The Sun. — London, England, 1847-11-27 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Nov. 26. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, took his seat upon the Woolsack at Four o'clock, when several Peers took the oaths and their seats. BANK DISCOUNTS. Earl GREY, in presenting the correspondence which had taken place between the Govern ment and the Bank of England, took occa— sion to answer the question which had been put to him last night by the Noble Lord (Ash. Burton). He understood that on Thursday the 18th November. the directors of the Bank of England had come to the decision that it would be exp e di en t t o re d u c e the rate of discount to seven per cent. That resolution bad been communicated to the First Lord of the Treasury and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the. ulteriloon of Thursday, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had verbally informed the Governor and. the Deputy-Governor that there was no objec tiuYi to their so reducing the rate of discount, although e former letter had not been formally withdrawn "until the Tuesday following. Lord ASHBURTON complained that the com mercial interest had been kept in suspense from the Thursday to the Monday, and had been deprived of their discounts in consequence of the neglect of the Government in withdrawing that letter. Earl GREY said that the Bank had full power to act without leave of the Government, that a verbal communication had been made to the Bank authori ties on the Thursday, and that the Government had good, reasons for not formally withdrawing their letter ute.il the Tuesday. RAILWAYS. In answer to a question from Lord BROUGHAM, Earl GREY stated that the Government had it in contemplation to move for an inquiry into the manner in which the carrying out of various railway pro jects might have conduced to increase the existing distress ; but they thought such inquiry had better originate in the other House. T'neir Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, N0v.26. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. Mr. Philip Miles and several other Members took the oaths and their seats. Several Honourable Members presented petitions against the admissibility of Jews into Parliament. Mr. J. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the Archbishops and Bishops of the Roman Catholic Church of Ireland, praying for the removal of all civil disabilities affecting Roman Catholics. PRIVATE BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. LABOUCIIERE, in rising to move the ap pointment of a Select Committee, to consider whether any and what improvement can be adopted in the mode of conducting Private Business—to consist of Mr. Labouchere, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Strutt, Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. Francis Baring, Sir William Heathcote, Mr. flume, Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. Wrightson, Sir Robert Ferguson, Mr. William Miles, Mr. Loch, Sir John Yarde Buller, Sir George Clerk, and Mr. Ord—said it would be remembered that the House, in former Parliaments, before it proceeded to consider the important branch of its duties comprised in the private business, had always thought it expedient to appoint a Select Committee to ascer tain if improvements could not be introduced into the machinery by which that private business was carried on. Now, he thought the circumstance of the House having met two months before the usual period, and consequently two months before the private business could be entered upon, afforded an excellent opportunity to consider whether any further improvements could not be made in the mode of conducting private business. Of late years that private business had become, and it was still becoming, of great import ance ; and he believed nothing had tended more to raise the character of the House in the estimation of the public than the salutary measures which had been devised to divest the House of all suspicion in its dealings with private Bills. He would re mind the House that two Committees sat last session, and most important improvements resulted from their deliberations. One of them was the estab lishment of the rule that in future the duty of ascertaining whether the petitioners for leave to bring in private Bills had complied with the standing orders should be vested in salaried officers of the House, and from that alteration alone in the manner of conducting private business a saving had been secured to the coun try of upwards of 100,0001., and at an expenditure, too, of only between 1,1001. and 1,2001. He believed the House and the country were mainly indebted for these improvements to the Honourable Member for Montrose, who in the last two sessions of Parliament devoted the greatest care and attention to this im portant subject. He did not think the House would have any difficulty in agreeing to his motion, nor did he think it necessary to enumerate the further improvements that might be made in the mode of conducting the private business of the House, but still there was one part of the subject that he could not pass over without making one or two remarks upon it. Hitherto, from the ignorance or inexperience of some of the Select Committees appointed to sit on opposed private Bills, results had been arrived at which were afterwards to be regretted, and it was, therefore, highly desirable that the House should devise some more efficient means of preventing these mistakes or irregularities in deal ing with private Bills. He thought it well worthy of consideration whether the important duty of considering and deciding upon the merits of opposed Bills might not be performed by the Chairman of Ways and Means with as much advantage to the House and the country as resulted from his labours in disposing of unopposed Bills. There was another point also which he thought would be found well worthy of the consideration of this Committee. He alluded to the amendments which the Lords sometimes introduced into private Bills, the duty of considering which had hitherto devolved upon the Home, but he thought it could be transferred with advantage to the Chairman of Ways and Means. It would be readily seen that, if these improvements were agreed to, the duties of the Chairman of Ways and Means, which were already very onerous, would be greatly in creased ; and he thought another question this Com mittee ought to take into their consideration was, whether the duties of Chairman of Ways and Means could not be separated from the duties of attending to the private business of the House.—(Hear, hear.) He was not aware that he had any necessity to trou ble the House further, and he would con lcude with simply moving the appointment of the Committee of which he had given notice. He should be anxious to hear the sentiments of the Members whom he proposed should sit upon the Committee. He had proposed them from both sides in order that the sentiments of the whole House on the subject might be represented. He had selected them from amongst those who had paid during the past much attention to' the private business. Mr. HUME seconded the motion. He said it was in the power of the House, if it followed up the recommendations made, to materially reduce the private business to one quarter of its present amount, 'and if they were to do this he apprehended that the business would be better transacted than heretofore. The resolution passed last session reducing the number of Members on Committees to five, to compel the attendance of all, and to take away the power of voting from those who did not attend, had proved very salutary, and had also redounded to the credit of the House. They had the means of compel ling local boards and others to carry out the im proved instructions which had been laid down, and which, whenever followed, prevented much unnecessary expense and saved the time of the House. He wished the Committee would review what had been dune, and in their recommendations take espe cial care that much of the onerous duty which de volved upon Hon. Members was removed. Mr. THORNELY said he had invariably derived great information from the breviates of Bills, and considered th a t w i t h out th em th e H ou se would be to be;lorlye i u t ninfor me d w ith res p ec t t o th e private business dalarn. of G the li on , KES considered that the recommen render th e e vice of e Gentl eman (M r . L a b ouc h ere ) wou ld ;11(Voyrnent of another o ffic e r in the ser- Colonel the sibthourse necess ar y.