Wiltshire against Church Extension. Teo Earl of WICKLOW, on the part of the Arch bishop of Dublin, postponed the motion on transportation, of which the Right Rev. Prelate had given notice, from Friday to Tuesday next. WAR. WITH CHINA. Earl STAN HOPE, after presenting several petitions against the opium trade with Chins, said he was aware that the motion of which he had given notice, would have had much more weight had it been brought forward by some person of greater ability. But it might be in some degree recommended by the tact, that the in dividual addressing them could not be supposed to be actuated by any party motive, as ho was altogether nncon nz.scted with any particular party, and that his only object was the honour and iuteredt of the country on a question which involved both. He should not trouble their Lord ships at any great length than, and he trusted that it would be unnecessary for him to do so in reply. He would confine himself to the matters which bore directly upon the question. He trusted at the outset he would be relieved from the necessity of demonstrating that which every rational man must consider an axiom. He believed no reasonable man would question the fact that every foreigner was bound to pay implieit obedience to the laws of the country in which he resided, even more than those of the laws of the country to which he belonged,—(A laugh.) He did not find any exception to the rule with regard to the trade in opium, whether that traffic was carried on within or without the Canton river. It was quite immaterial, and could in no degree affect the duty of obedience and submission of foreigner., what were the grounds upon which any par ticular laws were founded. Whether they wore founded upon morality and religion, upon commercial and fiscal re gulations, or upon whim and caprice—it mattered not whe ther the prohibition to import opium arose, as he (Lord Stan hope)contended from the wise,determinsd and magnanimous determination, on the part of the Emperor of China, to interdict the importation of a drug which had debased the intellect, depraved the character, lemoralised the conduct, and destroyed the health and happiness and lives of mil lions among the countless inhabitants of this mighty empire ; or whether it arose partly or principally from a desire to prevent the exportation of silver.-- ( Hear, hear.) A learned gentleman lately published a sort of brief on the subject, and had laboured hard to show that the real cause of the prohibition of the import of opium arose from the drain of silverr. A rise had taken place in the value of silver, in consequence of the great exportation, to the amount of more than 50 per cent. The value of the Chinese ounce of silver was equal to 68. 81, of English money, and this was at par equal to the value of 1,000 copper coins or casts. But in consequence of the exportation, the value of the ounce of silver had ' risen to 1,500 casts ; and this had, of course, the effect of greatly ernbarassing the finances as well as the commer cial affairs of the empire. It appeared from the memo rial of a Chinese Governor, dated in the year 1838 (and laid amongst other papers relating to the present question upon the table of their Lordships' House, but not printed), that the land tax and the taxes upon grain and other produce were collected in the copper coin. But for the purpolo of transmissi on to the central exchequer, it was necessary for the collectors t the loss fell npen the officers;. onr o w c e o know convert the amount into silver, and since the rise the value of silver, what an embarrassment was ourselves occasioned to our commercial transactions when gold was exported. The loss to the Chinese Government was calculated,miliio according to another memorial, to amount to 2i sterling, or to more than the value of ten millions of n :, inces of silver. In deed it was stated in an English paper, was pub lished at Canton, that one of te objects,. ug or rather th e avowed object of th e merc h ants in irainl silver was to impoverish the Government, and render China of more easy to compel it to grant a d vantageous terms to t the foreign traders.—( Hear, hear, hear,) On these grounds the Chinese had naturally been excit e d to great caution against all insidious efforts; to subvert the liberty and the independence of their empire' This part of the subj 'ct, however, had only reference to the question is consequence of the undue stress which had been l a id upon the motives alleged to have influenced the Chinese in re spect to the exportation of silver. It had been said by those interested in the nefarious traffic, and by th ose who accustomed themselves to repeat by rote without the trouble of examination, that there had been on the part of the Chinese Government—in respect to the opium trade— prohibition in theory and permission in fact. Now, as far as the Imperial Government, was concerned, he (Earl Stanhope) denied tho fact, and affirms that its measures had been fixed and constant as the polar star, against the traffic, Undoubtedly while the opium traffic was inconsiderable in amount, and while the pernicious effects of the poison ous drug were but little known, and the number of its victims comparatively small, there was nothing particu larly to awaken the attention of the Chinese Govern meat to the subject. But sines) that time, after the year 1136 —their efforts to suppress the traffic has been marked by an energy and zeal Which had bees signally successfui. The Noble Earl pro ceeded to refer to various extracts from the " Big Blue Book," to show that Captain Elliot admitted this to have been the case. The Noble Earl then proceeded to quote other extracts from the correspondence of Captain Elliot, in the years 1836, 1837, 1138, and 18'39, to show that the Chinese Government had determined, and were taking measures, to put down the opium trade, of which he (Captain Elliot) was fully aware, and bad informed her Maje s ty' s G overnmen t. Mr, Lindsay stated that the measures for the suppression of the opium trade com menced in the year 1837, and that the quantity had de creased until it was totally stopped. In December, 1838, three principal Mandarins were degraded from their ho nours for bad practices, among which opium smoking was the principal. He appealed to any impartial and intelli gent man, whether the policy of the Emperor watt that of one who wished to connive and wink at the trade—whether he would not have allowed the existing laws to falliinto obli vion, and become a dead letter, instead of calling the at tention of his own subjects and foreigners to the matter by renewing those decrees, and acting with increased se verity ? Their Lordships were aware that the opium was carried from the receiving ships in a species of galleys, which were propelled by a number of oars, aided by sails. They moved with extreme rapidity, and received from the Chinese the names of " fast grabs" and " scrambltng dragons." Was not that a proof thtt the trade was known to be illegal, and in proof of that the Chinese Government wee obliged to construct similar vessels in order to capture theca smugglers. If the continuance of smuggling was a proof of connivance oa the part of the Government, Noble Lords opposite, and persons of high life, of rank, and fashion, might be charged with connivance, and as being parties to that disgraceful traffic. They were told by en anonymous writer, who styled himself a Barrister-at-Law, that the mere fact of the long existence of the smuggling of opium wee a proof of the connivance of the Government. If the writer had not designated himself &barrister, he (Earl Stanhope) would have supposed that he belonged to the lowest grade of the profession, and knew nothing of the weight of evidence or of the'matter in hand. A trade of so much uncertainty, attended with so much risk and:personal hazard, would be abandoned with advantage even in a commercial point of view. But its continuance in its present state would be disgraceful to the character of this country in the eye& of Chins and Europe, and would be attended with commer cial and public loss and ruin. Captain Elliot, in his ad dress to the traders at Canton, said that the conduct which was now pursued in forcing opium into China against the interdicticm and oaution of the Government, was lowering the English nation in the estimation of the Chinese people and Government, and would do irreparable injury to our future intercourse. He said it would do this country more damage than a war, and was highly dangerous to the peace of the Chinese empire. He said that the traffic was