The Sun. — London, England, 1840-12-21 00:00:00

'E v (tNING ng Pahenham's note to pay the same in preference to anY other claim. And if, as it appears, such had not been ier att , :nded to by the Custom-house of that city, ti.e British Minister may n ow re ly w ith cer t a i nt y on i ts imme diate pap nent, for which purpose new orders will bo des patched b y the mail of to-morrow. It has caused no small regret to this department to perceive that his Excellency Mr. Pa' henham has laboured under the impre.sion that his repres' :ntations on this affair hare not received the consi derat",ton to which they are entitled, seeing that the most im r .Itdiate orders wore given to pay this debt; indeed, the ost simple notification of the money not having been pail ' mould have received instant attention. " As for other matters connected with this department `wherein British subjects are interested, Mr. Pakenham will most probably agree that every attention has been paid to them in this office, and that efforts, really extraor dinary in the present state of public affairs, have been made in their favour. With two-thirds of the public re venue appropriated to pay off the public creditors, of wohom the greater part are English subjects, the Govern ent has nevertheless managed to pay off other pressing -debts by such means as have been in its power, thus prov ing its earnest desire to support and foment the credit of the natioa. There have been tatid Messrs. Manning and Marshall 1,5,000 dollars fr,i• account of various claims, without including what he:s been paid to them out of the 10 per cent, duties or their claim for 18,000 dollars. There has been paid tea Mr. Cochrane on account of his claim of 60,000 dol. , the sum of 28,000 dols., since No vember of last year. There has been paid to Mr. Penny on account of his ' .,taim for 41,983 dols. value of yarn confiscated for being ntran, sum ba d theof 5,300 dols. Finally, there has beer. paid to the holders of the foreign debt, during my eintstry, a sum exceeding 1,000,000 of dollars, and which debt nothing had previously been paid since I 832. I also take leave to remind your Excellency, fir et e information of the British Minister, that when I as certained that all the disposable receipts of the Treasury were absorbed in the payments enjoined by law, and that there were no funds available to pay the debt due to Mr. Cochrane, and to some other British subjects, I have paid the salve out of my own property, en which account I am now in advance of cash to the extent of 40,000 dollars, which, however, I only mention in this place for the sake of convincing the British Minister that in this de partment every possible attention is paid to his representa tions. Further, if his Excellency will but bear in mind the conduct of his Government with respect to all the questions which have arisen, lam convinced he will do justice to the desire of the present Administration to maintain a perfect understanding and the most friendly re lations between this Republic and Great Britain. " The affair relating to the reduction in the import duties made by the 'revolted in Tampico, as well as many others, prove sufficiently hoe. earnest have been the en deavours of thin Government, and of this department in particular, to, meet the views of the British Minister. In conclusion, I beg to request your Excellency will be 'good enough to communicate to her Britannic Majesty's Envoy and Minister that the documents in this office amply preva the. respect and deference with which his representations, 'xith regard to claims and indemnities on behalf of British subjects have been constantly received, as also of the un ceasing endeavours of this office to see that the same be punctually paid when once a settlement has been made ; and that consequently there is no need or occasion what ever for his taking the step indicated at the conclusion of his note, and which has so much excited the public atten tion—in the firm assurance that the most strict orders wiil be given by this Ministry for the small sum outstanding of the debt at Guanajuato, and that due to Mr. Barron, at Tepic. to he paid forthwith. This office has been unahle to reply earliir to your Excellency's note in consequence of having to wait for the receipt of various despatches from the country, which has occasioned a delay of a fee; days. I now enclose copies of the orders, instructions, Sze., which have been given by this department relating to the various subjects mentioned in this note ; and should his Excellency ( Mr. Pakenham) desire to see the eri. ttinals, please to inform me to that effect, and they shah be immediately sent. " With this I beg to renew the assurance of my esturn and consideration. " ECHEVERRIA. " His Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs. " Mexico, Sept. 29, 1840." MO:sij]Y MARKET and CITY NEWS (SATURDAY EVENING.) TIMES.—Two 3ep3rnte complaints are at present 'made by the City Bankers. The 'first is the ineonvenicneo they suffcr by having on their hands a large quantity of of which they have no means of disposing. Cer tain s:alons, especially the harvest, bring with them a large issue of silver ci)in from the Mint, which on thr.A: occasions i 3 met by the demand. At other season% b ow . e ems, this vantity of coin is no longer in demand, and is O.:ref:ire finds its way into the vaults of the London hankers, where, in conseqeence of a refusal by the England to take it off their hands, it lies uproductiv. The bTqlkers urge, with reason, that the Government, already made about 10 per cant profit on all the silver toin that is is3ited, ought et leant to take it backwhen it. iv not wanted. Nor does this muter merely affect ba,.kcrs, hr if tl , c Government have the power of issui , L; money at a !evCe profit, without the restriction that would arse from b. jog bound to take it ly.irk, they are enabled to impose an arbitrary and oppres - 6ive tax at `sill upon the "Aoki monied lnterest. Under such circumstances, the issqe_ of 'very ahillirg from the Mint beyond what is iha n..441.7.t,-175 whrord for Imall c‘,alge in petty transactions is ut covert c•.rnrni:tr.d on the public. iha wit:or complaint is the inconvenience whic% art-cs ir , u. the rrfusal of the Bank of England to takehost hos. reign., the efT,et throwing trade heck upon the eircvla - ion. The subject is an old one, but the facts c, ti -cted ai h it are worth repetition. Tie refu.ia; by :'1(.1 B.iik to take these sovereigns causes an export, of the, vv thy ones are kept in circulation et While the exchanges are against UP, the light so. ve rites , re or would be, were it not for the Mint regula t•ots,,orth more as buiiion than as coin, an.l hence the ,t• the 13 it,k to take them durinj, such a seste ef thing-;, Ten') :has r..tusiog heavy r.vereigns clone to he exported, Is ieg - r led as a strange proceeding, inamtt7h as the cot:-. - ~ - i ucnee is likely to fell m re upon themselves than Another Lff;ct Minh arises from the light reigns lacuna thrown ha..k upon the pubic is the enc----t -t.,gement given to the trade in gold coin by the bullion to r,hant3. The parties v,hoe.e sovereigns are refused take them to the dealers in huliion, and sell them at the tulliea price. These dealers pay them into the hands of their priv-de ha: kers, sho seldom wtigh them, but no fc.r. them at their Mint value. The sovereigns again rand their say to the Beak of England, ore again returt,cd, and go through a similar course, so that the same coins may pass through the same hands forty or fifty times, tie bullion merchant making. a non- - home profit every time, v.i,ich ,Lnincreasing in proportion as the coin wears aid the eiff:A•cLee bctwe en the nominal and bullion r2lue incrc?Res. These may be classed as the minor gri:.varierrs perhaps of our monetary syrtem, but they are, rvverthole3s, well worthy of the attention of the Gove:o- Z` , PIII:T of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. (From the Morning Chronicle.) The press, both metropolitan and previnciel, is et present much oecueied with discusstons on the suiej of Constitutional Reform. We have already alluded to the articles in the Leeds Mercury on extension of the suffrage. Our Contemporary, the Times; of Set ~r- day, day, has a long article on American Democracy, ie which the question of Universal Suffrage is more c dully discussed than we could have expected from test journal. Sir Samuel Romilly was greatly shocked when he found that many of the horrors of the French Revolution emanatQd from the principle, thet whltever the people wills ought to receive effe::t. It a people knew their own interests, all would be well, but unfortunately the people mistook their in terests. The excesses of the French Revolution p-o -duc: d for a time a dread of even the most necessary reforms. It had become evident that if society VV3S exposed to many evils, from men having an inte rest opposed to that of the community, it was cx posed also to many evils from popular ignorance and delusion. In time the terror of reform disappeared ; but the question assumed a new shape. Men no louver deemed it necessary to discuss whether the whole pe o pie ought to have a right of suffrage, but what limita tion of the suffrage might secure the community against the evil of corrupt government, without exposing it to danger from the ignorance and incapacity of the muH tude. There must always be a great difficulty in fixing th e limits of the suffrage. It has been said that it ought to be so extensive that the constituencies should have an interest identical with that of the commu nity. Many persons flattered themselves that tile Reform 1311 