---(" Hear, hear," from additi e onal during the present depression, when, as a matter of c ourse, the a w e o d u t l h d at b a e ll n th ec o e s s e s w ar e i r l y e limited. Mr. LABOUCHERbEuse in e e p s l a merely matters for th e considerainofl the The great object whi c h t h ey the C omm i ttee. should the proper conducting of th e business of in view ll u w se as . v and surely if two gentleme n , at the cost of 1,2001. a year, were enabled to save 20 0,000/. a year, they c o uld not say that the money was wast e d. Colonel IBTIIORP concurred with the Hon. Member for Dorch ester ( Mr. Bankes ) that so far fro m . an increase in the expenditure of the House in respect to salaries being required, that a diminution in the salaries of those now paid was absolutely necessary. During the many y ears he had sat in the House he had heard a gr eat deal aboutfor the words, economy,Hbut it it consisted only of words--mere ctised principle had never been pra on Com M m oney ission had ers, been lavished, cast aw a y up f o r the country he the good accomplished by which never could find out. They had little in the Ex chequer and he apprehended th a t they would ha ve less ; he, therefore, should oppose the motion. Dr. BOWRING considered that a great deal more of the time of the House might be saved at a trifling expenditure. Mr. HUDSON could not see that there had been much saving in the cost of transacting private busi ness. Every chang e • added to the expenses. Towns were put to great exp ense by the commissions sent It tY down by the Woods and Forests, and th,)ugh it might not become him to speak of the Railway Commission, he could not help saying that, in his opinion, it would do much good; yet it added to the expense. Besides the private business had been reduced two-thirds. The railway regulations of last session had incurred much additional expense to railway companies. Economy should be well considered. Mr. STRUTT said much greater economy was psactised last session than during its predecessors. He recollected that in the session before last serious complaints had been made that parties had been put to great expense most unnecessarily. The effect of the improvements made the last session had been considerably felt, and he must therefore deny the statement of his Hon. Friend the Member for Sunderland. He was sure that if the Committee was appointed it would not consent to the expenditure of the public money unless that expen diture tended to the conducting of the private busi ness of the House in a more satisfactory manner. After some observations from Mr. EWART, the motion was agreed to, and the Committee appointed. ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS. Lord MARCUS HILL appeared at the bar, as Trea surer of her Majesty's Household, with her Majesty's answer to the Address of the House of Commons, and, upon being called on by the Speaker, he stated that he had to inform the House that, in obedience to its consmands, he had waited on her Majesty with the Address, to which her Majesty had been pleased to return the following most gracious answer : " I have received with satisfaction your loyal and dutiful Address. I rely with confidence up-.ln your co-operation with my endeavours to improve the social condition of my people, and to promote the welfare and happiness of all classes of my subjects." BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY. Y Ll 5 gave notice that on Tuesday, the 30th of November, he should move for the following returns :-1. A return of the amount of the duties received in the several years between the year 1801 and the year 1819, for stamps or bills of exchange, or promissory notes, and Bank notes ; and a like return from the year 1820 to the year 1846, both inclusive. 2. A return of the bankrupts and insolvent debtors in each year between 1801 and 1819, both inclusive, and between 1820 and 1846, both inclusive. 3. A return of the number of banks in the United Kingdom (distinguishing which county) that stopped payment in each year, from 1801 to 1819, and from 1820 to 1846, both inclusive. 4. A return of the number of directors of the Bank of England who became bankrupt or insolvent, from the year 1801 to the year 1819, and from the year 1820 to the 1 day of November, 1847. 5. A return of the amount of capital which joint-stock companies were empowered by Parliament to raise, between the year 1801 and the year 1819, and the like return between the year 1820 and 1847. 6. A return of the official and declared value of the imports and exports of the United Kingdom in each year, from 1801 to 1846, both inclusive. IRISH LOAN. Major BLACKALL gave notice of his intention, on the 30th of the present month, to move for returns of the amount already expended of the 8,000,0001. granted last year to Ireland. THE EXCHEQUER. Dr. BOWRING gave notiee of his intention to move for a return of all moneys paid into the Exche quer, and of all the amounts paid out without Parlia mentary authority. POOR-LAWS. Mr. F. FRENCH gave notice of his intention, on Monday next, to ask what course her Majesty's Government intended to adopt in order to secure the money advanced for the support of the poor in Ireland? MARY ANN TURTON. Mr. EWART gave notice of his intention, on Wednesday next, to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department a question with respect to the case of Mary Ann Turton, who had been wrongfully convicted and sentenced to six months' imprisonment. DECIMAL COINAGE. Dr. BOWRING, seeing the Right Hon. Gentleman the Master of the Mint in his place, was desirous of put ting a question to him relative to the decimal currency. He wished to know whether any measure had been taken to introduce that currency, and whether it would be soon in circulation ? Mr. SHEIL said, that in the course of a few days a coin of the value of 2s. would be issued from the Mint. He was also bound further to state that he had already submitted three specimens of coin to his Hon. Friend.—(Laughter.) LOSS OF THE STEPHEN WHITNEY. Mr. HUME wished to know whether any inquiry had been made by the Government into the accuracy oi' the report that the loss of the above vessel had been caused in consequence of the mismanagement of the lights upon the Western Coast of Ireland ? Mr. WARD stated, in answer to the Hon. Mem ber, that the Comptroller of the Coast Guard had made a communication with the Admiralty upon the subject, but there was nothing contained in that com munication to induce the Government to believe that the wreck had arisen in consequence of any misma nafzement of the lights. EXTENSION OF TIME FOR COMPLETING RAILWAYS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose, pursuant to notice, to move for leave to bring in a Bill to extend the time for the purchase of the land and completion of the works upon railways. If the debate upon the first night of the session had taken the course which he expected it would, it would have been his duty then to have stated to the House the reasons which had induced the Go vernment to pursue the course they had done. and also the views they had formed of the causes of the present commercial pressure. Among those causes he should have included as one the great absorption of capital by the demand of railway com panies. He did not mean to say that that was the sole or principal cause of the pressure which had recently existed. He did not wish to ask any Hon. Member to give up the opinions he had formed of other causes to which the pressure was to be attributed. He thought that it was a great mistake to attribute any great result to one single cause, and all that he asked of Hon. Members who might entertain opinions different to his own was, that for this night they should only admit that the absorption of capital by railways had been one of the causes which had led to the production of the present state of commercial embarrassment.—(Hear, hear.) It would have been more satisfactory to him had he been able to state to the House the whole case at once, but as it was necessary that no time should be lost in bringing forward this measure, it was not a matter of choice but of necessity that he should undertake this portion of the case at once. One of the many points which had frequently been pressed upon him was the inconvenience which commerce had sustained by the absorption of the floating capital of the country.—(Hear, hear.) The floating capital of a country was that which is employed in carrying on the ordinary operations of agriculture and commerce, and in their further development ; in the erection of buildings which were required from one end of the country to the other; and also in the construction of permanent works, including docks and railways, which ultimately contributed to the welfare and improvement of the country. If the floating capital were too rapidly converted into fixed capital, a pressure must of necessity arise upon the commerce of the country. Floating capital was employed in reproductive works, whereas fixed capital sunk in perma nent works, however useful they might ulti mately be, would only produce for a considerable time an annual dividend or division of profits. The case could be easily illustrated—suppose, for instance, the case of a farmer conducting a large farm, and employing a certain amount of capital for the purposes of his farm, he might employ the surplus of his capital in useful works, such as draining and fencing, but if he ab stracted any portion of the capital necessary for car rying on the ordinary duties of the farm for the pur pose of those improvements however valuable they might ultimately prove to his farm, still the ordinary operations of his farm would, no doubt, be crippled. —(Hear.) The same illustration would apply with equal force to the case of the manufacturer. Now, what was applicable to an individual farmer or commercial man was applicable to the whole com munity, and there could be no doubt that the whole country had latterly been pushed for money in con sequence of the immense amount of railway specula tions that had been going on. Railway companies had been borrowing money, the commercial world had been borrowing money, and the result of all this competition of borrowers was to make money more difficult to be got at. So long as the demands of the railway companies were not heavy, the resources of the country afforded ample means for agricultural operations, for the manufacturer, and for railway lia th bilities.namely, they ha d a rise . After a time, however, they would find that . demand f or cap i ta l b ecame excess i ve — excee d e d the supply —a n d t h e natura l consequence was, that which when and the seen during the last year and half -3.r, eom m e n r h al e rate art o f f theinterest community ; f o for, also required , h Tal row cc • largely,compa n i es were borrowing m one y i competition a n d, an money, the conseque nce was a increase id in the r a t e o f i nterest. d —(Hear, hear.) Hethenot know that he could better state that part of tha n by using the Taturday. words of the Economist of last ease House Noble Lord hear, and derisive laughter from correct or abler statement of —(Hear, tinck and the Protectionists.) 