never friendly to humanity or mo rals; but the audacity and profligacy with which it was then curried on rendered its character more disgraceful and per nicious, Was it credible, then, after receiving all the in formation to which he (Lord Stanhope) had referred after the declarations which had been made by British residents at Canton—after the repeated warnings and strong opinions as to the disgraceful and dangerous character of the traffic —was it credible that her Majesty's Ministers made no communication whatever to Captain Elliot ? The only in structions her Majesty's Government sent to him related to the word " Pin," the whole question concerning which was not worth a pin, or that Chinese coin whose value was the one-thousandth part of six and eightpenee. He had in the course of his life paid some attention to the abstruse sci ences, but he was unable to understand the geographical niceties which made a thing all that was bad and reprehen sible within the Canton River, which was perfectly harmless without it. It reminded him of a story of the late Mr. Fox's, respecting a lady who had gone to India, :and whose conduct there had been distinguished for its gal lantry, but whose friends apologised for her by saying that though the charge could not be denied, nothing of the sort had ever taken place on this side the Cape of Good Hope. And so said Captain Elliot, " Talk not to me of the opium trade, since I have by my edict suppressed it within the Canton River." If their Lordships had attended to the extracte ho had read they would know that the strictest orders were given that the receiving ships should he sent out s id e t h e port ; an d were not such orders justifiable ? What should we think if foreign smuggling vessels lay at anchor at Spithead ? He thought they would not be suffered do so many days, but that if they approached our shores the Smuggling- Act would be put in operation, which provided for the seizure of suspicious vessels lurking about the shores. He would now call attention to what had been done, or rather what had not been done, by Captain Elliot; for he was sorry to say no instructions had been given to him by her Majesty's Government, as appeared by the published correspondence. He (Lord Stanhope) was sorry to see in a British officer that want of franknees and good faith which Captain El. hot had manifested towards the Chinese on this occasion. He (Captain Elliot) allowed, in a despatch which he had read, that he was required by the Chinese Government to send away the opium vessels—and what was done? An equivocation was resorted to unwor. thy of his character, his station, and his profession ; namely, that he only saw the papers of British ships sthich arrived without the port, and had therefore no means of knowing what objects they hud in view. In entering into art inquiry on the subject of our present relations with China, it was most important to ascertain what had been the previous dispositions of the people of that country. He wcuhl venture to say, that the conduct of the Chinese to foreign nations had been hitherto most psaific and concilia tory. Captain Elliot himself had praised their humanity, and he stated that they were in many important respects the most moderate and reasonable people on the face of the earth, What was the conduct of the English, on the other hand ? They had used, in his (Earl Stanhope's) opinion, the most offensive language towards the people of China—they had pursued the most outrageous conduct, and they bad manifested the most hostile intentions to wards them. It was impossible to consider this subject without taking into account the acts of Captain Elliot. Their Lordships must consider what had been done, and what had been left undone, and whether the course that had been pursued was not the cause of the lamentable events that had taken place.—( Hear, hear.) Ile be lieved that for those acts her Majesty's Ministers were responsible, and he trusted that they would he able to account for them that night. Ile considered them to be placed in the light of accessories after the fact.—( Hear, hoar.) If her Majesty's Ministers did not approve of the acts of Captain Elliot, it was their duty to have recalled Iline—( Hear, hear.) Now, what was the fact? Why, the Government had adopted the acts of Captain Elliot, and there could be no doubt that the evils that had taken place were attributable to the non-intervention of the Government. A great deal had been said about what was called the imprisonment of Captain Elliot. Now, what was the real fact ? Why, he was nothing in China but a consular agent. He had forced his way to Canton, and then he was astonished to find when he got there that he was detained. He (Lord Stanhope) would rest the whole of this question on the declaration of Lord Palmerston himself, that the laws of the Chinese had been violated, and that the parties connected with that violation had brought the whole thing upon themselves. He was fully convinced that if proper communication had taken place, the evils now deplored would never have occurred. Ie his (Lord Stanhope's) opinion, Captain Elliot ought to have communicated the course he was about to adopt to the Chinese authorities. He had not done so, and what was the result? Why, that those unfortunate circumstances which were so much to be deplored had taken place. If the English law had been put into force in the transac tions connected with China, three times the value of the opium that had been seized would here had to have been made good. It therefore could not be said that the Chinese had acted with harshness. Then, with respect to the Americans, it had been said, why should they be treated with greater favour than the English? The answer that he would make to that observation was this—that they had kept good faith with the Chinese, which this country had net. The fact was, that the British flag had been degraded in the waters of China, in consequence of the outrages which had taken place there. The ships of Eng land had attacked the Chinese without any cause, and he felt no hesitation in asserting that, looking at the course Captain Elliot had pursued, the Chinese were perfectly justified in the position they had taken. He could con ceive no justification whatever on the part of this country, in having instituted the blockade. Ile thought such an act was altogether unjustiiable, and he would put it to their Lordships whether the calamities that had occurred, were not to be attributed to the course that he had pur sued? Were the Noble Lords unaware that the sale of opium had greatly increased in this country? He did not know whether it was used in the University or not, but in the town of Cambridge a very considerable quantity of the poisonous drug was sold. This was the drug they were going to force upon the people, who constituted nearly two-fifths of the population of the world. He knew it would be said this trade could not be put down. He knew it could not, but neither could the slave trade; yet their Lordships had net thought it beneath their dignity to legislate for the abolition of that trade. That accursed traffic had already been most detrivental to the legitimate trade of the country; in a particular branch of it, too, which gave employment to a vast portion of our population, both male and female. Added to this, there was the expenses of the war, which would not be inconsiderable, if it wore put an end to to-morrow, and, under present circum stances, could the Government afford to lose 400,000/. of revenue ? But, suppose they were to blockade the river at Canton, the Americans would either recognize it or not. If they did, they at once lost the whole trade. The revenue must suffer, and the people of this country would be deprived of that which by habit had become a prime necessary of life. If they did not recognize the l ; un a g h o d t u h s e w n t a o r war, once bane gun, c o a n n c a e de p s gun, who could say where it would ceas e . nation—a people so numerous and so p ro, eminently possfble for any one to expect for a momen n t th l t a l t t w s a t s ic i h ni ; en intelli gent—should ever succumb to this country ; but, tv iatever might be its result, it would be a war up e on our part of honour app to t t h o e th m e os i t te fl ye a r g e r nd flagrantly unjust cwhiaioracdtied him the would r. il listen to him, for their votes for such a war must preclu d e the hope of our ever extending the blessings of the Bible among that interesting people. He had endeavoured to show the atrocious character of the opium trade, and that, for the pres.ervatics of such a trade, the House ought not to keep up for a moment a war with tire Chinese nation, whick must be followed by such results, unfortuate, both morally, reli g i ous l y , an d po li t i ca ll y . Apologising to the House f or d eta i n i ng them so long, h e wou ld conc lude with moving—. That an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, to express to her Majesty the deep concern of this House inlearning that an interruption has occurred in the friendly relations and commercial intercourse which had so long subsisted with the Chinese empire ; and to represent to her Majesty that these calamities have, in the opinion of this House, been occasioned by British subjects THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 13, 1840. having persevered in bringing opium to China, in direct and known violation of the laws of that empire ; and to request that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to take imme diate measures for the prevention of such proceedings, which are so dishonourable to the clizracter and so detri mental to the interests of her subjects; and to assure her Majesty that, if any additional powers should be found requisite for that purpose, this House will readily concur in granting them to her Majesty." 