l had solved the problem. It has now become evident, however, that the Reform Bile though a great improvement on the former state of things, is by no means what it was believed at one t i me . Every year the corrupt interests, against which it was intended as a security, have become more and more ascendant. It was supposed by some of our con temporaries that defects left by the Reform Bill would be gradually removed ; that, as there is a tendency in any power which has the ascendancy to strengthen it self, the balance having by the Reform Bill been in clined towards Reform , t he principle of th a t measure would continually acquir e an additional strength, would obtain for us a succession of improvements. Ia this estimate the permanent strength obtained by tbe Reform Bill was mixed up with the adventitious, caused by temporary excitement on the ale hand and the tem porary prostration of the Tories on the other. Tile leaders of the Reformers participated in the general de lusion. Many reforms might have been effected durin g the period which immediately succeeded the Re form Bill, which it would be vain to attempt nor. But Ministers, no doubt, believed that it would he as easy to obtain the improvements on the Helena Bill, which experience might show to be necessary, as it was to obtain the Reform Bill itself. The Reform Bill was much favoured by circumstances. Tiia Torie s , w i th all the resources which an unreforme d House of Commons gave them, were so low in credit that they abandoned the helm of State from absolute inability to man age it. A Reform Mi n i s t r y began their career by the announcement of a measure which had the good fortune to unite all classes of Reformers in its support. But at present Reformers are divided. It has become evident that the corrupt interests are :still preponderant. we cannot have a better proof of this than is afforded by the votes on the motions of Mr. Villiers. The majority represents correct! enough the ratio the corrupt interests bear to the), interests of the people. The preponderancy of the corrupt interests is effected through the instrumentality of the small borougns un...ert ne ntluence of the aris tocracy, and the tenantry in the counties. But while all Reformers agree in admitting this evil, there is no agreement as to the scheme of reform which should supersede this state of things. One division calls for household suffrage and the ballot ; the Chartists would make the suffrage universal. The Times overstates the case against the Chartists : " The more likely result," says our Contemporary, " of the exercise of unlimited power by a democracy, would be an immediate dissolution of the whole existing order of society—a week's work, that would require a century of repairs. The question for the supposed democracy to determine upon is stated to be, the means most conducive to their happiness and growth.' Now, the notion which nine-tenths of them entertain of happiness is eating and drinking (especially the latter) without working, and the principle upon which that theory would be executed would probably be again, as it has been too often heretofore, an agrarian one—the simple simple resource of reducing the inequality between the rich and the poor by a general division of property. At the end of a week there would then be a new set of rich, not those who were the rich of last week, nor those who last w-ek were the poor, but those who have spent that week in retailing liquor. These would have realised nine tenths of the distributed largess, and on the sixth or eighth morning the poor would be as poor as ever, with a gin headache, and no masters left to give them wages for their future labour." Very strange opinions were no doubt broached with re gard to capital during the Chartist fever. But these opinions had the sanction of only a part of the body. The rest of the picture is grossly overcharged. But be this as it may, it is clear that no Reform can be effected till the other classes become assured that they have nothing to suffer from the working classes. Till the alarm on that subject has subsided, the Tories have the Reformers at an advantage. The schoolmaster has yet much to do. (From the Morning Advertiser.) A letter from Mr. Hume to the people of Ireland, in which he exhorts them to study the working of demo cracy in America, has called forth a long and laboured article from the Times, in which it is attempted to be proved that the probable effect of democracy would be to " adapt the law rather to shelter the irregular, than to aid the regular, movements of society—to favour trespassers on property rather than proprietors, and debtors rather than creditors—to assist capricious changes as against fixed principles, and tear down or dilapidate the fences of religion ;" but, continues the Times, " the more likely result, we suspect, would be an immediate dissolution of the whole existing order of society—a week's work, that would require a century of repairs." The main objection urged by the Times lies apinst recognising " the person as the basis of repre sentation," and, from the arguments with which it en deavours to overthrow this position, is deducible a con clusion the very reverse of that intended, namely, the strongest possible condemnation on hereditary le gislation. The positions which the 7'in:es assails are thus stated : " All men have from nature equal rights, which in the social state are not relinquished, but held in abeyance to be more effectually wielded by the superior judgment and power of associated man, and government is the agent of all. These anxioms are followed by three propositions— fist, that the basis of legislative representation is the per son, from which is drawn the corollary that the aggregate of persons, the mass of the people, are properly the judges of the means most conducive to their happiness and growth —that is to say, of all political affairs ; secondly, that go vernraent, as being the agent of society, should direct its operation to the good of all the members: and, thirdly, that, as the will of the whole people is the source, and their good the end of government, they are entitled at any time to change it, as their growing civilisation may &:- wand. The conclusion from the whole is, that Demo cracy must finally reign.' To this it is objected, that on this reasoning no regard can be had to the alleged un iitness of any member of society from infirmity of und,r qanding, defect of knowledge, or want of independent position." The Times itself, however, satisfactorily answers this objection by stating, that the advocates of democracy never contemplated the admission of persons thus un qual.fied to the franchise ; but, if the objection of " in firmity of understanding," or " defect of knowledge," be valid against the possession of the franchise, in which the individual, however incapable or mischievoesly in clined, would be kept comparatively harmless by the great majority of votes, how much more cogently does the objection apply against the privilege of hereditary !cgislation, whereby an individual of infirm understand ing, or defective knowledge, or worse, of mischievous intent, may form one of a few votes disposing of the interests of millions ? In endeavouring to sustain a false position, it is ever necessary to make concessions to the true, and, therefore, no surprise need be excited the following Radical profession of the Times : " In ..vh,t we have now to say, we desire to be under stood as taking no part for the few against the welfare of pile many—no interest whatever for privileged classes as :uch. If p.ny given privilege be not ter the benefit of the people at. large, we wish not its existence. If it be for the benefit, in which case, indeed, it is more properly their privilege than that of the class intrusted with it, the peo at large cannot call for its abolition without proving themselves unfit to be the managers of their own interest a." But here arises the question, who is to be the judge of what privilege is or is not " for the ben At of the people at large':" Is it to be for the party endowed ivith the privilege, or the people for whose benefit it is to be exercised? This is the question. In all the other relations of life all people of sane mind tire entrusted with the management of their own affairs, and there is never any apprehension felt that they will act prejudicially to their own interest; but when the question of government is introduced, an outcry is immediately raised that the people are altogether in capable of judging what is cr is not for their own benefit. It is true that on some occasions, human judgment being fallible, persons may act prejudicially to their own interests ; but mistakes of this kind would he speedily corrected, when the corrective power rests in the bands of those suffering under their own error. But it is tar different when the privileged few literally plunder the many fur their individual gain, and tell their victims as in mockery, that it is for the benefit of the people to suffer,' and that they know not what is for their men good. Common sense revolts against such lofty and absurd assumption. Ia op posing the prir.ciple of making the person the basis of representation, the Tintes asserts that the " notion which nine-tenths of the people entertain of happiness is eating and drinking (especially the latter) without working," and hence it would infer the total dissolution of society if the will of the majority were to have rule. The idea of eating and drinking being sunintuni bonuni is, unfortunately, not confined to those called the people ; many of the monopolist, or privileged