The Sun. — London, England, 1840-03-26 00:00:00

EVEN ENG EDITION._ which the voter was compelled to appear before a Committee of the House of Commons, and undergo the most searching scrutiny into the nature of his claim. In his own case, not less than COO voters who had voted against him, had received summonses to to ,ppear before an Election Committee, to substantiate their claims. Was that bringing justice home to the door of the poor man ?—(Hear, hear.) Was that the system which Hon. Members on the other side were anxious to perpetuate?—(Hear, hear.) It was to apply a remedy to so enormous an evil, and so glaring an injustice, that the present Bill was introduced. If there were serious objections to the present measure, why did not Hon. Members opposite, bring forward some measure to correct the existing evils ? Why, not less than five Bills had been brought in by Hon. members opposite, some of them members of the Go- vernment, and all of them had been abandoned. These Bills were in themselves prima facie evidence, that legislation was necessary on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the only real ground of objection to the Noble Lord's Bill was that, notwitstanding all its evils and absurdities, the present system was found to work well for the party on the other side of the House. Sir WM. SOMERVILLE would oppose the second reading of the Bill because he believed it to be a mea sure of disfranchisement, and fr•:ught with much evil to the representative system i❑ Ireland. He admitted there might be some abuses with respect to the sys tem of certificates under the existing law, but he could assure the House that no instance of the kind had ever come under his observation. At what price was the improvements of the Noble Lord's Bill to be re ceived? At a price which he (Sir William) would , not consent to pay for them.—( Hear.) First, there was the annual revision, which even in England had excited the greatest discontent, and which, of course, in Ireland would be doubly prejudicial to a poor pea santry under the yoke of rich landlords, and subject ' to influences which nothing but the most exalted pa triotism could withstand ; to that provision he objected decidedly, and that involved the principle of the Bid .--(Hear, from Lord Stanley)—he did not think he could support the Bill. Then as to the appeal to the Judge of Assize, why, in 1829 Sir R. Peel had expressly conceded to the popular voice that there should only be a single appeal. And when in the Lords it was proposed to make a double appeal, Lord Lyndhurst said it would give rise to contests of the most troublesome character— (Hear, hear) the Judges would be turned into registrars of voters, and it would be much better to give it to the Judges at once—(Hear)—for not a 101. householder hardly would escape from the vexation and expense of the appeal.—(Hear.) The expense would indeed wholly vitiate the right of appeal so far as for the benefit of the freeholder. Why a 101. freeholder would have to expend half the value of his freehold, nay more, to def.nd his vote at the Assizes.—(Hear.) Another Spot tiswoode subscription would disfranchise three-fourths of the Irish voters.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had the passions and the prejudices of most political men, and he (Sir W. Somerville) could not but suspect the quarter from which the Bill emanated, and the ani mus by which the Noble Lord had been actuated te wards Ireland ; and could not but also fear that the Noble Lord was desirous of taking advantage of the obscurities of his Irish Reform Bill, to impose fresh obstructions on the electoral franchise of the poorer Irish voters.—(Hear, hear.) There was at this mo ment a wide-spread conspiracy, among the Irish land lords, to disfranchise the poorer Catholic voters of Ire land. Evidence had been given before the Committee of the Lords on the state of Ireland, last Session, that many Irish landlords continued to get rid of the fran chise of their poorer voters, by refusing, for instance, to give thein leases for fourteen years, a term which would give a vote, but only for thirteen years and a half. And such practices would soon force on the Le gislature a new franchise, founded on the rent paid, or on the poor-rates ; for landlords could not be permitted to usurp all the electoral power, and make the Parlia mentary franchise a positive undisguised farce.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill certainly did some good, but no prin ciple of morals could be so lax, as to justify doing a little good to effect a great evil.—(Hear, hear.) He Entreated that a measure so inherently improper, that it could not be beneficially altered, should be at once rejected.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. CORBALLY agreed in thinking that the Bill should be immediately rejected. Mr. J. GRATTAN believed there was a very strict investigation into votes in Ireland. The consequence of embarking in the Noble Lord's precipitate course of legislation, would be most dangerous. There was great difficulty as it was to get voters to come forward against their landlords. It was monstrous to see how they. were pitted against each other on this which was made a party question. It was impossible the Noble Lord could be aware of the expenses of registration. He would admit the present state of registration was objectionable, but the proposed system was much worse. He thought the annual system of registration worked ill in England, and he was sure it would work worse in Ireland. He wished the Noble Lord when he made statements would give cases in which the registration system, as it existed at present, had been abused. Who, he would ask, was to pay the expenses of the public officers who were to attend at these registra tions ? Feeling as he did on this subject, the irksomeness and ofinsiveness of forcing in dividuals to come up to register against their wishes, he could not, in the discharge of his duty, do otherwise than protest against this Bill, and give it every opposition in his power. Mr. EMERSON TENNENT would give the Hon. Member one case, which was an illustration of the evils complained of. The question had not yet been dis cussed on principle. The question was whether the present system of registration in Ireland stood in need of amendment, and whether they were prepared to apply a remedy to those evils. He should be surprised if he found on the division on this question that gentle men who bad, year after year, been complaining of the Irish Law of Registration should come forward and negative their own statements by voting against this Bill. The case to which he alluded was the case of Belfast. In that town there wer3 1,900 bona fide voters on the register, aad yet on the register there appeared 6,000 persons. Many were dead, many were in Ane thousands hid given up their qualifications, and yet not one of their ( seificates could be cancelled, nor could one of these voters be removed from the vegiater. He would ask if this was a state of th'ngs that in common justice should be suffered to continue ? —(Hear, hear.) Was this fair to any candidate ? It might be said that a penal prosecution for perjury was a protection, but in nine cases out of ten it was impossi ble to substantiate the proof of wilful and corrupt perjury, Persons who had been absent for years might return on the @ve of an election, and, by connivance with his land lard, obtain a colourable title of tenancy, in which case an indictment for perjury must fail. He therefore demanded the same right in Ireland which was pos seeeed in England—of removing a vote from the re gister. The great benefit of the Bill, in his mind, was the facility it gave of getting rid of votes from the regis ter—(" Hear," from Mr. O'Connell)—of removing the do id men. He approved of the other provisions of the Bill, and could see nothing objectionable in the pro visions which had been objected to by Hon. Members opposite. if the Bill furnished weapons of impedi ment, thee were as op .rt to the one party as to the other. The question of costs had been represented as an impediment to the exercise of a constitutional right. It was a legal right, and every man who claimed to 34tablish a legal right must be at the cost of the esta blishment of it, and he had the protection of costs being given against any individual who should raise a fraudulent opposition to him. He considered the pro posed plan a great improvement on the present system of registration in Ireland. The proposed system was precisely similar to the English one, except in the par ticular of an appeal being given on the question of registration from the Assistant-Barrister to the Judges. This had been objected to, but he would ask to whom would Gentlemen give an appeal from the tribunal of the Assistant Barrister ? Every other Court in Ire land might be appealed from, and was it to be con tended that Assistant Barristers were to possess a power not possessed by the Lord Chancellor himself ? and surely an appea l to the Judges was preferable to an appeal to a Committee of that House. With re gve,et to the particulars required by the proposed Bill, which amounted to t en , some of them wore required b; the present law, and the other three were particular. which inflicted no hardship on the voter, ss they only r l re. quired him to state that whi c h h e must now state n in . ores Court when he came up to register. He trusted Honourable Members would not virtually declare the system, which was unanimously condemned in Ireland, should be continued. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said Hon. Members had objected. Gentlemen who opposed this Bill had not given objections to its principle, but if s> they had themselves followed the example set them ; but it was absurd to talk of principle as distinct from details, and the Bill was one of detail. But the claptrap was that it would assimilate the law of England and Ireland. He knew not what assimilation was, but if ever there I..