4 Viscount MELBOURNE said the Noble Earl had set out with two promises to the House—first, that in the dis cussion of the question he would introduce no politics or warmth ; and, in the second place, he promised that he would not detain their Lordships long. The first promise he (Lord Melbourne) thought the Noble Earl had broken —he was certain that he had broken the last.—(A laugh.) However, considering the great importance of the subject, the length of the papers, and the number of the topics to which it was necessary to allude, probably the Noble Lord had not occupied more time thin the subject demanded. The Noble Lord began by laying down as a principle that every foreign resident in another country was bound to re spect the law of that country even more than the laws of his own country. That was rather a startling proposition at firm might, but, upon consideration, he was very much inclined to agree with it, because the foreigner, by his conduct, might involve the two countries in a war, which responsibility he was relieved from while resident in his own country. Whether it was possible to carry that princi ple into effect among those who were engaged in the pur suit of gain, he would leave for their Lordships' deter mination. He had also entered into a deep inquiry into the motives which actuated the Chinese Government, and he endeavoured to show that they were actuated by pure and lauduble motives, and not by any apprehension of losing the circulating medium by the exporta tion of Sycee silver. ( Hear, hear.) That was ' not a fit subject for inquiry in their Lordships' House; but he perfectly agreed with the Noble Earl that no country should encourage its own subjects in the viola tion of the laws of another country. But how far one country could protect or enforce the prohibitory laws of another country—whether it was the duty of one country to protect from violation the revenue and protective laws of another country by laws of its own, was a question which admitted of great doubt. He could not agree with the economy of the Noble Earl, who appeared to have adopted that of the Minister of China, whose name it was impos sible for him to pronounce; but that was not the subject of inquiry at the present moment. It appeared in various parts of that correspondence that there were symptoms that matters were coming to a crisis with respect to the opium question, and the Noble Lord charged upon the Government great neglect in not having sooner sent out Instructions to Captain Elliot. He (Lord M.)denied that any neglect was attributable to the Government upon that question. It was impossible that they could have sent to such a distance any positive instructions, for they must have arrived at a period in that country at the time when the affairs were in a very different state to that which was supposed to exist when the instructions had been deter mined upon in this country. The trade in opium was fast increasing ; it was seriously attracting the attention of the Chinese Government, and something would be done, but what that something would be was perfectly uncertain. even to the Chinese themselves. One very enlightened Chinese legislator, who had been named by the Noble Earl, was greatly in favour of legalizing t h e t ra d e i n opium. Indeed it, was generally supposed that in the Go vernment of China there had been a considerable division of opinion upon the subject. He had heard that the question was decided by as narrow majorities as they had sometimes seen in this country—( A laugh)—at all events, it was very difficult indeed for any one to anticipate what the decision of the Chinese Government on the subject would have been. The prohibition of the introduction of opium into China was of recent date—not later than 1796—and, no doubt, the expectation that possibly there might be a much freer importation, had given rise not only to an increase of speculation in the growth of opium, but of attempts at its importation. If their Lordships looked at the debates in Parliament, with respect to India, he believed they would find the market looked to for opium was the Dutch islands, the original place where the sale was found for opium. The Dutch were trading in it more than the Chinese pre. vious to 1796, when the smuggling of opium was small as compared to the great extent to which it had since been practised. During this whole time there had been no period, in his opinion, in which any other instructions could by possibility have bean sent than had been sent by his Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. This was also tke charge brought against his Noble Friend by the Noble Lord, as far as he remembered, in the whole course of his speech, but he had made in his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion a most severe and unjust attack upon the gentleman who represented the interests of this country in that quarter of the globe, and whose conduct, in his (Lord Melbourne's) opinion, was marked by the greatest stability, firmness, and judgment. In the whole of the declamation on this subject which had taken place in the other House, no allegations had been brought—no blame cast upon Capt. Elliot, and many per sons conceived it to be a matter of compliment to that gen tleman, that in many of the speeches his name had never been adverted to. He (Lord Melbourne) thought it was some testimony in his favour when they considered the tenor of that debate and the spirit of hostility and party violence in which in which it was cerried on, that no accu sation was brought against the prudence, the propriety, or the wisdom of that gentleman's conduct in that Assembly. The Noble Lot d said the Government was responsible for the acts of Captain Elliot—if net by previous instructions, at least by subsequent recognition of them.—( Hear.) He fully admitted that to be the case, and said, that consider ing the circumstances and situation in which Captain Elliot was placed—considering the people with whom be had to deal, the daneors by which he was surrounded, and the novel situation in which he was placed—if be (Lord Melbourne) was not prepared to say that every art was precisely the best that could have been done in the cir cumstances, at the same time he should be very loth, this distance, and in his iguerance of the real state of the circumstances, to cast any blame on him, believing, as he did, that. on the whole, the conduct of Captain Elliot had been distinguisited by the greatest judgment, pru dence, firmness, and resolution. He (Lord Melbourne) wished not to make any observations depreciatory of the Chinese Gevernment or nation ; but the Noble Lord seemed to think highly of the Administration of that country, and to entertain a strong feeling in favour of their institutions and whole conduct. He seemed to think the whole duty of Captain Elliot was to carry into elect the laws of the Chinese empire, and not to afford protection to t) havere a r e a lDln n ii fofe C otn e rotac b bec e esdt i doi r td : : bdi t tu h t e clear Com that portion of her Majesty's subjects whose interest had it was that Mr. been committed to his care. He said that instead of wisely nw oat:pnaciv impossiblepr obedienceu dei e to re feting Nhier.oDugelnitt'stoa that violence towards that gentleman was to be apprehended, Captain tiaonnddtehtetehrecaliiemiflin,nr