ekes, have no more elevated conception of the end of human existence, and in their lives afford practical illus tration of the evil deprecated by the Times, namely, " eating and drinking without working." But is it for a moment to be supposed that a whole people would Oct under the maniacal-notion of living without. labour Vet, on this apprehension hang almost all the argu ments urged against democracy. Democracy has its evils, but this is not of them ; and though M. de Tocque vide, to whom the Times refers, from the lucid and comprehensive manner in which he examines and cx pounts the whole question, may furnish some strong arguments to the opponents of democracy, he is a most dangerous authority for them to appeal to, and the Times must have stwiied him to very little effect, or it would not have passed over his grand conclusion, that " had he lived in any age he would admired have demo cracy, hut, living in the present age, he worshipped and adored it." ( From the Morning Herald.) The Corporation of London, which some time ago voted 1,000/. towards erecting new churches in the populous and destitute district of Bethnal-green, on Thursday voted an equal sum towards the objects of th e British and Foreign School Society, in promoting education in scriptural and useful knowledge among the children of the labouring poor. If great and unceasing efforts are made at the present day, by sordid specula tors in irreligious and demoralising doctrines, to infect with infidel and licentious principles the mass of the working population, it is satisfactory to see correspond ing exertions making to counteract the enormous evil, by school societies of Churchmen and of religious Dissent ers, building their schemes of education upon the broad and secure foundation of the Holy Scriptures. This is a generous rivalry in a great work of beneficence, the good fruits of which will grow and be gathered by succeeding generations, long after the petty objects for which selfish ambition contends shall have passed from the remembrance of mankind. The " Bri tish and Foreign School Society " is founded upon the Lancasterian plan of instruction, and which preceded the excellent Church institution of the " national schools." It was to the late Joseph Lancaster, the founder of the system that bears his name, that the pious George 111., the grandfather of our present gracious Queen, and a true representative of the House of Brunswick, made use of the memorable expression, " I hope the time will come when the child of every cottager in my kingdom will be able to read his Bible." It is this wish of the good George the Third which the schools that we have named are endeavouring to realise, and in furthering so good a work the munifi cent liberality of the Corporation of London will hi 1p to sow the seed of a large harvest of moral blessings to the nation. For if the dissemination of seditious and infidel principles among the labouring classes be a great public evil, the instruction of those classes in religious and loyal sentiments is a great national benefaction. There is no greater source of national strength and social security. In the moral and physical welfare of the poor consists the best protection of the privile;cs and possessions of the rich. (From the Morning Post.) Notwithstanding the facetious " hints by way of ar gument " with which the Globe has favoured us in re. ference to what we said of the speech of one Mr. Wil liams, M.P. for Coventry, we are not yet shaken (by laughter or otherwise) from the views which the Co ventry harangue led us to express. We showed from this harangue that the sentiments of the person who made it were of a revolutionary character —that lie sought to excite the lower orders of the people into fierce discontent with those above them ie station, to make them believe that the conduct and policy of the TILE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 21,1840. Government as respected them, was hostile and op pressive. We stated also that this person, notwith standing his revolutionary sentiments, was one of the Ministerial party—one upon whom the Minister relied in close divisions upon " vital questions," and whom he has been in the habit of summoning to his support by Treasury circulars. This statement the Ministerial Journal - does not deny, but it says— " Until some instance is adduced in proof of that 'su perior virtue' in a Government which refuses the votes of Members, who, though agreeing with it in most, do not approve of all its measures—notwithstanding the high authority which asserts that as the Government numbers among its supporters such persons' as Mr. Wil liams, it ' cannot be firm or respectable'—we shall con tinue to think that to accept such support is good in practice." _ _ - This is, no doubt, the Ministerial way of thinking ; but we knew that very well before. It was that against which we contended. We say it is impossible that a Government can be in the habit of asking and reckoning upo❑ the support of any Member of Par liament—especially in close divisions upon which the place of the Minister depends—without yielding some thing in exchange, and appearing to the world as in some degree identified with that Member's political views. We appeal to the sober judgment of all men of experience whether this is not true, and whether it is possible for such a connection as we have described to subsist between Mr. Williams and the Govern ment, without the taint of Mr. Williams's politics being more or less imbibed by the Government. Therefore—having Mr. Williams's politics displayed before us in his published harangue, and con sidering not him alone, but the class of English Members to which he belongs—we have said, and we submit that we are justified in continuing to say, that a Government connected as the present Government has heretofore been with that class cannot be firm or respectable. So long as that connection subsists, the Government is dependent upon the aid of men who are trying to subvert all government, and all public peace and harmony in this country, and, therefore, cannot have the respect or the confidence of a very large body of Englishmen, loyal to the monarchy and constitu tion, and without whose aid a monarchical Government in this country cannot be strong. It is very true that a Government cannot justly be blamed merely because revolutionary people choose to support it. But this is not the case upon which we have remarked. What we complain of is, that the Government depends for its ex istence upon these revolutionary people, and asks their support upon the most trying occasions. It is in this that we see something very disreputable and dan gerous ; and we feel morally certain that the continuance of such a system would lead eventually to the confounding of right and wrong in politics, the degradation of the Government, and the weaken ing of every function of the State. It is the business of her Majesty's servants to seek such support as they may obtain without any sacrifice, direct or indirect, im mediate or remote, of constitutional principles or insti tutions. If they cannot obtain such a support they ought to abandon their service. They ought not to retain it by any sort of alliance with men whose object is the disorganisation of society as at present consti tuted—the disturbance of the lower classes, and the overthrow of those above them. It is hinted to us that the Tories in their party conflicts do not object to the occasional aid of men whose ultimate political views are very opposite to theirs. The statement is true, but the case is not at all parallel to that upon which we have remarked. It is natural and reasonable that opposition to the Government should bring into common exertion all who think that the Government is acting erroneously. In politics, as in logic, negatives are universal. But the policy of the Government is a very different matter. It should be something particular, fixed, and definite. If the Tories were in office, and if it appeared that they could not carry on the Government without asking and habitually receiv ing, the aid of men who avowed violent Radical opinions to their constituents, we should certainly sa y that the time was come for the Tories to quit. But we have reason to be well aware that there is no probability of the Tories condescending to be kept in power by the aid of those with whom in ultimate poli tics they lifer. It would have been easy enough to have patched up an alliance with the Irish Radicals at the opening of the session of 1835, but the Tory Minis ter scorned such a proceeding, and apparently relied upon the Whig party doing the same thing. But if he had any such reliance he miscalculated. The Whig party was not so scrupulous, and the very man who after the close of the session of 1834 was proclaiming to the four quarters of the world that the Whigs were a " base, brutal, and bloody " political party, and de serving of the active hatred of every good man, was found at the beginning of the session of 1835 closely leagued with the Whig party in its attempts to put out. the Tories. The Whigs regained office, but the Tories maintained their integrity and honour as a poli tical party. We are not sorry for the choice which the Tories made. From that time the Whig party has been continually losing power and influence in England, and never again is it likely to bold the position or a great political party. (From the Times.) Rumours have for some past reached us from various quarters as to the, instability of a portion—and the most able and upright portion—of the present French Mi. nistry. We attach infinitely little importance