The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1839-04-23 00:00:00

fmptrtal Varitaintnt. HOUSE OF LORDS.—THURSDAY. Several petitions were presented and laid on the table. COMMITTEE ON CRIMES IN IRELAND. Lord RODEN said he would take this opportunity of stating a few words respecting the committee which had been formed by their lordships for the investigation of crime in Ireland. It had been stated in another place, that the committee was composed of a number as 13 to 5 in point of political opini ons upon the matters to be now investigated. That, how ever, had been immediately set right by a right hon. gentle man reading to the House of Commons, ten names of noble lords opposite, who were originally appointed for the com mittee. But this committee had assumed much—too much importance in the eyes of the country, in consequence of the course noble lords had taken, for him to allow it to go for ward for one moment, that an inquiry of so grave a kind was likely to be submitted to a committee of a doubtful cha racter, without giving that statement the flattest contradic tion. For his own part it mattered not to him what names were put on the committee—all he was anxious for was, that the committee should be composed of individuals whose object would be to take a just view on the subjects to be submitted to them. The committee had already met twice. It met on the day after its appointment, on which occasion its chairman was chosen. It met again and sum moned thirty witnesses to attend after the vacation. On neither of those occasions did any of the noble lords on the other side of the house attend, and he was now anxious to inquire of the noble president of the council, who was upon that committee, whether it was or was not the intention of noble lords on the other side to attend the proceedings of that committee, because it was necessary that the committee should be filled up by persons in whom the country should have confidence. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that it was his inten tion to attend the committee ; and he believed he could say as much on behalf of his noble friend who was near him, who also was in her majesty's service. The Earl of RODEN then give notice that he would move for the substitution of other noble lords as members of the committee. Lord MELBOURNE moved that the amendment of the Commons to the ecclesiastical appointments suspension bill should be adopted. The Bishop of EXETER objected to it as wholly at variance with the bill, and as having been introduced to enable the government to complete the appointment of Lord Wriothesly Russell, &c. The Duke of WELLINGTON recommended that a separate bill should be introduced for that purpose. After some further discussion the consideration of the question was postponed, and the house adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-THURSDAY. ADJOURNED DEBATE. _ _ _ A great number of petitions petitions were presented in favour of the present government of Ireland. Mr. M. J. O'Comezi.i., at considerable length, defended the recent administration of Ireland, and attacked the tory system of government. He also asserted the legality and propriety of the Precursor Society. Mr. John Young, Sir Charles Douglas, and Sir F. Trench briefly supported the amendment, and Sir David Roche and Mr. William Roche the original motion. Mr. PLuurraz said that, with respect to the motion be fore the house, and the observations which had been made upon it, he was disposed to treat the religion of the majority with respect, and to have it in connection with the state, if it were the true religion—" oh, oh," and cries of " hear, hear," from the ministerial side) ;—but the greatest bane to the peace and happiness of Ireland was the influence of a nu merous, an ignorant, an immoral, and a political Roman Catholic priesthood. (" Hear, hear," from the ministerial side, and cries of " oh.") Give. the people the Bible for their guide. Give them that boo k . which taught them their duty to their God and to their fellow-men ; that book, the use of which, nevertheless, was forbidden by the Roman Catholic priesthood. Hence arose the ignorance and misery which prevailed in Ireland. He would repeat, give to the people of Ireland, instead of the anathemas which were thun dered forth continually from the altars of the Roman Catho lics, give to them the holy Gospel, unmutilated, in its full and free state, and he would vouch for it that, ere long, there would be a different state of things. By the policy which the government had pursued, the cause of Protestantism in Ire land had been materially weakened. On these grounds, there fore, he regretted he could not give his support to her Ma jesty's government, and he should firmly oppose the motion of the noble lord. In repect to the proceedings in the other house of parliament, he never could believe that the motion of the noble earl was intended and carried by the House of Lords as a vote of censure upon the present government. The amend ment which had been proposed by his right hon. friend the member for Tamworth, he should support, considering it, as he did, a wise and proper way of meeting the question at issue. Mr. HOME supported the motion. It was not a general vote of confidence, but merely approved of the best part of the ministerial policy. Lord MORPETII addressed the house at great length. He congratulated the house on the tone of moderation of the leaers of the opposition, and remarked on the attempt—a solitary, most unwise, most illiberal, and in this day he hoped, most desperate and hopeless attempt on the part of the hon. member for Kent (Mr. Plumptre) to introduce into the debate a spirit of religious discord, and to renew the fires—he trusted the waning and expiring fires—of religious strife and quarrel. (Loud cheers.) He remarked on the inconsistencies of the gentlemen on the other side, some accusing the government, and others declaring it was pot accused. He then proceeded to reply to the charges of Mr. Shaw, and prove that all the accusations against Lord Normanby for improper liberation of prisoners were unfounded—that the prerogative of mercy was judiciously used, and in two cases specifically referred to, in that of Brennan with the consent of the judge, and in that of Gahan by the advice of the law officers of the crown, on evidence unknown to the judge on the trial. He severely censured the honourable and learned member for making such groundless charges and untrue statements. His lordship then proceeded to analyse the criminal returns, which he contended were extremely favourable. Allusion had already been made, in the course of the debate, to the diminution in the strength e s amiv d , Als . g . us .. V.FAtti . a4e . pm2try wo , uy. continue in poor law guardians would be found very valuable auxiliaries. He had received a letter from the president of the poor law commissioners in Ireland, stating that the guardians, in point of intelligence and public spirit, were generally on a level with those of England ; and that although in two or three cases symtoms of party spirit had appeared, yet on the whole he had found no such interference to speak of, and the system was working remarkably well. His lordship then read seve ral documents from different parts of Ireland, to show the in creasing good order and value of land. Of these the follow ing is a specimen :—" Mr. Drew Atkin has been for the last fifteen years actively and professionally engaged in the sale and purchase of lands, within which period he has superin tended sales of land in value about £20,000, and purchases of land in value about £300,000, in the counties of Cork, Limerick, and Tipperary, and he has much pleasure in com municating the result of the information so acquired to Mr. Drummond. Mr. D. Atkin assumes the enquiry to fee-sim ple land, or an estate equal to a fee. Lands fifteen years ago usually sold for 16 2-3 to 18 years' purchase. Ten years ago from 18 to 20 years' purchase. Five years ago 20 years pur chase may be considered the standand value. At the present time 22 to 224 years' purchase is required, and 21 to 22 years' purchase freely given. Mr. Drew Atkin takes permission to add that the recent and almost sudden advance in the value of land is attributed to the tranquillity produced by the late enactments in respect to tithes, (although not considered a final measure, ) and the development had of the probable working of the poor laws in this country.-30, Southmall, Cork, April 13, 1839." His lordship then, after some other statements, proceeded to claim for the government the re spect and affections of the Irish people. It was not only the Roman Catholics who viewed in government the determined adherents of that banner which had been called a mere party banner, but which was the banner of justice, of equal laws, of real as well as nominal equality. (Hear.) Their supporters were in the north as well as the south, protestants as well as catholics ! The proud name of Geraldine lent them its sanc tion, and with them was linked the lordly family of Charle mont. If the decision were left to Irish hearts to decide, the cause of the administration would be won with a proud triumph. The vote of the Lords was an attempt to supersede govern ment in the due conduct and controul of the executive go vernment of Ireland, and to substitute another system at variance with it. (Hear, hear.) " But be this as it may," the noble lord said, in conclusion, " at all events we are now determined to have this point cleared up. (Cheers.) We will not accept your commentaries, nor your gloss, nor your pal liations. We will leave no room for ambiguity. We have had enough of partial attacks and isolated charges ; of inuen does and abuse ; of motions for papers here, and for com mittees there. (Hear.) We now come for a direct, an un equivocal opinion at your hands ; we will take no low ground ; we will exist no longer on sufferance. (Loud cries of ' Hear, hear,' from the opposition benches.) We tell you that we will not put up with passive acquiescence, or bare endurance. (Hear, hear.) We will not be even contented with acquittal. My noble friend asks you this night for a direct, downright vote of approbation. (Hear, hear.) In the name of the Irish government, and of the whole government, as impli cated in its Irish policy, I assert fearlessly that we have de served well of our country. (Loud cheers.) This is a con viction that no taunt of yours can lessen the force of, and upon this issue I call you, the representative of the empire, to come this night to the vote." Sir J. GRAHAM, seeing that, in the latter part of his speech, the noble lord announced that her majesty's govern ment considered this a direct vote of approbation, and that they should no longer be content to exist by sufferance — (loud cheers)—he thought he might venture to offer some ob servations to the house on the present state of affairs. He had endeavoured, during the course of this long-protracted debate, to form some conjecture as to what was the real mo tive of the proposition brought forward by the noble lord ; he had been in great doubt on the subject, and that doubt was not yet removed. Finding that it was unprecedented, he certainly must say he should suspect that it was to pick a quarrel with the house of lords, at a moment which was con sidered convenient, and when the noble lord thought, on the whole, that it was desirable to steal a vote of approbation from a bare majority of that house, on the only point he could venture to suggest for the purpose of propping and buttressing up a weak and tottering administration. (Loud cheers.) If the noble lord really believed that the effect of the vote to-night would be to prop up that administration, he could understand the proceeding ; the motive would justify the unexampled effort. (Cheers.) But having heard the speech of the hon. member for the city of London—having heard the declaration made from various quarters on the op posite side of the house by some of the more powerful sup porters of ministers on the present evening—having heard also the declaration of the noble lord, which he had heard with sincere pleasure, that, in a matter of primary importance affecting the representation of the people, it was his resolu tion not to depart from the ground he took up when he in troduced the reform bill under the government of Lord Grey; and having heard from a large portion of his friends that in that case they could not continue to support him, he was quite convinced that the days of the administration he