determining nds which, doubt from tile temper which then prevailed, would have placed him in the greatest danger. The Noble Lord appeared to be of opinion that Captain Elliot should have enforced the Chinese law, or inflicted the penalties of the law of this country on persons engaged in smuggling opium . ; but it was the dutyf of Captain Elliot to give every protection he possibly could to the English community, for whom he acted under the circumstances iu which they were placed. He (Lord Stanhope) said if Captain Elliot and ethers were banished from Canton at present it was owing to Captain Elliot's having advised them to withdraw. Considering that they had been im prisoned and deprived of all subsistence, could he have done otherwise,, or would it have been consistent with his duty to have done otherwise than withdraw from the dan ger of that violence to which he was exposed? The Noble Lord seemed very indignant that he should have sought protection from the Portuguese authorities, and said it was a most unusual act. He should consider the situation in which Captain Elliot was placed, and under these circum stances could it be disgraceful that he sought the assist ance of the Governor of Macao, which he or any other christian Governor would have thought it his duty to afford, if consideration for his own safety had not prevailed over other feelings. The affair of attacking the war junks was another matter the Noble Lord made complaint of. This certainly did not appear to him ( Lord Melbourne) the most prudent act of Captain Elliot, but considering that be was unable to obtain the supplies he asked for, he thought if there was some imprudence in that act it aught to be en tirely looked over, and not considered to be in any degree blameable. The Noble Lord had expended much sound ing declamation on the general question, and had asked him (Lord Melbourne) whether the trade with China, in the present state of the revenue of this country, was indif- Event ? Unquestionably not. He (Lord Melbourne) felt the importance and difficulty of the subject possibly as much as the Noble Earl could do ; but when the Noble Lord asked them by this address at once to put an end to any hostilities which might exist, and prevent their recur rence for the future, he wished their Lordships to consider whether there was reason to suppose this address--if their Lordships should agree to it—would have such an effect as that expected from it by the Noble Lord? Whether, on the contrary, it would not have a totally different effect, and whether it was wise to interfere in this matter in a manner which might have a serious effect, not only on hostilities that might take place, but on any negotiations which mi g h t be instituted by this country. He would not then enter into any discussion with the Noble Lord with or the objec respect t o t h e d e l eter i ous qua lity of opium, , but he tion to the traffic as it at present existed ; whether begged the N o bl e Lord to conside r this address h a d any tendency to by British pt an end u to that t ra d e , or t h e smuggling of opium sub jects int o Chi na , an d w h et h e r it would not be the most unwise and i m p ru d en t thing that could be conceived to hold out by an a dd ress , ex pectations of our doing that which it was poss ibl e, an d lie was afraid notimprobable,d we might find ourse l ves una ble to effect. If they passed that add ress , p l e d g i ng t h emse l v es to take such measures as would p u t an en d to t h e t r ade which the Noble Lord said he c once i ve d to b e the cause of disagreement be tween the two coun t r i es , th e y should first _ the state of th a t tra d e , and whether they lied the power to produ ce t h at effect. Ile (Lord:Melbourne) was_ sorry for th e use o f op i um i n Chi n s, and though he might not go to th e l engt h the N o bl e L or d did in his generaladvo cacy of absti nence , as f ar as s timulating narcotics were concerned l he would go as far as the Noble Lord. He, could not, however, help feeling concerned , that from tee mode of its cultivation—from its being so completely a Government cultivation (not that ho was defending this, nor yet pl e d g i ng h i mself or t h e G o vernment to the dis continuance of the monopoly of opium on the present system)_he did feel concerned that this system did, in the eyes of the world, identify the Government of this country in some degree with the propagation of tho growth of opium, but at the same time he begged the House to consider the state in which this question stood. Here was a great empire, of immense extent, and of still more im mense population, in which there was a great demand and desire for this drug. This was the case with all nations where the use of wines or spirituous liquors was prohibited by custom or religion, their place being sup- I plied by sti mu l ants of a kind y e t more destructive. flow opium could be more deleterious than these, he (Lord I Melbourne) could not we ll conce i ve , n or yet how the de mand for it could be so strong as for ardent spirits, and for this reason—it was not pleasant to the palate, as was the case with wine and brandy.—(Laughter.) But, however, he would not real ei upon that which was said to be the I cause, it being said that it was sought for with an avidity great and almost uncontrollable. Then, with this demand for this drug, there was a great territory of our own, where there waa an unlimited power of raising it; therefore if we limited the growth within our own dominions, how could we prevent it in other dependent States ? Again, opium was a most powerful medicine and more efficacious in some diseases than any other. Supposing, then, we prevent its growth in our own dominions, what was to prevent its being grown along the whole line of th e I n d us , and Sinde, and the Punjaub, and when it was so grown and to be had, how could they prevent traders accustomed to the traffic from continuing it and carrying it to that market, where it was found so profitable. Therefore if they passed this address, promising to put down the traffic, they would only hold out delusive expectations which they would not be able to fulfil. We would not be able to re strain our own subjects from smuggling the opium into ter ritories where it was desired, and consequently would only in cur disgrace in having promised a reform we never,intended, or were unable to carry into effect, as had been the case with the slave trade, which, it was said, while professing to abolish, we desired to keep solely for our own advan tage. He (Lord Melbourne) begged leave to say, that whatever might be the Noble Lord's opinion of this mea sure, he thought hi s L or d s hi p wou ld h ardly i nterfere by such an address as this, which, taken as a condemnation of all that had been done, was a complete vindication of the whole conduct of the Chinese—a complete declaration in their favour, and which altogether would have the effect of interrupting any peaceable terms we might have to offer. Supposing the negotiations which were now taking place would tend, as he trusted they would, to pro duce a speedy arrangement with the Governmnec of China. He thought this address was hardly quite correct, even in form, suposing their Lordships were inclined to pass one. The Noble Lord then read the address, and ob served he thought our relations with China could not be considered as having been at any time very "friendly," or our commercial intercourse as very " intimate." He admitted that its interruption was " occasioned by the opium trade," but he thought the extent to which the opium trade had been carried had been increased by the connivance of the Chinese authority. The Noble Lord was very anxious to defend the honour of the Em peror of China, and said that he had never connived at it. Possibly that was the case, but it was connived at by the whole body of the Chinese authorities and inferior man darins, by whose connivance alone it could have been grown to the vast extent which it had attained. It was therefore hardly fair to attribute the whole evil to the abstract perseverance of the English in the trade. He was of opinion this whole mat ter should receive the most serious consideration, that it should be considered with a view, if possible, to place it on a better footing than it at present stood—a footing which would less encourage that traffic, and if pos sible less identify the Government of this country with it. But he could not pledge himself or the Government by what he had said on the present occasion. He did not think it wise, at the present