to the schoolboys in the streets and the schoolboys in the press, who amuse themselves and annoy the public by calling '• Traitrc" in the market-places. But if we are correctly informed, there are political causes at work of a more serious character, which may materially affect the policy and even the composition of the Sault- Guizot Cabinet. To these we shall presently advert. But in speaking of M. Guizot as an unpopular Minister, unpopular as statesmen usually are whilst they are discharging the most manly and patriotic duties which they can he called upon to fulfil, it is im possible not to contrast that illustrious unpopu larity of wisdom and virtue with the revolting idolatry lavished before the defied representative of force and oppression. From the fifth, eighth, and eleventh legions of the National Guard under arms at the funeral of Napoleon, cries of "A bas Guizot, a bas lea lraitres," were heard to proceed ; by the side of these blockheads was a battalion of fanatics, also in the National Guard, who knelt at the passage of the gilt hearse of Bonaparte ! Power is a heavy burden, and mankind a hard taskmaster, to' him who struggles against their passions and their errors." The words were suggested to P.I. Guizot by the career of Wash ington, but they may be applied by others to his own ; and if the pacific exertions of Washington in 1794 exposed even him to a deluge of insult, who shall hope to perform similar ciuties unscathed? Toe absurdity and insignificance of these popular demonstrations prove, however, that they can have no serious effect in shaking the present French Ministry ; and if we entertain any doubts as to its secu rity, they preened, not from the menacing attitude of an Opposition which has descended to the very kennel, but. from ubut. from the difficulties which arc said to exist in the Go vernment itself and amongst its supporters, in the Lhambers and in the Royal closet. In the Chamber of Deputies there is a section commonly known as the partv of MM. Passy and Dufaure, which derives con siderable importance from its position between the two extremes, to either of which its adherence would give a majority. The strength of this particular phalanx is admitted by the Opposition PapJrs to amount to 50 votes ; and, in the discussion on the Address, M. Passy took so prominent a part, that it was inferred that his ambition aims at the Knistry of Foreign Affairs. Although it is impossible that this party should abandon the Ministry at the present moment to re turn to the ranks of an Opposition which they directed on a former occasion of far less importance, yet they naturally exercise a formidable influence over the policy and the composition of the Government ; and, whether from past animosities or from private motives of a more interested kind, that influence is by no means favour able to M. Guizot. The leaders of the party refused to join the Cabinet of the ;29th of October, which they felt they must support ; but it would seem that they nourished a secret intention of claiming a more de cided share in the command the day after the victory. M. Guizot was the foremost man in France to stand in the breach whilst the assault was made by the desperate and disappointed Ministers of the demo cratic faction. All the shades of Conservative opinion in France rallied round him at that crisis ; and he retrieved the nation from a situation of great peril and disgrace by the authority of his character and the dignity of his language. But it does not follow that the same support will be given him in the course of foreign policy which he may subsequently pursue; still less probable is it that he will conform that course to the schemes which may be formed in other quarters. It is no secret either in England or in France that the dif ferences which have lately been kindled into all but direct hostility between the two countries originated in the construction put by the French Government on the Spanish Quadruple Treaty, and in the equivocal mea sures adopted on the French frontiers during the late civil contest in the Peninsula. That difference, how ever, assumed a more serious shape when it was disco vered that at the very period when Russia was pursuing a course of policy in the East which . was met by the strong est remonstrances and the most energetic demonstrations on the part of England, France was (under the Mole Ad ministration) making decided advances to the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh. The consequences of such advances were necessarily fatal to it Anglo-Fr enc h a lli ance ; f or , by accepting them, Russia had t in her power to detach France from England ; and by betrayingthe im m p , r t u o d s e e n v t e ly r England from France. Russian diplom ac y did not f a il to make the best use of the opportunity so and treacherously afforded to it : and th e E astern question itself was thought more important as an occa sion for breaking up the alliance of the Western crowns of Europe, that as an occasion for attempting to break up the Turkish e mpire. O . n the Sp an i s h quest i on, then, and on the Russian alliance, there has long been an opinion in France totally at variance with the union of that country with England. If such an op i n i on existed three or four years ago, if it was p ro f esse d by th e heads of former Cabinets, and batletiouud by the King himself, at that time, we cannot flatter our selves that recent occurrences have weakened it. We hailed with great satisfaction the other day M. Guizot's declaration that it was the policy of France to abstain not only from intervention, but from inter ference in Spain. That declaration was a satisfactory reply to the observations we had made a short time before on the relations which seemed to be springing up between Queen Christina and the Court of the Tuileries, as far as the Minister is concerned. But the Bourbon policy towards Spain has too deep a hold in Bourbon Courts, for its influence to bo lightly aban doned. In like manner the Court may turn its eyes in that direction from which it has hitherto obtained nothing but contumely, and from which, for every con cession gained, ten must be granted. To bring back a favourite Minister to office, to employ M. Mole in those negotiations to which his policy has already been directed, and to use those negotiations as a means of thwarting the views of England elsewhere—these are objects too remote to be commented on more posi tively at the present moment, but far too probable and too important not to be pointed out to notice. To such views we believe that M. Guizot will not lend himself. After having succeeded in rescuing his country from one foolish war, he will not readily affront the chances of another war, as wicked and causeless as the one we have escaped. The petty satisfaction of annoying England by an alliance with Russia, would be a miserable compensation to France for the sacrifice of those great interests which are common to herself and to us, but which will ever be subjects of contention between herself and Russia. M. Guizot will not, we trust, be the man to do what was repro bated by the French press as much as by ourselves —to bring Baltic men-of-war and Russian influence down to the seas and shores of southern Europe. If is but fair to some of the most violent declaimers of the anti-English Prees in Paris to acknowledge that they have stopped short of the extreme length of advo cating a Russian alliance. They bellow for ven geance ; but such vengeance as that would be found to cost them somewhat too dear. But we are not equally sure that the same convictions reign in higher quar ters ; and we listen with anxiety to the rumours which we have alluded to, from a conviction that M. Guizot's retirement from office would indicate the influence of a sinister policy in the hands of very unscrupulous agents. On the other hand, his continuance in power strengthens our hopes that such views, if they exist, may not prevail. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF SATURDAY. (From the Globe.) The " rights of property," as contended for by the Tory journals in behalf of the landlords who adopt the system of extirpating such tenants from their estates as are bold enough to act upon their own religious or political convictions, are as destructive of national peace as they are submissive of private morality. The Sir Wm. Maxwells aad Lord Montagues—the former of whom has expressed his determination to rid his estates of those tenants who refuse to vote in consistency with his politics, and the latter, who has expressed a deter mination equally strong to pursue the same course to ward his tenantry who set up rival schools to those he thinks fit to provide —are the representatives of the class of landlords in justification of whose conduct the Tory Press is taxing its powers of sophistry. The course of argument employed is worthy of the cause it is designed to vindicate. The end proposed is good (say these apologists); the means, though they work injury to individuals against es 'loin they are directed, are sanctified by the objects they are intended to achieve. Though persons who are dependent for their own and families' subsistence on their retention of their holdings under Tory landlords are coerced by threats of expulsion into virtual perjury, when voting under the influence of fear for candidates whose politi cal opinions they regard as calculated to work injury to their country, though by the same process they are in duced to abandon their religious opinions, and to offer to their Maker a form of worship and to profess a sys tem of doctrines contrary to what they