4, P' h d e ‘ le 'ge Ben might smile, but he could assure the had not seen a morethat he effect of these transacti ons upon the capital of tthee country than was contained in the article he was about to read. The Economist said :—" The manner in which the large abstraction of capital has been par ticularly felt has bee n as follows. During the last SATURpAie two years, but especially during the last tweiva months, the deposits in all the banks throughout the kingdom have been gradually diminishing, having been withdrawn for the purpose of paying ' calls and buying bonds;' the supply of money to the bill-brokers has consequently been decreasing, while the demand from the commercial and manufac turing districts has been increasing. And the ne cessary consequence of a diminished supply and an increased demand has been a great rise in the rate of interest. It would be a most striking and instructive comparison, were it possible to be made, between the amount of deposits in 1845, when the rate of interest was three and a half per cent., and the present mo ment, when it is from seven to nine per cent. Such a comparison would show that a large portion of the capital which was disposable for commercial pur poses, through bank credits at the former period, had in the meantime become absorbed in railways; that the country bankers, therefore, have not now the same enormous funds to dispose of—that the bill brokers are therefore without the same means to re discount the bills of other country bankers, and are wholly unable to make advances on dock warrants or bills of lading, and that commerce is thus deprived of the means which were formerly at its disposal in con sequence of the new distribution of the capital of the country." Now, he, believed that to be a true state ment of the case, and from all the sources of infor mation open to him he had collected the same con clusive facts.--(Hear, hear.) It was a faithful account of what had been going on in this country to an extent of which Honourable Gentlemen in that House were, perhaps, little aware. That opinion was not now formed by him for the first time, after the commercial pressure had arisen, for it was known to many gentlemen of the late Government that Mr. Porter, at the end of the year 1845, represented to them that the demands of railway companies were increasing so fast, that he believed it would abstract from commercial men for commercial purposes so considerable a portion of their money that it would, before long, produce considerable com mercial pressure and distress. Having accurately stated the course which events had hitherto taken, he would now put the House in possession of the various documents he had been able to collect which in any way bore upon this subject. He would pre mise, however, that the subject was so complicated that it was utterly impossible to obtain strictly accurate information. He thought, however, that the accounts he was about to read to them would approximate to the truth as near as accounts possibly could ; and, although they might not be correct within a million or two, they would afford them a tolerable good idea of the amount of speculation that of late years had been going on in railways. Now, so far back as 1826, no less a sum than two millions and a half was authorised to be raised for the purpose of investment in railways. In the period extending from 1826 to 1835 Parliament authorized 19,000,0001. to be raised. In 1836 and 1837, which were years of great commercial prosperity, Parliament authorized thirty-six millions and up wards to be raised. In 1844 and 1845 the sum authorized to be raised for the purpose of railways was seventy-four millions. In 1846 Parliament authorized no less a sum than one hundred and thirty two millions to be raised for the purposes of rail ways, making the whole amount from 1826 to 1846 nearly 286,000,000/. ; but in the present year, 1847, the amount authorized to be raised for the purposes of railways was only thirty-eight millions. —(Hear, hear.) He did not mean to say that the total he had mentioned represented the amount ex pended on the works ; and he agreed with the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, that that portion of money expended on the purchase of land was not to be considered as permanently sunk, it merely went from one man's pocket into the pocket of another man. From a calculation made by Mr. Porter, it appeared that there remained to be raised, after the end of 1848, 145,000,0001., to which must be added the 38,000,0001. empowered to be raised this year. From a calculation made by the Railway Board, which he should presently show to be based upon facts, it ap peared that the capital authorised by Parliament to be raised was— In 1840 In 1841 In 1842 In 1843 In 1844 In 1845 59,000,000 In 1846 124,000,000 In 1847 .. These were the sums authorised in these years to be expended upon land and the construction of works in the years mentioned—each year a greater amount being authorised than in its predecessor. The Noble Lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinck) had stated (as we understood) that the average expenditure during the last two or three years had not amounted to more than 12,500,000/. Now this was contrary to the fact.— (Hear.) Now, another statement, showing the ex penditure as nearly as could be ascertained, proved that the expenditure of railway companies had borne heavily lately, and for a considerable time past, upon the resources of the country, but latterly that expenditure had borne upon the country with great and increased severity.—(Hear.) The expenditure, from the calculation of the Board, was estimated as follows : In 1841 In 1842 2,980,000 In 1843 4,435,000 In 1844 6,100,000 and in the first half of 1845, 3,500,000/. ; in the second half, 10,600,000/.; making 14,100,0001. for the year. The expenditure for the first half of 1846 was 9,800,000/., and during the last half, 26,685,0001., or for the whole year, 36,485,0001. ; and for the first half of 1847, 25,700,0001. This might be tested by reference to facts. So much, then for the statement of the Noble Lord. For the last eighteen months, from Ja nuary, 1846, until the beginning of the autumn, the expenditure could not be estimated at less than 62,000,000/. The half-yearly statements of the Commissioners tallied with this calculation, with the exception of a few hundred thousands. The expenditure of late years had gone on increasing in an extraordinary manner, and that caused the railway companies to press upon their available capital, and had in some measure led to the commercial pressure. In 1845 the expenditure on railways was 14,000,0001., in 1846 it was 33,000,000/., and the expenditure in 1847, if things had been allowed to have gone the same way, would have probably amounted to 64,000,0001.; in 1848 to 70,000,0001. ; in 1849, to 47,000,0001.; and in 1850, to 10,000,0001. Now it was sufficient for his purpose to show that the extraordinary outlay in railways had had a considerable effect in the depression of commerce. The represen tations that had been made to him and the Government would have sanctioned a much stronger course than the Government now proposed to pursue. They were even called upon to put a stop to the proceedings on railways, but the Government did not think it advisable to adopt such a course.—(Hear.) The measure he was about to propose was not one of a compulsory nature, it being thought by the Government to be extremely injudicious to adopt such a course. The object of the Bill he was about to introduce was to give to railway companies an extension of time for the pur chase of land for the completion of their works. He proposed, with respect to railways that were being constructed, to relieve them from the obligation of buying the land, and completing the works in the time prescribed. The only persons injured would be the landowners, and he proposed to give them com pensation. Mr. HUDSON—How are the damages to be ascertained ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the damages would be assessed in precisely the same way as damages with respect to land were as certained. With regard to railways in which the works were not commenced, he thought that a stronger course might be adopted with respect to them. He proposed to extend to them the time for the purchase of land, and he proposed to enact that the directors of such companies should not be empowered to commence the works without the con sent of a certain proportion of the shareholders. With regard to those Bills which were introduced last session, and Bills proposed to be brought forward this session, he proposed to appoint a Committee, to which all those Bills should be referred, in order to determine which of those Bills should be proceeded with. It was obvious that there were many Bills in volving merely deviations or small extensions of lines which would not involve any large outlay of capital, which it would be desirable to pass this session. He thought that it 'would be very desirable that no Bill involving a large outlay should be allowed to pass this session. —(Hear, hear.) They had all, perhaps, to take some blame to themselves for the many Bills which had been allowed to pass upon former occasions. —(Hear, hear.) In earlier years it would have been a very difficult task to persuade the House to endeavour to check any of these nu merous railway Bills. A Committee was appointed in 1846 to inquire into the subject, but no sug gestion had been made by that Committee. After he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had been appointed to office several friends waited upon him, and urged him to adopt some measure to check the progress of Railway Bills through Parliament. lie did not at that time see how this suggestion was to be carried out. Opinions upon that subject had companiese linen,o ni a n d hadto his fou li m a materially changed latterly even among railway companies themselves; and he expected that he in checking the deman e communicated with the o c r ha t i h ri e ne o n on o s f tru se c v ti e o r n al should receive the cordial support of many of those Tail bout to take measure.