moment, to do that which must be injurious to the interests of the country, and pre vent the satisfactory termination of negotiations, which might possibly be entered into hereafter with the Chinese Government. The Duke of WELLINGTON objected very strongly to the interference of the House in a question like the pre sent, and he was therefore disposed to move the previous question as an amendment. • He did not wish to give any opinion with respect to the negotiations pending with China—whether or not her Majesty's Superintendent at China and the Government at home were in the right or in the wrong was a question on which he was not prepared to give an opinion at present. He did not know the course which was to be taken, or the means, or the resources which could be brought to bear to avenge the insults offered to her Majesty's Government, and the injuries in flicted on her people, and therefore it was that he in treated their Lordships to give no vote upon the ques tion. He knew nothing of the means they had of carry. ing on the warlike operations which were now in progress, for the purpose of avenging the insults inflicted upon her Majesty's Superintendent and the British subjects resident at Canton, by the Chinese authorities. The Noble Lord said that the trade in opium was carried on contrary to the laws of China, but it was carried on with the know ledge and sanction of the Chinese authorities, who re ceived large payments and bribes for that purpose. In the very able and voluminous reports that had appeared on the subject, it appeared that the trade had been car ried on for years with the knowledge of the Emperor and the authorities of China, and it was made for months a subject of discussion in that empire whether it should be discontinued, or continued on payment of a large duty. Now, it did not say much for the morality of the Emperor of China, which the Noble Earl would wish to impress upon the House, that such a subject would be deliberately discussed by that monarch, because the payment of the duty would not make the trade more moral. It was well known that the opium bad been carried in to the ports of China by mandarin boats, under the sanction and under the very eyes of the authorities there. In fact, the trade was put down, because it was supposed to have occasioned the export of large. quantities of the native silver, called Sycee silver. The Nobl e E ar l an d t h e Noble Viscount had both omitted to narrate, that in the month of November, 1837, there was a despatch from Captain Elliot, statin g that the export o f Sy cee s il ver was to b e pro hibi ted, and the trade in opium continued.—( Hear, hear, hear.) So that up to that period at least the Government at home had every reason to believe that the trade would be sanc tioned and permitted by the Chinese Government. He (the Duke of Wellington) had sat upon a Committee of the House of Lords upon the opium and other branches of trade, and it appeared from the evidence that it was a great object that the opium trade should be continued and ex tended. After the exclusive privileges of the East India I Company were done away with, the House of Commons had come to a similar conclusion on the subject. Under these circumstances it was a little hard to turn round on those men and say that not only should they be punished by the loss of their property, but that they should be charged with being the immediate cause of the war. He wished to ascertain, in the first place, what were the immediate causes of the war, and what were the means of carting it on before he gave any opieion upon the subject. He wished to ascertain what were the real objects, intentions, and resources of her Majesty's Government. He was anxious, if the war was a just one, to give her Majesty's Government his support, but he bed as yet no data upon that point. After the Chi nese Commissioner had ordered the surrender of all the opium in the possession of her Majesty's Bri tish subjects, and after all the arrangements had been made for delivering it up, he declared that he had never in his life road such language as had been ad. dressed by the Chinese Government to Captain Elliot.-- ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl talked of the language used to the Chinese Government, but it appeared to him that there had been ample provocation.—(Hear, hear.) Such language as had been addressed to Captain Elliot, had never been used by eny Government to the represen tative of the British nation..--( Hear, hear,) He (the Duke of Wellington) had passed fifty years of his life in the service of his country, and he could not bear to see the representative of that country treated in so insulting a manner. Captain Elliot had been charged with evasion, and attempting to deceive ; he was then separated from all communication with his friends and countrymen, and under threats of the most serious character, compelled to sur render property to an enormous amount, which was either sent to Pekin or destroyed.—( Hear, hear.) The war bad grown out or other circumstances, also. A claim was made for the surrender of an Englishman, because a Chinese had lost his life in an affray...a( Hear.) Captain Elliot, as became an English officer, refused, and set on foot an inquiry, the result of which was, that the offence could not be brought home to any party. The Chinese Government still insisted, and that was one of the causes of the war. Another cause was that after a promise had been made that matters would be restored to their former state after the opium was delivered up, and that the British residents should have the necessaries of life, and the trade should be re-opened—having received those promises, it was ascertained that a new proposition for the surrender of en Englishman was introduced, and that the captain of every British vessel entering the port of Canton should sign a bond to conform to the laws of China. The Noble Earl, who evidently was not very conversant with the matter, was not aware that the British traders to China, on former occasions, had invariably refused to do so. Captain Elliot, much to his credit, re fused to do so, and he was happy to bear testimony to the spirit and firmness displayed by the Superintendent on that occasion, and also in his refusal to deliver up the six men whom the Chinese authorities so pertinaciously demanded. Mr. Dent, a gentleman who had amassed a large fortune, as many others he believed had, in the opium trade, having fallen under the displeasure of the Chinese Govern ment, had been demanded from Captain Elliot, who in a very proper manner, as the Chief Superintendent of the trade there, had refused to deliver him up to be treated as the Chinese authorities thought proper. He (the Duke of Wellington)anduld have been ashamed of the name of En glishman, if he had found any British officer in the service of the Government acting so base a part, but he was gratified to find that Captain Elliot had exhibited throughout, a pro.. per spirit and determination.—( Hear, hear.) It was his duty to protect Kr. Dent even to the spilling of the last drop of his blood ; he bad no right to give him up ; he was living under the protection of the British Government in China; he did protect him, and for that he (the Duke of Wellington) should ever approve of his conduct—( Hear, Lear)—ho would have been guilty of a total dereliction of his duty, if he had given up Mr. Dent to be dealt with by the Chinese Government, and he should have been ashamed of the name of an Englishman if Captain Elliot had done so.—( Hear, hear.) But the Noble Earl said that the Americans had accepted this proposition. Why the Americans had also given up, on a former occasion, a sea , man to be dealt with according to the Chinese law ! ( Hear, hear.) He (the Duke of Wellington) was sorry for it, he wished they had not done so; they would have done better to have taken a leaf out of our book, and have followed the example set them by the East India Company, who had put an end to the trade rather than risk the life of one of his Majesty's subjects by giving him over to be tried by such authorities. 