believe is pre scribed in their Bibles, although the man is thus ren dered a hypocrite before God, and an apostate before men, although the barriers of morality be thus cast down, and the conscious dignity of truth and honesty be prostrated in the breast of the individual thus reduced from the rank of a freeman to the abject condition of a serf—still, say these casuists, " Look at the result ! See how Toryism triumphs I Compare the numbers polled for our candidate now, with the state of the poll before the rights of property' were enforced. See what a re-action has taken place. The Ministerial ma jority is diminished--th e advent of Sir R. Peel to place and power is thus rendered less hopeless—the Dissen ters are driven from their conventicles to the perish church—and all this good is effected by the landlords merely using their legitimate authority over their tenantry. ..way with the cant about the rights of conscience—the freedom of election—the odious hypocrisy involved ie coercive voting and compulsory faith and worship ! We scatter these considerations to the winds. For tenants of our property to vote out of that tenancy against our candidate, is to pervert our hereditary pos se,sions into instruments of rebellion against our autho rity. For our tenants to adopt a religion other than that we profess, is a reproach to our Church and an in sult to our understandings, who pronounce it to be the best and purest in the universe. Away with such fel lows from our earth—it is not fit that they should live !" Such is, in substance, although not exactly in form, the way in which the Maxwells and the Mon agues are justified in their mode of dealing with their tenantry. . (From the Standard.) The Times had yesterday an excellent leading article, pointing out the promise of an improved state of society , efforded by the proceedings of what are called " Con cervative eervative Operative Societies ;" that is, " societies of loyal working men," a name which we should prefer as moreEng/ish and more significant ; but this by the way. The article of the Tinsel was, like the subject of it, well calculated to alarm and annoy the Whig- Radical Ministers, and accordingly. we find one of their evening organs abusing our Morning Contem porary in its most violent manner, and manifesting a sort of hysterical contempt of the loyal working men, who:n it not very indirectly stigmatised as little less than common thieves, angry with the Ministers because they (the Ministers) have obstructed by a police esta blishment the prosecution of all predatory enterpri,es, ex. gr.:— " The rates' referred to by the Bolton idlers, who followed the canvassers for the election of Poor-law guardians with the cries mentioned by the Times, and who were most likely hired for the purpose, were the rates' imposed for Poor-law purposes. Out of these rates the newly-appointed police are paid. In Bolton, and in other large towns, there are but too many whose p-edatory and violent habits render them anything but lovers of a body whose duty it is, by vigilance and, if necessary, by force, to guard the peaceable inhabitants from robbery and violence." This is not a very complimentary strain in which to speak of any class of Englishmen, and least of all is it becoming in the organ of a party which climbed to people,l)o we r upon and the ind s e u e r t , i p support upon n f the very s t t o nars, ehrri y t corie. . l sgutr.issohisrßtae: thatuEcbiisv odgaonbyril dishonourable ot oni f houn o fdif : l.: c aogilbuteBl rliew3abs fellow-subjects. classes aos a t anv motivesn. propensityssiutitd o t t i v n il s f,tj. et l oa r w i y i ) d p n i s h or ul wit dislike oetteesolf to the I theft:eotistsheee Ministerial e s per c ar ol oen a st s he ts inen el r not e a m e y t a s )ed themselves as peculiarly descr'tprecedingny T hlneN.i nfluenceV ) gs y so e years, describedthe cha , pions of the I working classes, and promised that their Reform Bill, whenever they should have an opportunity of passing one, would greatly improve the condition, and add to the comforts, of those classes. An unhappy blunder of she Tory leaders opened the doors of office to these lavish professors, and their first step was to remodel the House upon a plan studiously excluding the working classes from all share in the representation, depriving them even of that virtual representation which they had previously enjoyed through such places as Westminster, for example, without substituting any equivalent. What has followed has been perfectly in harmony with this beginning. The Whig- Radical Ministers have made many turnings upon scionsquestions o f S tate po li cy ; b ut i n one depart mentof legislation they have kept the straight and consistent line—they have never omitted an opportunity of legislating against the working classes. Their Poor law Bill is an example instar omniu'n. (From the Courier.) The Paris papers of Thursday do not contain any news of importance. They continue to discuss the Napoleon ceremony w i t h great avidity ; and it is evident from their genera l tone, t h a t it wa s consi tiered as a failure. The opposition journals seem dis posed to avenge themselves for the disappointment they feel at the harmless and apathetic turn of the affair, by reporting all sorts of apocryphal stories aboat what was intended to be done. For instance, one of them says th at t h e aut h or iti es being inf orme d that it was the int ent i on o f severa l reg i men ts t o cry ‘. War, war !" when the funeral car passed, directions were given that those regiments should not form part of the escort, and they were accordingly ab sent. The Conslitutionnel asserts that eight at least of the twelve legion s of which the National Guard of lla t r a i c s h is composed, forts." r tsr traitors, down with the cowards, down with the i In short, if some of the journals detached were h ear d to cry Down with the are to be believed, there were innumerable cries, varying in their degrees of absurdity and folly. For instance, how singularly appropriate was t he cry of " Vive Napole on " on the occasion of the second burial of a man who had been dead something like a score of years. The result of this peculiarly French there is no chance either for a Repu blican or a Bonapartist movement. The silly inventio ns to which we have alluded may be considered as the natural however, proved one thing pret t y result oft he disappointment ha, expesienced by the anar chists and revolutionists at finding this look-looked for opportunity has passed by quietly. The Univers, in allusion to the subject, says :—" The present Go vernment has been fortunate enough to bury in turn t Lafayette, the victims of July, and Napoleon. Would God it may have definitely interred the insurrec tionary and Napoleonian spirit—revolt and despotism." The renorted determination of the Porte to insist on the and caused some decline in the funds. deposition of iMeheinet Ali reached Paris on Thursday, SUPPLEMENT TO FRIDAY'S GAZETTE. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE.—DEe. 19. Orders for the Court's going Mourning to-mor. row, Sunday, the '2oth instant, for her late Serene High ness the Dowager Princess of Reuss Knestritz, Great Aunt to her Majesty, viz.— The Ladies to wear black silk, fringed or plain linen, black gloves, necklaces and ear-rings, black or white shoes, fans and tippets. The Gentlemen to wear black, full trimmed, fringed or plain linen, black swords and buckles. The Court to change the Mourning, on Sunday the 27th instant, viz. : The Ladies to wear black silk or velvet, coloured ribbons, fans and tippets, or plain white, or white and gold, or white and silver stuffs, with black ribbons. The Gentlemen to wear black coats, and black or plain white, or white and gold, or white and silver stuff waistcoats, full trimmed, coloured swords and buckles. And on Thursday the 31st instant, the Court to go out of Mourning. . POLICE INTELLIGENCE. GUILDHALL. On Saturday George Edwards, a shoemaker, but much better known as an adept at other " professions," was charged with the following felony : William Fisk, shopinan to Mr. Dalton, a jeweller in Ludgate-street, deposed that on Friday afternoon the prisoner came in, and said he wanted a diamond ring at about 3/. or 4/. Witness reached him one at four guineas, and another at 455. ; but he said neither of them were those he had seen at the window, and offered to go outside, and, point it out. To save the " gentle man" the trouble he reached the tray out of the window. He looked at several which were located near one of 120 guineas value ; and during the time his hand passed over the box he saw the prisoner drew a ring out be tween two fingers of his left hand, He had previously tried the one he had selected, but found it too small for his finger. Witness said ha could enlarge it, but the prisoner said it would p ar tl y obliterate the hall mark. The prisoner was about to depart, having first taken up his cigar, when witness told him be had got a ring, and prevented his exit by bolting the door, and keeping a fast hold until an officer arrived. The prisoner denied the theft ; and, when searched, nothing but I9s. in money was found upon him. Witness believed he either swallowed the ring, or dropped it in the mud when the officer was let in. The officers (312) said the prisoner told him that be lived at No. 6, Durham-place, Hackney-road. He had been there, but the people of the house never knew such a person. Prisoner—l said I once lived there. lam a respect able man, and live at No. 4, Walworth-gardens, East lane. Alderman FAREBROTHER—And did you not once live in Horsemonger-lane ? Prisoner (amazed)—Horse monger-lane ! Alderman FAREBROTHER—Aye, in a large house there. We know a little about you.