•as a hypocritical pretence of it, it was the present. He wished not to say anything partial of the Judges but ffe thought the power this Bill would give them would he most injurious to Ireland, and would excite suspicions of their partiality. The Bill threw addi tional obstacles in the way of the franchise. The notice was so intricate, it would require a professional man to draw it up. 'With regard to the place where Sessions were held, great merit had been claimed for the pro posed regulations, but under the old law the Lord- Lieutenant had the power of holdi ng Sessions at what time or place he mi g ht t hi n k proper The part relat ing to appeal he thought the most obj w ec e t r i e on t abl e i s n i the h Bill. What would b e th e result if o a law ? Would not every man again s t whom° pass least t shadow of objection existed be dragged before this • and if the Judge happened to be of the , ituirdgo ort," would it not be decided againstlf e did formerly support an appeal un to . 7 rAY , l l .' of Assize, on further experience he had 7 " different conclusion. It was clear all the the other existing laws in Ireland would by coafizing it to cases of death and disqua- 'Oa NEWS, net, (Z 1 =-- t zU4iiet lification, but this was not the provision of the Bill of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord boasted, the other night, that he had extended the franchise, but on re ferring to returns, he found some strange proofs to the contrary. He did not think this was a time for the Noble Lord to take away the nominal right, when he had long contended for giving the people of Ireland the actual exercise of the real right. He would give the Bill his most decided opposition. Mr. FITZPATRICK was opposed to the Bill. Sir G. STRICKLAND was desirous that the law of registration, in both England and Ireland, should undergo a revision. He thought it was not fair to say that the present mode of registration in England was imperfect ; and that, therefore, an improvement in that mode should not be introduced into Ireland. The English registration required much alteration, but that afforded no reason for leaving the registration in Ireland upon its present footing. He wished that the laws for both countries should be assimilated as mu c h as possible, and in this matter of registration he wished them to be put upon the same footing. Mr. Serjeant. JACKSON rose amidst cries of "Di vide, divide," and said that the necessity for the me asure had not been disputed. It had been admitted oa all hands that the present mode of registration in Ireland was perfectly intolerable. It frequently happened th a t a man might have his name upon the registry for eight years, during seven of which be had no connection with the tenantcy for which he voted. He hoped that if her Majesty's Government succeeded in defeating this Bill, they would at all events introduce some measure to cor rect the acknowledged evils of the present system. He thought the Bill was one of the most bona fide charac ter, and he could not conceive upon what grounds it was opposed by Gentlemen who asserted that its objects were insidious. In 1836 another Bill was brought in by the present Master of the Rolls in Ireland and the Noble Lord opposite. The Government did not make much haste with that Bill, for it was brought in on the 10th of March, on the 29th it was read a second time, and on the 16th July the House resolved that they would go into Committee on that day two months on the Bill, that measure containing exactly the same provisoes as the Bill of 1835. No Bill was introduced in 1837. He (Mr. Sergeant Jackson) adverted to these things for the purpose of sh ow i ng th at t h e G overnment was not acting bona fide on this subject. In 1838 the history of legislation on this subject was curious. The House assembled before Christmas in that year, and on the 14th February the then Attorney-General for Ireland gave notice that he would bring in a Bill ; that motion was delayed till the 13th of March. On the 7th of March he (Mr. Sergeant Jackson) gave notice that he should move for leave to bring in a Bill on the 20th of March. On the 13th the then Attorney-General for Ireland obtained leave to bring in his Bill, but it was not till the 9th of May that the Bill was brought in. On the 22(1 of May he (Sergeant Jackson) obtained leave to bring in his Bill, which he did on the day fol lowing, but which he was not able to follow up. In that Bill, he (Sergeant Jackson) professed to assimilate the law of Ireland with that of England ; but the Noble Lord had not done so in his Bill. During the last year nothing was done by the Government on the subject. It was true an Honourable Mem ber had brought in a Bill, but he had met with so little encouragement that he withdrew it. In this state of things the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had brought in the present Bill, and for doing so had been thought guilty of precipitate legislation. The Hon. and Learned Member, after deprecating the attacks which had been made by Hon. Members on the Judges of Ireland, stated that he considered a clearer case had never been made out for the introduc tion of a measure than the one brought forward by the Noble Lord. He believed that the Bill was calculated for the welfare of Ireland, and that any attempts to frustrate it were unworthy of any Member of that House. Mr. PIGOT entertained sueh strong objections to ,he second reading of this Bill, that even the arguments of the Learned Sergeant who had just spoken had not removed them. He objected to the Bill, because he thought he saw in it plainly developed principles of le gislation injurious to the franchise ; he objected to it, because he conceived that it was impossible, if it became law, that the franchise could long continue. He ob jected to the principle of annual revision, and in that objection he would not be fettered by any proposition that had been made formerly—propositions which had been made when the present system of the franchise had been little tried in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the fact to be, that for some time after the passing of the English Reform Bill little attention was paid to the business of the registers, and the result had been the mischiefs that had since ensued. Much had been said by Hon. Members with reference to the Bills that had been introduced in previous Sessions. Was the present Bill anything like them ? Certainly not. What was the annual revision allowed under the Act that had been introduced ? Why, that the re vising barrister was to revise the list of the names, pro vided it was clear that some mistake had taken place ; but such revising barrister was not to be at liberty to allow any objection which existed at any prior registra tion. The present Bill was the very reverse of the Bill brought in in 1838, because that Bill repu diated annual revision, and the present one enacted it. The present Bill proposed annual revision and adverse appeals, and did so in the most objectionable way. For a century before 1829 the registration held good for eight years. But in 1829, when the great settlement took place, by which Roman Catholics were admitted to the honours of the State, 197,000 electors were swept away in Ireland; and then there was an appeal from the Assistant Barrister to the Judge, but the Judge was not to take into consideration the question of value. In Ireland no person's name could be placed on the register without undergoing a strict examination. The voter had to produce his lease, deed, or test .ment, which must be duly stamped ; he must submit to an ex amination as to the nature and value of the franchise, and it was the duty of the As sistant Barrister himself, to examine the claimant, and, in the absence of all objection, to see that the party had a strict right to the franchise.—(Hear, hear.) Was it to be said, therefore, that new light could be let in by this Bill—( Hear, hear)—when the most strin gent examination that could take place was effected under the present system ?—( Hear, hear.) But the principle of this Bill was not merely an annual revision, but a half-yearly recision, for the constituency were to be brought to the assize towns in March or April, to re-establish that franchise which they had established in the preceding September. The Bill, instead of afford ing facilities for registration, tended to increase the difficulties, and it was, in fact, a Bill not for the purpose of effecting registration, but for the purpose of extinguishing it.—(Cheers.) By the Reform Act, the Assistant Barrister was called upon to decide upon the property qualification according to the provision of that Act. But one of the clauses of this Bill referred to Acts, and could anybody doubt the object of that clause ? If the Bill was not intended to make any at tack upon the franchise, those who drew it, having the Reform Act before them, and seeing the expressions of that Act, would have adopted its phraseology in defin ing and prescribing the franchise, instead of endeavour ing, by a side wind, to restrict and fetter it, and to in troduce difficulties that it would be impossible to contend against.—(Hear.) Let the House consider the difficulties that %vei e thrown in the way of persons seeking the fran chise even under the present system. Let them look to the objections that were taken in this country. Why, in the county of Middlesex, where the constituency did not amount to more than 1,100—J)11, oh, and a laugh) —not more than 1,100 or 1,200, the number objected t in 1835 was 2,234.—(lmmense laughter.) He ought to have stated the constituency amounted to 10,000 or 12,000. In 1836 the objections were 1,485, in 1837 3,191, in 1838 1,568, and in 1839 2,000., Let the House consider the numbers that would con gregate together at the assize towns under this Bill, ;he hundreds of cases that would have to be investi gated at enormous expense, trouble, and vexation, and he would ask how was it possible that any good end could be attained by it?—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, upon principle he did object to any such appeal as was con templated by .his Bill, and he objected to the Bill because he thought it won d tend to abridge la t e h , e l fra ful n ic eh t i in s o e, a a re n i d s to bring in•o disrespect those high who ought to be free from all suipieion in the adminis tration of justice.