saw opposite were numbered. (Cheers.) That they were ebout to fall, not from any attack of their enemies—not from any hostile measure resorted to by that side of the house— (cheers)—but from an honest division of opinion on a matter of great national interest ; and then he asked how could they justify the vote of the present evening? It was dangerous in its consequences, if a quarrel with the House of Lords should be the event. (Cheers.) It was unexampled—it was unprecedented ; and if not to save the administration, what was its justification ? He said it was like a cordial administered to a dying man when it could not save the patient. (Loud cheers.) The noble lord who had just sat down said he should argue the question first on the necessity of the motion; and, secondly, on the propriety of its terms ; he (Sir J. Graham) was prepared to join issue upon both grounds. First of all, then, he denied the necessity of the motion. He contended that the motion, which on searching the lord's journals they had now before them in its precise form, did not, by any fair construction of its terms, contain a censure on Lord Normanby's government. It stated, undoubtedly, what he was prepared to contend for, that in the present con dition of Ireland life and property were not secure ; it did not pronounce that so unhappy a state of things must be traced to the policy of her Majesty's government; that was the subject matter of inquiry. (Cheers.) Amidst a vast variety of contrary statements, charges, and recrimination, matters had arrived at that point where inquiry was indis pensible. (Loud cheers.) That enquiry had been consti tuted by a competent tribunal, an independent branch of the legislature ; and, with his right hon. friend, in the present state of matters, he denied the constitutional right and poli tical expediency of the House of Commons interfering to intercept that inquiry. (Loud cheers.) What was the ob ject of ministers in making this motion ? Was it their object to intercept the inquiry, or was it not? If they did not seek to intercept it, the motion was gratuitous; but if they meant to intercept it, then he maintained they could only effect their purpose by endeavouring to intimidate the House of Lords by a vote of the Commons, by endeavouring to over awe them in the legitimate exercises of their proper functions. (Loud cheers.) He wished very shortly , to state his reasons for combating the second resolution of the noble lord— namely, that the terms of the motion were proper and neces sary. He/could conceive nothing more interesting than an inquiry into the state of Ireland. As a great moral lesson, it demanded earnest and immediate inquiry. But, besides its moral aspect, there was a great politic - al and statistical inquiry, which was well worthy the attention of the legisla ture. He wanted to know how it was that, in Ireland, a dense population, subsisting principally by spade husbandry, and occupying small portions of land, should be considered the curse of the country, and the certain source of poverty and destitution ; while in Belgium, a country, the soil of which is not more fertile, and the climate not more genial, a population more dense, relying equally on spade husbandry, and occupying still smaller portions of land, were in the full enjoyment of peace, abundance, prosperity, and contentment, to a degree delightful to every passing beholder. These were grave subjects, well worthy inquiry ; and if inquiry were to be instituted, what tribunal could be conceived more com petent to deal with the subject than a committee of the House of Lords ? There were upon that committee some of the greatest landed proprietors in Ireland—the Duke of Leinster, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Plunkett, and, if eminence in political and statistical knowledge were required, Lord Brougham. He wished to know where those pressing and important questions could be better investigated than before that tribunal. (Hear, hear.) While Lord Normanby posi tively denied that crime and outrage in Ireland had any con nection whatever with 'secret combination or any political object, Lord Wellesly had positively averred that political combination and prfedial outrage were as inseparable as cause and effect. (Hear, hear.) Was not this, then, he asked, a fit subject for inquiry ; and one which a committee of the House of Lords was most competent to investigate ? Lord Normanby was a member of that committee, and might attend its meetings, and support his own views and opinions by examination. Did he under stand the noble lord opposite to say that Lord Normanby declined to act on the c om m itt ee ?—[Lord J. RUSSELL : Yes.] —The investigation might continue, he conceived, even if Lord Normanby thought fit to withdraw. It might be car ried on with equal effect in his absence ; it was not to be supposed that the house of lords would decline to prosecute the inquiry merely on account of any pique, or a refusal on Lord Normanhy's part to attend.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would not go into the details of all the cases that had been brought before the house ; but he would state his conviction that, as the matter now stood, Lord Normanby had frequent ly listened to, private solicitations with respect to the exercise of the prerogative of mercy.—(Hear, hear.) Sometimes, on his own admission, Dr. Vignolles, his chaplain, interceded, sometimes, a catholic priest—(" oh, oh")—and sometimes, a country gentleman. Sometimes the lord lieutenant had granted pardons without consulting the judges. Sometimes, after consulting them, he had laid aside their opinion, and attended, in preference, to private solicitations. Colonel Shaw Kennedy's retirement from office remained yet unex plained ; Lord Donoughmore had declared that he was pre pared with proofs of the maladministration of patronage, and the noble lord opposite attempted to get rid of these serious and important questions, by telling the house that an inquiry by a committee of the lords was inconvenient. Convenient that these grave matters loudly called for inquiry, he would very briefly return the question of the principles—the princi ples, forsooth—that guided the executive government of Ire land.—(Cheers.) He had not the slightest notion to what measures the principles mentioned in the resolution were in tended to be applied. If to the question of municipal insti tutions, the two houses were on that subject completely agreed. At the beginning of the present session, they con curred in an address to the throne, declaring that the reform of the municipal corporations was essential to the happiness and prosperity of Ireland. They had sent up a bill for that purpose last session, which in its leading principles was adopted by the lords; the sole difference which occurred was on a matter of detail. With respect to the Irish church, when noble lords opposite asked the house to perpetuate the principles on which they had acted, he (Sir J. Graham) must declare that, though he had listened with the greatest atten tion to the debates last year, he could not discover what those principles were. On one side, there were her majesty's speech and the declaration of the noble Secretary for the Home Department, and on the other the avowed opinions of the Viceroy of Ireland and the Secretary at War. How was the house to express its confidence in an administration thus divided in its opinions? By what means was it to ascertain what were the principles of the ministry ? In the absence of any other materials for forming a judgment, the house must resort to the principle " noscitur a sociis," and turn from the professions of the ministry to the character of its supporters ; and in that point of view it was natural to look to that supporter on whom the principal reliance of the ministry depended. That honorable and learned gentleman was not then in the house, and he (SirJ. Graham) could not express himself so freely as he should otherwise have done ; but this he could not help saying, that, if they were to affirm the principles avowed by the chief supporter of the ministry, principles more dangerous to the security of the empire could not be imagined. That hon. and learned gentleman had declared that the utter extinction of all church property in Ireland was necessary to the honour of the Ca tholic population in that country ; and•that, unless that, and an extension of the elective franchise, were effected, all ex pectation of justice to Ireland would have signally failed, and the flag of repeal must be unfurled, never again to be laid down. It was only necessary to add, that to the hon. and learned gentleman who entertained these sentiments, the present government had offered the highest judicial situation in Ireland next to the great seal. (Loud cheers.) To return to the object of the present resolution, that resolution would be utterly pointless, unless its intention was to intimidate the House of. Lords ; it could not in any other way interfere with the inquiry before that house. Then it was said that it was necessary to guard against the revival of orange ascendancy and domination. Now, of all the chimerical and visionary danVers that ever entered into the mind of man, this appeared to be the least rational. This was not the time to entertain any such fear—old things had passed away—new ones had come in their turn—the sun could not go back upon the dial, and he was no more afraid of the return of orange domina _ 41- 0,, l or d_ lieutenancy of the Earl of Strafford. He did not conceive that any government of Ireland could stand for one day which acted upon exclusive principles, or that since the passing of the emancipation act any one could retain power in that country except by means of a fair and impartial administra tion of justice, and a fair and equal distribution of patronage, according to good conduct, ability, and private worth, and without reference to religious opinions. Such were the prin ciples on which his right hon. friend, the member for Tam worth, would have proceeded to govern Ireland. (Cries of " No" from the ministerial side, answered by cheers from the opposition.) His right hon. friend had declared that such were his principles, and he (Sir J. Graham) might ap peal to his right hon. friend's known honour, integrity, and firmness, as sufficient guarantees that he would have carried into effect the principles which he professed. (Loud cheers from the opposition.) On the motion of Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, the debate was then adjourned to the following doy (Friday). The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at one o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS.—FRIDAY. The royal assent was given, by commission, to the Conso lidated Fund Bill, the two Mutiny Bills, and several private bills. Lord BuouGHAm again called attention to the ordinance for the establishment of a free press in Malta, and, after some sparring between his lordship and the Marquis of Nor manby, a copy of the ordinance was ordered to be laid before the house. Several petitions were presented in favour of Mr. R. Hill's postage plan. Petitions were also presented against the new poor law. Lord ABINGER alluded to the system going on in Lanca shire of arming the people, and said he had reason to believe that the magistrates who took an active part in enforcing the laws had some apprehension for their lives. He concluded by impressing on the government the necessity of attending to the subject. . . Lord MELBOURNE brought in a bill to carry into effect the amendment of the Commons in the Ecclesiastical Ap pointments Suspension Bill. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY brought in a bill to ex tend to archbishops and bishops the privilege enjoyed by the rest of the clergy, relative to the rebuilding and repairing of their houses. Both bills were read a first time, after which the house adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY. . _ __ After some discussion on the second reading of the New castle-upon-Tyne and North Shields (Tynemouth Extension) Railway Bill, that measure was lost on a division, the ayes being 70 and the noes 107—majority against it 37. Lord MORPETH, in answer to inquiry from Mr. Lucas, said that it would not be practicable to present the report of the resolution regarding railways in Ireland. Mr. LUCAS gave notice, that whenever that report was brought forward, he should move a resolution upon it. Sir F. TRENCII gave notice, that he should call attention to the proposed plan of adopting the oxygen Bude light, and to the danger to which it would expose the house itself, as well as hon. members. Lord J. RUSSELL stated, in answer to Sir R. Peel's in quiry, that on Monday he proposed to read the Jamaica Government Bill a second time—then to hear counsel at the bar, and to take the debate on the principle of the bill on the question of going into committee. ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. 1) VIICOMBE resumed the debate in a speech essentially heavy and pointless. He intimated his intention to vote with ministers. Sir CHARLES STYLE followed in a heavy lumbering ha rangue ; and was succeeded by Sir GEORGE SINCLAIR in a speech of exceeding liveliness—a speech clever, and effective withal. Mr. INGHAM, who styles himself a conservative, delivered a sneaking speech in favour of Lord John Russell's motion. Mr. Hosuotrsz followed in a strain of singular insolence —insolence rendered absolutely ludicrous in its effects, by the intellectual feebleness with which its display was accom panied. Mr. Hobhouse is a weak, pragmatical, conceited per son, who obviously labours under the delusion that nature has endowed him with oratorical talent. His attempts to school Sir George Sinclair in the properties of discussion, when the merits of whiggery constitute the theme, formed as fine a speimen of the forcible-feeble as has recently been ex hibited, even in the reformed parliament. Mr. LEADER said he could only account for the re probation they had just heard from the lips of the last speaker of the very clever speech, in his (Mr. Leader's) opinion of the right honourable baronet (Sir Robert Peel,) in the excess of fraternal affection, and the honourable mem ber's resentment against the right hon. baronet for so power ful an attack upon a cabinet of which his brother (Sir John Hobhouse) formed a part. (A laugh.) Before he proceeded further into the examination of the subject, he begged to put honourable members on their guard both on one side of the house, and on the other who were in favour of the resolution —it was by no means to be inferred because the majority voted in approbation of the conduct of the executive govern ment of Ireland, the same persons would give the present ad visers of her Majesty a general vote of approbation of their conduct of public affairs. Far from it. Ile, for one, would give no such vote, because he felt he ought not, could not conscientiously give it (Loud cheering from the tories, and considerable tumult in the house.) Let not the government therefore deceive itself. The vote would not be a vote of ge neral approbation of their conduct as a ministry. If they would say or contend it was a vote of confidence, he would ask them whose confidence? (Hear, hear.) Was it to be thence inferred the government had the confidence of that powerful party on the opposite side of the house, which, al though it often lent the ministry its support, never failed to tell them, through the right honourable baronet, or some round him, of the feelings of contempt which that powerful party entertained of them as a government.—(hear, hear.) — a contempt which, he would add, they richly merited? (Vo ciferous cheering.) Was it the confidence of the radicals that the division would import ? Upon every constitutional ques tion the radicals opposed and spoke against the present go vernment. The only party upon whose confidence they could safely perhaps reckon was the Irish party, certainly a very important party in that house ; but he would even, whilst making this admission, ask, was th e con fid ence o f this party extended to the ministry for and on account of the legisla tive measures of that government towards Ireland ? If they enjoyed that confidence, what then became of the outcry and dissatisfaction amongst that party in consequence of the withdrawal by the noble lord of the appropriation clause from the Irish Tithe Bill? (Loud and general cheering.) Could this party, after their reiterated pledges, ever be satisfied with any Tithe Bill without that ess e ntial, clause What, too, is to be understood by the institution of the Pre cursor Association,?- Did not all this show that whatever confidence the ministry enjoyed at their hands was solely on account of their executive government of Ireland ? There was another class, unluckily for the ministry—almost now a defunct class—upon whose confidence they might have cal culated—namely, the pure whigs, who were numerically re duced to officials in the government, or persons who expect ed one day to be officials (a laugh). In respect, therefore, to them, they might be said only to enjoy their own confidence. Had they the confidence of the landed aristocracy ? How ever the government might have condescended on many oc casions to flatter that class, and assure it that government had no desire to see it lose its just,weight and influence, that class was not deceived;_ and it is well known they repose no confidence in .the present government. (Hear, hear.) As to the confidence they possessed from the agricultural por tion of the nation let their recent defeats at the North Devon and Carlow elections speak for themselves. As to the manu facturing classes, the confidence the whigs could inspire them with must be small indeed when the head of the government, in reply to their numerous petitions for cheaper bread, in sultingly stated, in his plsce in parliament, that they must be lunatics to expect the corn laws to he repealed. (" Oh, no, no," from the ministerial side of the house.) " Oh, but he did," said Mr. Leader, " for I heard him." (A laugh.) How could the government calculate upon the confidence of the working classes ? Already in every large town a candi date would be scouted who would have the rashness to defend the general policy of the government ; and even at Edinburgh, which was once the hotbed of whiggery, they had on a late occasion displayed, in the most decided manner, their dissa tisfaction and displeasure at the conduct of the ministry. Where would the whigs look for confidence ? Certainly not to any party but themselves within that house ; nor yet to any great body out of doors. What a miserable situation this for a government ! (Loud cheers.) Yet the noble lord (Morpeth) had, strange to say, last night said they called on the house for a vote of entire confidence. He added, too, that they would no longer continue to be a government upon sufferance. He would tell them they had been some time a government upon the sufferance of some ten or twelve mem bers of that house. (Loud cheers from the conservative side of the house.) And he would tell them, that if some seven or eight of that small number only went over, they would be a government no longer. (Immense cheering.) Indeed, if a motion as to want of confidence in her Majesty's govern ment upon their general policy should be brought on by the hon. baronet, nothing could save them from being left in a minority. (Hear.) Thus it was that the right hon. baronet (Sir R. Peel) governed in fact England, and the hon. and learned member (Mr. O'Connell) governed Ireland. The whigs governed nothing but Downing-street. (Loud laughter and cheering.) The right hon. baronet was content with the possession of power, without its general concomitants, place and emolument ; whilst the whig government were obliged to be content with the place and the emolument, without the power—(hear) ; and he would leave it to the house to deter mine which was actuated by the most honourable motive. (Loud cheers from the opposition.) Well might they merit contempt who were, as a government, found constantly voting on questions of a popular nature witji the tories, and against those who brought them into power. Upon the question of vote by ballot, upon the partial extension of the suffrage, upon the repeal of the rate-paying clause, the noble lord and his government were ever found voting with the conserva tives, and against those who brought them into power. Not only did they desert the people, who were the cause of their elevation, but they deserted and turned . their back upon members of their own government, as they had most shame fully done with respect to Lord Durham last year, and lately when, by a secret juggle in the ministry itself, they contrived to dismiss one of their colleagues, Lord Glenelg, a man whom, when a motion was brought forward for condemning his conduct in respect to Canada, the members of the same government designated as the best and ablest of her majesty's servants, and declared their determination to go out with him if the motion were carried against him. In all these instances, and many more, the government had been losing character. They had abandoned the cause of the people, and been as conservative as the mere arrayed upon the oppo sition benches. Looking upon these facts impartially he was prepared to agree with the hon. member for London (Mr. Grote), and say, if they were to have tory measures of government from a cabinet, he should prefer having them proposed and carried by a tory government, who would be responsible for carrying such measures rather than see the tories dictate their own measures to their humble servants the whigs—(vociferous cheeringfrom the opposition benches.) Wishing to be clearly understood, as well by his vote to night as by his speech what his views were, it would be neces sary for him in a few words to say what was the reason of his giving his vote as he intended to do upon this occasion. This brought up the primary consideration—what was the question for their consideration? In his opinion, the ques tion was, ought Lord Normanby to be censured for his government of Ireland ? He felt he could not vote for such a censure of the noble lord's government, though it was to him a subject of regret; because he was as desirous as any member on the opposite side of the house, though from a different motive, to mark his want of confidence in the pre sent government. When he witnessed the display on the part of the Irish people of their sentiments of gratitude and approbation towards Lord Normanby, which had accom panied his departure from that country, he could not acqui esce in the proposed amendment of the hon. bart. He therefore was constrained to vote with the government, not for the government—(hear, hear)—and this vote he was pre pared to give solely in favour of Lord Normanby's adminis tration of Ireland. (The hon. member's speech was received throughout with evident demonstrations of surprise by one side of the house, and with loud cheering by the other.) Sergeant JACKSON, in a sensible speech, pointedout many of the abuses perpetrated by Lord Normanby's administra tion in Ireland. Then followed Mr. &MIL, whose oration has been the theme of whig anticipation for some days past—whose points and extemporaneous sallies have been, obviously, the price of sweat and pain —who has actually resigned his Greenwich commissionership , in order that his wonder-working harangue might proceed from the lips of a member unfettered by the trammels of place—and who, at this moment, expects the vice-presidentship of the Board of Trade, as the price of his unbought eloquence. Mr. Sheil's speech was extra-elabo rately Sheilish—was in other words, a laboriously bad spe cimen of the worst school of oratory that ever offended good t "Vr. CoLoauLtuuiv rose, but the cries or ui v me ' ad journ," and " Lord Stanley," were so incess an t that it was impossible to hear him. The SPEAKER said, if it was desirable to bring this long debate to a close that night, that purpose could only be effected by those present, giving their attention to those who were desirous to speak. (Hear, hear.) Mr. COLQUHOUN then said, that the grounds upon which he refused to give his support to the motion of the noble lord were, that neither in the administration of justice—the constitution of juries —the appointment of stipendiary magi strates, or the police, had the government of Ireland acted with fairness and impartiality. The whole distribution of the patronage of Lord Morpeth was founded on the worst possible principles. (Here the cries of " divide" and " ad journ " became so very decided that the hon. member sat down, and the gallery was about to be cleared for a division ; when Lord STANLEY rose and said that he hardly knew whether at that late hour he could venture to presume upon the in dulgence of the house—(cries of hear, hear). He was anxious to have heard all that could be said on the other side of the house upon this important question before lie offered any ob servations of