—The prisoner de nied that he ever domiciled with Governor Keen. C. B. Gough, No. 31 L division Metropolitan Police, stated that he had been tried at the Old Bailey for felony, but acquitted. Since that time he had seen him a companion of thieves, and known him as a passer of bad money. Prisoner—lt's all stuff—there -is nobody here who knows wrong of me. A voice in the crowd—l know him well. Alderman FAREBROTHER--4 was thinking of remand ing you, to produce witnesses to speak in your favour, but you have so many in Court that there is no ocea sion for it. What say you, Seourfield (addressing the gaoler), do you know him ? Scourfield—O, yes, your Worship, very well indeed. Alderman—How ? Seourfield— Why he was with us two years for passing bad money, after trial at the Old Bailey. Tile prisoner became chop-fallen and dumb-founded, while he beard the Alderman award him three months in the " oakum shop" of Bridewell. 'The prisoner said he was not in good health, and prayed a commutation, in which prayer his wife joined. The Alderman was inexorable, yet expressed pity for the young wife, and told the officer to give her the money found on the prisoner. John Winkfleld and Henry Kennedy, two young men of respectable appearance were brought up by City Policeman 270, and James Brook, a very intelli gent officer of the L division—the former charged with felony, and the latter on suspicion of being an accessory before and after the fact. The investigation occupied a considerable time ; we subjoin the leading facts : Mr. John Hipwell Goodgames stated that he is a lin , ndraper, and has an establishment at Potton, Bed fordshire, and another at St. Neots, in Huntingdon shire. Winktield had been three or four weeks one of his shopmen at the former place, where the business was managed by his partner. The day before yesterday the prisoner left abruptly, and it was supposed that he had taken considerable property with him. Witness and a friend, in consequence of some letters addressed to the prisoner (which they opened), came up to London forthwith, and went to the Goose and Gridiron, St. Paul's Churchyard, where they found the fugitive with his carpet-bag well filled with stolen property, and in his possession were found numerous letters, which showed that he had held correspondence with the other pri3o ner, who lives at N 0.24, John -street, Blackfriars•road, and that led to the apprehension of at whose house was found boxes containing other property be longing to witness, as well as forty-nine duplicates for drapery pledges. Mr. Charrington, an auctioneer at Potton, stated that he went to No. 24, John-street, with Brook, the officer, who was armed with a search -warrant, and found in Kennedy's room two boxes, each bearing the names of the respective prisoners. \Vinkfield's was unlocked, and found to contain other property ; but that of Kennedy was locked, and had not yet been inspected. Brook said he had got a bunch of keys he found upon the prisoner Kennedy, but, owing to the shortness of time, he had not attempted to open the box. A great number of letters were put into the Alder man's hands, but were not read. He said that they were a correspondence between the prisoners, and enough for him to conclude that there was a gang of persons connected with the transaction. He much re gretted the alteration of the Criminal Law, so far as receivers of stolen property were concerned. In his mind they ought to suffer condign punishment. Mr. Goodgames said that the prisoner had confessed his guilt, and appeared ready to give information. Alderman FAREBROTHER thought at first that he would send the case before the Magistrates at once, but upon consultation, he would allo.v time for the prose cutor to make investigation, and examine the property to which the duplicates had reference ; besides, as the charge was so serious, the prisoners ought to have time to consult professional men, if they were so minded. After a good deal of discussion, the prisoners were remanded to the Compter until the 4th of January, when the Magistrates will decide whether the parties shall be tried at the next Central Criminal Court, or sent down for the Assize to be holden at Bedford. BOW-STREET. James Benham, James Copeland, Richard Anderson, and John Hill, were brought up on the following charge :—lt appeared from the evidence that Hill was a carman in the employ of Mr. Graham, a sugar-broker, and on Saturday, the sth inst., was ordered to take a hogshead of sugar from the London Docks to the shop of a Mr. Guest, a grocer ; that on his delivering the hogshead, the shopnian noticed that the tin that covered I the hole from which samples were taken had been re moved. This excited his suspicion, arid, on his weighing the hogshead, be found it contained seventy-four pounds less than the weight mentioned in the dock ticket, which circumstance he immediately communicated to Mr. Graham. In the course of the same evening, Hard wick, a policeman, 96 C (who had not then heard of the robbery), was on duty in Marshall-street, Golden square, where he saw Benham (and another man who is not yet in custody) place a bag in a cart, which was driven by the other two prisoners. The cart was im mediately driven off by Anderson. Witness followed the cart to Holborn, where be saw it stop opposite to a pub lie-house. The first three prisoners went in ; and the witness, having procured the assistance of a constable, went up to Benham, and asked him what he had put in the cart, when he replied that he did not know what it was, but that he had picked it up in the street. He afterwards said that the man whom witness had seen run away had put it in the cart, and told him (prisoner) he might keep it. On questioning Copeland, he said that the man who had ran away had put the bag in the cart, and asked him to give him a lift in the cart, which he did, and that he ran away on seeing the policeman. Anderson said he was merely employed to assist Cope land, and that he knew nothing about the bag. The bag, on examination, was found to contain 56 pounds of sugar, which Mr. Guest said was precisely of the same quality as that which had been stolen from his hogs head ; adding, that robberies of this kind were very fre quent, and that he had suffered considerably by them. The prisoners severally protested their innocence, the three former stating that the man who placed the bag in the cart was an entire stranger to them. The two prisoners, Anderson and Copeland, received a very good character from their employers. Mr. TWYFORD said that robberies by . servants were now so frequent that he felt it his duty to remand all the prisoners, to give the police time to make further inquiries. They were remanded until 'Thursday. MARLBORO UGH-STREE T A very respectable female, who gave the name of Allsop, applied to Mr. Long 'for assistance, to enable her to reach Glasgow, her native city.,-She said she was married to a half-pay officer, and had six children by him. Her husband had suddenly deserted his fa mily, and she had come to London in quest of him. On application at Somerset House shsv found that her hu.b..id had reedived a , alvaiTtoaGatiuu -farjla .half viva ; and on further inquiry she believed ho was spending his propetty in connection with a female, totally regardless of the destitution which his family were in. Having applied without success to the parish, and being with out money or home, she had come to the Court to beg a trifle to carry her dawn to Glasgow. The applicant further added she was related to Dr. Wardlaw, of Glasgow ; and that at present her children were under the care of the Marquis of Tweeddale, who was ac quainted IN ith hot pitiful story. She had been to Windsor several times, but had been unable to see the Queen ; and though she had received assistance from several ladies about the Court, her little funds had been expended in the journies she had been obliged to make. Mr. LONG, with prompt humanity, ordered a sove reign to be given to the applicant from the poor-box. QUEEIV-SQUARE James Horton, the proprietor of the omnibus 3,239, travelling from Kentish Town to the Elephant and Castle, was summoned by Byers, the common informer, for delaying on his journey on the Bth inst. A man named Felstead proved that on the day in question defendant stopped nine minutes facing the Silver-cross, Charing-cross. Mr. HuMphrey, the solicitor, begged to explain the particulars of this, which he considered to he a very hard case. Defendant had a few months ago started the omnibus for the accommodation of respectable families residing at Kentish-town, and he then tra velled from that place to Charing-cross. He subse quently, in the exercise of that right which every man had to procure his living, extended his route to the Elephant and Castle, but this appeared to have given great offence to the proprietors of other omnibuses. Defendant had paid a certain sum per week for book ing at Mr. Jarvis's, the Silver Cross, for six weeks an tecedent to this extension of his route, and for the same period of time after, but on a sudden Mr. Jarvis told him that he could not allow him to book there any longer, as the other proprietors would leave him if he did. Thus the defendant was debarred of the right to stand at the great mart for passengera, and having obtained the permission of a shopkeeper a door or two off to draw up facing his door, applied to the Commissioners of Woods and Forests for permission to do so. Their reply was, that Mr. Jarvis would suffer defendant to stay facing his booking-office, subject