—(Cheers.) stain S t ir g W th l e L r L ea lsAon N s l which ind FOLLETTueedrosheimfotrothgeivpeuiriipsosveootef in favour of the second reading of the Bill. He was satisfied it was utterly impossible that any system of re gistration could be more defective, or could lead to more fraud or prjury than the present. Indeed, until he had heard the sp:ech of the Right Hon. and Learned Gen tleman who had just • at down he had not thought there was any Member either English or Irish who would have attempted a defence of the existing system of registration. The existin g syste m had been condemned most empha tically by her Majesty's Government, both by their speeches and by their votes.—( Hear.) It had been Hon.barlol brought tt e is L n i e nt a o r t n h e a d t Hik correctl o e u m is te b .. e r TB f l o i4e r i condemnedapf t u e b r l nd l b a ny d d ete b hd e c e b a y Government did not reserve their objection to the de tails of the present Bill, but thought fit to object to it at the outset, and to o p pose i ts second readingßut upon what grounds did th e y o bj ect to the principle. of the Bill. Ho would as k t h e Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland, or any Member of the Govern.. ment, whether they objected to the principle of the Bill ? Indeed it was known that under the present system parties had come to a compromise rathe r than allow the votes taken at elections to be made a contest before a Committee of the House of Commons. Had they not proposed, by every Bill that had been intro duced, that instead of having a registry to be in force they should have a registry to be re- By the present Bill, it was proposed v fo is r e e d i to the House of Commons, to give ' up the appeal . ght annually and to make the registry ; conclusive and the ques tionto a Bill th a t would object was, whether they would prevent the expen se of Election Committees. It was said that the working of the registration system was only known of late years, but to none of them were the objections so numerous, or the evils so great, as that w hi c h h a d t a ken place immediately after the Till; SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 26. 1540. passing of the Reform Bill. Although Registration Bills had been introduced by her Majesty's Government Session after Session, they never objected to the system of annual revision ; and if they objected to it now, it was merely for the purposes of the present Bill. When the Bill for amending the registratio❑ in England and Wales was introduced, which also contained a proposition for annual revision, no objection had been made, and he could not help thinking that it was be cause the Bill came from his Noble Friend, and from his (Sir W. Follett's) side of the House, that the dis covery of that objectionable principle had been made. —( Hear, hear.) Now, if there were any objections to these details of the measure, they could be more pro perly discussed in Committee. Unless they were pre pared to say that the annual revision was bad in prin ciple, there could be no valid objection to the second reading of the Bill. If it were bad in principle, every one of the Government Bills contained the same ob- Fetionable principle.—( Hear, hear.) He could not see the hardship which some Hon. Members attached to that provision. In England, when a party was ob jected to, he must appear and prove his qualification, although he may be already on the registry. But such was not the case in Ireland. There the objecting party had the onus thrown on him of establishing his objection.—(Hear, hear.) If there was a fraudulent vote on the registry, any person had a right to object to it, but, if he failed, he must pay costs.—( Hear.) Surely there was nothing objectionable in that, and it could not be considered too severe a test if the registry was to be made final. There was no Irish Member who had addressed the House who had not admitted that it would be a great boon to Ireland, and that it was calculated to put an end to the expensive and harassing contests that had taken place before Election Com mittees. Now, objections had been urged against the appeal to the Judges, but it appeared to him that they were the proper persons to whom it should lie—that, however, was a point which might be better discussed in Committee. The Hon. Members for Limerick and Roscommon, and the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite (Mr. Pigot), had stated that they would not object to the Bill, provided there was introduced into it a certain definition respecting the term "beneficial interest." That, however, was an intereference with the elective franchise with which a Bill having for its object the amendment of the registry, had nothing what. ever to do.—(Hear, hear.) Besides, it would be intro ducing a definition of a disputed question on the elec tive franchise, which, it appeared to him, would be altogether uncalled for and out of place. If the Go vernment would consent to no Bill except one which contained a clause defining the meaning of the term "beneficial interest," in direct opposition to the ma jority of the Judges in Ireland, it was a mockery for them to say that they were desirous of amending the present system of registry.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It must be known they could not pass a Declaratory Act in the teeth of the Judges. He remembered when the present Lord Chief Baron for Ireland, then Attor ney-General, brought in a Bill for amending the regis tration in Ireland, and stated at the time that it had these clauses in it, that he (Sir W. Follett) took the liberty of stating he was quite satisfied he never would pass that clause through that House, for he was sure there was no English gentleman that would not at once dissent from such a definition of the beneficial interest. Surely the value of freehold land was what it w , uld sell for, and if it it were let, the rent that was got for it. If they wanted to know the worth of a man's leasehold interest, and were told that it was worth 1001. but let for 1501., then be had a beneficial interest in the lease of 501. When he took the quotation with regard to ele rating under the Municipal Corporation Act, and stated there would be great difficulty i❑ the mode of estimating the value in Ireland, the Hon. Member for Dublin said those decisions i❑ Ireland had set been well considered, and he thought the proper way of estimating it was by the rent it would fetch—now, what had occurred in his own experience ? A house was not rated when it was under 51., but if he occupied a cellar in one at the rate of, perhaps, 1/. per annum on the notion that he was occupying a tenement at 101. a-year, he was put on the registry, and it was made out thus—he carried on a trade in that house, and got by that 101. or ?01. a-year, and it was the Irish habit to say the house was therefore worth that sum.—(Hear, hear.) He did not at the present moment recollect what the dispute was respecting joint occupiers in Ireland, but, he believed, the Government was pleased to object to such a clause in a Bill for altering the registration, because it was altering the elective franchise. He would tell very shortly why he voted for the second reading. Because he believed no thing was worse than the present system, and the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman had rested his opposition to the second reading on the mode in which the present system was working, because his whole argument went to point out that the present Bill was a check on the voters, and that the present system was sufficient. He (Sir William Follett) disagreed with the Honour able and Learned Gentleman. If the House should think the Right Honourable Gentleman right, then he could understand his objecting to the second reading of the Bill, but he knew that her Majesty's Govern ment were of a different opinion, and the great majority of that House. He voted for it on that ground, and also because he approved of two great principles in volved in it—that of not allowing fraudulent votes to remain on the register, and becauie they got rid of ap- pealing to that House, which he thought was a great benefit and advantage to that country. With regard to the details, he would not like the Hon. Gentleman, pledge himself to them, but would go into Committee on them unbiassed. If, he would repeat the ex pression of his Hon. Friend, the Government were earnest in wishing to improve the state of the country, he could not understand their objection to the second readmg of the Bill. Mr. SHIEL said the Honourable and Learned Gentleman said he approved of the Bill because it assimilated the system of England and Ireland, and that it gave a double appeal. Was it not a remarkable circumstance that when he selected a double appeal as a ground on which to rest one moiety of his sup port of the Bill, he intimated to them that he was not pledged to support the appeal to the Judges ? Not one of the Gentlemen on the other side had sug gested what he would substitute in lieu of such an appeal.—(Laughter from the Opposition.) The Hon. Member for Bandon declared that he was a strong advocate for an appeal to the Judges, and it was manifest that it was on an appeal to the Judges they mainly relied, for, with a single exception, no one on the other side had suggested that the appeal should not be to the Judges of Assize. Now with respect to what the Hon. Gentleman had urged with reference to revision, miglit he ask Gentlemen who said the system established in Ireland was the worst possible system, whether the English system offered any remedy for the evil—whether there was no objection to the English system of revision ? He asked Hon. Gen tlemen if the evils pointed out by his Hon. and Learned Friend, not as the suggestions of his own spirit of con jecture, but on the authority of a book which would not be disputed, were not founded in fact ? He was ready to admit that he had heard complaints of the system of registration. Had they never heard ti LA the English system of revision was faulty ? Had it not been stated that there were great evils in the English system of revision ? Had the Noble Lord himself, in calling on them to adopt that system of revision as practised in England, ventured to state that no evils existed in the English system ?