his own, leaving, of course, to his noble friend (Lord J. Russell) the right to which he was entitled of reply ing to the whole of the debate. But having arrived at the conclusion of what he supposed the noble lord the secretary for Ireland would call this Alexandrine discussion, he feared the public, who were watching their observations, and who would criticise and compare the course taken by the House of Lords with that recommended to and adopted by the House of Commons, would not find, except in the quantity, any great advantage obtained by the latter over the former— (hear, hear.) He was of opinion that the House of Lords had acted with the greatest moderation—(cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh," from the ministerial side). He thought the pub lic would be of opinion that the House of Lords had acted with great moderation in confining itself within the legitimate exercise of its own functions, without at all interfering with those of the co-ordinate branch of the legislature—(hear, hear). He feared, however, that the public would think that the House of Commons had, by this proceeding, interfered with the constitutional rights of the other branch of the legis lature—(hear, hear). He thought the House of Commons, instead of waiting for inquiry, were rashly determined to praise the government without any investigation whatever — (hear, hear.) He feared that, while demanding that their own rights should be respected, they were pursuing a course both hasty and weak, and as unjustifiable in argument as it must be unavailing in effect—(hear, hear). What course had the House of Lords pursued on this occasion ? The noble lord who ; had opened that debate (Lord John Russell) had assumed that the resolution of the House of Lords was a cen sure upon Lord Normanby and upon the government to which he belonged ; and to his great surprise the noble lord, who had great parliamentary experience, assumed it to be a great aggravation of the censure—not that the House of Lords had come to any particular vote, but that the vote was enforced by the speech of an individual member of the other house, of which speech he had no right to have cognizance. What was it to that house by whom a motion was made in the other house of parliament ?—(cries of " oh !") He would ask those hon. members who cried " oh" what parliamentary know ledge they could have as to who proposed the motion 1— (hear ' hear.) If hon. members wished to se t as id e a ll th ose guards which the constitution had interposed against need less interference between the two houses, his noble friend (Lord J. Russell) had given them an example which they might well follow. Knowing, however, as he did, the respect ive rights of the two branches of the legislature, he was at a loss to know in what parliamentary way hi s noble friend had acquired a knowledge of what passed in the other house of parliament. That house had no right to comment on the speech of an individual member of the other house of parlia ment, and apart from that speech, he should contend that there was no censure upon the government in the resolution of the House of Lords. His noble friend would not venture to say that it did contain a censure, but he said that the speech by which the resolution was accompanied did contain a censure. If the house would bear with him for a single moment, he would repeat a circumstance which he had read of the other day. A country surgeon, on returning home on an evening from his pr ac ti ce , was suddenly summoned away by a servant on a foaming horse, telling him that a most dreadful accident had occurred to his master's eldest son. The surgeon, on going to the house, found all in confusion, in agony, and alarm. On going np stairs, and looking at the young gentleman, he called for a pair of scissors, and putting a bit of sticking-plaister to the scratch, which had been the cause of such alarm, he said that the cure was now complete —(" oh, oh"). Was not the language of the government, on receiving the dreadful gash to their honour from the attack of the House of Lords, the same as that of the terrified parents of the young gentleman ? And was not the motion of the noble lord a little bit of sticking-plaister to apply to this dan gerous wound ? (Loud laughter.) Let him tell the noble lord that the sticking-plaister practice would not answer. (Hear.) He did not know whether the hon. member for Finsbury was in his place. (" Yes, yes.") Suppose that the hon. member was to hold a post mortem examination on her Majesty's government, and to do his duty it would pro perly fall, as the coroner for Middlesex—he should like, in such a case, to hear that gentleman charging th e j ur y. H e would, no doubt, expatiate on the great advantage of a medi cal coroner. " Oh, oh," and laughter.) He wouldtell them that a short time ago the deceased received a slight scratch, which, in a person of a sound habit of body, would not have produced the slightest inconvenience, but that the patient, being of a weakly constitution, and having been treated with great want of skill by his medical attendant, who, instead of probing to the bottom of the wound, was content to cover it over with a little sticking-plaister, leaving the sore festering and unsound beneath. (Renewed laughter.) He (Lord Stanley) knew that it would give the hon. member great pain to charge his colleague, the other member for Finsbury, with being in any degree accessory to the death of the subject. But of this he was certain that, attribute the death of the party to what cause they might, they would not find a verdict of manslaughter, still less of murder, against the order of the House of Lords. (" Oh, oh," from the ministerial benches, responded by cheers from the opposition.) He was sure that his right hon. friend, the secretary for the home department, did not like the joke. Lord JOHN RUSSELL.—A bad joke. (Laughter.) Lord STANLEY did not think that it would appear as a joke at all. He would ask them, if they should carry this motion, of wh a t a d van t age would it be ? The following was the condition in which they now stood, according to the statement of one of their own supporters in the debate of last night—there was war in America and India—prepara tions for war on the part of Russia—alarm, excitement, and distrust in the colonies—and 3,000,000 of chartists ready to take arms at home. Of what service, he *mild agaiu ask, would there be any majority which they could have that night, which would be infinitely less than the number of their official supporters in that house ? (Loud opposition cheers.) What effect would such a majority have on the House of Lords ? Would it prevent that body from pursuing the in quiry? (Hear.) It would have no such effect. They would see that the House of Lords would go on with the investi gation, strong in the consciousness that they were temper-. ately and moderately discharging a public duty. (Cheers.) They would not condemn without inquiry, but probe out the cause for condemnation or acquittal. H e knew that the vote of that night would not have the slightest effect on their in vestigation, and, if not, what effect would it have on the cha racter of that house for judgment and deliberation on other occasions ? It would show to the country that the vote of this house was treated in a manner which he should regret ever to see a vote of that house treated with, indifference, and almost with slight by the co-ordinate branch of the legis lature. (" Hear," and loud cheers.) He would entreat the noble lord to refrain from bringing matters to such a state ; but he feared that he asked in vain. He knew that the noble lord would allow the question to be brought to that crisis by a majority of unwilling friends and of hard taskmasters. (Loud cheers.) Though by a combination of such discord ant elements they might obtain a majority, it would be still to him, as it would be to the great party with whom he acted, a source of satisfaction that in this crisis of the country their voices were raised and their votes were given in opposition to a measure of unjustifiable intrusion and impotent resentment. (Loud and long continued cheering.) Mr. O'CONNELL rose amidst cries of " Question." He defended the Irish executive ; denied that the administration ought to be controlled by the lords ; dwelt upon the injuries committed by tory governments upon Ireland for centuries ; and described outrages committed by orangemen on the catholics, and the persecution the peasantry sustained from their landlords. He concluded by telling the tories, that they might be tyrants, but the Irish people would not be, slaves. _ _ _ Sir F . BURDETT addressed the house for several minutes, but was rendered inaudible by the impatient cries for a division. _ Lord JoHN RUSSELL said, if the house were earlier he should wish to reply to the noble lord the member for North Lancashire ; but at that hour, and after so many able speeches on his (Lord J. Russell's) side of the question, he did not think it necessary to occupy the time of the house for many minutes. His motion had been objected to on two grounds. It was, in the first place, argued that the conclu sion which had been come to in the other house was not a censure upon the government of Ireland, and that his motion was consequently uncalled for. Nay, that it was unneces sary and uncalled for interference with that ordinary inquiry into which either house might enter at its pleasure. It was further argued that the House of Commons should not inter fere, upon which no opinion could be formed until it came to a conclusion. If the first ground of objection were to be relied upon—if the motion which was carried in the lords, in which the government was attacked, or he should say ca lumniated, was a mere exercise of an accustomed function, where was the danger of collision from his resolution ? If the other ground were taken, and if the House of Lords thought proper to impeach the administration of Ireland, the House of Commons have an equal and as undoubted a right to entertain the same question. (Hear, hear.) He should like to know the period in our constitutional history in which it was laid down that the House of Commons had no right to express its opinion when the other house proposed to con demn a large portion of the executive government ? (Hear, hear.) The House of Lords having, with as much decency as they can well manage, procured a majority in the com mittee, and, for aught he knew, having already drawn up its report—(cries of Shame, shame")—why the speech in the lords when the motion was made warranted the conclusion, and it was necessary that a decision upon the point should be arrived at. Was the House of Commons ever before in such a situation ? A committee to inquire into a portion of the administration had been instituted in the House of Lords, but surely the commons could not decide upon their evidence. (Hear, hear.) Was it proper that they should wait perhaps three, six, or nine months, and then acquiesce in the decision of the other house ? (Hear, hear.) Was the House of Commons unable to decide for itself, as to its opinion, with respect to the government of Ireland ? (Hear, hear.) His noble friend the member for North Lancashire, said that the house would not gain by coming into collision with the House of Lords. His noble friend at the same time read a letter, which stated that the evils of Ireland were deeply rooted, and had existed for many years. Upon that argument he (Lord J. Russell) stood, and upon that argument he contended that the House of Lords was not justified in passing a reso lution, which implied that crime in Ireland had been owing to the present administration. Though the resolution of the House of Lords affected the government of Ireland only for the year 1835, still it was clear that the effect of it would have a bearing on the governments of Lords Wellesley and An glesey. He was persuaded that the proposition brought forward in the other house could not have a majority of the House of Commons in its favour. His decided opinion was, that by transferring the executive government to any com mittee, or any other hands, they would but commence a struggle in which their real and undoubted privileges would be placed in a state of the greatest danger. The house then divided. For Sir Robert Peel's amendment Against it Majority in favour of ministers. -22 At the moment of our return to the gallery we found Lord JOHN RUSSELL on his legs, speaking to a point of order, in respect to the mode of putting the amendment of the hon. member for Finsbury (Mr. Thomas Duncombe). He wished to explain that it would be necessary, in order to introduce the addition of the words proposed, that they be put only on a third division. Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE said he was putting the motion as he had originally intended when he had given his notice. He had used the word " adopted" in his amendment. Per haps he ought of have said, when the right hon. baronet's amendment should be rejected." He (Mr. Dancombe) should move his amendment. The gallery was again cleared for division, but none took place. On our return to the gallery we found Sir ROBERT PEEL on his legs, stating that he had no wish to trouble the house by going to another division on the original motion. The gallery was again cleared, when we were excluded ; but shortly after the gallery was reopened, and on our return Lord JOHN RUSSELL was speaking.on the point of order to reverence to Air. Luncombe s amendment. Mr. DUNCOMBE said that, as justice had been done to Ireland, he only wished to see justice done to England. Dr. LUSHINGTON, in a very energetic manner addressing the house. He begged to put it to his hon. friend the mem ber for Finsbury whether in a case of this kind, which in volved a question of so much importance, he could suppose he was forwarding the cause he espoused by the course which he was pursuing. There were in that house many honest and zealous reformers, would not consent, without a discus sion, to commit themselves to a motion so perfectly indefi nite in all its terms. He hoped there was no intention to force them into a division ; let it not be supoosed, however, that they were afraid to stand before the people of the country by negativing this motion. They were prepared to vote against it, and to take the consequences upon themselves. The gallery was again cleared. The numbers were as follow : _ _ For Mr. Duncombe's motion Bl Against it .. Majority.... -218 The house adjourned at a quarter past four o'clock. POST-OFFICE MONOPOLY. A great number of instances of bad management under the present Post-office system have been made public by that ex cellent little journal the Post Circular ; but we have seen no thing yet to equal the want of management in the manufac turing districts of South Wales. Mr. Wallace himself would hardly believe that there are market towns in this country, with a population of from 4,000 to 5,000 each, without a post office, though mails run through them. But such is the fact ; the market town of Tredegar has a population considerably above 4,000, and within a circle of three miles round the town of Nant-y-Glo and Brynmawr there are at least 15,000 inhabitants. The letters from each of these places are sent to Abergavenny or Newport, and thence forward in the private bags of different iron companies and shopkeepers, who charge in some instances as much as 4d per letter for the accommo dation. The mail for Abergavenny to Merthyr passes through these towns, as well as through Llanelly, Beaufort, and Rumney, ; but there is not even a receiving house between Dowlais and Abergavenny a distance of eighteen miles. At Newbridge a rapidly increasing manufacturing and market town on the Cardiff road, the post-office is kept at an inn, nearly a mile from the town, while the free delivery does not extend 300 yards from the office. The towns of Merthyr and Brecon are distant from each other about 18 miles, but let ters from one place to the other are sent through Abergaven ny ; letters from Brecon are therefore detained a whole day at Abergavenny, as the Merthyr mail leaves before the Bre con letters arrive: thus if two letters are posted at Brecon in the morning, one for London, distance 170 miles, and another for Merthyr, distance 18 miles, the former will be in London about nine hours before the latter will reach Mer thyr ! Letters to Merthyr from Builth and Hay are three days on the road in consequence of this arrangement. The ease with which these evils might be remedied makes the hardship appear the greater. If offiecs were established in the towns among the iron works, government would incur no other expense than the post-masters' salaries, as there is a mail already on the road ; and there is every probability that the profits now derived by private individuals would leave a handsome balance in favour of the revenue. If a mail cart was started from Brecon in time for the Cardiff mail from Merthyr, and to start at its return, the evils above alluded to would not only be obviated, but a post communication in one day would be opened between Brecon and Bristol. News papers sent from this city (Bristol) to persons about the iron works of Nant-y-Glo, Beaufort, &c., are not delivered for a week, and then in a dirty state.---Brisiol Mercury: STATE OF TRADE. LEEDS.—The markets since our last have been more than usually heavy, and the sales of goods in the Cloth Halls have consequently been limited. The dullness is attributed to the state of the money market, which has been for some time under a degree of pressure. It is said that one of the mas ters has attempted to reduce the men's wages, but that the reduction has not been generally submitted to by his work men ; indeed it would be rather surprising if the attempt should succeed, with the present price of provisions and the existing demand for labour, most of the mills being full work, notwithstanding the late deadness of the market. BRADFORD MARKET.—We had another dull market here on Thursday, the merchants refusing to purchase except upon the lowest terms—terms quite inconsistent with a reasonable profit to the manufacturer, who of course was frequently obliged to refuse to make sales. The yarn market was tolerably firm, and a fair business was done at former rates. The wool market was rather brisker than of late and a full average quantity of wool was sold at former rates. HUDDERSFIELD MARKET, APRIL 16.—There is little or no change to notice this week ; the demand being much the same as for some weeks past. In some description of fancy goods there is a sight falling off ; but tweeds, doeskins, and other fancy woollens of new styles, are still in great request. Coarse woollens for exportation are purchased pretty freely. Broad and narrow plains do not realize good prices, and the demand is very limited. Light fancy goods, such as waist coatings, move freely at good prices. Wools of the finer sorts remain firm; whilst lower qualities are a shad higher, and rather scarce. The warehouses are doing an average trade. On the whole a satisfactory business is doing. WAKEFIELD WOOL MARKET, APRIL 19.—We have again to report a dull week for the sale of all wools ; prices remain nominally the same, but would require a little submission in price to effect sales to any extent. HECKMONDWIKE.—The business transacted in the Blanket Hall, continues to be of a very limited nature, few merchants attending on the market days, and the manufacturers suffer ing from the small demand for goods, and the continued high price of wool. DEWSBUR Y.—The demand for goods at the Blanket Hall, on Monday, was not so extensive as for some previous weeks, but no alterations in prices can be noted. BARNSLEY LINEN TRADE.—Little or no alteration has taken place in the linen trade during the past week, weavers continue to be moderately employed. LAY CLERICAL ANECDOTE.—Not long since a meeting was held not far from the north-western extremity of the me tropolis, of persons supposed to consist of the clergy of the neighbourhood. In so large a district of the metropolis, the parties, as might naturally he expected, were not personally known to each other, but one of the parties calling a few days afterward at a shop to pay his -bill, was not a little surprised to see one of his brother clergymen come for• ward, take his money; and give liim a receipt. ^ • LADY FLORA HASTINGS. (Front the Standard.) We continue, at the request of the Hastings family, the correspondence upon the subject of the late disgraceful (at rocious would not be too strong a word) intrigue at Bucking ham Palace—an intrigue, the victim of which was to be a pure and high-minded a being as breathes, and the purpose of which was to mortify the mother of the Queen in order to inflame dissension of the Royal Family, and to impair that maternal influence which never has been excercised but for securing the happiness and honour of her daughter, and promoting the welfare of the Duchess of Kent s adopted country. We continue the publication of this correspondence, as we say, at the request of the Hastings family ; but, if left to our choice, which, in such a case, we do not feel ourselves to be, we should have stopped wfth the letter that appeared in yes terday's paper. The part acted by the Dowager Marchion ess is every way honourable to her ; but her letters carry the matter no further than it was carried in her son's noble ap peal, and the letters of the Marchioness may wound the feel ings of one whom we are all bound to love and to reverence, and whom, as far as reference will permit the feeling, we all compassionate. Lord MELBOURNE must answer to the country for a course of proceedings , which, beside that it was urgent and cruel, was notoriously directed to political ends. TO THE EDITOR OF THE STANDARD. Sir,—Being unable to reach the original calumniator or calumniators of my daughter, Lady Flora Hastings, and having received no mark of public reparation from her Majes ty's responsible advisers, I consider it due to my personal and family honour to show that I have sought it. lam reluc tantly obliged to have recourse tolthe:publication of the fol lowing letters. The first letter in this correspondence, addressed to her Majesty, would have been very incorrectly placed here, had it not been for its official answer, and the report which is in circulation, that I had been guilty of writing an improper letter, called "an impertinent letter to the Queen." With whom such an imputation originated (as no copy of it has been given beyond my own family) may appear extraordinary, but to me it is quite immaterial ; not so the refutation of a charge so serious. Some other letters received from and addressed to her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent are not inserted, al though connected with the same dreadful subject, from a wish to withhold, as far as possible, everything that would un necessarily associate her Royal Highness's name with these occurrences ; except the expression of my unalterable respect and gratitude for her Royal Highness's conduct towards my daughter, and her feeling towards myself. F. HASTINGS (MuRE) LOUDON. Loudoun Castle, April 8, 1839. THE MARCHIONESS OF HASTINGS, COUNTESS OF LOUDOUN, TO HER MAJESTY. Madam,—lt is hardly to be imagined that your Majesty should feel any surprise at receiving the present letter. The anguish of a mother's heart under circumstances such as mine can only be understood by a mother. But no one can be at a loss to know that loyalty to your Majesty, and justice to my innocent child, demanded from me an explicit refer- . ence to your Majesty on the atrocious calumnies and unblush ing falsehoods against my daughter's reputation, which the perpetrators have dared to circulate even in the palace of the Sovereign. I have had the honour of remembering your Majesty in childhood. lam deeply and gratefully attached to your amiable mother; and I have cherished in distance, absence, bad health, and many sorrows, a deep interest in the real honour and glory of your reign. My husband served his country honourably and with devoted zeal, and was par ticularly known to your royal race ; and my own family, during a long line, have been distinguished as faithful servants to their kings. My grandfather lost his life in the service of his sovereign. With so many claims on my feelings of old—although now unfashionable — aristocracy, it is impossible to suppose me capable of disrespect or want of loyalty towards your Majesty—a feel ling, Madam, not less unbecoming towards you than repug nant to what I feel suitable in myself. But, I trust, a sense of morality is not yet so callous a thing as not to be held in some due respect even in the sight of a thoughtless world, and to justify my appealing directly to your Majesty to refute, by some act, calculated to mark your indignant sense of the slanders which some person or persons have ventured to cast in your Majesty's presence upon my daughter, and betrayed your Majesty to follow up by a course of proceeding such as was, no doubt, done on their part with a wish to try