—(dear, - H op e er h a a te d i would r - demand for wa and he hoped that the course which o h f e of w the sgeneral consent.--(llear, LE VENIN t4ii NOVEM Brat o7s )047. hc , ar.) A Bill 'had recently passed to facilitate the dissolution of railway companies whose Acts had not been obtained ; but in cases where the Bills had been passed, or the works partly commenced, the company had entered into contracts and engagements with landowners and others. He did not think, therefore, that it would be advisable to bring in any measure to allow companies so solicited to release themselves from the obligations they had entered into with numerous penalties. Mr. DIVETT—What will be the extension of time ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then proposed to allow either two or three years beyond the time limited by the Acts already passed for the purchase of land or the completion of the works. With respect to the proportion of share holders, it was -immaterial to him whether the power should vest in two-thirds or three-fourths of the whole company. That was a subject which could be discussed io Committee upon the Bill. He would therefore move for leave to bring in a Bill fo- the extension of time for the purchase of land and the completion of the works of those railways for which acts had obtained the sanction of the Legislature, and also for the prohibition for a limited time upon the directors of those railways whose works were not commenced from commencing the same until the consent of a given number of the shareholders had been previously obtained. Colonel SIBTHORP did not rise for the pur pose of opposing the measure of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He had always endeavoured to press upon the Government the necessity of putting a stop to these works. A sense of duty alone had made him rise in his seat and express fearlesslyhis reasons for press ing that subject upon the attention of the Government. Railway speculation had throughout been nothing more than a gross attack upon the rights of private property, and in his opinion a stop ought long ago to have been put to it. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer talked of compensa tion to the landholder. Why, what compensa tion, in the name of common sense, could be afforded to , the man who had his land taken from him by main force, and what compensation could be made to the Englishman who had his property snatched from him against his will by a power that did not exist even in Russia? He was glad the com mercial necessities of the country had stepped in to put a limit to this abominable system of robbery. He had no wish to oppose the bringing in of the Bill, but he called upon the Right Hon. Gentleman to say to those railway companies, " Unless you pay for the construction of the railways for which you have obtained Bills by a certain time you shall not make them at all."—(Hear, hear.) If the parties who had sought such powers could not carry them out let the Legislature abrogate what it had done. He spoke thus on behalf of his coun trymen, and as a disinterested individual ; when the Bill arrived at its second reading, he should propose a clause compelling railway companies to pay for the land they had included in their survey, or else to give it back to its proprietors. Mr. E. ELLICE approved of that part of the Bill which gave railway companies power to defer the construction of their works. At a former time he offered a proposition to the House, which, if it had been acceded to, would have averted some of the evils which had since become alarming—viz., to curtail the enormous powers which those corporations possessed of borrowing mo ney. Canals as well as railway companies sought and obtained power to borrow one-third of their capi tal. Now, he blamed the Executive for not reducing those powers within proper bounds. But railways were mainly one of the causes which had led to the present monetary crisis. It was an abuse of credit, not unlike that practised with respect to the South American mines. Railway companies went into the market with more available securities than the trader, and prevented him from obtaining those discounts which previously he had been able to obtain. There was another point in connexion with this sub ject which he wished to direct the attention of the House to, a point which both the present and past Government had lamentably neglected. The House was aware that by law a railway company could only divide amongst its shareholders 10/. per cent., but during the late mania instances without end had oc curred of companies dividing profits to the ex tent of 100/. per cent. The Legislature winked at such extravagance, and allowed it to go on against the remonstrance of a Committee which considered the point, but he hoped, now that they had seen the folly of such lukewarmness, measures would be taken to prevent .the recurrence of these abuses. He thought that some protection ought to be claimed for those parties who were subject to the monopoly of great railway companies. It was the duty of the House to limit the powers granted to railway com panies in such a manner as not to interfere with the interests of other classes of the country, and the individual exercise of other branches of industry. It was very difficult for any individual man of that House, unaided by the Government, to carry out any reform in these great subjects, but he hoped that the Government would adopt som measure to regulate the mode of borrowing large autos of money, and thereby crippling other branches of ordinary commerce and industry.—(Hear.) Mr. HUDSON could conscientiously bear testimony to the strenuous and continued opposition made by the lion. and Gallant Gentleman the Member for Lincoln (Colonel Sibthorp) to all descriptions of railway under takings, but he could not bear the same testimony to the conduct invariably pursued by the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Member for Coventry (Mr. Ellice). That Right Hon. Gentleman complained of the excessive number of Railway Bills passed in the last session of Parliament, and he added, that he warned the House that those measures would involve the country in diffi culty and distress. Ile (Mr. Hudson) denied that the distress which existed was to be attributed to railways. —(Hear, hear.) He could not forget that he had the honour to move an amendment to a Bill which was in tended to connect Coventry and Southend, and he also remembered that upon that occasion—although the Right Hon. Gentleman now ascribed all the distress to railways—that he implored the House, for the sake of pass the Bill.—(Hear, hear, the city of Coventry, to and a laugh.) The Right Hon. Gentleman's example upon that occasion was contrary to his present precept, and the maxim was that Example was better than precept."—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said that the powers given to railway companies to borrow money was too exten sive. He (Mr. Hudson) would not say that those powers were not too extensive, but that was a fair ques tion for debate. The companies with which he was connected, and among them were some of the most ex tensive in the country, had not borrowed to anything near the extent of their powers. But if the House thought the power of borrowing was too extensive, or likely to be attended with inconvenience to the com munity, they might fairly m a k e i t a su bj ect f or ma t ure inquiry. The Right Hon. Gentl eman , h o w e ver, seemed to say that the borrowers were the only persons to be considered. Was there to be no consideration for those who lent the money ?—(Hear, hear.) Were not the in• dustrious poor, who had accumulated their savings, to be thought of ? — (Hear, hear.) Were they to be told— " Oh, invest your money in trade, or give it to your banker, and receive a low rate of interest for it." Why, nothing could be more ridiculous than to exclude the public from a safe and profitable investment for their capital.—(flear, hear.) If Asuch investment were not furnished in railways at home, they would find it else where. A large amount of English capital was now invested in railway undertakings on the Continent, and if say measure were passed calculated to check invest ments in English railways they would find their way to foreign railways. Within the last twelve months no less than two millions and a half were invested in foreign railways, and a large sum might follow, for it was im possible to prevent capital flowing somewhere. He felt it to be a great blessing that railway property flowed where it did—(Hear, hear, and laughter) —although he felt the inconvenience of so great a number of lines being sanctioned by Parliament, and though he was ready to admit that some distress might ensue from it, still he believed the House could not have taken any other course.