'These were facts which he had brought under their notice, and he entreated their Lordships not to pronounce an opi nion that night, by interposing! their authority to cover transactions of that description, and not to en courage the notion that that House would cast blame on an Honourable and Gallant Officer for doing his duty. That gentleman had been 'placed in an unfortunate and difficult position._(llear, hear.) He (the Duke of Wellington) • eitild confess that, from the beginning, h e had never approved of the system which we had been acting upon in China. His opinion was originally ex pressed in an amendment which he had proposed to the China Bill, the object of which was to induce the Go vernment and Parliament to continue the trade in the hands o f th e E ast I n di a Company, s im u l taneously with the rest of her Majesty's subjects, leaving in the hands of the East India Company more particularly the manage_ meta of all communications with the Chinese Government at Canton. He was of the same opinion still, and he be. lievcd that when the contents of that book were taken into consideration, it would be seen that he had rot been far wrong. That which he disapproved of in the Government was, that they had not carried into execution the measures which they had chalked out originally, but they were still left undone.—(Hear, hear.) He would not say that by the adoption of them all these unhappy events would have been precluded, hut at least ne thought they would have avoided some of the violence ❑nder which they had suffered. In the first place, the establishment of Courts of Jurisdiction had been repeatedly called for by every one of the gentlemen who had filled the office of Superintendent. This bad not taken place. Then there was another point to which the Noble Earl should have adverted in bringing forward this question, —the Act of Parliament gave her Majesty the power of regulating the trade of her subjects in China by Order in Council. No such Order in Council had been issued to this day. The Noble Lord had blamed the Superin tendent for not sending away the ships from Lintin ; he said that at last he found lie had bad the power of doing it. Why, when he came to the last extremity of starvation, he was certainly under the necessity of inducing then to give up the opium, and he had given them orders for payment on the Noble Viscount opposite, and by that he had got them to give it up; but he had no authority. There was no Order in Council to enable him to perform that service; he had performed at his own risk, and this country and the Government owed him their thanks that he did perform that service at his own risk. It was an act of courage and self-devotion which few men had had an opportunity of showing, and which, perhaps, fewer still would have shown, had they had the opportunity. From the commencement of the appointment, each succes sive Superintendent had been orying out for a naval force. Capt. Elliot had done so—so had Mr. Davies—so had Sir Geo. Robinson ; yet up to this moment there was no com manding naval force on the China station. The conduct of the Chinese, and the threats which they had held out, ever► as early as the time of Napier, clearly showed the necessity of having a strong naval force on that station. It was necessary not only to awe the Chinese, and back our political negotiations, but it was necessary for the management of her Majesty's subjects themselves. Why, the papers showed that some of them had even threat ened to make war themselves on the Chinese on their own account, and had fitted out armed vessels for the protec tion of their smuggling ports. The authority of an Order in Council was necessary, as well as a naval force, in order to enable the Superintendent to deal with these people as he ought to have done ; and possibly, if he bad been strengthened by the presence of an adequate naval force, he might have prevented things from coming to that extremity to which they had come, notwithstanding all his efforts, and he be lieved he had made every effort in-his power to prevent it. On these grounds he trusted the House would not agree to the address proposed by the Noble Lord, but would vote for the previous question, as that would not pledge the House as to what they would do hereafter, while at the same time it did pledge the House respecting the con duct of the Chinese Government. They certainly ought not to encourage illicit trade anywhere, but he agreed with the Noble Viscount opposite, that it would be impossible for the country to interfere to carry into execution the re venue-laws of China, or any other country.—( Hear, hear.) If we did so for China, we must do the same thing for Spain, for Portugal, for France, for America—in fact, fo every other country in the world, and in that case he thought we should find that we had undertaken rather more than even our own Navy, how extensive soever it might be, could do. The Noble Duke concluded by :moving the previous question. Lord LYTTELTON thought the proceedings of the High Commissioner were the cause of the the war ; and that his proceedings were perfectly unjustifi able. They had placed the Chinese in the wrong when before they had been in the right, and had placed the war in an entirely different point of view. He could not look at the probability of war but with regret, and he could not sympathize with the feelings of those who looked to a tri umpbant issue. Whatever might be the issue of it he was certain they could have no just grounds for triumph. He felt himself compelled with great regret to vote against the motion of the Noble Earl. Lord COLCHESTER said that it was admitted that it was the duty of all persons residing in a foreign country to obey the laws of that country. There was no necessity for this country to interfere to put down the opium trade; the Chinese authorit es would have done that if they had been left to themselves.—(" Hear, hear," from the Earl of Stanhope.) The merchants had had notice of the in tentions of the Chinese Government in an edict issued by the Governor of Canton in January 1839, six weeks before the arrival of the High Commissioner. Of this the Bri tish merchants had taken no notice. When he arrived his first object was to get rid of the receiving ships at Lintin. There were two courses open to him to attain this object—one to destroy them by a naval force, the other to seize the merchants connected with them. Although at one time inclined to adopt the first, he had ultimately determined on adopting the latter alternative ; and it should be recollected, that according to the Chinese law the whole society war equally guilty, having identified themselves with the really guilty parties. The Noble Earl concluded by expressing a hope, that any future com munications of the British Government with China would not have for their objects eny compensation for past inju ries, or any extension of territory, but the protection of our trade with that country. Lord ELLENBOROUG H should not have addressed the House, were it not for some observations which had been made by the Noble Viscount. The Noble Vis count said that by acceding to the motion of the Noble Earl, they would by so doing hold eut pros pects which they could not realize, and they would embarrass our negociations with the Chinese Government. He thought that the Noble Viscount should have refrained from these statements. The Noble Viscount seemed clsirous that we should change the nature of our trade wish China, and that it should be placed more immediately under the control of the Government. But it should be observed that under any circumstances the smuggling of opium could not be prevented, and that wes proved by all the transactions which had taken place on the subject. The only result of attempting to suppress the growth of opium in British India, would be to remove it to other countries, over which we had no control. The more violent their efforts would be to extinguish the trade in question, the more certainly would they force it into other hands, and render it what it could not now be con sidered, piratical.--(Hear, hear.) He hoped that any interference on the part of the British Government would merely be directed to placing the trade in opium on a snore permanent basis, and not altogether to suppress it. Lord MELBOURNE agreed in the opinion of the Noble Lord, and he had merely addressed his objections to the address of the Noble Earl which had for its object the entire extinction of the trade in opium. Lord A SHBURTON said that he could not give his support to a motion which completely condemned the opium trade. What surprised him in the history of our transactions with China was, that greater eff,rts had not been made to reason with the Chinese authorities. It was manifest that these authorities were possessed of great acuteness, and he believed that temperate communications made to such persons would have been attended, and might still attended, with satisfactory results. As to Captain Elliot's conduct, he (Lord Ashburton) would not pretend to judge, the more particularly because on all the more important points the information contained in the Blue Book was very imperfect, and he had heard it denied that the pressure on the persons put in confinement was so great as had been asserted.