—(Cheers.) Was it not attended with an enormous expense ?—(Cheers.) Did it not require the exercise of the most constant and watchful vigilance? Did not the result of every election depend on the result of the registration.— (Loud cheers) --was there not consequently an annual struggle of parties ?—(Loud cheers.) Did not the newspapers give every year the results of the registra- . dons as if on the result of the annual revision the result of the next election depended ?—(Loud cheering.) Were there no evils here, and would the Noble Lord seek to cure Ireland of the distemper with which he said she was afflicted by inoculating her with the evils under wnieh England was at present suffericr , ? He had watched to see if the Hon. Gentleman who had been so anxious to give to Ireland the English system of revi sion would say that that system was not attended with defects—he had not said so. Would he venture to say so now ?—(Loud cheers,) Now what had the Hon. Member for Belfast stated ? That Hon. Gentleman who had moved that the Irish Corporation Bill be read a second time that day six months—the Hon. Member tor Belfast, who was so anxious to destroy the Municipal Institutions of Ireland—(Loud cheers) and wh o h e supposed now would do his best to abrogate the Parlia mentry Franchise—(Continued cheering)—that Hon. Gentleman who had been so appropriately selected as the coadjutor of the Noble Lord in bringing forward this Bill.—(lmmense cheering.) That Hon. Gentleman who, despite the declaration of the Noble Lord, that he felt himself bound in good faith and political honour to support the Municipal Bill—(Loud and continued cheers) —had yet refused his support to it.—( Loud cheers.) That lion. Gentleman had stated that Bel fast presented a specimen of the evil of the present system of revision. Now, what were the facts that had been stated by the Hon. Member for Belfast? That Hon. Gentleman had stated at a venture, that there were many thousand certificates existing in Bel fast of voters who were dead. But had the lion. Gentleman ventured to state a single case?—( Hear.) Had he mentioned a single instance in which ti les , certificates had been used for a fraudulent purpose? Did that Hon. Gentleman feel any evil result from this at the hustings?—(Cheers.) Had a single case of these certificates being fraudulently used been brought for ward before the Fictitious Votes Committee, of which the Noble Lord was Chairman ?—(Cheers.) Could he put his finger upon a single case—(Loud cheers)—in which it had appeared that these certificates had been used for purposes of fraud ? He could not do so— (Loud cheers.) It was a mere suggestion—there was ntwhoaes evidence3evl:li evidence ncaendiaod of to partythat dilated effect, t t li a that great b had u been practically da maged. H e saw t h e M em b er f or P em b ro ke referring to the N o bl e Lord, as though he had said that there remembered bythatp opossibility when bi thyea occur Noble underord led present introduced ss_ which might t length he upon (l\ir. the tern, he had said to that Noble Lord show me one case, and the Noble Lord had not been able to do so,— I (Loud cheers.) But suppose the Noble Lord had shown one case, or three or four cases, was that any reason for introducing into Ireland a system, under the manifold evils of which England was at this mnment suffering severely ?—(Loud cheers.) With resp:ct to the revision, the Noble Lord was most anxious to give Ireland the benefit of English institutions. Ile would ask the Noble Lord if he would give them the benefit of all the English institutions ? If the Noble Lord was asked to give the 40s. freeholders the privilege of voting he would answer peremptorily hi the negative.—(Cheers.) If the Noble Lord were asked to give to Ireland the mu• nicipal franchise as it existed in this country, or even in Scotland, he would at once repudiate that suggestion. But show the Noble Lord some measure which may lo! used as a means of molestation to the people of Ireland, show him some British institution which may be made a means of putting down the franchise, and he forsooth will then be most anxious to carry the spirit of the Union into full effect.—( Loud cheers.) He then desires to see a complete identity in all the institutions of the two countries, and in the fulness of his bounty is most anxi ous to give to Ireland the benefit of British institutions —(Loud and continued cheering.) But the appeal to the Judges was not a British institution—(Cheers)—there was nothing analogous to that in the English law—there was no precedent for that , —(Cheers.) He remembered that on the first night the Noble Lord introduced this I Bill he had said that the question of revision should be reserved until the Bill was introduced. He would ask was the question of appeal reserved also? And admitting the force of his first allegation respecting the revision, ' what became of his position respecting the necessity of the double appeal ?—(Cheers.) He regretted the ab sence of the Member for Tamworth on the present oc casion, because the Hon. Member for Drogheda had ap pealed to what had passed on the occasion of granting Catholic Emancipation. He.concurred in what had been stated by the Hon. Member, that on that occasion a compact had been entered into. The Member for Tamworth had declared the course which was to be adopted with regard to the 40s. freeholders ; they were to be abolished, and a 101. franchise substi tuted ; then came the important question, to whom should the decision be referred ?—to the Assistant Barristers, on whom the Hon. Member for Yarmouth had passed the highest encomium, and he had declared that there should be no appeal against the register from their decision. Lord Lyndhurst had likewise stated that he objected to any appeal, on account of the great expense. How was it the Learned Member for Exeter had never adverted to these opinions ? A compact had been entered into on that occasion, which it was now sought to violate. Catholic Emancipation was final as respected the 40s. freeholders. Granted.—( Hear.) But it was also final respecting the double appeal. At the time of the Reform Bill, having had the expe rience of nine elections, the Noble Lord, after due de liberation, had decided that there should be no appeal against the vote. The question of revision was reserved, but the other questions were not reserved ; and he would ask the Noble Lord if, on that occasion, he re served the double appeal question ? This Bill was a departure from the Catholic Emancipation Act, and if that Act was relied on as final when they were called on to extend the franchise, he would also now plead its finality when the franchise was destroyed.—(Cheers.) There was the appeal to the Judge of Assize. Let English men make the case their own. Pass from Tipperary to Yorkshire, and suppose a freeholder brought to the Assizes to defend his vote, forty, or fifty, or sixty miles, obliged to wait nine or ten days in a country town at that season of the year when his time was most valuable to him.—( Hear, hear.) Must not the effect necessarily be to discourage the attendance and promote the disfranchisement of voters —(Cheers)--and was it not a poor security that the power of giving costs was vested in the caprice of the Judge ? ( Hear, bear.) Would it be proper that after a Judge had gone through the civil and criminal lists—perhaps after pronouncing the awful sentence of the law, he should be plunged into all the heat of political and party animosities ? —( Cheers.) Gentlemen opposite said, " Don't attack the Judges," but he (Mr. Shiel) said " Don't expose the Judges to attack, don't give them duties which must ne cessarily expose them to imputation"—( Hear, hear)—and there was a time when the Noble Lord opposite was not so firmly convinced that in a bosom on which the ermine rested party feelings could not enter. He (Mr. Sheil) knew the Judges had their political feel ings, like other men, and he would not consent to vest the franchise in their hands. He looked to the acts of the Noble Lord—on political protestations he set not much value. He saw in the conduct of the Noble Lord the overt evidence of his intentions.—( Hear, hear.) He knew that for the last year or two the leading topic in all the Conservative papers had been the reduction of the consti tuencies which returned that body of Members on whose support Gentlemen opposite were in the habit of saying the Government rested. He knew that the Spottiswoode subscription was eloquently defended by the Learned Member for Exeter, who well knew the pressure upon an unfortunate Member of the heavy expenses attending Elec tion Committees of that House. The attempt thus to re move the Irish Liberal Members had failed, and now the axe was laid to the root of the franchise—to the registry. Whatever may be the object of the Noble Lord (concluded Mr. Shell), I know what the effects of this Bill will be. —I know it will harass the voters and limit the constitu ency. I ask you when Ireland is in her present state of political tranquillity, wherefore you should cast among us this new firebrand ?—(Cheers.) Why attempt to vio late the integrity attic Irish Emancipation Act and Reform Act ? But we cannot acquiesce in it. I tell you we have become too like you to submit to injustice—and such part as Englishmen would act if their rights were infringed, such part I trust we shall be prepared to take.--( Cheers.) Lord STANLEY then rose and was about to addres the House, when AIN O'CONNELL begged to state that it was utterly impossible that the debate could conclude that evening.— ( Cheers, and cries of "Go on, go on.") He would put it to the Noble Lord, therefore, whether he would now per sist in going on.—(Cries of " Go on.") Lord STANLEY must earnestly appeal to the House to allow the debate to be concluded. He attended the House that day under circumstances of great pain. He had, in order to attend the debate that day—because he telt that Gentlemen would be called together upon it float all parts of the country, to whom it would L. extremely incon venient if it was not brought on—left the performance, he was afraid, of perhaps the last duties to his nearest and dearest relative. Under these circumstances he trusted the House would permit the Rebate to close.