—(Hear, hear.) It was fallacious to say that the late commercial distress had been occasioned by the large expenditure upon railways, for all the articles absorbed in the construction of railways were either of' British produce or of British growth.—(Hear.) We did not import railways—(A laugh)—so the drain occasioned by them could not be said to account for the distress. To hold that the entire inconvenience which the commercial classes suffered was caused by r ailways would be to state what r ea lly was not the case. He believed, on the con trary, that railways had been of gre at benefit to the poor—that th ey had contributed very considerabl y to increase their com f or t s , a nd that they 'rad caused a large amount of money to circulate in channels likely to swell the prosperity of the country.—(Not withstanding hear.) this, the manufacturers of Manchester met together and forwarded circulars to the railway com panies, begging of them not to make any further calls. Now, if these well intentioned gentlemen had addressed their circulars to those who were accepting bills for large amounts to foreign merchants, and thus deranging the exchanges, they might have done same good.— (Hear, hear.) But to tell the railway companies that they were not to continue to employ their labourers was absurd.—(Hear, hear.) No railway company had stopped for want, of funds; they might have gone on less rapidly, but they had not stopped, neither had they applied to the Government for assistance. When rail war stock was at a premium the Chancellor of the Ex chequer's money was at a large discount.—(Hear, hear.) and to his cwu knowledge railway stock had been sold when a purchaser could not be found for Exchequer bills.—(Bear, hear.) The public knew very well what they were about, and it appeared were far wiser than the Right Hon. 31einber for Coventry thought they were. He had given it as his opinion, and he ROW re peated it, that we could not construct railways and import corn to a large extent, for in such case the bullion would have to be sent out of the country. If the Government were to undertake legislation of this kind they would have to legislate also for the merchant and the cotton importer that they should not exceed a certain amount. When the mercantile class were over trading the Government did not come down and tell them they should confine their transactions within certain limits. He was prepared to say on behalf of the railway companies that they were ready to make any sacrifice to suit the convenience of the public. Ha Jul not object to the Dill proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; it wt,tild not be of any use to him ; ho did not want it ; but it might have the effect of allaying an apprehension on the part of the public that railway un dertakings were proceeding too rapidly. He felt a great desire to know from the Chancellor of the Exchequer the c ,ndition of the Bank on the Saturday previously to the Monday on which the Goverment issued their letter. —(Hear, hear.) Although the Right Hon. Gentleman bad said that all houses in good credit could get money, he assured him that Exchequer bills could not have been cashed at the time without considerable loss. Some of his own railway works would have been stopped at that period, not from want of means to carry them on, but from the difficulty of getting Exchequer-bills converted into cash had not the directors of the Bank of England received the Right lion. Gentleman's letter. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by saying that, unless the House altered the Bank Charter Act which produced such a state of things, it would not be doing its duty.—(Hear.) Leave was then given to brillg in the Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then move 1 for the appointment of a Committee on the Rail way Bills of this session.: The Committee was accordingly appointed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed that 11 suspended Bills, as well as new Bill;, would be included. BUSINESS OF THE lIOUSE. Sir J. PAKINGTON moved that, until the Christmas holidays, orders of the day should take precedence of notices of motions. The lion. Gentleman said that, in bringing before the House the motion of which he had given notice, ha was unwilling to do so without assuring Hon. Gentlemen, who had given notices of motion, that he did not wish to cause them any inconvenience. lie brought forward the proposal without having had any communication with the Government, and solely from the conviction that, if the House adopted it, the public business would be much facilitated, and the general con venience of the House promoted. He would, therefore, move that, under the peculiar circumstance of the pre sent session, orders of the day should have precedence of notit es of motion. Mr. BROTHERTON seconded the motion. Mr. BANKES considered that, as the motion was of so much importance and of so singular a nature, the lion. Gentleman could not object to the House delaying its consideration of it until next week. Many Hon. Members were now absent who would return next week when important business was expected, and a proposition of this nature ought, in his opinion, to be discussed in a very full House.—(Hear, hear.) The proposition was so extraordinary a one thut he was prepared to give it a decided negative. A proposition being made at the 1 commencement of the session to allow the Government to engross all the business appeared to him to be so un con,titutional that he would certainly oppose it. He would not, of course, object to it at the close of a session, but he was bound to do so now, for it materially af fected the arrangements of 'private Members. For in stance, he had himself a notice on the books which could not be postponed, for it related to an appointment which was not made, but which would be made in a few days—he alluded to the appointment of President to the English Poor-law Commission. It was his intention to propose that, instead of a new president being ap pointed to the Poor-law Commission, the office should be conlerred upon the Lord Privy Seal. This gentleman, who was at present travelling in Italy, had, it appeared, nothing to do, and an arrangement such as that which he (Mr. Bankes) was about to propose would save the country 2,000/. per annum.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The two secretaries would then remain, the remaining portion of the Act could be in force, and an annual saving would be caused to the country. He would move a direct negative to the motion. Mr. HUME expressed his astonishment at the pro por.al emanating from the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Pakington), for in his Opinion it would prevent he pos sibility of Hon. Gentlemen making suggestions beneficial to the country, and, moreover, prevent her Majesty from availing herself of that for which she convtned Parliament, namely, the advice and assistance of her faithful Commons.—(Hear, hear.) It did not appear that Parliament had been called together for any par titular purpose beyond the transaction of the pnblic business, and therefore the motion which, in his opinion, would be very improper at any time would be more so now, when it was borne in mind that the Parliament was a new one. He hoped the Hon. Baronet would withdraw the motion.—(Hear ) Mr. BROTHERTON said the only object of the original suggestion was to save the public time; at the same time, however, he thought it only right that such a motio❑ should be decided on by a full House. Mr. EWART said the rules of the House were seldom violated without their having reason to repent it. Lord J. RUSSELL quite agreed with the Hon. Member for Salford, that such a proposition, however desirable, would better be discussed in a full House, and decided on by universal assent, more especially as they had only the other day decided that on Tuesdays and Thursdays orders should have precedence. At the same time, he would take the opportunity of enforcing a hope that Hon. Members having notices of motions would not interfere with the appointed business of the House unless the subjects were of a very pressing nature. It might be very inconvenient if they were obliged, on the 23d of December, to adjourn only for a week.—(llear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON withdrew his motion. RETURNS. Mr. HUME moved for copies of Earl Grey's dis patches to the Mauritius, respecting the formation of a bank in that islan.l in the present year ; of all dis patches to and from the Mauritius respecting the state of that colony, since January, 1847 ; and of all dis patches to and from the Governor of Trinidad, respect ing the supply of labour, and the state of that colony, since Lord Harris's arrival in that island.—Ordered. Mr. HUME then moved for a copy of the memorial of the West India Association on the present state of the British West India colonies, dated the 11th day of No vember, 1847, addressed to Lord Juba Russell, First Lor.l of her Majesty's Treasury ; return of the number of slaves captured in each year, since January, 1810, and for which the sum of 1.061,8611. have been paid as bounty to captors from the public revenue, stating the nuh.bor of these slaves landed slive, and how the same were disposed of ; and copy of the correspondence re ceived by the British Government from the Commis sionei s at the Havanna and Rio de Janeiro, since Ja nuary, 1847, on the subject of slavery and the slave trade.