--(" Hear, hear," from Lord Stanhope.) He could not help remarking also, that on the extremely alight information which was possessed by their Lordships, or by the public, as to the proceedings hereafter to be adopted. All that was known was that a great armament was to be sent out. It would seem that the negociations were to be conducted by a gentleman, at all events, of the same name as Captain Elliot. He thought that objectionable, as tending to prejudice the Chinese—(Hear)—and he considered the Government should have charged the negociations in higher and more responsible hands, with some direct communication between the Queen and the Emperor of China—( Hear, hear)— for the Chinese had ever attached great respect for the embassies of considerable authorities—be, might add that the Governor-General o f I n di a would have made a very eligible and influential Ambassador to Pekin. He would, in conclusion, express a hope that no force would be used against the Chinese further than was necessary to obtain a 'ust and equitable settlement. —( Hear.) Earl STANHOPE said through the whole discussion not a single argument had been adduced against his case. He repeated what he had often said, that from 1836 the Chinese Government had been earnest in suppressing the traffic. As to the Address being likely .to be injurious to certain negotiations with the Chinese, so far from that being the case, he believed it would be necessary to form the basis of a good negotiation. And here he must ;ex press his extreme astonishment at the speech of the Noble Baron (Ellenborough), who did not seem ;to care much whether the opium trade was moral or not. The Noble Baron seemed t o say, " Other nations will do wrong — therefore we may; fas aut nefas, the Noble Baron cared not—the trade was profitable. The Noble Duke also ap peared to have some very peculiar notions about interna tional law. Because the Chinese differed from us in many respects they should not be refused the justice which other nations received at our hands. He was prepared for the opposition of the Noble Duke. but he was not prepared for the strange, the unaccountable course which the Noble Duke had followed. The Noble Duke did not know what the previous question meant. It implied that the time was not proper for discussing the question. Did the Noble Duke mean to regulate his course by the success of the ar mament, for to be consistent with his speech he should have met the motion by a direct and manly negative ? His Noble Friend (Lord Ellenborough) bad sneered at broad cloth, but the manufacturers were convinced that the legal trade with China would be endanged by the continuance of the opium traffic. Without entering further into the mighty argument, he should record his vote against that policy of the Government which had produced the present state of things. The previous question was then carried, and The House adjourned at Ten o'Clock. Two Novels are on the stocks—both by ladies— which keep the " readers" of London in an agony of expecta tion. The one, "Emily, or tre Countess of Rosendale," is by Mrs. Moberly, from whose acknowledged talents, moving as she does in circles where everything is known, which, till it is " handed down," remains unknown to those below —much is anticipated. Little, however, is to be feared by those who may be obnoxious to her remarks ; for genius, qualified with good ness of heart, and excellence of temper, is not likely to wound, however much a knowledge of society may render it compe tent to a genuine display of character. The other work is " Ernestine, ' a story of real life, by Miss Blackwell, which also has put the town in a tremor. We do not profess to know anything of the particulars of the history, but that it involves persons " all alive and living," as Mr:Polito would say, we do know. Of this sort of book we certainly have an opinion of our own; and if we ever had the power or talent to write a novel, no power would indace us to devote the talent or power to anything verging on personalty. What the views or motives of the "Lady of Fashion," who is so announced as the author of " Ernestine," may be, we do not know ; but this wo know, that of scarcely any novel announced for publication was ever so many copies bespoke as of this.—John Bull, During the debate on Lord Darlington's no tion to issue the w r it f or L u dl ow , C o l one l S a l we y, IVI•Dr-dibsrai Lud low, low, re ce i ve d intelligence that his brother, Ed Esq., of th e Lodge, Ludlow, had departed this Such melancholy melancholy piece of i n formation compelled Colonel Salwey to absent himself from the House of Commons. .F. V ENING EDITION. FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, MAY 12. Notice is hereby given, that the Queen will hold a Drawing room at St. James's Palace, on Monday, the 25th instant, at two o'clock, to eclebrate her Majesty's Birth-day. iN.B. The Knights of the several Orders are to appear in their Collars. WHITEHALL, MAY 4. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Edward Glynn, of Hex ham, Northumberland, Gent., Anthony Adey, of Wotton-un der-Edge, Gloucestershire, Gent., and William Salmon, of Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk, Gent., to be Masters Extraordt. nary in the High Court of Chancery. WHITEHALL, MAT 9. The Queen has been pleased to grant the place of one of the Lords of Session in Scotland to James Ivory, Esq., her Ma jestv's Solicitor-General for Scotland, in the room of Sir Wil liam Miller, Bart, resigned. The Queen has also been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Seal appointed by the Treaty of Unio:n to be made use of in place of the Great Seal of Scotland, granting the office of her Majesty's Solicitor-General for Scotland to Thomas Maitland, Esq„ Advocate. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Essex. H. J. Sperling, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 30. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of Cornwall. Sir J. W. Copley, Bart., to be Deputy Lieutenant; J. S. Trelawny, Esq , to be ditto, May 7. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Hampshire. North Hants Yeomanry Cavalry—Cornet W. J. Long to be Lieutenant, vice W. C. Yonge, resigned, April 30. Erratum in the Gazette of th'e 28t.h of April last. Southern Regiment of West Riding Yeomanry Cavalry.-- For John Preston, Gent., to be Cornet, vice Greaves, April 20, read Charles Preston, Gent., to be Cornet, vice Greaves, April 20. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. THOMAS BARON, cotton-spinner, Great Bolton, Lan cashire. BANKRUPTS. THOMAS ELY, victualler, Gedling, Nottinghamshire , to surrender May '2O and June 23, at twelve, at the George the Fourth Inn, Nottingham. Campbell and Witty, Essex-street , Strand, London ; Fox and Lowe, Nottingham. NOAH BACKHOUSE, gun-maker, Southwold, Suffolk, May 20, at two, and June 23, at ten, at the King's Head Inn, Beccles, Suffolk. Kirk,. Symond's-inn, Chancery-lane, Lon don ; wington, Ipswich. JAMES BROWN and BENJAMIN BROWN, grocers, Birmingham, May 28 and June 23, at eleven, at the Swan Hotel, Wolverhampton. Clarke and Medcalf, fields, London; Bennett, Wol ver h amp t on . SAMUEL TILDESLEY, jun., coal dealer, Leamington priors, Warwickshire, May 27, at twelve, and June 23, a t eleven, at the Lansdowne Hotel, Leamington-priors. Cary, St. Swithin's-lane, London ' • Kitchin, Warwick. ROBERT ROBERTS,S, currier, Yoxford, Suffolk, M a y 25, and June 23, at ten, at the Bell Inn. Orford Hill, Nor wich. Drake, Bungay, Suffolk ; Nicholls and Son, Cook's court, Lincoln's-Inn. JOHN WHEATLEY, jun., grocer, Leicester, May 19 and June 23, at ten, at the Castle, at Leicester. Broughton, Fal con-square, London ; Briggs, Leicester. WILLIAM HOWELLS, miller, of the Old Mill, parish o . f_ Goodrich, Herefordshire, May 20 a t one , an d June 23 B . V eleven, at the King's Head Hotel, R oss . H a ll, Ross ; Swit ia and Son, Southampton-street, Bloomsbury-square, London. THOMAS EAGLE JONES, leather seller, Birmingham, '• May 22, and June 23, at two, at the New Royal Hotel, Bir mingham. Ellerton and Phillott, Clement's-lane, London, Wills and Oliver, Birmingham. WILLIAM NICHOLL, worsted spinne r , Warley, York• shire, May 25, at one, and June 23, at nine, at the Shakspeal Inn, Halifax. Wiglesworth, Ridsdale, and Craddock, Grays Inn-square, London ; Stansfeld and Craven, Halifax. ABRAHAM