— (Hear, hear.) If, however, the Noble Lord opposite (Lord J. Russell) would distinctly state to him that he would have the kindness to grent precedence to the de bate to- morrow, he would for 24 hours postpone return ing into the country but he dare not postpone it longer. Ho (Lord Stanley) had not the power of having prece dence, but if the Noble Lord would give it him, he should not object to the adjournment of the debate, upon the clear understanding that it should close to-morrow. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that of course it was not in his power to say whether the debate should or not close that night; that was for the House to determine; but if his opinion was asked, he should say that it was in, possible for the debate to close properly that night. lie should, however, be most anxious that it should go on to morrow the first thing, and he should be quite ready, either on Friday or Monday, to give precedence to Gentle men whose motions were delayed in consequence of that course being adopted. Lord STANLEY could not refrain from thal.king the Noble Lord for the courtesy with which he had acceded to his request, and, under the circumstances, he would hot press the conclusion of the debate that night, but would reserve what he had to say till to-morrow. The debate was then adjourned till to-morrow. On the motion of Mr. R. STEUART, the following Gentlemen were appointed as the Select Committee on the Caledonian Canal :—Mr. Robert Steuart, Mr. Ed ward Ellice, Mr. Hattie, Mr. Thomas Mackenzie, Sir George Clerk, Mr. llerries, Mr. Warburton, Lord V.s count Sandon, Mr. Philip Miles, Mr. Divett, Mr. Alder man Thompson, Mr. Dennistoun, Mr. Dunbar, Mr. Hut ton, Mr. William Williams. Mr. E A RING moved for a copy of any correTon dcnce which has taken place on the subject of our corn mercial relations with Germany, from the period of the establishment of the Prussian Commercial League to the present time, between the Foreign Office and the Agents of her Majesty's Government in the different States com prised in that Confederation.—Agreed to. The other Orders of the Day were then diTosed of, and the House adjourned at Twelve o'Clock. Lou' Tenterden Have a grand dinner to a select party at the Clarendon Hotel, on Monday evening. , EDINBURGH, MARCH 23.—A meeting of the leadi ng men o f t hi s c i ty of an parties was held yesterday , to take into cons id eration the recent pu blication of Dr. Alison , " O n the M anagement of the P oor i n Scotland." Th is work has ex cited gr ea t i nterest and gre at symPatl'Y' The attendance was most respectable. Among others there were p resent the Lord Provost, L or d G illies Sir John .%1‘ Warren der, Bart., Si r 'l'. 1). Lauder, Bart., Sir A. Hay, Bart., Sir C. D. Fergusson, Bart Sir C. Menteath, Bart., Sir J. M‘Neill, (i.e. — l3 , Sir C. Bell. Sir J. Spittal, Rev. Dr. Brun- Lord Cuninghame, Sir George ton, Rev. Dr. Muir, George Forbes, Esq., &e. Some eyeel lettt speeches were made on the occasion by Sir G. Warrender, Muir, and others, and resolutions were adopted for raising funds, and making better provision for the poor, and a N eill, Lord Cuninghame, Professor Wa:lace, Dr. Com mittee appointed for that purpose. The following we ll-earned tribute w as p a id to Dr. Alison :—" That this meeting cannot close their present proceedings without offering to Dr. Alison their sincere and cordial thanks for the able, humane, and perspicuous manner in which he has recently brought the subject of the inadequate provision for the poor in Scotland before the public. In his long career whole people of of active benevolence, especially as a kind, courageous, and skilful physician, ever ready to visit the indigent sick in their crowded and wretched abodes, and amidst fever and contagion, this meeting recognise in Dr. Alison a person eminently qua lified to inform the public mind as to the real condition of the poorer classes, and that however unpalatable for a time may be purpose of giving the statements which he has made, they are sure that the his exertions." TT- been Scotland will ultimately feel grateful to him for ' -E DAGUERREG TYPE.—A patent has taken out in th's country to enable the inventor of this truly novel instrumen' to secure a.l the advantages so just) , due to 'tm, and agents have been nominated, resident here, for the the almost daily improvements made upon the Continent. It is further in the British public the earl est intimation of contemplation, so soon as the weather will permit the full to take powers of the Daguerreotype to have their due effect, views of Lond on and other parts of Great Britain, and many Noblemen and others have already expressed a wish to possess representations of their mansions, and the choicest views upon their estates, which this beautiful instrument will do with the greatest fidelity. Such views will be periodically and gratuitously exhibited at Messrs. ,Claivet and Houghton, 69, High Holborn, where at present are to be seen several very smprising drawings, made expressly by artists in France, Italy, and Germany. APPEAL OF THE PROTESTANT DISSENTING MINISTERS OF THE THREE DENOMINATIONS. Resolutions passed at a Special Meeting, held at the Congregational Library, Finsbury, of the General Body of Protestant Dssenting Ministers, of the Three Denomi nations, in and about the cities of London and Westmin• ster, on the 6th of March : THE PRESENT DOTY OF PROTESTANT DISSENTERS. " Resolved—That we have witnessed with much regret the general and strenuous efforts recently made by the friends of the Church of England to perpetuate to the ut most every existing form of grievance front which we are concerned to be exempt; that KG have watched with deep apprehension the late attempt to augment the ascendancy of the Established Clergy, by claiming for them an official power with regard to education most hostile to religious freedom, and inconsistent with the more matured wisdom and equity of the British Constitution ; that we view with the same feeling of alarm the ardour now evinced to extend the system of the endowed Church by means of further p - tronage from the State ; and that while we lament this ungenerous policy and these aggressive movements, we have especially to deplore that some distinguished advo cates of Civil and Religious Liberty—to whose past scr vices we owe a debt of gratitude, the sense of which can never be effaced—should have pursued a course, upon a late occasion in the House of Commons, so little to have been expected from them, as affecting the wrongs to which Dissenters are exposed from the power of the State Church, and the claims of the just, free, and scriptural principle on which our churches are founded; that this last occurrence is to us the more painful, since it cannot fail to be regarded as another sign of indisposition on the part of her Majesty's Ministers to proceed with those measures for the relief of Dissenters, to which they are pledged alike by their known principles and public acts; that from all these circum stances the conclusion is unavoidable, that if Dissenters are to realize any diminution of the pressure of injustice, and if even their present liberties arc to be retained, it is imperative that B. ey should learn to place much less re liance on the supposed moderation of enemies, or on the good intentions cf friends, and a much greater dependence on a wise, steady, and determined use of their own resources. CHURCH RATES. " That in our judgment the comparative strength of parties in the Legislature on the subject of Church Rates is no sufficient reason for allowing that question to fall into abeyance ; that if the property which might be realised by an improv e d a d m i n i strat i on o f certa i n eccl esiastical re venues is not to be applied for the abolition of such rates, as approved by the H o u se o f C ommons, and recommen d ed by her Majesty's Commissioners, Dissenters should be freed from the necessity of making any direct or indirect payment towards the repairs or worship of the parochial edifices ; and with whatever feeling the burden of which we complain in this respect may seem to be regarded by any Government, and with whatever pertinacity and aspe rity it may be pressed upon us by our opponents, we can never cease to employ every constitutional means to obtain, in common with all classes of Dissenters in Ireland, a com plete release from so unjust, unnecessary, and vexatious, an impost ; and, in so doing, to raise the policy of the British Parliament, in this particular, to the level of that which, more than two centuries since, in the Edict of Nantes, conferred exemption on the Protestants of France from the payment of any such tribute, granting them at the same time free admission, simply as subjects of the French monarchy, to every school and college in their common country. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS. " That the grievance of Church Rates is peculiarly op pressive, inasmuch as it is impossible to plead the invali dity of any such exaction without instituting a process of law in one of the Ecclesiastical Courts, and thus submit ting to the judgment of an authority which, as appealed to by a Dissenter, must be, in a great measure, a party de. ciding in its own cause, having the power, moreover, to adjudge, distrain, and imprison, without the intervention of a jury, and being, for the most part, as declared by her Majesty's Commissioners, so ignorant and incompetent as to be incapable of securing the ends of justice.; that we have, in consequence, long regarded the proceedings of those Courts as a reproach to the intelligence and moral feeling of the country; and despairing of any effectual se. paration between the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction of those tribunals, we consider the abolition of them all as demanded on every ground of expediency and justice —.no form of tyranny being so much to be dreaded as that which makes the members of one religious communion amenable to the coercive tribunals of another, of which we have instructive proof when we see that religious scru ples, if connected with any degree of technical irregularity or indiscretion, arc found sufficient to insure a most re lentless imprisonmeat, such as, in the case of a sufferer in Wales, has been the means of shortening life; and, in Chelmsford Gaol, is displaying itself at this moment, without a blush, in the infliction of judgment without mercy. NATIONAL EDUCATION. " That the number of petitions presented of late to both Houses of Parliament, declaring the Established Clergy to be the persons in whom the superintendence of any sys tem of National Education should be mainly vested, exhi bit an attempt to revive a long obsolete branch of priestly power, betraying a spirit as arrogant as it is unjust, and that should be resisted to the utmost, not only by the Pro testant Dissenter, but by every friend to general liberty; that, as a matter of expediency, we should regard the placing of a system of that nature in such hands as tending rather to perpetuate than to remove the popular ignorance, discontent, and irreligion, and as adapted to strengthen every prejudice unfavourable to our intelligence, virtue, and greatness as people ; that, on the ground of justice, we are no less convinced that if any portion of the public money be granted for such purposes, it should be for the advancement of that secular education concerning which all are agreed, and not for education in religion, on which we are so much divided, and which, in such cases, will be best provided for in being left to the judgment of the persons locally interested in school management; and that we accordingly hail with peculiar satisfaction the fixed re solution evinced by her Majesty's Ministers to proceed upon these pinciples in the application of the late grant for this object. CHURCH EXTENSION. " That the machinery just now put into motion for the purpose of calling forth petitions in favour of Church-ex tension is a further display of the same spirit, and should be resisted to the last on the same grounds—that the na tional property already in the possession of the Esta blished Churches of Great Britain and Ireland has brought out the evils inseparable from such institutions, on so large a scale as to have done much towards filling these nations with the loud dissatisfaction which now prevails; that it has given existence to a system which not only fails to com municate Christianity in respect to a large portion of the space over which it is extended, but often substitutes the most pernicious errors in its room ; always operating, where instruction is most needed, as the strongest impedi ment to the charitable efforts of those who would fain sup ply its own lack of service ; that it has never ceased to generate envyings and strifes among those who would have dwelt together as brethren ; that it has so far allied the farm of Christianity on which this favouritism is bestowed with the means of luxury, and the pomp of ambition, as to have made it th e scoff of the infidel and the jest of the profane; and, iii great part, the mere fashion of the rich, and the disowned faith of the poor ; that it has given cohesion and strength to a great political party, who seize on this d.ipartment of our great system as their rallying point and watchword, a party always opposed to measures of popular improvement so long as opposition may avail, the great stay of the civil Government when arbitrary, and its most bitter antagonist when daring to be just ; that it has proved a constant occasion of diverting the atten tion of statesmen from their proper civil duties to em barrassing questions concerning religion, such as h ave not only filled cabi ne t s an d senates, but each of these kingdoms, with agitations r.fi needless as they have been perilous ; that it has prompted ambitious Churchmen, and the more zealous of their supporters, to aspire, from time to time, towards a degree of independence and power, which, were it once attained, would put an end to that freedom of opinion and balance of parties on which prac tical liberty so greatly depends, and reduce Dissenters to a condition which must expose them to all those forms of annoyance and persecution to which their forefathers were so long subjected ; that while we arc far from meaning to question the piety or usefulness of a large number of the Established Clergy, or the incidental good that may have resulted from Ecclesiastical Establishments, in delivering this testimony concerning the general influence of the English hierarchy, we express no more than our most de liberate and solemn judgment on the subject; that were there much less ream for objection on pounds of this na ture, we should still feel bound to oppose as an act of so cial injustice any use of the public treasure, derived from the resources of the United Empire, for the purpose of making proselytes to the religion of a party, which, as com pared with the population of Great Britain and Ireland, are a manifest minority ; and that even were the scale of numbers on the other side, we should still describe any such grant in the same terms, every measure of that nature living founded on the principle of Church Establishments, as acted upon when the nation adhered to one faith and one worship, and being devoid of all moral adaptation to the times in which we live. THE VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE. " That these corftentions and animosities, these unjust proceedings, and this eithonour to the Saviour of the World, all flow from one source—the employment of the coercive power entrusted to the magistrate for purely civil purposes, as means of conferring worldly distinction and emolument upon the Church; that every such employment of that power is, in itsdf, as we devoutly believe, contrary to the will of the Divine Author of Christianity, and a departure from that great law of ' a willing service,' so clearly and solemnly enjoined in his word, which must ever subject the spiritual fellowship of Christians to the worldly interferences of statesmen, and occasion such con fusions of power, and such mischiefs, both ecclesiarical and civil, as are above stated ; that necessity is thus laid upon u 3 to oppose this great error in the history of the Church and of the kingdoms of this world, and to do so with all prayer, vigilance, and Christian effort, in the face of all that prejudice, interest, or passion may array against US, waiting until death, if such should ,be the will of our blessed Lord, in the discharge of these solemn duties, and in the confident anticipation of the time when this vestige also of the great apostasy shall wholly disappear, and the religion of the Sen of God resume its primitive freedom and purity, be clothed again with the power of its better days, and all nations be blessed in it as their safety, happi ness, and glory. " That petitions be sent to both Houses of Parliament, founded on these resolutions. " JOHN HOPPUS, Dec. Philos., Chairman. " P. A. COX, D. D., L. L. D., Secretary." NEW NAVAL NOVEL, BY THE AUTHOR OF "RA TTLIN THE R EEFER. "—We are requested to state that Mr. Colburn, of Great Marlborough-street, has this day pub -1 i shed "Jack Ashore," by the Author of" Rattlin, the Reefer," " Outward Bound," &c. in 3 vols., post Bvo., with Portrait of the Author, which can now be had at all the Libraries. Mr. Colburn has also just published Mrs. Trollope's " Widow Married," a sequel to " Widow Barnaby," in 3 vols., post Bvo. with twenty-one humorous illustrations, by Buss, and " Lady Jane Grey," an Historical Romance, by the Author of " R oy _ ston Gower," " Fair Rosamond," &c., 3 vols., post Bvo. GREENWICH PETTY SESSION. EXTRAORDINAR Y CASE.— On Tuesday IVilliam Saxby, who was in the employ of John Cunnington, constable of Greenwich, was charged with stealing three fowls, and likew:sc breaking out of prison, under the following extraordinary circumstances : From the evidence it appeared that about ten years since the prisoner, at that time a youth of about twelve years of age, was taken into Custody with two other lads, by the prosecutor, upon the charge of stealing three fowls. The prisoner before he was tried, or a bill of indictment was preferred against him, contrived to make his escape from eonfineramt and went abroad. A bill of indictment was, however, preferred against all parties, and the other two were found guilty. The prisoner, after an absence of eight years, having fol lowed the life of a sailor, returned to his native home, and succeeded in getting into the service of a gentleman's family, and supposing that no possibility existed of his ever being recognized (having from his employme acquired a very old appearance, although not more than twenty-three years of age), and the original plaintiff being dead, he subsequently got into the ser vice of the present prosecutor, with whom he remained upwards of twelve months, and no remark having been made to him relative to the above circumstances during that time, he was induced to suppose that he had not been recognized. In this, however, he was mistaken. A quarrel having ensued between the prisoner and his master, lie (prosecutor) charged the prisoner with the above offence, which he acknowledged, and the pri soner was apprehended. The Bench held the prisoner to bail, himself in .50/., and two sureties in 2.51. each. A gentleman in the Court, who was a witness against the prisoner, here stepped forward and offered himself as one of the bail, which was accepted. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. A man of very respectable appearance, named Proctor, was brought before the LORD MAYOR, in the custody of Daniel Forrester, the officer, charged with having, by means of a forged document, obtained the sum of 4/. 10s. from a clerk in the office of the Re ceiver-General of Customs. Mr. John Bucknell Cabburn, No. 5, King's-cross, stated that he purchased a hogshead of brandy, which lay in a warehouse of the London Docks, and paid the duty on 54 gallons. When the hogshead was guaged previous to the delivery, it was found to contain no more than 50 gallons. He had consequently paid more duty than he ought to have paid to the amount of 41. 