—Ordered. THE RAJA OF SATTARA. Mr. HUME wished to ask the Government whether, after the publicity of Major Carpenter's declaration of his belief of the ex-Raja of Sattara's undoubted innocence of the charges brought against him, any measures had been adopted by the Boaro of Control to allow the ex- Raja to prove his innocence, which he is able and ready to t'o. it an opportunity is afforded him, as stated in the papers before Parliament. The Hon. Member also moved for copies of all documents referred to by Major Carpenter (in his letter of the 25th day of May, 1846, to the Secretary of the Governor-General, Parliamentary Paper, No. 711, of session 1847), by which disclosures respecting the proceedings at Sattara had been made, that confirmed beyond a doubt Major Carpenter's be lief of the innocence of the ex-Raja of Sattara, now an exile and a prisoner at Benares, and under the surveil twee of Major Carpenter, by orders of the East India Company: and of a letter from his Highness the deposed Raja of Sattara to the Right Hon. Sir IL Hardinge, Governor-General of India, dated Benares, December 12, 1844; together with all minutes and correspondence contained therein. Mr. EWART seconded the motion. Mr. C. LEWIS, in the absence of Sir J. C. Hob house, said he had so recently been appointed to the Indian Board that he had not been able to make him self master of the case. At the saute time he gave the Hon. Member full credit for his motives in pressing the case on the House. It did not appear that Major Carpenter could have had any peculiar means of form ing a judgment. He was at a distance of one thousand miles from the scene of the transactions in question, and only formed his opinion from public documents. Major Carpenter's dispatch having already been read by the Government, they did not see that the fact of its having been made public rendered it necessary for them to take any additional steps. He had no objection, however, to the production of the papers, though he believed that they were already accessible to the House. With respect to the letter of the Raja, Sir J. C. Hob house had written for a copy to India, and as soon as it arrived it would be presented to the House. Mr. G. THOMPSON apologised for attempting to address the House so soon after taking his seat, but he did so, simply because for seven years he had made the case of the Raja of Sattara his peculiar study. lie had devoted a large portion of those seven years to the ex amination of the papers in the case, and he thought h e relight state without presumption that he belived him self more intimately acquainted with the contents of u'l the documents on that subject laid before the House, or published elsewhere, than any other living individual. He had taken a prominent part in discus sions elsewhere on this question, and he might also state that, having visited India and the Raja, and having been, through the kindness of the Government of India, per mitted to confer with that Prince, as well as communi cate personally with various individuals of high station in that country, and, moreover, being somewhat con nected with the production of the papers now before the llouse, he did hope that he should be permitted — and he had no intention to abuse the indulgence which he sought —to say one or two words on the question before the House.—(Hear, hear.) But he bad another reason, and the strongest reason of all, to propitiate the kindness; of the Ilouse. There was nothing which he did believe, which he believed more firmly, or from the bottom of his heart, than the innocence of the Raja of Sattara. He (Mr. G. Thompson) did not believe there was one tittle of evidence implicating that Prince. There was not one flaw—one act that could be called even an indi cretion—in his case. Before his deposal he was one of the most exemplary princes, Christian or heathen, which ever reigned ; and since his deposal, under his accumulated and protracted sufferings, notwithstanding the confiscation of his property, public and private, and the loss of a throne which he had adorned, and of a climate which was agreeable to him, and compared with which the one in which he now lived was misery and death, and most of all the loss of a re putation which had no parallel in the history of India, ancii-nt or modern—notwithstanding all this, his conduct, was most praiseworthy and exemplary. Ile (Mr. G. Thompson) was most anxious to know in what light her Majesty's Government would regard the testimony of Major Carpenter. Had it not been for the circumstance of his (Mr. Thompson's) coming into possession of the papers containing that testimony, they would be now in oblivion, and would have remained in oblivion for ever. —(Hear, hear.) In order to know the real value of Major Carpenter's opinion, the House should recollect that before he was put in charge of the Raja of Sattara he had been in charge of another Raja sent up to Benares from the central part of India. Major Carpenter had for twenty-eight years been in the service of the Lase lndia Company, and during that period had main tained an unsullied reputation; and, although in conse quence of the opinion he had given, he received from the Governor- General a qualified rebuke, yet he had not been displaced, but allowed to continue at his post. Major Carpenter was not only charged with the custody of this deposed Prince, but also with the duty of in , forming himself of every movement in which the Prince may be engaged, and every officer so situated was per mitted by the employment of agents of a certain kind to resort to measures to inform himself of everything said, done, and written, by night, on the part of those „under his charge. When in 11t40 the Raja arrived at Benares, accompanied by a character for intrigue and disaffection, Major Carpenter was, in consequence of that charact, r, led to regard him as the principal conspirator in 'he Deccan, and exercised an extraordinary amount of vigilance to prevent him from engaging in conspiracit in that part of India. On that account the testimony of Major Carpenter possessed now additional value. Major Carpenter now stated that he never met with a man so transparent—so honest, even to his own injury, as the Raja of Sattara. This testimony was the more importaqt its being borne to the Governor-General himself, for hi' sole guidance, and with no idea that it should afterwards become matter for discussion in the British House of Commons. The Governor-General, in his reply, did not use ose expression impugning Major Carpenter's opinion, but said, " Whatever the real facts of the case may be touching the guilt or innocence of the Raja, and whatever your own private conviction may be, you went beyoed your duty in giving your opinion." If Major Carpenter did commit an error, it was one that would be forgiven in that House—it was one that would be forgiven throughout the world, and which would plead for him when we all came to that common judg • meat where we would be tried, not by the rules that governed the political system of India, but by the rules of justice and humanity.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Thompson) should not trespass on the House by enter ing into any details on the merits of this ease ; suffice it to say, that he should deem it his duty most humbly to render his best services to the Hon. Member for Mon trose, who had already in that House so ably, ener getically, and perseveringly advocated this cause of the Raja of Sattara. But while he (Mr. Thompson) did so, it would not be in a spirit of faction or from any desire to embarrass her Majesty's Government, or da mage their reputation, and, by so doing, their influ ence ; no, he had crossed the threshold of that House free from such feelings and dispositions ; but he must discharge a duty to his constituents, who felt deeply in this ease, and also a duty to the coun try at large, who were desirous of seeing justice done to the Raja, and, above all, to the convictions of his own mind, which had long been made up on this subject. Whenever the House granted an inquiry on this subject, he would demonstrate, by testimony that all would admit that the Raja was au innocent man. He was prepared to prove before a Committee of that House that every document produced to condemn the Raja was a forgery and a fabrication—(llear, hear)—and that every witness against him was a perjured man. He would tell how much they got for what they said, by whom they were hired, who instigated the hirers, and who put the springs in motion; and he would also bring home to every man, whether European or native, the conviction that the proceedings in India against the Raja ot Sat : ara was a conspiracy to depose him because of a diispatch that went out to India which favoured the claims of the Raja to the sovereignty of a certain portion of that country. In consequence of that dispatch, the Raja of Sattara addressed the directors of the East India Com pany on the subject, and a conspiracy was set on foot, which ended in his dethronement. Having apologised to the House for his trespassing so long on their at tention, Mr. Thompson concluded by hoping that the House would speedily grant a Committee to inquire into the whole affair. Sir J. W. HOGG would, in reply to 'the charges brought forward by the lion. Member for the Tower Hamlets, and which implicated every authority in India, beg of the House to bear in mind that Sir R. Grant, who was then Governor of Bombay, and all the members of his council unanimously agreed, and reluctantly came to the conclusion, that the Raja was guilty. Two succes sive Governors of Bombay and their respective councils confirmed that decision. Lord Auckland, as distin guished a man as ever ruled over India, painfully and reluctantly came to the same conclusion. The Court of Directors of the East India Company, and three succes sive Presidents of the Board, expressed their unanimous ' conviction of the Raja's guilt. When the Directors of the East India Company heard that Major Carpenter had so far exceeded his duty as to pronounce an opinion on the Raja's conduct, they addressed the Governor of Bombay on the subject. When Major Carpenter was called on to explain this circumstance, he pronounced the greater part of the statement made by the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets to be purely imagery, and that the propositions detailed in the document read by that Honourable Member were never made by him (Major Carpenter) to the Raja of Sattara, upon his (Major Carpenter's) own account, or on the part of any one else. No disclaimer could be more direct and satisfactory. And what said Lord Hardinge? He said the Governor-General considered that it was as unbe coming as it was uncalled for, on the part of Major Car penter, to give any opinion on the charges against, and the previous conduct of, the Raja of Sattara.