BRYANT, auctioneer, Shepton Mallet, So mersetshire, June 2, at one, and 23, at ten, at the Mitre In" , Wells. Stiles, Shepton Mallett. JOSEPH M'LINTOCK. , Yorkshire, May 26, and J une 23, a t e l even , at the Barnsley, Town-hall , Sheffield. Mence, Barnsley ; P ococ k an d Wilki n , Bartholo mew-close, London. CHARLTON HENRY SLOMAN and HENRY P Gruen, and tobacconists, West Strand, M a y 19, a t h a lf-past and June 23, at eleven, at th e C our t o f B an k ru ptcy. Aldernsanbury, official assignee ; Henson, Mark-lane. ard- JOHN CAFFYN, picture-d ea l er , B r i g ht on , an d of How street, Strand, May 21, at h a lf-p as t one , an d J une 33, at eleven . at the Court of Bank r upt c y. G room , official assignee, Al church-lane ; Cross, Surrey- s t r e e t, St ran d. en' RODNEY BAILIES, draper, Merthy r Tydvil, Glut ganshire, May 22, and June 23, at twelve, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol. Holme, Loftus, and Young, New-inu, Lon don ; Prideaux, Bristol. THOMAS NASH, grocer, Sulhampstead Banister , Berk shire. May 26, and June 23, a t t we l ve , at the Broad Face DO , Reazling, Weedon, Reading; Hill, Copthall-court, Throg morton-stre et, London. JOHN CHAMBERLAIN, glass a n d l ea d merchant, Lisson-t grove North, Paddington, May 22, a t t we l ve , an d June 23, eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy.. Turqnand, official as signee, Copthall-buildings ; Wadeson, Austinfriars. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Baulinghall-street. D. Smith, coach maker, King- s t ree t, G o ld e n-square, Jun 4, at half-past one—S. Wise and C. Brenehley, paper make ' Mildred's-court, Poultry, City, June 2 , at half-past eleven —R ' Jones, linen draper, Pavement, Moorfields, City, June 2, a ` eleven—J. D. Stevens, paper maker, Two Waters, Hertford shire, June 2, at half-past eleven—C. Hart and T. Levrellior woollen warehousemen, Newgate-street, City, June 2, at twelve .--T. H. Macleod, merchant, Tokenhouse-yard, City, June 4 • as half-past twelve—W. Goodall and .7. Turner, merchants, Garlick-hill, City, June 4, at half-past eleven—T. Johnston, draper, King's-place, Commercial-road June 4, at Wel" —J. Reynolds, wine - merchant, Idol-lant., Tower-street, City, June 4, at eleven—W. Reynolds and M. M. Wright, mer chants, Idol-lane, 'rower-street, City, June 4, at eleven--E• Saunders, grocer, Chesham, Buckinghamshire, June 2, at eleven. In the Country. P. Gregory, cotton spinner,Downall-gretm, Lancashire, Jeo l 2, at twelve, at the Commissioners'-rooms, _Mancheste r J. P. Butler, wine merchant, Cheltenham, Glouct•stershire, Juae 3, at twelve, at the Royal Hotel, Cheltenham— Davis, chemist, Arundel, Sussex, June 3, at twelve, at the Dolphin Inn, Chi' j ch u e n ste 3 r , — at M. oj m er o n n i e n y o s a c m rive A ne r r m , s Sher in n , a%S iu h .ff r n o il ps i t A.n S at l a t n h e e r Lecki't , , gr ocer, Cengleton, Cheshire, June 12, at three, st,, w „; Angel Inn, Macclesfi e ld—J. B ra db ury, cutler, Sheffield. ;Lu— ll, at one, at the Town-hall, Sheffield—T. ;Becks, ' ! won!. - dealer, Manchester, June 4, at eleven, at the Come , rooms, Manchester—D. 13. Smith, jun , tea dealer' ham, June 5, at t we l ve , a t th e New Roy al . Hotol,at a t —l3. W. Franklin, merc h an t, Li verpoo l, J une 6, threei, the Clarendon-roo ms , Li ver p oo l—J. Ril ey , builder, Bordes ey, Birmingham, Jane 5, at one, at the New Royal, Birn 2 i n g hani. CERTIFICATES.—JUNE g. W. Lloyd, J. A. Howe, umbrella manufacturer, Bristol—L. - • F . hotel keeper, Royal Hotel, Richmond, Surrey—J. Kin der' Alle Phillips, lamp manufacturers, Birmingham—J. M. D. baker, Fetter-lane, City—C. Watson, carpenter, Bra intre e, Essex—W. Bracher, painter, Great Ormond-street—J . Jenk 9 • lace manufacturer, Nettinham. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. G. 11. Jones, M. Grimsher, and J. Grimsher, clieescrnoLi: gers, New Bridge-street, Vauxhall—W. Stagg, C. Stagg , ti Stagg, 11. Stagg, E. Stagg, E. Stagg, and I L J. Sl a t farmers, Nether Avon-Farm, Wiltshire (so far as regards the said W. Stagg)—R. C. James and C. Robinson, cotton dealer', Greenacres-moor, Lancashire—W. and J. Hubble, farnl Quakers'-hall, Sevenoaks, Kent—T. Whiteside and J. Deacon, eating house keepers, Liverpool—T. Errington a n W. Jenkins, h ackney coach proprietors, Leeds—T. Lockw o od ' J. Thornton, and 11. Leah, cotton spinners, Salford, Lanes; shire (as far as regards the said H. Leah) —E. Lambert aaal H. H. Burder, solicitors—J. Hall and E. W. Croxon, gen er merchants, Liverpool—W. Deverill and T. Hucknall , c heese ' mongers, Nottingham—A. Lees, son. and A. Lees, iu-n•' miners, New Earth, Lancashire—W. Millidge and J. C. D Croz, glass manufacturers, Skinner-street, Snow-hill, City-- J. Maxfield, J. Maxfield, and J. Smith, linen drapers, Levre, Sussex—H. and T. Bainbridge, blacksmiths, St. Peter's, lgew,7 castle-upon-Tyne—A. Newberry and H. Parsons. wholf.sa!o grocers, Bristol—S. Parsons and B. Beetson, butchers, beach, Lincolnshire—W. Binns, J. Bins, and A. F. Binns, stuff merchants, Leeds—M. Spain and J. F. Cork, eV e makers, New Bond-street—W. Finch and H. Lacy, asylum keepers, Laverstock, Wiltshire—J. Nowell, Nowell, and J. W. N owe ll, gen e ra l contractors for pub li c works, Hatchend, Middlesex. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. ROBERT ANGUS, leather merchant, Perth, MAY 16 and June 6, at one, at the George Inn, Perth. h gay WILLIAM M'ISAAC, furnishing tailor, Edinburg,' b. 14 and June 4, at three, at th e G u ildf or d A rms I n n, Edin b u rg , KENNETH MA C K NZ IE, merc h ant , B eau ly, Inver ness . shire, May 19 and June 9, at one , a t th e Royal Hotel, Inverne:nd WILLIAM AIKEN, iron monger , Cumnock, Mal 18 June 6, at twelve, at the Black Bull Inn, Cumnock, WILLIAM HOWE and DAVID DUFF, mere Lfhants. ote l, Dundee, May 18 and June 8, at t we l ve , a t th e British H o d ' Dundee. , . ge„ o a POWERFUL MUSICAL BOXES, In ','„ s , r2 . Cases, Twelve Inches Long by Five Inches Wide, each Pl a .' s - 0 ": or In Four Airs, with the mechanism finished in a very superi ner, are offered for Five Guineas Each. Also a few of O a.° description, larger sizes, et the fo:lowing prices : Six Airs .. X 7 7 Eight Airs Eight Airs extra, large l4 14 0 Three Overtures At T. COX SAVORY'S, Working Silversmith, G o ld sm i t h, an d Watchmaker, 47, C 431.1- hill (Seven doors f rom G racec h urc h- s t ree t), London . N.l3.—The small Musical B oxes , 31 I nc h e s Long. eontl selling in tin cases, pri ce 19 s . eac h , or i n com position.. sW cases, 235. each. he bSa A Catalogue cont a i n i ng a Li st o f the M us i c MAY "; 'd gratis, or can be forwarded, post re e , i n answer to a P os ''' r application. On the .sth inst., in Llo il yd l - 2 sq T uale B ,.the lady of W. 11 ' hens ' Esq., of a daughter. Pad- On the Bth in s t., at Farehara, Hants, the wife of J. - don, Esq., of a nst., th e daughter. On the 9th i lady of W. T. Squire, Esq., of Bart°l" place, Suffolk, of a son. On the 9th i ns t., at Manchester, the lady of J. R eid ' Esl ' of a daughter. O. the 9th inst., at New Cross, Old Kent-road, Mrs' J. Barlow, jun., of a daughter. Es o q. n , o th f e a 10th inst. at Colebrooke-park, the lady o f T. Browtit On the Ith inst., in Myddleton-square;Mrs. T. Y— i °P' of a son. On the 11th inst., at Poplar, Mrs. T. W. ilarby, of n n .," o f On the Bth inst., a t Ebbw-vale, Monmouthshir e, the 'au] C. L. Harford, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIED. On the sth inst., at Henfield, Commander T. Smith, R.N. , o f Shore to Susanna, daughter of the late J. B. Norton , Esq.,O ham, Sussex. n the 7th inst.. at Bathwick parish churc h, Bath, G. Sharp, Esq., 8.A., only son of W. Sharp, Esq., to Sarah, only daughter of the late J. D. Maycock, Esq On the 9th inst., at St. Pancras, Euston-square, secs P' Townsend, Esq., of Witney , Oxon, to Marianne' nd e, daughter of Mr. J. Green , of Amwell-street , C laremont -squat London. DIED. On the 7th of March, at Bombay, Captain F. D. Bagshaw e, , of the sth Regiment Bengal Native Infantry} , y , s eventh son 64 the late Sir W. C. Bagshae, of the Oaks Derbyshire. On the Ist inst., at Talgarth, Merionethshire, tliza, the wife of C. T. Thurston, Esq., R.N., and second daughter of the late Admiral Sotheby. On the 9th inst., at South Lambeth, Mrs. Howis, aged 83. On the 10th inst., at Millfi e ld H ouse , Edmonton, M. pommel, youngest daughter of Capt a i n De are , R.N., aged nine month' London: Printed nil Published bv MUPDO VOUNG. vi No. 11_', • 1 / 4 ;!tr:alii, at TheSrr, , Of o. HZ Strnn:l in.l.e """tY of IV.iiddleex.—Weduesday, May 13, 1640