to de grade the victim of their persecution. It is my duty respect fully to call your Majesty's attention to its being not more important for my daughter than essentially consonant to your Majesty's honour and justice not to suffer the criminal inven tor of such falsehoods to remain without discovery. To a female Sovereign especially, women of all ranks in Britain look with confidence for protection, and (notwithstanding the difference of their rank) for sympathy. To such honest feel ings of respect (for they take their origin in that) I ought not to suppose your Majesty indifferent; far less can I imagine, that as your Majesty increases in years, you will not feel, Madam, More and more, the valde of that estimate of your high place, which would make no one doubt your command ing reparation (as far as reparation can be made) for an in famous calumny, as not less incumbent as an act of necessary morality in the case of the public as it assuredly is to the in dividual who so severely suffers from such defamation. This is not a matter that can or will be hushed up, and it is all important that no time should be lost in calling the culpable to account. With this appeal to your Majesty's upright feelings, I have the honour to be, Madam, Your Majesty's dutiful subject and servant, F. HASTINGS AND (MuRE) LOUDON. Loudoun Castle, March 8. My Lord,—l trouble your Lordship with the enclosed let ter, in order to insure its immediate and safe delivery, and have to request you will present it yourself to Her Majesty. I have"the honour to be, &c., _ F. HASTINGS AND (MURE) LOUDOUN. To Viscount'Melbourrie. &c. South-street, March H. Madam,—l bavc tl»s morning received your Ladyship's letter of the Bth instant, together with a letter addressed to the Queen, which letter I will lose no time in' laying before Her Majesty ; and I remain, Madam, your Ladyship's faith ful and-obedient servant, MELBOURNE. The Marchioness of Hastings, &c. Downing-street, March 12. Madam,—According to your Ladyship's desire, I have de liverd to Her Majesty your letter of the 7th instant. The allowance which Her Majesty is anxious to make for the natural feelings of a mother upon such an occasion tended to diminish that surprise which could not be otherwise than excited by the tone and substance of your 'Ladyship's letter. Her Majesty commands me to convey to your Ladyship the expression of her deep concern at the unfortunate circum stances which have recently taken place. Her Majesty hast ened to seize the first opportunity of testifying to Lady Flora Hastings her conviction of the error of the impression which had prevailed ' • and Her Majesty is still most d es i rous t o d o ever ything in her power to soothe the feelings of Lady Flora and her family, which must have been painfully affected by the events which have occurred. have the honour to remain, Madam, Your Ladyship's obedient servant, MELBOURNE. The Marchioness Dowager of Hastings, &c. Loudoun Castle, March 10, 1839. My Lord,—When I observe that no steps are taken to repair, as far as reparation is possible, the indignity offered, three weeks ago, to my daughter, within the precincts of her Majesty's Palace, your lordship cannot be surprised at receiving this letter from me. lam told that, as the respon sible adviser of the Sovereign, your lordship considers it as your constitutional right to appoint and to dismiss her Majesty's household. As it is known to be your lordship's principle, I address myself to you, on whom the sacred trust and heavy responsibility rest, of marking respect for good order, and punishing abuse. The nature and the manner of the course pursued in this atrocious conspiracy (for it admits of no other name) were unexampled, and yet Sir James Clark remains her Majesty's physician. I claim at your hands, my lord, as a mark of public justice, the removal of Sir James Clark. I am, my Lord,' Your Lordship's most humble servant, F. HASTINGS and (MURE) LOUDOUN. To the Right Hon. Lord Viscount Melbourne. South-street, March 17, 1839. Madam,—Late yesterday evening, the 16th inst, I had the honour of receiving your Ladyship's letter of the 10th inst. from Loudoun Castle. I mark these dates in order to acquit myself of any delay or neglect in replying to your ladyship's communication. The demand which your Ladyship's letter makes upon me is so unprecedented and objectionable, that even the respect due to your Ladyship's sex, rank, family, and character, would not justify me in more, if, indeed, it authorises so much, than acknowledging that - letter for the sole purpose of acquainting your Ladyship that I have received it. I have the honour to remain, Madam, with the highest respect, your Ladyship's obedient and humble servant, _ _ MELBOURNE. The Marchioness DoArager of Hastings, &c. Loudoun Castle, March 15, 1839. My Lord,—An expression of Her Majesty's sorrow for late occurrences is consolatory to me. If the Queen wishes any explanation of any part of my letter, which, from dubious expressions in your lordship's, am uncertain of, I am quite ready to give it. If her Majesty had been thoroughly aware of all the cir cumstances of the case, `the tone and substance' of my letter could not have , excited any surprise. Although a woman, the oaths of allegiance which I have taken to her Majesty is as dear to me as to any man ; and to that, and the true cir cumstances of the late transactions, I refer your lordship. I am, my, lord, your lordship's most humble servant, F. HASTINGS AND (MURE) LOUDOUN. The Right Hon. Lord Viscount Melbourne, &c. South-street, March 18, 1839. Madam,—l have the honour of acknowledging your lady ship's letter of the 15th instant, which I received yesterday morning. I neither had, nor have, it in command to express a wish for any explanation of your ladyship's letter addressed to her Majesty, nor of any part of it. 1 have the honour to remain, madam, with high respect, Your ladyship's humble and obedient servant, MELBOURNE. The Most Noble the Marchioness Dowager of Hastings. CONFESSION.—What " base uses" the confessional doth sometimes come to ! On Holy Thursday, while a woman, the wife of a decent tradesman, waited in a nook of the North Friary Chapel, that she might escape the rush of the crowd outward, she was accosted by another, having the appearance of a servant, and who prayed the accommodation of her cloak while she relieved her soul of the sins that burdened it. " The Lord bless you," said the supplicant, " lend me Your cloak until I go into the box and say my confession, for I'm ashamed to go before the priest in the state I'm in." The woman hesitated. " You can be standing there, in the cor ner," added the other, in order to assure her—" I have not much to say." The woman consented, and, arrayed in her cloak, the penitent presented herself to the priest. Her friend, to prevent mistake," kept close to the confes sional, but, three or four others pressing forward, she was pushed from her place, and when she regained it, the peni tent was gone ! Search has since been made for her without success. The cloak, we suppose, will furnish the first item in the next " tally" of the thief.—Cork Constitution. MARCH OF INTELLECT, AND MARCH OF LIBERTY.—Not one hundred miles from Castleisland, a Roman Catholic lives, who, from the difficulty of obtaining a license to marry his cousin, (being without money or interest,) resided with her in such a manner as to attract the notice of the Priest, who held out to him the usual terms of public exposure, &c., and would neither marry the parties or allow them any longer to rei de in the same house. Under those circumstances, the poor man was compelled to apply to the Protestant Minister of the parish—and, after having the bans regularly published in Church, was married ; and now, from week to week, men, women, and children, his neighbours, some living with him, may be seen, walking to Tralee, a distance of ten miles, for tickets from the Priest there, as a penance—and for what ? The mighty offence of having spoken to one who dared have recourse, to a Protestant Clergyman to perform the marriage ceremony. When will the poor obtain Catholic Emancipation? Not until they see, by the light of Scripture, -that their Clergy- " teach for - dootrines the commandments otkagi.7—KerritPot , _ - SOCIETY FOR RECLAIMING UNFORTUNATE FEMALES. The first annual meeting of this society was held on Friday last, shortly after twelve o'clock, in the Institution Room, Slater-street. The attendance, though not very numerous, was extremely respectable. A number of ladies and several of the clergy were present. The Rev. Augustus Campbell, one of the rectors of the parish, was called to the chair. The Rev. CHAIRMAN, in opening the business of the meeting, said that it would only, be necessary for him to say a few words in explanation of the reasons which had induced him to take the chair on this occasion. The object which they had met to promote was one which he could not fail to be deeply interested in, as it related to the morals of the com munity in general, and the temporal as well as spiritual inter ests of those unfortunate creatures who were the objects of the charity. This society, as was well known, was an addition to another institution, the object of which was to provide a more permanent asylum for the abandoned females who showed a penitent disposition—it was, as it were, an aggression into the regions of Satan, in order to rescue perishing souls from his dominion. This society did not wait for the wicked and un fortunate to come to them, but went forth to attempt to snatch them from the wiles of sin, and as such, he hoped and trusted, if conducted with discretion, it would meet with the blessing of Almighty God. It was necessary on every account that the operations of the society should be conducted with very great discretion ; the persons employed should be emi nently discreet—they must act warily and cautiously or the feelings of many might be shocked, and more harm than good would be done. It was for these reasons that he had thought it right to come forward and give to the society all the assist ance in his power. Whatever differences of opinion might prevail on other subjects, the objects of this society were such as all might cordially co-operate in supporting. Mr. BANNING, one of the secretaries of the society, then read the report of the committee for the last year, from which the following are extracts : " During the year, the society has had under its care two hundred females ; sixty-seven of whom left or were dismiss-. ed for improper conduct before they had been with the society a month, forty-five before they had been three months, and sixteen before they had been six months ; making a total of one hundred and twenty-eight who had either voluntarily left the society, or forfeited its protection 'by inattention to its rules. Of the remaining number, two have died in the possession of Christian consolation, eighteen have been restored to their friends, and thirty-two have been placed in situations to provide honestly for themselves ; making a total of fifty-two who have been saved froin crime and wretched ness by means of the society's exertions, during its first years' operation. The remaining twenty are still at the society's lodgings. "The committee are happy to report, that several even of those who have left the society, or been dismissed from its lodgings, have not returned to their wicked courses, but are employing honest means to obtain a livelihood ; and it has been ascertained that a large majority of those who have re lapsed into their former habits, are very miserable, and would most gladly return. Whilst under the society's care they received line upon line, and precept upon precept,' and as many of them were deeply convinced of sin, it is to be hoped that with respect to some of them, the exertions of the socie ty will prove as ' bread cast upon the waters, to be found after many days.' " In conclusion, the committee cannot but express their obligations to the ' ladies,' for their very efficient services in superintending the females when at work, and also to the con ductor of the religious instruction meeting, and gratuitous agents of the society, for their important labours of mercy. They likewise gratefully acknowledge the liberal support which this infant society has received from the public, and thank the Giver of all good for the success with which He has crowned its exertions; a success which, they fairly presume, is greater than is apparent, as the agents of the society have, during the