—(lronical cheers from Mr. Hume.) The Hon. Member indulged in derisive cheers because an officer placed in a most confidential position -violated his duty.—(clear, hoar.) Would the House say that it was right for a person in the confidential situation of Major Carpenter to have entered into communication with a person whom he was sent to take charge of, when such communication could be shown to be unjust? however humane the motives of Major Carpenter might have been, no one could doubt the unsoundness of his judgment. In fact, when he was reprimanded by the East India Board of Directors for the busy and medding manner in which he had conducted himself; he wrote an apology to them, and said that " under ordinary cir cumstances the officer in discharge of a dethroned Prince should have no concern in the chases which might be brought against him, or with his previous con. duct, but he (Major Carpenter) submitted, with all de• ference and respect, that the case of the ex-Raja was a peculiar one—(Hear, hear)—and that he had not in this instance exceeded his duty.". So that Major Car penter broadly admitted that in ordinary cases the course he had taken would have been blameable.— (Hear, hear.) But what peculiarity was there in this case ? Had any new fact come under the notice of Ma jor Carpenter ? Had he discovered some new facts which would have convinced the Court of Directors that they had acted wrongly in condemning the Raja ? If Major Carpenter had been able to do so he (Sir J. Hogg) would not have said a word against him. But the truth was, Major Carpenter was not able to produce any new fact which could throw upon the case that extraordinary new light which the Hon. Member for Montrose had talked of.—(Hear, hear.) The importance of the case had been greatly exaggerated. The whole of the income of the territory of Sattara was no more than 100,0004, out of which the Indian Government gave the Raja 10,0004 out of coin passion.—(Mr. Hume, " Nay, nay.") 'Why, his grand father and father had been incarcerated in a dungeon, and the Raja himself had been released from captivity by the Indian Government, previous to his being placed on the throne of Sattara. In conclusion, he thought the Hon. Member for Montrose, by his argu ment. in support of the motion had rather diminished than added to the weight of the ex-Raja's Mr. ANSTEY begged the house to consider whet must be the condition of the natives of India, who are governed by a company whose chairman did not hesitate, on the floor of the House of Commons, to give utterance to principles of morality of the most extraordinaiy cha racter.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Anstey) rose on this occasion for the purpose of doing some justice to that meritorious officer whose name bad been introduced in the course of the debate--Major Carpenter.—(Hear, hear.) The mo tives of that gentleman had not been fairly treated. Major Carpenter had given an unequivocal and uncon ditional denial of the accuracy of the reported conversa tions which had taken place between him and the de posed Raja of Sattara. Nothing could be more cautious than the language which Major Carpenter had used in his interviews with the Raja. The Court of Directors could not show in what manner Major Carpenter had exceeded his legitimate duties. He denied that that gentleman had conducted himself in this affair in any other than a firm and fair manner. He (Mr. Anstey) trusted that the Honourable Gen tleman who might follow him would do justice to the case of the Raja, in which were involved the character and justice of the entire British empire. He trusted that those Hon. Gentlemen who had taken upon themselves the conduct of this question would en large their views, and that having satisfied themselves of the innocence of the Raja, they would come to the conclusion that those who had oppressed and persecuted him deserved condeinnation.—(Hear.) Mr. WAKLEY—The Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Hogg) had spoken that night in a manner which made him (Mr. Wakley) think that he was satisfied that the Raja of Sattara was an innocent man.—(Hear.) He firmly believed that the Right Hon. Baronet could not have put his hand upon his heart and say, upon his honour, that he believed the Raja to be guilty. The Right !Ton. Baronet had referred to former governors and chairmen of the East India Board who had stated it to be their conviction that the Raja was guilty, arid he had also spoken:of the Raja having a gaoler. Now, he (Mr. Wakley) would ask the Right Hon. Baronet whe ther the Raja had ever yet had a tri a l?—(Ch eers .) H e had a gaoler, but had he ever had a jury?—(Hear.) It was a well known fact—it was now notorious through out the whole of this country, as well as throughout all India, that the Raja of Sattara had been treated as a guilty man, and most grievously punished, but that he had never undergone the ordeal of a jury—that he had never had that advantage which was afforded to every man in this country, when charged with a criminal offence. He had never yet been heard in his own defence. —(Hear, hear.) He had not even seen the evidence which was adduced against him.—(Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Wakley) could only say, that anything that 'night be said upon the case that night, after the motion had been acceded to by the Government, would be mere loss of time. Within a very brief period a motion of another character must be submitted to the House.— I (Hear, hear.) The justice of that House would then be tested.—(Hear.) It would then be ascertained from that House whether they were prepared to say that an injured and persecuted man should not be heard hi his own def e nce. —(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had alluded to a violation of confidence, or a breach of duty, or an overstepping of the boundary of proper con duct on the part of Major Carpenter. W by, Major Carpenter had violated no confidence.—(Hear, hear.) He had violated no duties, he had in 'no respect broken any engagement that was imposed upon him as a servant of the East India Company.—(Hear, hear.) He was asked by the secret department of the Government to report upon certain things. He made his report accord ingly in secret, which brought out a communication be tween him and the Government, He was not the man that disclosed that communleaf,lorlii . , hei4—and he had not, therefore, committed any violation of that confidence which was imposed upon him in the observauce his duty. lie (Mr. Waldey) was very sorry to see the lion. Gentleman (Mr. Lewis) the ex-Poorolaw Commis sioner, occupying such a po,ition as he occupied that night. He should have hoped that any speech which that lion. Gentleman might have had to make in that House would have been in a far different cause—he did not think that he would hare made an attempt to, withhold justiee from a persecuted man. -(Bear, hear.) Be hoped the lion. Gentleman himself felt hoW annoying and disagreeable his situation was ; but he (Mr. Wilk" ley) was glad that there was no board of guardians at Benares—(Laughter)—te receive instructions from the Lion. Ex-Coannissioner—(Hear, hear) —for if there were, it was possible that the Lx-Raj a of Sattar a might consider himself fortunate if he had three p ints of gruel and sixteen oui.ces of bread in twenty-four hours. —(Great laughter.) lie could easily conceive that the lion. Gentleman did not consider that the Raja of Sattara had been severely dealt with ut Benares ; but he Mid sincerely trust that the Lion. Gentleman would alter his views on the subject, and that he. would come to the same conclusion that his advocates in that House had, namely, that the Raja of Sattara was an injured and persecuted man, and that he was entitled to justice from that llouse.—(hear, hear.) The motion was then agreed to. The Railway Bill was brought up and read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Friday next. The House then adjourned at Nine o'clock. BANK OF ENGLAND. (From last night's Gazette.) An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth of Victoria, caP• 32 . 10 t the Week. ending on Saturday, the 'iOth day of November, 1847. COAL MARKE' Adair's Main ...... 17s 0(11 Chester Main lBs WI Ilolywell Main ...... 18s 6d New Tantield l6s 9d Ord'a Redheugh Tanfield Moor West Wylam Wall's End, &c. Acorn Close Bewicke and Co 2os Clennell Gosforth 2os 3d 11eatou I I arton Medley Northumberland Eden Main 2os 6d 84 arriva Chelsea, Kensington, Fulham, and liammersintl_ • are combining together to g et themselves made into..., Parliamentary borough, with a .couple of Members. Patriot. THE MARINH SOCIETY. --Yesterday the lot' meeting of the committe e of mana g ement for the adult! sion of boys and the transaction of general busit!!!!; was held at the society's office Bishopsgate-street. 