of course to the regulations under which he conducted his establishment, and that it was not desir able to establish another place of standing if it could well be obviated. Defendant then went to Mr. Jarvis, who said he could stop there on his way from Kentish town to the Elephant and Castle, but he could not allow him to do so on his return there, allowing him just one half the privilege extended to other persons. His client would take any time in the day they thought fit, he would pay at the booking office, as others did, for his right to stand, and he would be contented with four mi nutes where the others had six ; but it was cruel and unjust to shut him out of the means of gaining a subsist ence, and then bring him before a Magistrate. Byers could not undertake to say what had occured, but declared that the defendant just came up at the same time as another omnibus, and a constant disturb ance was the result. He (Byers) was set there to su perintend the carriages, and if he could not preserve order he should give up his appointment at once. Mr. Humphries thought the public would be " very sorry" to be deprived of Mr. Byers's valuable services. Byers said that there were other booking-offices within a hundred yards where defendant might stop without in convenience to any body ; he had frequently reasoned with defendant. Mr. Humphries had no doubt of the informer's elo quence, but wished to know whether that would earn defendant's bread. He might book somewhere else, so might the others, and he had as much right to book at the Silver Cross as them, if fair competition was to be allowed. After some further conversation, Mr. BURRELL ex pressed his unwillingness to come to any decision on the subject. He would adjourn it for a fortnight, in the hope that the difference might be adjusted. The sum mons was accordingly suspended for fourteen days. UNION-HALL, John Nicholls, a well-dressed man, who described himself a compositor, was brought before Mr. Trail, charged with stealing a piece of beef Nat a butcher's stall. A girl, named Elton, the daughter of a butcher in the Walworth-road, stated that between seven and eight o'clock on the preceding night, when she was minding her father's shop, a man came up to the stall board and snatched a piece of beef off, and, looking up tke road toward town, she saw the prisoner running along, and was confident he was the person who stole the beef. The prisoner interrupted the witness several times, declaring that she was mistaken, and that be was in nocent. An apprentice boy stated that he was walking along the road, and distinctly saw the prisoner snatch the piece of beef off the shop-board, and run away with it. He (witness) pursued him, and saw him drop the meat, and afterwards saw one of the policemen take him into custody, and the beef was picked up near the spot. The prisoner asserted his innocence, and said that both the witnesses were mistaken in the identity ; that he was a compositor on a newspaper, and therefore in a situation which rendered it unnecessary for him to have recourse to dishonesty. He added, that he had been to see his mother in the neighbourhood of Wands worth, and that on returning, and hearing a cry of " Stop thief," when he got near the butcher's shop, he ran like many others, and was taken into custody, al though he assured the policeman of his innocence. Mr. TRAILL said that two persons spoke distinctly to the prisoner'sidentity,and asked him if there was any person in Court who knew him, and could epeak as to his good character. The accused said he was well known, but was ashamed to let any of his friends know that he was placed in such a predicament as to be charged with robbing a butcher's stall. He now shed tears, and said that he had never been so disgraced in his life be fore, and that he was never brought before a Magis trate until that occasion, and then it was for no offence Mr. TRAILL said, that although the two witnesses spoke so particularly as to the prisoner's identity, yet that they might have been mistaken, as it was at night it occurred, and they might have taken him for some other person. The butcher's daughter said that she was positive that the prisoner was the man, from the fact of his having inquired of her a few minutes before he snatched the beef, whether they had any nice mutton-chops in the shop. Mr. TRAILL—You had better send for some of your friends. Although I shall no commit you for trial, if some person does not come forward to vouch for your respectability, I can't express any decided opinion upon your case ; and you will, therefore, leave the bar of the Court with a serious sCgmA on your character. Prisoner—What am I do to ? I have a strong ohs jection to let any one know what has occurred. Mr. TRAILL—An innocent man need not be appre hensive of sending to a friend under such circumstances. I know that if I was placed in your situation that I should have no hesitation in sending for some person who knew me. Prisoner—lf the circumstance was known on the journal on which I am engaged, it would operate very much against me, and I should be the subject of ridi cule amongst my brother workmeu. Mr. TRAILL—It would not be the first innocent man who was taken into custody, and I think, for your own sake, you ought not to leave this Court without getting some friend to come forward, as it will be a satisfaction fur all parties. The butcher said that he had not the least wish to press the charge against the accused, but it would cer tainly be a satisfaction to his mind to hear some respect able person who knew him come forward and speak for him. Prisoner (crying)—l should prefer being discharged and run all hazards than send for any friend. Mr. TRAILL—Than if th I t be the case you are dis charged ; but remember this, that if ever I see you at this Court again I shall remember this charge, and if you appear before me in the character of an offender, what has occurred this dsy will not be forgotten in deciding upon your case. The prisoner, who made no reply to the Magistrate's observations, was then let out of the dock, and he di rectly left the Court. MATO ELECTION.—Mr. Margin Blake was returned without opposition on Wednesday. He was proposed by Archbishop M'Hale, and seconded by Thomas Phillips, Esq., J.P. Mr. Blake was not present, in con sequence of severe illness. USE OF ICE.—Our Transatlantic brethren ma nage their mercantile matters far better than we do. In. stead of taking out to India, for their dead ballast, stones, granite blocks, and the like lumber, they load the bottoms of their ships with ice, an article which is eagerly sought after by the inhabitants, and is bought up' almost imme diately on its arrival. About three months since, the American ship Israel, bound from Boston, landed at Cal cutta 400 tons of ice, which was sold at the wholesale rate of one penny per pound avoirdupois, which cleared, ex clusive of port duties, upwards of 3,7001. sterling. Han. MAJESTY'S BUCKIIOUNDS.—In conse quence of the prevalence of the frost during the past week the Royal buckhounds have not hunted since Friday, the 11th inst. The next meet, which will be at Svviul ,, y, has been postponed until the frost breaks up. At the com mencement of the season 1839 the Royal pack consisted of 34 couples of old hounds and 10 couples of young h ounds, making together a total of 44i couples. Their ages were as follow :—One of ton years, five of seven years, nine of six years, thirtheen of five years, nine of four years. twenty- . one of three years, eleven of two years, and twenty of one year. At the commencement of the present scasun ii' were 36} couples of old hounds and nine of young—total 45f couples, viz :—One of eight yoars old, six of seven years, thirteen of six years, six of five years, eighteen of four years, ten of three years, nineteen o f two y ears, and eighteen of ono year. The Right Hon. T. Wyse, M.P., one of the Lords of her Majesty's Treasury, has recently been on a visit to Lord Ci,ll'utti, at ligbrooke • the daughter of Lucien Bonaparte. — Western Luminary EVENING EDITION. MELANCHOLY ACCIDENT ON BOARD THE EXCELLENT, GUNNERY SHIP. (FROM A CORRESPONDENT.) Orr Tuesday forenoon last, a fatal accident happened on board this ship, stationed in Portsmouth Harbour. to a Sergerlot of the Marine Artillery, serving on board for tie purpoe of instructing- the officers and crew of that sh , p in the art of gunnery. It appears that her Captain, Sir Thomas Hastings, ordered the sergeant to carry up an empty sheli, with a no c , al fuze, from the shell-room into the gunners' More-roo:n, to discover if possible the cause of the accident: on be art) of another ship, and desired him to ui,screv the caP, w hich the poor fellow was in the act of doing, when the . fuze burntand off flew the cap, which was copper, and ect..'red just above one of his eyes, and lodged in the centre' of h is _ head. He immediately fell back senseless, never . Mc afterwards, and languished in Haslar Hospital until o el; day. He bore the character of a very able man a , " was highly respected on board. He has left a widgif and two chillitqn. MUSJCAL CHIT-CHAT. -....-.... GLEE CLUB.