10. ; and he employed the prisoner, with whom he had had several other transactions, and whom he knew to be a sort of salesman for other mer c h an t s , t o manage matters at the Custom-house in such a manner as that when he (witness) should call at the Receiver's office, he might obtain the money without difficulty. After wards, upon going to the Custom-house, he found to his surprise that the money had been received, and a document was shown to him bearing his name, and acknowledging the receipt of the amount. He had not signed any acknowledgment of the kind, neither had he authorized the prisoner, or any other person, to receive the money. The Solicitor to the Customs, who attended for the prosecution, produced the receipt, with Mr. Cabburn's name to it, and the name of the prisoner as attaching witness. Mr. Cabburn swore that the writing was not his. The prisoner declared there had been a great variety of pecuniary transactions between him and Mr. Cabburn, and that there was a balance due to him from that gen tleman amounting to 251. 15s. Ho asserted that he never entertained a thought of defrauding any body. The chief clerk in the Receiver-General's Office stated that the document, with the name of Mr. Cab burn appended to it, had been presented to him by the prisoner, who was accompanied by another person. Witness asked the prisoner whether that other person was Mr. Cabburn, to which the prisoner nodded affirma tively, and witness required the prisoner to sign his name to the document, as a sort of identification of Mr. Cabburn, whom witness did not know. The prisoner said that the witness was mistaken in saying that he stated the person who was with him was Mr. Cabburn. He alio said that he had signed for Mr.:Cabburn, and he thought himself justified in re ceiving the money, as he was authorized by Mr. Cab. burn to receive it. He bad paid that gentleman many thousands. The prisoner's Attorney produced a paper which he described as an authority to receive the money, and asked the Mr. Cabburn whether the signature was mot in his handwriting ? Mr. Cabburn said it was very like his handwriting, and he believed that it was his. The paper which proved not to be an authority to receive the money, was then handed in. The Loan MAYOR, under all the circumstances, considered the case to be one which he was bound to send to a Jury. The prisoner was then committed for trial. The LORD MAYOR said that he had received the following letter from a neighbour, to whom he thought it necessary to state that the correction of the evil lay with himself. " Near the Mansion House, " Monday, March 23, 3 P.M. " Lord Mayor,—Here they are again, the glee singers! interrupting the quiet which I expect you, a man of business yourself, must admit to be so necessary to the conducting commercial transactions. " Bear with it ! I thought there had been police' in the City. " YOUR DISTRACTED NEIGHBOUR." " I've not told, or rather not explained,MYe:se—cor rectly,lnasmuch as the band of this day, 3 P.M., was a new band of glee-singers. Now, 7 P.M., my old friends the wind-instrument band have just struck up, I suppose to cheer us in closing for the post ! Pleasant. Oh, dreadful nuisance, horrible and damnable ! I feel any enlightened Jury would pronounce the glee-singing a nuisance." The LORD MAYOR said "he could very well suppose, from the communication of his neighbour, how severe the annoyance must be to him ; but the Police Act would, if acted upon, effectually protect him from the attacks of these sweet sounds. He would see by that Act, that if the musicians refused to stop their music, upon being requested by any inhabitant of a house within the influence of their notes they were liable to severe punishment. His Lordship also stated that he had received letters. complaining of the successful attempts of swindlers, One of these communications described an old practice of cheats as in full operation. He meant the practice of taking houses, pretending to be carrying on business, and referring to other houses kept by parties connected with the gang for characters, by the strength of which goods are obtained. All he could say to those who suf fered was, that they had not taken good care in inquir ing after the persons who applied to them for credit. He was quite astonished to find that shopkeepers were imposed upon by old notorious practices, at a time when it was so necessary to watch narrowly and guard thou selves against the active ingenuity of people who had no other exercise for their minds than the planning of new modes of plunder. Patronized by their Majesties the King and Queen of Hanover, and their Royal highnesses the Princesses Augusta and Sophia, her Serene Highness the Princess Es terhazy, the Princesses Mary and Rosa, her Grace the Dowa ger Duchess of Bedford, and their Graces the Dukes of Devon shire and Manchester. In addition to the above distinguished patronage to the newly-invented Spectacle Lenses, and invisi ble Operative Voice Conductor, the Messrs. S. and B. Solo mous, opticians and aurists, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, feel great pleasure in stating that their valuab'e Inventions have also gained the sanction and unqualified approbation of above four hundred of the principzl members of the medical profes sion, as also of numerous individuals of high distinction, who have been greatly benefited by their use. Immediately these improved Spectacle Lenses are placed before extreme imperfect vision, it is at once brought back to its natural and original state, very object becomes clear and distinct, and the most mi mite particlo is seen either by day or candle light, with ease and distinctness. Their Voice Conductor, by which thousands of deaf persons have been greatly benefited, are not the least percepti ble, nor more uncomfortable than having a piece of wool in its place, and the faintest whisper at a public assembly is heard with exact distinctness.-39, Albemarle-street. No travellers nor agents are employed. FROM A CORRESPONDENT.—Very extensive alterations have been for a length of time in progress at the Bazaar in Baker-street. A splendid room, or rather, sa loon, with wide and extensive galleries, is now in a state of completion, and this, it is said, is for the purpose of bringing together every description of ironmongery, comprising all the newly invented stoves, grates, cooking apparatus, &c. Fire places are constructing and flues building in order to show each in operation. If this be the object, it cannot fail to be of great importance to the architect and to the housekeeper, who will be thus enabled, under one roof, to find every requisite; and will, at the same time, open to the man of science and the mechanist a school for observation and research. THE SKIN.—The increased quickening powers ' of the sun during Spring, by giving an additional stimulus to the circulation of the fluids is frequently the cause of throwing to the surface of the body the impurities of the blood ; to this fact may be attributed the numerous cutaneous visitations which occur at this period of the year, and which medicine internally taken is frequently unable to banish. The extraordinary cele brity which Rowland's Kalydor, as a pus ely vegetable produc tion, has long cl a i me d t o it se lf , as a t h orough extirpator of Im purities from the Skin, is during the period of Spring most pleasingly evinced ; it never fails of thoroughly cleansing the skin, and is remarkable for inducing a fairness in the com plexion previously unknown. SCRIPTURAL LECTURE AGAINST THE CORN-LAWS.—The Rev. William Wyper on Monday evening week delivered an eloquent lecture against the Corn-laws in the Relief Church, A nnan . Th e audience was numerous, and listened with intense interest to the discussion of this important subject. The lecture was in every point of view worthy of a Minister of the Gospel. The speaker showed, by reference to Scripture, that the discussion of this subject might legitimately occupy the attention of the Christian Minister. He drew an appalling picture of the misery which the Corn-laws had ssread among the working classes, and the destruction they had brought on our trade and commerce, and exposed the fallacy that their abrogation would reduce the wages of wo rkmen. He recommended unio n among masters an d men on t hi s s ubject, and concluded by calling on his hearers not to telex their peaceful agitation till the obnoxious Corn-laws were abolished. The meeti ng a d op t e d pet i t i ons, praying for an imme diate and total r.peal of the Corn-l aws . Th e pe tit i on to the House of Lords to be entrusted to the Earl of Durham ; the other to James Oswald, Esq., M.P. for Glasgow. —Hull Observer. EVENING EDITION. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE• LATEST BE I'TING AT MANCHESTER. The 2,000 Guineas Stakes were so far touched upon, that 8 to 1 was accepted to a ten pound note on the Duke of Graf ton's horse ; the layer would have adventured more on the same terms ; 10 to 1 was asked about Crucifix in a good quarter, but no one ventured a " bid ;" 5 to one was offered on the field, barring Lord Orford's colt—against him 5 to 2 was _pro posod, but not ac ce pt e d. S ome l i t t l e c h at respec ting Grey &c., but nothir , was done to our knowlege ; we should say 5 to 4 would b e l a id agalnst any two. TIIE CHESTE R Cu r .-7 to I was t h e hi g h es t o ffer against Cowboy, a point mor e wou ld w illi ng l y h ave been taken on Liver pool account ; 10 t o 1 was o ff ere d on t h e fi e ld " b a r two," viz., Lanercost and the P r e m i er ; th e f ormer o f these two may be set da wn at 8 1 / 2 to one, and Gilbert at 11, Cruiskecn was not named, but since our last she has been freely backed at 100 to 7 ; 100 to 6 goes a begging against either King Cole or any one of I‘lr. Dawson's lot, whilst, as a body, the latter would be backed at 6 to 1 ; 20 to 1 still remains the price of St. Bennett, five points more would be taken. Percy has de cidedly improved his previous estimate ; 100 to 3 can no longer be got, 300 to 12 was offered at noon. He would be backed against George, who has found pretty strong notice at 200 to 7. Aimwell's price is 100 to 3 accepted ; and the same offered, at the breaking up of business, versus Bellona. '1 he feather weight was not touched upon ; his price we consider close upon 12 to 1 . There is no elevation in Pops, Melbourne, the Dean, Imogene, or Fair Louisa ; their prices must, therefore, be con sidered nominal. The colt out of Heron's dam was laid against at 100 to 1, but it could not be had again. THE DE ItllY.