year, expostulated with not fewer than two thou sand unfortunate females, warning them of their danger, and exhorting them to repentance. They have also spoken to se veral keepers of brothels, charging them with the fearful crime of destroying souls, and exhorting them to put away their abominations. It is, therefore, but rational to suppose, that , the seed thus scattered has not all been lost, even in the case of those who have never been placed under the car( jil t the society ; and that the manifest decrease of prostitis:.is in this town, a decrease which has been officially noticed, may pro bably be, to some extent at least, its fruit. Yet, notwith standing these exertions, the sin of prostitutioji still abounds. In the words of the society's prospectus, it altsears that, ac cording to the lowest calculation, a sum not 'ess than £3OOO weekly is expended in its support in this town alone ! whilst, probably not more than £2O a week is contributed for the rescue of its wretched victims ! Should this be so ? What ! £3OOO weekly to spread crime, disease, and death ; and only £2O to arrest their fearful progress ! For the destruction of the bodies and souls of a numerous class of wretched beings, £3OOO ; and for their present and eternal welfare, only a one hundred and fiftieth part of that amount ! Men of Israel, help ! and wipe away this terrible reproach, by liberally sup porting a society whose object is, by the blessing of God, to make a determined stand against prostitution so awfully pre valent, and to seek and save its perishing victims.' " The Rev. Mr. YOUNG, in moving that the report just read should be adopted, printed, and circulated, said—sir, in review ing the operations of the society during the year, there are many things in my estimation which recommend it to the atten tion and support of the Christian public. The circumstances under which it was formed were so manifestly providential, that no doubt was entertained by the parties concerned as to propriety.of the measures which they adopted. Nay more, the call was so clear, and so evidently from God, that they felt convinced that they could not be disregarded without incurring the Divine displeasure, and probably staining , their garments with the blood of souls. Several victims of seduc tion found their way to the house of God, saw and felt their awful state, and earnestly desired to flee from the wrath to come. What was to done ? The penitentiary could not receive them ; and we could not send them bock to their haunts of vice without incurring a fearful responsibility : no alternative, therefore, was left but to undertake their protection ourselves, and by the grace of God to endeavour to strengthen, by wholesome instruction, the good impres sions they had received. I do not like to try mere experi ments in the services of religion, but to follow the pillar of cloud by day, and the pillar of fire by night, that I may know that the path in which I walk has been selected by the guide of my life. The same Providence, under whose gui dance the society was formed, has graciously watched over it during the year. We began with 10s, and although the fund of the society has frequently been reduced below that amount, it has never been entirely exhausted. We have received support from sources we never anticipated, and, trusting in the Lord, we have not been confounded. The objects of the society likewise argue in favour of its sup port. It does not merly contemplate the outward reforma tion of those whom it seeks to benefit, but a reformation springing from a sound and scriptural conversion to God. It seeks to make good the tree, that the fruit may be good also ; to cleanse the fountain, that the streams may likewise be pure. I t is my decided conviction, sir, that any attempt to reform the victims of seduction without seeking the conversion of their souls, is like putting new cloth into an old garment. Mere patching such a case is unavailing ; for the per manent reformation of such persons can be hoped for only on the ground of their new creation. They must be led as penitents to the foot of the cross, that they may, according to the divine promise, receive a new heart and a right spirit. They are in the horrible pit and miry clay, and I for one should never think of going down to assist in bringing them up but for my confidence in the promise of God to them as re deemed souls. That is the rope, if I may so speak, which I firmly grasp, and by which I would descend to rescue them from their wretched and degraded condition. The grace of God is sufficient to meet their case ; for harlots were converted in the days of our Lord. The first church at Corinth included amongst its members many reclaimed prostitutes ; and this society has been the means of bringing about seventy unhappy women from their sink of iniquity, and of placing their feet upon the rock ; and it is pleasing to know that a new song is put into their mouths, of praise and thanksgiving to God. The means employed by the society to effect the objects are such as to recommend it to the patronage of the christian public. A few excellent persons, at great inconvenience and sacrifice of feeling and comfort, go on the streets during the night to expostulate with the victims of seduction. Such women come not to the house of GOd--they are shunned by the pious and modest, and but for some such agency as that employed by this society, they would never receive a gospel warning, but in all probability die in their sin, and exclaim, as the pit closed upon them, " No man cared for our souls." In the whole catalogue of crime, there is, perhaps, no evil more pernicious in its influence than that which this society seeks to check. It is not only in itself more odious, but " its name is legion, for it is many." Connected with this abomi nation, are not only parents dishonoured, and the marriage contract violated, but every form of falsehood, intemperance, blasphemy, robbery, suicide, and murder, follow in its deadly train. It is stated on good authority, that in London, not fewer than 90,000 females live upon the wages of this iniquity. Nor is London to be regarded as an exception in its morals to other towns and cities, for it will be found on close exami nation, that in proportion to their population other places are as deeply sunk as our great metropolis. The report says, that in this town, £3OOO weekly is expended in the support of prostitution ; but there is reason to believe it is not less than £4OOO, or £200,000 annually ! How appalling the con sideration ! Commercial and christian Liverpool expends £200,000 annually to crowd our prisons—people our penal settlements—to cause the scaffold to groan beneath its load— and to increase the number of lost souls ! An unprotected female is led from the path of virtue—she is abandoned by her destroyer—she seeks refuge in a house leading down to the chambers of death—she becomes a pest to society—she ekes out a most wretched existence, and dies unattended and unlamented. Her soul is lost ! Yet no man puts on sack cloth, or mingles his drink with his weeping. If on such an occurrence both man and beast should be clothed in sack cloth ; if every creature capable of emotion should unite in one doleful lamentation ; if every tree of the forest and herb of the field should immediately droop like the weeping willow ; if every dew-drop of the morning should be mingled with blood to indicate the agony of maternal nature ; and if the sun should put on his sable robes, and stand forth on the occasion as the first mourner, the expression of sorrow would be truly appalling, and yet it would inadequately set forth the misery occasioned by the loss of that one unlamented but lost spirit. I therefore wish to support a society whose object is to save souls from death, and hide a multitude of sins. Mr. JOHN CROPPER seconded the resolution. He stated that he felt a very great interest in the welfare of the society, as must every man of right feeling and Christian principle. He had paid a visit to the places where the reclaimed females were lodged under the superintendence of the society, and though exceedingly shocked at the deplorably wretched state in which those females were sunk who had but just been re claimed from the paths of sin, he was much gratified to see the improved condition of many who had been some time there. They who had been longest there had certainly man ifested a change which was peculiarly gratifying. Perhaps the nature of the lodging-houses was not properly understood by many. He might be permitted to state then, that they were houses occupied by persons in the poorer classes of so ciety, and in which there was rather more room than the tenants themselves needed. The occupiers of those houses, who were selected from the fact of their being pious persons, took in the poor creatures who had been placed in the protection of the society, and not only attended to their temporal wants, but to their spiritual necessities. He might also be allowed to mention a circumstance, which had come to his knowledge as one proof out of many which might be adduced of the change of heart which many of the reclaimed females had evinced. One of the members of the committee, who had been exceedingly diligent in his exertions and kind in his at tentions to the poor creatures, was taken dangerously ill—he believed of the typhus fever—so as to make it unsafe to visit his bedside : but notwithstanding that, those women were constantly in attendance upon him, and considered it one of their greatest pleasures that they could thus return some of the kindness that they themselves had experienced. The in dividual to whom he alluded had recovered, was now in the room, and could testify to the truth of what he had mentioned. Another fact which had struck him was the cheapness with which the reclaimed females could be provided for ; he be lieved that for the sum of 3s 6d per week they were provided with food, clothing, and lodging. At first some of the m , who came under the society's care in a state of great destitu tion, having very few clothes, found it extremely difficult to maintain themselves upon so small a sum ; but considering that that was their only chance of escaping from a life of fear ful iniquity, they persevered, and with a little experience and care, they found that they were enabled to live upon that sum, small though it was. He hoped that an institution which went so boldly and benevolently to work, plunging its saving hand, as it were, into the darkest and foulest regions of sin, to snatch from thence the guilty wanderers, would receive the support to which it was pre-eminently entitled. The sum of £3OO a-year—no very large amount to so wealthy a commu nity as Liverpool—was the least with which the society would be enabled to carry on its operations efficiently, and the sub scriptions now amounted to £l3O only, _so that £171) or £lBO more were wanted. The deficiency, he trusted, w°uld on promptly furnished, and the society be enabled to ear e Y its work without being crippled for resources. and d h o e f R th e o v ia M di r e . a, M a The motion was unanimously adoted. the e 1 l ° e ffi e c '!: e ing year. He briefly addressed the Pleating in a u P : P - and G n dmL gentlemen'sm ov e d the committees appointmentfor r o pf the society, and expressed a conviction that, if its cloon' o i t h successes were more generally known, it would Ine et for e, adequate support and encouragement. He was, theted eft gratified to hear that the report was to be printed ati,di ciliated, because that would speak more loudly and eir' c o ia to the public than he could pretend to do. " Let uot i the rev. gentleman, " lay our heads, and hearts , an d ka together to promote the good work ; for I do not iir ° ela more beautiful or affecting picture than that of a re e a re female, who, instead of assailing us in the streets, as w ,n r g proceeding home, and shocking our souls with handisga',o language, is heard singing the praises of God tho"` him for his mercies." hich sc3s The Rev. Mr. JOSEPH seconded the resolution, w carried. _ A 01 10 ,1 ' On the motion of Mr. KAY, seconded by Mr. "" Or! (the president and one of the secretasies of the ileeit en 4 l ,the Society,) a vote of thanks was passed' to the chairmanrthen briefly acknowledged the compliment. The mee ting broke up, having lasted one hour and a quarter. WARRINGTON. PROFIT or DRUNKENNESS.—The assistant overffeelitia Warrington has given the drunkards of the to wn eeelsios his annual account for the sum of twenty-four poun, s '„iieir the amount of fines inflicted by the magistrates for ar: th of ness, between the 20th of March, 1838, and the March, 1839. Viae SEEKING POPULARITY.