—The fifty-fourth season of the Glee Club commenced at the Crown and Anchor Tavern on Satur day, the permanent president, John Capel, Esq., in th e chair. The musical members and visitors present were, Messrs. Bellamy, Hawes, Horsley, Evans, Hawkins, Fits william, Collyer, Moxley, Atkins, Elliott, WaimealeY , Spencer, E. Taylor, Bradbury, Pine, and T. Cooke, who sang a variety of fine compositions with great effect, anon% which were the following glees :—" Cold is Cadwaller's tongue," " Bacchus," " While fools," " Soft child a love," " As summer eve," " Beauties, have you seen A toy," " Love like a bird," " Are the white hours," " Lovely seems the moon," " Let the sparkling wine" ece• &c. Messrs. Collyer and Fitzwilliam sang solos, and the evening passed off most harmoniously. Mr. Eliason having undertaken to manage six sub scription concerts at the Eastern Institution, Commercial road, the first took place on Thursday evening, which was led by Eliason and conducted by Mr. T. Cooke. The principal singers were Madame Caradori Allan, Miss Romer, the Misses Williams, Messrs. Bennett end Strettort. Madame Dulckcn executed a solo on the pianoforte most brilliantly, and Herr Koenig an air, wit", variations, on the cornet, with great succe s s. SOICTI, fine overtures were given with great spirit by a very ez" cellent band, and the performance altogether afforded the highest gratification to a very crowded audience. Liszt and his party left Liverpool on Wednesday eel" ing by one of the mail-packets, and arrived the follovti?‘ morning in Dablin, where they Nero an nounced to matt! their first appearance on Friday evening at a concert give'' by the Anacreontic Society. • The Messrs. Barnett have not been able to form an (W e : ratic company for the Lyceum; but it is reported th - t Balfe, who is expected this week from Paris, light b rangements for performing musical pieces of a ratter, to commence towards the end of January. The directors of the promenade concerts are making at'' turd Ai , rangements for resuming their performances on Sa . _ for a short period, with the addition of vocal music, at fes English Opera House. ductect Musard, being under an engagement at Paris, con . a ___ the concert at Drury-lane for the last time on Saturd 7 W ill make ar m evening. THE MARKETS. 1 AL L .1.11f9 ALA.. AI A ...-- .• .0). T WEE K. COUNTRY CORN MARKET S DURING 1- 2 A S-----.. Wheat. Barley. Oats. --.----- ....-------- .--- PTr QuaT - ter. s. to s. s. to 5 , s. to s. : e t at o l• 01 1:t°387....e.. ."' Carlisle - 37 - 32 - 56 -- - Hexham ISS 62 32 34 21 23 - ""- --- :0 31 Morpeth 4B 59. 24 28 17 20 40 46 Benrith I 68''' _. 39 - 3. -- T - 39 Sheffield I 21 -- L l / 2 - 6 'TS 39 Winchest, 141 62 39 32 ,26 29 42 ' w a d• ' 4 ' Per Bushel. Is. d. s.d. s.d. s. d. It. ft s.d. s. el. I : s .',„ s e 0 OE Carmarthen 11:677 00 50 00•2 . 2 56v v , c Cowhriuge •10 0 -0 50 56 30 A 0 5 0 g;!, 6 o f Swansea I 7:8 84 4 3 48 2 3 3 fii 5 Per 8011. I .. it N 6110 t'S 12) Barnardcastll6 01898093 7 4 8 6 ' " - 110 0' 32 / .0 0 JO °I Durham ii Richmond l4 0 19 0 70 9ii 56 8 6 .., 9 ‘g 6[ 00' 6 Stockton l3 0160 9 0 90 7 0 86 s o WAKEFIELD CORN 51AR KEI . 9'neat, Red, Norfolk and Sutthli -- Lin. and Cam. ------ Yorkshire NV hi te . ----- Foreign, hied e s ' 60• fine s 6t,e• White _....g. ....13. to '• ~... •. to 355. Ju... Barley, Norfolk ans. Suffolk ---s. to 30s. tine 39 1 . --- Lincolnshire -- Yorkshire Wold --- Foreign Beans, New - - --b: (6.-- E; 1 2 1 : 5: : .. tt t t t .°o D o ° 615 4 : 31:?... fine f I fi fi fi na il e e ee :6 &I: . 6i 4.5 1 ----- Old Oats, Potato - -- Poland - iv.:•aling ........................... .... - Vriezland and Small ........... .... ............... .- -- L - : : ::: •)7s. to 38s. Od. per Lear • Shelling Malt ,... ........... . • • st. Rapeseed --f. Os. 261.05. 301. os. per L a NEWCASTLE CORN EXCH ANOE, --8 50 4 , 05_ , fi . n .. e ... 4 . 4 - s. lied. White. 1tt:::30262ta.6.1:5p.... efifitiltinnnnseeeet Stone Wheat, Northinniserland -- Norfolk and Suffolk 625. 645 ....... 6fis. 68, -- Berwick and Scotch ............. - Foreign 6 os. 665.,..... 62 , 6 65 . Rye, Norfolk And Suffolk - Foreign 295 13.1 s ....... - -5 - ""'••• 4 .. ' N i s ,e r631.,01: Barley, Malting, Norfolk and SuiThlk -s. -5...... --- ' .-_, - Grinding and Feeding ...05. 335...... -s. - 3 . r Malt, Norfolk and 5uff01k...... Beans, Small 406. 48F,....... --s. -4. '...' - - Tick •. 42s 48s -s. -,.. 1 ' Pease, White 44s 4614.... ....... -....• • - Gray . . s s Oats, Northumberland, Potatoc ...... ... 30. 3116 - s. -s. fl -------. Feed - Foreign -s -5....... -s.-s J Flour (psr sack) Vs. 5:15....... - s. -3. SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. Barley. Oati. Beans. 0 'tat br, to 60 1 251e—Ig to 91 38 43 H SI 16 17 4 50 24 26 17 18 30 - 48 65 126 31 18 22 22 26 --• 48 68 26 49 23 27 40 42 40 -- 55 60 30 20 28 4R 59 —..—• .50 68 27 50 19 23 32 33 -- 36 47 17 21 15 18 33 34 .-- -- 82 67 36 33 45 48 43 —• 60 ^4 38 40 25 35 41 40 -- ;ice of the measure varies throughout the cou n try. HADDINGI'ON CORN MARKET. 1 Wheat. Barley. O a ts. Pease. Bean/. 71s Od 3 6,i 27. Od42e 04 42s Od s'l Od 305 Od 21s ed 39s Od 33. Od Od 11155 Od 213 s Od 12_'s ed Sts Od W s verage 2l. 113 s Rd. 6.l2ths. DALKEITH cORN MARKET. Wheat. Baderf f k 1 Oats. 1 Pease. I Fir5t......... 705 Cct 3.e ft 96s gd 41s Od 5ec0nd....... 625 Od 29, tat at` Ort 40. Od Third ....... 511 Od 25s Od In Od 34s Od 01./I.BOOW CORN MA,,RET.—nec. 16. Wheat, per 2101 b. s. d. s. d. Oats per 2641 b, 0. d. to eritish, old ........... . 326t0 35 6 Iri‘b nom ........ 1 '9 7 0 2 0 new ......... :!3 0 SlO British ............... ... C 4 nada, free ........ ... -- 0— 0 Beans, per .1200,b. Irish ........... . . .... .. 22 0 28 0 English 22 •6 23 4.0 25 Barley, per . ....... Scottish E Scoi nglish tish 2l 0 24 0 Oatmeal , per 1401 b.... 17 0 1 Insh Berwick Zolastream Cupar (Fite) Dunbar Elgin Inverness Kelso Kirkaldy Perth Tha to 32 33 to 3 5 3 3Y .... First ...... ... Second...... Third ....... A' Bean. 41g Od 4 , e 04 34' 03 Friday morning, between nine and tena o'cloc threok, while John Kelley, twenty-five ears of with others, were engaged at Fresh Wharf, Lower Thames street, in raising out of a lighter a cask of goods, nearly a ton weight, the cog-wheel stops broke, and the handle ot the widlas strck the unfortunate man a tre- hmiemndonoutshe spot.blowoa n the side u of the 'left temple , a nd killed DESSERT FRUIT KNIVES AND FORg.S.— Plated on Steel. 12 Knives and Forks, plain ivory handles £ 3 3 0 ....... E 8 15 .. 6 12 do., carved ivory handles 316 0 ...... 9 9 11 11 0 12 do. , finest plain pearl handles 4 17 0 12 do., carved pearl handles ... 5 8 0 12 do., King's pattern, silver handles ......... ............ 6 16 6 They may be had at the above price, in sets of 12, •18, •r 24 pairs, with or without a neatly fitted mahogany case. A. B. SAVORSY and Goldsmiths, No. 14, Corn hill, London, oppite the Bank of Englan d. HORIZONTAL FLAT WATCHES, very small and neat with accurately finished jewelled m•ve raents, are offered in siiver cases, Four Guineas and a Half each ; gold cases, enamel dial, Eight Guineas ; silver dial, Nine Guineas; gold dial, Ten Guineas each. A printed warranty is given with fixed turns, on which the Watches will always receive any attention required. T. COX SAVORY, Watchmaker, Jeweller, &a. , 47, Cornhill (Seven doors from Graceehuritti-street), London. N.B.—Second-hand Watches purchased in exchange. --- PAPIER MACHE TEA TRAYS, 60a. the SET of FULL SIZED GOTHIC SHAPE. Superior London Table Knives, with ivory handles, 14s. per dozen ; Brass Poles for Window Curtains, 1 inch diameter, Is. 3d. per foot ; 2 inches, Is. Bd. per foot ; bronzed fenders, 4 feet long, Is.— Catalogues gratis, containing the prices of stoves, fenders, fire irons, kitchen utensils, and every article is furnishing iron mongery. RIPPON and BURTON, Wells-street, Oxford-street. Established 1820. n. BIRTHS. On the 19th inst., at the Royal Infirmary, Greenwich, the wife of James Syme, surgeon, her Majesty's ship Southampton, of a son. On the 18th inst., Mrs. Headland, Featherston-buildings, of a daughter. On the 18th inst., at the Laurels, Edgbaston, Mrs. Whate ley, of a daughter. On the 19th inst., Mrs. J. E. Fox, of Finsbury-circus, of s daughter. On the 19th inst., the wife of W. W. Wren, jun., Esq., of Gower•street, of a daughter. On the 20th inst., in Oxford-terrace, Mrs. W. Tatham, of a son. MARRIED. On the 17th inst., at Chatteris, Cambridgeshire, the Rev. C. Tombs, third son of Major-General J. Tombs, of the Hon. East India Company's service, to Mary, youngest daughter of the Rev. Dr. Chatfield. vicar of Chatteris. On the 19th inst., at the church of the Holy Trinity, Exeter, the Rev. A. F. Meri v ale , F ellow of Trinity College, Cam bridge, and one of the assistant masters of Rugby school, t Juliana Lavinia, fourth daughter of the late Rear-Admiral F. G. Bond. On the 18th of October last, at Bombay, C. S. Stewart, E sq ., of the Hon. East India Company's G;il Service. On the 15th inst., Mr. C. Behnes, aged 38. On the 3d inst., at Madrid, S. Oviatt, Esq., 61. On the 16th inst., at Eltham, Kent, the Rev. J. K. Shaw Brcok, aged 82.. On the 17th inst., at Croydon, Mr. T. Head, aged 58. On the 18th inst. at Camberwell-grove, R. Edg ar, Es q . On the 18th in s t., Brurninon, Kent, Mrs. Turner. 011 the 19th in.. a . E M. the eldest d. Laughter of .1. It. Farre, M.D. On the 15th inst., at Kennington, Mrs. Huggins, aged 80. On the 201 1 inst., Charles, the youngest and beloved child of John Forster, Esq., of Mount-street, Lambeth. On the 20th inst., at Brook-green, Hammersmith, Mr. J. 11. Pagliano aged • a.,LI t o , MT" ztra in Pto. ; , traou Atl /Le o[ll , :et - 0 .• the county of Aliddlesex.—Monday, Deeinaber 21, It" ,:;herr Cape I" its(} TINT N of tont ;in . 4eo t Hit t NM] fr A;or►+i E XTI:A Tauses duc e s 3 tlft 1 11:g drop o I ht`! los t,n ‘ .l) %e )at• _ 1, 0 , 41 It.i!s. Ln g t s: tiee; es feelitig Pc'opie , 115 the Cuul rratli A rui AVG° Slou Reat. Slot]; Woo Read Slou Woo: twee] Stati Para on al Th all tL wool 4urthi .hours Caine Fui awl E I actr( these Putt C' It re ; Ins leav fi 4 Lie