—Launcelot was backed at 18 to 1, and Mak hara, after a good deal of inquiry, obtained 20 to 1, to a little money ; 1,000 to 5 was offered against Lord Kelburne's Re' fresher ; t2OO to 1, then 400 to 2, and 300 to 2 was laid against Sir 11. Bulkelev's colt by Physician ; 27 to 1 was betted against Ottoman, and lot) to 2 offered freely against his winning the 2,000 Guineas Stakes and the Derby ; 28 to I was the highest offer v. Black Bess. . Tine OAKS.—The only engagements we are in possession of are 4 to 1 (in fifties) against Crucifix, and double that figure to a small sum against Black Bess. CORN AVERAGES. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN For the Week ended March '2O, IS4O, made up from the Returns o! the Inspector: in the different Cities and Towns in England and Wales, per imperial Quarter. Wheat fil)s. 3d. 1 Oats 13 aley 39i. 7d. 1 Rye IMPERIAL AGGREGATE AVERAGES OF THE 5 . :1X WEEKS PRECEDING. Wheat ..... ... 675. 34. Oats I Barley 343. ed. RI ye DUTIES OW FOREIGN CORN. Wheat l2s. Sd. I Oats 9i 3d. 8ean0......... 9,. (i d. Barley 4s. 10 1 . Rye THE MARKETS. COAL ARK ET. s, d Adair's Hebburn Main 2l 0 liolywell Alain 39 6 Original Windsor's Pon top 18 0 Tan tield Moor 22 1' Wylam , • 1 0 Walls End Brown's' lB 0 Walls End Clennell l7 0 Walls End Clarke and Co l7 6 Walls End Hilda io 9 Walls End Killingworth Walls End Belmont Walls Endßraddyll'siletton 23 ii Walls End Haswell 23 9 Ships arrived since 1; g. d. Walls End Hetton - 24 0 „ W.: 9 s End LambtOn oa Y Walls End Russell's Hetton 2 3 Walls End Stewart's 24 0 Walls End Hartlepool 24 1 rennant's Hartlepool 26 6 ,, W..lls,End Adel a ide: 24 v Walls End Barrett 2O 4 „ ) Walls Eud New Tees ..., 21 % Vs aiL End Seymour Tees... 2 1 Ehicar l7 6 ••• Hartley 2O Howard's Netherton Main 1 1 6 ast market.day, 19. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. Wheat. ' Barley. I Oats. Beans. Pease. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to a. a. to s. a. to s. sto • S,; Boston I.3raintiee 63 79 36 48 23 34 38 44 40 "- 13 ighton 6B 76 44 47 26 29 44 46 -- 406 Cambridge — 67 39 24 38 Chichester B5 72 38 44 28 29 43 44 41 42 Dunmow 72 78 38 51 26 33 36 44 42 Grantham 69 7U 28 35 20 30 49 -- Grimsby 5B 70 35 39 22 26 42 44 Hailsham CO 72 26 32 22 29 46 -- "- Hitchin 64 70 34 46 24 32 25 30 -- Ipswich 62 70 36 32 24 28 38 40 38 42 Lewes 67 70 43 22 29 34 40 Lynn 6O 68 38 46 25 31 38 44 Maidstone B9 76 36 39 26 32 40 50 Norwich Petworth Romford 64 78 38 48 24 32 34 42 38 45 Sandwich 56 77 34 43 27 34 33 45 38 40 411 Thetford 69 70 39 42 24 30 40 42 38 Wisbech ...... 54 72 26 43 28 30 44 45 -- Witham 67 78 :34 47 28 34 38 46 44 " Yarmouth 62 70 33 35 28 32 3 4 40 40 44 LI V ERPOOL CORN MARKET.—March 24. WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. Red Scotch, Welch, and Manx -- Irish, White Red -- Foreign OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 3 5 Irish 11 0 s 60890 9 . 06000 1 . t o 1 : n i 0; 1 1, ... 3 9 3 11 .March 24. 104 9.t, to 0 10 6 1 ! 9 0 - 1 ; 4 0 9 ° 6 0 7 9 10 0 12 0 0 3 5 4 0 3 9 3110 0 0 a 43 A 44 0 5 0 5 4 0 4 ; , 46 0 52 ; 410 44 , 43 0 47 0 , 44 0 4 6 426 44 56 0 3 2 44 0 5 5 S 2 6 55 6 42 0 44 0 31 0 35 0 . 62 C 73 - Foreign OATS, English, Welsh, as - Irish - Foreign BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter - Scotch and Irish, pet Nibs. - Feeding BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter - Irish, &c . - Foreign PEASE, English, per Imperial quarter ....... , --- Foreign FLOUR, English, per 280Ih. - Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 24Mbs INDIAN CORN, per 4801 h. ... RYE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter HULL CORN MARKET. Wheat, White (per Quarter) 66s. Wt. 745. Red sos. 665. Ms. Foreign s4s. 60s. 68s. Barley, Malting 32s. 3ls. 355. Grinding Oats, British Foreign (in bond) Beans -. 4os 445. Si r s, Pease, Grey Blue and White s -s. s. Linseed 39s. 40s 435. Flour (per sack) --s 50s. 545, Rapeseed (per 10 quarters) 221. 211. 25/. CHELTENHAM MARKETS. Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Per lb. Wheat Barley 4 0 7 0 Mutton Oats 3 6 5 6 Yrs! Beans.. 5 0 6 8 Pork Pease Hay 3l. 10s. to 5/. Os. Od. per ton. CANTERBURY MARKET. Wheat, white--. 61s. to W's. ........ Old-.......... -s. to -s. - red. w 565. to 688...,.... Old-- 68s. to -s Barley, Malting - 355, to 455. ......... Grinding.. -s. to -5. Oats - 2ss. to 305....,. Old • -a. to --s. Beans --.--- -42 z to 448..,,,.,. Old .. 43e. to --s. Pease ............---. 38s. to -5...... Grey..,..... 40s, to 425• CHELMSFORD MARKET. Wheat, White 76 to 82 Oats 2ll II Red Barley Chevalier 42 45 Beans, Ti c k 57 4a Grinding d. 6 :3 6 7 S 7 8 0 0 The Animals' Friend Society l as t week caused Edwin Mitchell to be fined 16s. 6(1. at Brighton , by H. Padder, Esq., for cruelty to a horse ; and Daniel Knight , 5.. and costs, at London, by Alderman Harmer, also for cruelty to a horse. Several other cases were brought forward by t he agents. The Society complains, with very good reason, that on having brought an offender before Alderman White, charg ed , : with revolting cruelty to an ox , i n h av i ng conveyed it bound on a truck with all its legs tied together to one point, and the head bent back with rop es , i n w hi c h constrained position it h ad been jolted over the s t ones f or f ourteen m i les, the poor an' °• groaning piteously ; Alderman White could see no cruelty In it, and fined the prosecutor in costs, for bringing it forward, while the charge on the delinquent was dismissed. • HORIZONTAL FLAT WATCHES very small and neat with accurately finished jewelled i t , silents, are offer e d i n s il ver cases, Four Guineas and each ; gold cases, enamel dial, Eight Guineas ; silver dial, Nine Guineas; go ld di a l , T en Guineas each. A pr i o te , warranty is given with fixed terms. on which the Watches I/ 1 " always receive a n y attention required. T. COX SAVORY, Watchmaker, Jeweller, &c. 47, Cornhill (S even doors fro. Gracechurch-street), London. N.B.—Second-hand Watches purchased in exchange. SILVER PLATE of LONDON MANUFAC: TURE.—A. B. SAVORY an d SONS, Working 6° l : smiths 14, Cornhill, L on d on , oppos i te the Bank of Engls2",' The best wrought SILVER SPOON S and FORICS, Fick," Pattern, 7s. 2d. per ounce; the King's Pattern, 7s. 4d. Pt ounce. The following are the weights ree•mmended, but Oi e artcles may be had lighter er heavier at the same price pert/once' X. ‘4, . 12 Fiddle Pattern Silver Tabl e Spoons ea• s. d. 30 at 7 2... 1. 12 ditto Dessert ditto 20 7 2... 7 - •le. d , tio '1 able Fork s 3O 7 2... 10 IA 9 2 ditto Dessert ditto 2 ditto Gr av y Spoons 1 ditto Soup L a dl e 2° 1 1 : 7 77 9 -21 ... ... .: 3; 11 1 1 l 4 ditto Sauc e ditt o 4 ditto S a lt Sp oons ( g il t strong) li 7 e... 1 111 . t 1 2 - ti I ditto Fish Sli ce 16 • IA •12 ditto Tea Sp oons IS 7 6... - g I pair ditto Sug ar T ongs (strong)... 3 4 12 King's Patter s Silver T a ble Sp oons 40 at 7 4... 14 1 • _ 9 Id 12 ditto Dessert ditto 26 7 4... 4 12 ditto Tab ,e Fork s 4O 7 4... 1 4 I. 3 • s 12 ditto Dessert ditto 20 / 4-.. ii I; 2 ditto Gravy Sp o on s i2 7 ' 4... 1 i • I ditto Soup Ladl e 12 7 4... ' II 4 ditto Sauce ditt o 2 I 12 7 10... 414 4 ditto Salt Spo ons ( s t rong g il t ) A • I ditto Fish Sli ce .... fi 9 I 12 ditto T ea S poons l4 7 10... - 5 0 1 pair ditto S ugar Tongs 1 N.B. A Price Current, Stamped as a New s paper, 04Ut ail o l i in. , drawings, an d every i n f ormation relative to the purckase, be silver or Sheffield plate, may b e had on application er will sent into the co un t ry , postage free, in answer to a paid letter.— BIRTHS. On the 4th in s t., a t N ap l es, the lady of John Kennedy, s E c l ., H. B. M. Secretary of Legation, of a daughter. i.„ of a At Cooluck L o d ge , D u b l i n, Lady Elizabeth Borong-, son. ARRIED. On the 19th i ns t., at Pa M u, Fran ce Daniel Birkett, jut: l .9 E lo ' of Bourdeaux, son of D. Birkett, Esq. of Upper Clayt on, Emma, youngest d aug h ter of the late William Brock, of He avi tree, Devcn, and the Island of Guernsey, Esq. ore, On the 23d inst., at St. Pancras Church, Euston-Sq . 1Y M. Louis Guill aume S auvage, of B oulogne-sur-Mer, t o EV ee: eldest. da ug ht er o f Willi am O li ver, Esq., of Eam il to n-ra New. road. On the 24th inst., at St. Paul's Church, Deptford, ll t i e t - , nant William Elworthy T r i sco tt, R. N., to Harriet o youngest daughter of John David Rolt, Esq. DIED. v 11, On the 24th inst., at the residence of his father, B. Esq., Paddington-green, William James Benjamin He"' _ Bryntirion, near Cardigan, Esq., in the 28th year of his age' f On the 21st inst., Charlotte Judith, wife of Arthur Currie, o Cavendish-square, aged 30. On the 16th inst., Mr. Thomas Abbinett, of the Old Kept. road, aged 45. On the 19th inst., Lieutenant William Nicholson , la te of the Brecon and Monmouth Militia,.aged 76. Rev. Richard On the 20th inst., at Yalding vicarage, the Warde, A.M., aged 77. h• t On the 20th inst., at Camberwell New-road, Mrs. Ehz ahe Lloyd, aged 77. Catherine On the 20th inst. in Upper Grosv en or-street, L , at Louisa Shipley, fifth inst., of the l a t e Right Rev. Jonathan Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph, aged 82. On the 20th inst., at Ardleigh, Essex, Elizabet h, relict old the late Major-General Borthwick, of the Royal Artillery, 1:11... eldest daughter of the late Rev. Th omas Warburton , 111. deacon of Norfolk. On the 21st inst., at Freemantle, Hants, the R i g ht i t; General Sir George Hewitt, Bart., G. C.B , Colonel of t 61st Regiment, aged 90. Loudon Printoil and Published by 111URDO YOUN G ( i ' s No. 119, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, ir county of Illiddleex.—Thursday, March 26, 1840. I