-0a Monday Mr. Charles se, Higginson appeared before themiaffistrates at the Pe tt sions. to answer a charge of drunkenness preferred an t o u him by Mr. Jones, the deputy constable. The defeurb a s'ing answering to his name, displayed evident symptoms ° lie taken a morning glass,' being fall half-seas 0 ‘ er• co l pleaded " not guity" to the charge, and, when the `,)tr. were about to be sworn. he rather hastily remarked, til` Jones was about to take a false oath, with intent to a bil done but he would pay a thousand pounds before he would bedew so. By Mr. Jones's statement it appeared that th e we' dant, on the previous Thursday, had paid a visit to the office in the state of -mental incapacity usually 4 ." r e 'll al °r " tipsy." His object was to become bail for some bor , tiv imaginary friend, and on being told that he was net • t ,leae e ' a fit state to go before a magistrate, he, with gre at Yi`of the and sundry imprecations upon the eyes and limbs e diarelY ' worthy deputy constable, insisted upon being imin accepted as bondsman. This was positively refused,otoe, at length, he was with great difficulty ejected from the cietel The magistrates, greatly to Mr. Higgin's surprise, colors.him in a penalty of five shillings for being drunk on t stat e ' day, and a like sum for appearing before them in t" 8 , and to which was afterwards added two shillings and 011'00 costs. The defendant, who within the last few come rather unexpectedly into the -possession of B .a v ;o t derable property, by the death of Alistant relative reel:. sol Bedfond, near Leigh, instantly paid the fines and V,:;no; quitted the court. Last week he appeared at the L av d ha d Assizes as the defendant in an action for trim. con. , a verdict, with two pounds damages, found again stb e i t a t; , : GeG t CAUTION TO AUCTIONEERS.—At Warrington p sinus on Wednesday, Mr. John Corbett, auctioneer 01 05. fo r town, was convicted in the mitigated penalty of .12elerieiji neglecting to make a return to the officers of excis e m the sales for which he had caused notice to be gi ven hl. held months of November and December last, as about to ' e t die by him. The defendant, who did not a ppear, is lia ble - 4 tit!' penalty of £5O but under the provisions of the 7th Geo: IV., the magistrates convicted only in the love -one fourth of the penalty. ia lc e l ; SUNDAY THTEviNo.-:-Between five and six loab Sunday morning, Barney M`Cartney, an Trishman'Tgov e time returned from a five months' visit to Knutsforaiviijer of Correction, was stopped by Mr. Samuel Jolley, of spool, in the act of carrying a sack and two potato f0r1 ..0 - . o ser the banks of the Duke of Bridgewater's Canal. The pro 11 , 6 was given into the oistody of Briscall, a constable,.,,-, ssr was forthwith brought to Warrington - Bridewelh was found to belong to Messrs. Booth and Walrel'eP 136 factors, of Liverpool ; one of the potato forks to M'eesie" net, a farmer at Hatton and two iron saucepans, c" in the sack, to Mr. Clarke, a farmer in a small villag e 'sixta r ; saucepans and forks had been stolen in the cour se of, uolo day night. On Wednesday the prisoner was sent to 0' quarters, for trial at the next sessions. RAILWAY DELAYS.—On Wednesday morning l c: P„ - , train to Manchester was detained upwards of an h0, u ,",,, ° s tu" Newton incline, owing to the road being obstructer,. I') heavily laden luggage train. COURT OF PASSAGE. Before CHARLES CROMPTON, Esq., Assessor. s l ) ° WILSON V. HOWELL. d se, as The plaintiff in this case, James Wilson, was a e,'" ( the defendant, James Howell, the tenant f a viar e " — fot the former sought to obtain compensation in damag es hale sonal injuries sustained by him, in consequence of L i e os cotton falling upon him from a teagle 'rope, whil e b jecil his cart, loading it, which rope, it was alleged in thee ,„sal," tion, was provided by the defendant, and for th 5 11 ci Mr.enc of which he was consequently liable. moo Mr Murphy appeared for the plaintiff, Mr. Ra s t i Mr. Harding for the defence. indiedrot It appeared that in December last, Messrs. h A l e fea- Co. had purchased fifteen bales of cotton from then'e ; Howell, and which were in his warehouse at the of tbe that, on the 13th of that month, they sent sever, L.e"wheteei men to receive them, and load them for removal el' . 0 0) r, The plaintiff was there with his cart, and two o, l s lftto le Currie and Brownlow, also servants of Messrs. "i c iet B were in the room No. 6Of the warehouse—a oin-ottO i 0 r height from the street—employed in lowering the Cthe to the usual way, Currie being stationed at th e break o fou rtee, t gle. While thus employed, about dusk, and afte r , the lie, of the bales had been lowered safely into the ear",,,hots bale, the fifteenth, fell from the third story of the 3 ,: e it dP through the splicing of the iron thimble or ring, wq'tiff, ped the bale, being drawn, and it fell upon the " Plai, v oir' injured him so seriously, that he will never be able t •C l ' his vocation as a labouring man. th e The question that arose for decision was, wheth er b t he dent arose from the insufficiency of the rope, wh ie ,h, fendant was hound to provide of a sufficient strembfkiesfri, or whether it occurred through the negligence of eo(too Whittaker's servants in their manner of lowering t he d fut ile by which the rope, though of the usual strength an for ordinary purposes, gave way. 9 5jaer 0 5 A great number of witnesses were examined at r!=i jeti cr it ble length on both sides, but a sketch of the ec w as e. e , either side will suffice to convey th e mer its of the c wer e may first, however, be premised th a t th e svitnesse s „ sclsi; cessarily the servants of th e r e s p ec ti ve p ar ties in t" The witnesses for the plaintiff (servants of Mess'ho', taker) admitted lowering the cotton, but Currie, oots; charge of the break, denied (on cross-examination ) Al in e t . :4 ledge of a jerk of the bale in question, by its coal if sa d tact with the sill of one of the doors, and thoug jerk had taken place, and caused the rope to give 0 1 '1 bale would have fallen int o th e s t ree t, clear of t!' d be Brownlow, his assistant, in slinging the bales, a s ' se, al the rope previously, and thought it insufficient, the on dangerous, but it did not appe a r th a t he warned 3 ef t io , in the cart of this fact. The bales weighed about 00 tO qrs. each. Another witness thought the splice i' 4.30 ,p01.i; 0 0 ciently made, and had therefore drawn: Anothe r N iono the falling of the bale in question. It struck the P,"", fps' shoulders. The rope had been re-spliced on ti ' d it id before, the worn part at the end being cut off , ° used the same night after the accident. It would hug io.d twelve or fourteen cwt. on a fair draught u not have safely lowered so much. The splicing, lni t e P l rho this witness's hands, while he was in the cart with lb" - aDt tiff, several times • but he did not notice it partice:titieerr4 it was loosish. The surgeon spoke to the injury S ii t h cls i et the plaintiff. The spine was much hurt.—the l o t hit vertebra so much injured as to cause paralysis. ~e s , xtremities were also injured, and the probability t; he would be unable to work for life. ‘.ii fficl e tb e The defence was, that the rope was perfeetlY 70 0 ; (0, but for the carelessness of Messrs. Whittakers' Fe, r ceM 0 14 pwards. e tv bale in question came down from a point in its as s , before stated) with such a jerk, - that no ordinary r°l) re withstand it. de " P It was admitted that it was the custom of the tra vide a proper rope. r Mr. Isaac Hadwen sa id h e h a d supplied the ° t oe' question to Mr. Howell, on the 31st August. It,'` 0 - 3 5 best quality. [The ro p e was produced.] The P rie ,er per lb.—the highest price paid at that time for tb,l 3 eo The rope was soun d an d goo d even now . He sd" e sailors ought to know how to splice a rope proper the rope was new it was sent spliced and ready fro° the I ;fd house to the defendants. It was fresh spliced o ° ,, s cb 1 ,0 •ious Friday, the bad part bei ng c u t off where It by being used round the bales. Such part of the roir;,e, ,o; last two or three montl - s, even if it were much in, hale considered the rope sufficient to lower the large s ' 0 .0 cotton. o tto° fter A witness said he was in the room when the wil o A weighed, but did not see it lowered. The rope A 5-a .001 se a ° ,O wards used for about six weeks. a SW O William Leonard, ag a " ed 32, said he had been ble A e it ttl : :( 1820 to 1831, and had been some time latterly an t on he , in the navy. He had since been employed in eta oPyri houses, where he had spliced jigger ropes. Ile vg l' that in question, (Witness described the ra ti " - t i the IA 7, , splice adding that he put the strands twice throng h a FP,,,f,e which he considered sufficient.) He considered Asebole';oo as good as could be made. He had examined th e :d when he spliced it on the previous Friday, and foii . `,"„ f ete 11 0 and sufficient to lower bags of 7 or 8 cwt.; but if % l os. A rt , lently jerked, the rope would break or the s plice t he I' did not think the part spliced stronger than the ° o n e for it was liable to draw. a bo utv l" .° ' Williath Lloyd described how the bag, slung ",Y aoor, ; ' fourth of its length, came to rest on the sill of tif i i it Al ti 5, at the long end, and that it rested there co lt e ljel off, and caused a tremendous jerk. It was the,..o Or. had man at the break, in not stopping its decent , th r ill lode , took place ; and, if he did not see it rest on th e , i , lob no business there. Other cotton was afterwar"- with the same rope without accident. 'ff, en .ta Mr. MURPHY addressed the jury for the phu n i t , i p,' oe 6 i eu• - • (1 0 The ASSESSOR ably and perspicuously swam o al. that it appeared the rope was sufficient, and the. i aas , tion was as to the sufficiency of the splice, of m' ine ' ris e° ,to t he the jury . would be better judges than he. • er ief o f r , The jury, after retiring for a considerable ti p u nt a pit a verdict tor the plaintiff—damages £3O, on tie e idere insufficiency of the splice . ; adding, that they enti,',„ e arc . Whittaker's men highly censurable for their negub „i l t Soo SOWERBY V. RICHARDSON . „u . erf ,r i o ) , 6 In this case the plaintiff, a boot and shoers' tni el , ',i e 0 compensation from the defendant for forcible eis c , the house he tenanted in Mansfield-street. I. . n ce e ;b y went to show that the plaintiff had received n o 0 15„ 0 0',,, was a weekly tenant ; and that when the haus' ott,i t, %o r r ee possession of by defendant, there was not 10s. „ 4 „.. ag in it. By the advice of the assessor, each ini,"",f a yir , withdraw a juror, so that the case ended in cas h own costs. n'of GASIKELL V. JULLAND. 11 p 1U, The plaintiff, formerly an attorney, but latterlrY, tam to occasionally as a copying clerk, sought to recove av ' o uiloo e £9 for alleged services to the defendant, in end :1 1 0 0°1 p obtain a purchaser for some property, which he , would inherit, when he attained the age of twen! t he f t ,,,,1 defence was that no such sum was due, and tin!' o . service was done by another party, plaintiff bayl n " to ' accomplish it. The jury, on hearing the evidence' view of the case, and the Tlaintiff was nonsuited. THURSDAY. at A', GIBBONS V. GAKIN . • or o f It was an action for trespass, —Damages we r % the ' t ot, The affair was of a most trivial nature, and i t a COSV sor's judgment, should not have been brought i ll ai ° ,ed, Toiri justice for adjudication. The whole was been D re v o proved, did not exceed 10s, and this was cause bf nificant dispute about a gas account —the 00,1 s -as . 1 ,0 1 e nt is' which was, that the plaintiff' s gas apparatus wa cteti " tiff, any person named Dunlevie, who the plaintiff sul, e er 0 0 ployed for that purpose by the defendant. -If d . s qn , appeared, keeps a butcher's shop in Clevela de fer', 00s the at o , owing to the want of light, occasioned by us th th e servant, he was unable to carry on his busineas,_,„aioff thereby suffered considerable loss. observations made by the Assessor, at th e : l I:f .°l ; e if case, the jury were fully fi ve hours, deliberati_4l4ot arrived at the - conclusion--Damagew : fO r isw • = • Farthing / - - - - _.- • - Notwitioe—nio6 THE 4 : 11 4 e ri ," 4 PPean h bag e d r ean For ni g h .;'., as re Ro vm Hlsucc th e ' " urur Thre jy her \vitt fo Pre set , Nlrd for Preset, a On , nip TO cc ( lar k