1632 report for the past year stated that there had been the boys on board, of whom 88 had been sen t int° be Royal Navy, 39 into the Indian Navy, and 376 into i • e a merchants' service. The total number of boys T ib e out and provided for since the commencement °or, establishment to the commencement of the present bo yar was 47,766. Independent of the advantages f o i r ,i the certain donations are placed wader the coot"' " t i e ing society, to be applied in times of, peace in aPP reil to 43 poor girls, and donations of 10/. each per annu m nu itiel widows of navy captains and lieutenants, an d g A rl- c boirt granted to the sufferers in the action under '' „hien Lord Duncan, on the 11th of .. October, eloo 1 797 :; 00 s 1 ° latter last year amounted to 24-el. The efr: i. 10i 4 widows, 4301., and apprentice flies for girls, 2 4 ;,' " 60 9 i The total receipts for the pr,ost year were Oi bals ne° Os. 10d., and the expenditure left s 289/. 10s. 3d. nian i r EXTENSIVE ROBUERY.—Late last night a 0 41 0 lecturer belonging to this city, who had been eug ., ll :ii i) , r the earlier part of the eveninr , : in receiving ll' i 4 6P PI money from different indtvidualZ to the amount 0 .. peer of which he was, as he supposies, robbed, in °` o ,bicit Argyll-street, about eleven o'clock. The moileY,'„, o ute r into t .' - ..a in g was in bunk notes, had been put carelessly pocket of his top-coat, and was not even contalo!oder pocket-book, so that there must have been little felt the that he should have been easily, robbed. g g ; 4 sed i t money in his pocket about two hours before be t a ",: o ecl, ' The unfortunate individual, as me be easily itn e g: n rs Ille' in a state of the greatest distress a t his loss, th o w' as he neither knows the names of the banks, D oe ., c ottl: hers of the notes. As soon as the information w." O o nn municated at the central office, no 'time was lest. l , o , e th e ing out officers in all directions ; but at the h " sd beet information reached us no trace of the moneY (10 discovered.—North British Mail. ,' A , T ,001 0 , - .00 rADVERTISEMENT.3—THE EARL OF ,-..'-"" 000.10 AND IloLtowAT's Pato.—An antound,ing cure lif this ~, fr 010 .. , 4 ,, , medicine, after every other means had 'tailed. See W, , 7 1 ," . 21. 1 1 : 0 0 iLordship's letter, dated " Villa 31oellina, Leghorn, ..„. pill , ~,,,,t Professor Holloway—Sir : I beg to acquaint you thatc h 27,l the melt effected a cure of a disorder in my Byer and stoin:s. lisd i l i y. eminent of the faculty, at home and all; over the Con bad or been able to efiect; nay. Dot ever th 4 waters of C2 11 , 0 ,,t p i da rienbad. (Signed) " A.T.nuoiouGn." °These w0n0.,..e" itello' s od cure any disease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (aw: wand , Ointment) at Professor Holloway's F.stald Ishrnent, 24 7: -, F. all medicine vendors throughout the ttlYilliiei W °l.l ‘ .. --- ' - 010 s BIRTHS. „rir Pa rr " On the 19th inst., at Lower Tooting, lira ge - "' Of of a daughter. 8 lady On the 21st inst., at Con ham Loc , i.ge its, Martin Ffolkes, EN g ' ~ a a son and b pr. G ovel - P On the 24th inst., at the Mall, Aleasington >Torten(' th Mrs. John Callcott Horsley, of a son. , _ to ......._. MA IiXIED. f " 1., Parr Eliza, the 11th in s t., a t M a rseilles, Paul C. e ' Eliza, eldest daughter of Thomas Josling,'E s q' -------, Lai , DIED. f 3 (O le ( Y te r On the 21st inst., at Paris, Genej'al le - Vicoul% oc ii JA On the 2 ' oth ins•-, at Nice the ..rev. li e nry k' of Brixham, Devon, a g ed 54. . ---- ---< G:TTN ° ------ 71 - rrRDO W ° 1 12 i London: Printed an d Published by 1.•-•- -- igee, ..--* w' No. 112, Strand., Printer, at Savo un ° - , s Ge silti Strand, n am i- th * ..)recinct of the- , ill W kiL.‘"B" Satiril rtlay, November X 7,1 ISIiCB DLPARTMENT• Government debt •• 11,015,100 Other securities •• .. 2,98 4 . ,06 Gold coin and bullion 8,315.633 Silver bullioa .• •• .. 1,210,212 23,523,246 M. MAIISUALL, Chief Cashier. r, 11147. NoL , 23,525,645 £23,525,845 Dated the 25th day of Novembe] BANKING DI X• Prop-;etors' capital.. 14,553,000 Rest • ••••• • • • • • 3,623,323 Public depon,:ta (in cluding Exchequer, Comminioners of National Debt, Say- , EPAITMEN T. Government securi ties (Including Dead Weight Annuitv).. 10,633.601 Other securities 1,791, 11 ! Notes ......... . 4,224 9 : Gold and silver coin.. 491,11' iiigs-bank s, and Di vidend accounts) .. 7,219,802 Other deposits ...... 7,866,;82 seven day and other bills • • . • . • • .... 881,324 234,142,931 M. 7. . 1 3 8 1 4 ..4.RSMA_LL, Chief Cashier. 434,143,931 Dated the 25th day of Novembe) RAILWAY SHARE Al-ARKETS . LIVERPOOL, NOVEMBER 26. STOCK EXCHANGE.-11141 Market for Shares has been buoyant to-day, and the quotations of yesterday are bare l supported. The sales are—Birkenhead, Lancashire, 11 Cheshire 317. Shares, 5% dis.—Ditto (late C. and B.) 2 ‘ ,11 1 1 Shares, 17%; Ditto, 221. dis. ; Glasgow and Greenoc Halves, ; Huddersfield and Manchester, 1114 dis f df cashire and Yorkshire (late M. and L.), Fifths, 1 4 P. — if!--. and Thirsk, 14 c.—London and North-Western, 1557 T Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, Eighths, 3 1 4 dis . - 4) Quarters, 2% dis.—Midland Stock, 111—Ditto, New 11„ 31ve , 1 dis.—North Staffordshire, 1 ,i 3 . c.—Preston and vilr" Preference, 34%—Shrewshury and p Cheshire, 107. Preference* p.—South-Eastern, No. 1, 4 dis.—Ditto, No. 4, nil: 2 c. dis.— York, Newcastle, and Berwick, Fxtensiong a o r, and B.), No. 2, 2% p.—Ditto (G. N. E.), 1% and North Midland, 153. BRISTOL, NOVEMBER, 26. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Bristol and Eotere New, 4 1-16 dis.—Great Western, Quarters, 2% P.-I)itt°' Fifths, 4 1 4 p.—Ditto, New, 1 5-16 p.—Midland, 401. Sharer 2 3 / p.—Ditto ( Birmingham and Derby), 84--Ditto (11: mingham and Gloucester, 6 per cent.),llB—North S taflor shire, par —Taff Vale, New par—York, Newcastle , and Bey wick (Orig. N. and B.), 31—Ditto, Extenfijons , NO 21A p. MANCHESTER, Nov. 26. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are Bolton, Clither°44 &c., (A), 4 dis.—East Lancashire, New, 9 5_—Gre 0 New Quarters, % dis.—Edinburgh and Glasgow , s? Northern, 5% dis.—Huddesfield an d Manchester B ailor and Canal, Thirds, 9 dis.—Lancashire and Yorkshi re, 5 , —Ditto (11. and S.), Halves, 8 dis.—Ditto (Wes t Union), 27- 16 dis.— London and North-Western 1 0, Chester and Birmingham), 61—Ditto, Quarters (A), ,4,`%; —Ditto, ditto (C), 4 1 / 2 p.—Manchester, Sheffield, an" — to n - , colnshire, Preference, .— Manchester and Southarnio Iy4 dis. North Staffordshire, 1-16 p.—South - Ea stern N . Dover, No. 4, 2 dis.—York, Newcastle, and Berwick (G• E. Purchase),l% p.—Ditto, Extensions, No. 2, 2 P. LEEDS, NOVEMBER 26. STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The sales are—East Lancashire, IsT,6//1 dis.—Ditto. Quarters, 13s. dis. —East and Wea„ Yorkshire, 4 3 ,4 dis.—Great Northern, 5/. 16s. 6d. dis.--?:t cashire and Yorkshire, 321. Shares, 41. 4 dis.—Ditto3("a Riding Union), 465. 6d. dis.—Leeds and Dewsbury , Leeds and Thirsk, 13 ,, 4 n. dis.—Ditto, New, 12 Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle Junction , 425. dis•_, Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire (Great Grimsby AT I j " , Sheffield Extensions), Quarters, 21. 14s. dis.—. North Br it ' Halves, 12/I—Ditto, Thirds, 4s. 6d. p.—Ditto, Quarte ss. p.—llitto, Extension, par—North Staffordshir e, 4s. P. d North-Western, 4/. Bs. 6d. dis.—Sheffield, Rotherham, sni Goole, 41. 4s. d is. —York, Newcastle, and Berwick, NO' (New Berwicks), p. SHEFFIELD, NOVEMBER 26. 51. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Great Northern , 195. dis.—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 32/. Shares, 4N 4 15 'm Ditto (West Riding Union), 2 lA. dis.-;-Manchester, 5115 10 V and Lincolnshire (Grimsby and Sheffield), 20/. Share , "„ dis. —Ditto, Sheffield and Lincoln, 444 dis.—North-Wester"' dis. HULL, Novtatniert 26. STOCK EXCHANGE —The sales are—Blackburn, Dr wen, and 801t0n,6 1 / 2 dis.—Great Northern, 4•s'l LancasA. and Yorkshire ( West Riding Union), 465. 6d. e• Ditto (Preston and Wyre), 35—Leads and Dewsbury, ' l . l, dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, 14 1 4, dis.—North British, Quart.erds 2s. 6d. p.--llitto, Extensions (Scrip), le. p.-1)11-ty' Thl (Scrip), 3s. p. GLASGOW, NOT. 25. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are 6d.—Dundee and - Northern Junction, 30 3 . —P „ gl ailsgovr. Perth, 30—Ditto, Quarters, 173.—Ediuburgi l a n- n d Ayr, 94—Ditto, Halves, 121,4 —Glasgow, Kilmarnock, i ,a. tte, 40/. 103/.—Ditto (5 per cent. guaranteed), 113 Y—vices Shares, 41—Ditto, Halves, No. 1, 71. 95.—Ditto, —Caledonian, 21153fid laago rr 2, 7%—Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 73 5 - -"ter spd and Greenock, 16—Great Northern, 955.—Manch l Southampton, Bs. 6d.—Midland, Halves, B:i4--Northir . o . • Thirds, 465. 3d.—llitto, New Quarters (scrip), 12 e • ca °a 3o ,, Stirlingshire and Midland Junction, 6A —Y° ll ' and Berwick (G. N. E. Purch.), 91. Ss. es_ s --„ 'T.--- i ESTORPAT. B B B ia lirnI dd .°. ; 71.1;0:::11.:::t.lt:°:11: Haswell .................. 211 3 ..... . . 21120 s s 0 9 9 i I Hetton .... .............. 211 Oti gi Lambton ............... 2s _._. L Russell's Hatton • ...... 20s v ‘. 4. Stewart's .. ............ 21s u. Whitwell ... ........... 23 6 d Caradoc ..... .... ...... 20s 64 9 a Hudson's Hartlepool... 2 06 ad Richardson's Tees ...... 1 96 ' n a Seymour Tees ........ 2 " n a Tees ................ ... 2 1 ° id 3 2s Oi West Hettos ............ 20s . GwaanCaeGurwe nAnt W. Hartley Netherton 18s 6 4 als-74 sold. r !t ro II