The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-05-31 00:00:00

GREAT WEST LVDIA MEETING Un ;Monday oue of the largest Meetings ever witnessed in the metropolis took place at the City of Loudon Tavern, for. the purpose of auopting resolutions condemnatory of the plan of government respecting the emancipation of slaves in the West Indies, and also for the purpose of forwarding petitions to Par liament tbuuded on the said resolutions,. The meeting was convened for one o'clock, but long before that hour the great room of the tavern was crowded to excess; there could not be less than 1,500 persons present. Amongst those in attendance we noticed— Marquess of Sligo, Earl of Selkirk, Ekirl of Harewood, Lord Saltoun, Lord Colville, Viscount St. Vincent, Viscount Combennere, Mr. Barrett, Mr. Browne, Sir Alexander Grant, Bart., Admiral Sir Robt. Stopford, Sir Henry Martin, Bart., Sir Wm. Cooper, Bart., Sir G. Rose, Sir M. S. Stewart, Bart., Sir E. Cust, Sir J. Rae Reid, BL, M.P., Sir By am Martin, Sir Charles Price, Mr. Hall Dare, M.P., Mr. Gould, Mr. J. Fuller, Mr. George Ilibbert, Mr. W. R. K. Douglas, P. M. Stewart, Esq.. M.P., J. Ewing, Esq., M.P., Fitzgerald, Esq., M.P., J. Marryat, Esq., _M.P. Geo. F. Young, Esq., M.P., R. Godson, Esq., M.P., &c. &c. Lord Reay, Sir R. Vivian, Bart, M.P., Lord William Powiett, Sir E. East, Bart., Sir W. Dalling, Bart., Jeremiah Harman, Esq., Russell Ellice, Esq., Admiral Douglas Colonel Bentinck , Hon. W. Lascelles, Hon. W. Fraser, Mr. Burge, Mr. Horsley Palmer, Gladstone, Esq., M.P., Mr. Co!vile, Mr. Mayers, Colonelßaillie, Mr. Hodgson, On the motion of Sir. A. GRANT, the chair was taken at one o'clock by the Earl of Harewood. The CHAtniiAN said, that in appearing again before the gen tlemen connected with the West Indies, as chairman of so respectable a meeting he thought it right .to'preface the few ob servations which he had to make by the declaration that he was in no degree desirous to impede the progress of emancip a ti on provided that it WAS S accompanied by the justice which every .I.lritish subject had a right to expect (hear, hear) ; nor would he be a party to any unnecessary obstruction or delay. ( H ear .) It was painful to reflect that, notwithstanding the respectability and numbers of the gentlemen present, they were assembled not to consider their affairs, but to prevent a gross injustice from being put upon them, and that their property was not con fiscated and spehated. (Hear, hear.) At the first opening of this question, in what situation were the proprietors of Vi est India estates placed? They w ere no t on ly t o b e deprived of their property, hut to b e saddled with a future burthen which they were to be prevented from getting rid of by any means. At present, if a proprietor found his estate and his slaves unpro ductive, he could dispcse of them. (Hear, hear.) . But the eoverument proposed to saddle the West India proprietors with the support of the labourers for 12 years to come. (Hear, hear.) .Now whatever might be said of the natural right of one man to property in the person of another, it was not made a 'question that the property of the West Indians was sanctioned by the laws of this c o u n t r y. A n d ye t b e was t o b e d epr ived of his property to satisfy a great clamour that had been raised m the country. (Hear, hear.) He wished the pee, pie of England had been fairly dealt with in respect to this great question. (Hear, hear.) But what was the tact? Why that a body of gentlemen, probably very conscientious gentle men, act in a manner that did not appear to him to be a very fair or conscientious manner; for petitions were sent from Lon don from this body to the towns and villages in the counery, where they were signed by persons who really knew nothing of the true state of the question, for this body of gentlemen iustilied into the minds o f th e persons w h o s i gn ed t h e petition, that the planters preferred staves to free labour, because it was for their pecunia r y a d vantage to d o so. (Hear, hear.) But they were not told that the planters had not the power to get rid of their slaves, for to do so would, in many cases, tend to the ruin and destruction of West India property generally. Such a course of proceeding on the part of the bode of persons to whom he had alluded was not fair or just. Then not one word was said of the various interests connected with West India property—the settlements, mortgages, annuities, &c. so immediately mixed up with this property. All these things were to be got rid of by a stroke of the pen. (Hear, hear.) Nothing was said to the people of England about the poss ibility of losing these colonies, which ha ve ever b een consi dered as the right arm of England. (Ilear.) Nor were the advantages arising from the co mmerce with the colonies brought before them, nor the possible effect which t h e measure of emanc i pa t ion might have upon our navy. ( Hear.) All these things were kept out of sight in the most marked manner. This was not treating the people of England fairly. ( Hear, hear.) He called upon the people of this country to look to the possible effects of the in tended spoliation of We s t India property. And what was all this fur? To satisfy a cl amour i mproper l y an d un f air ly raised in the country against slavery. (Hearehear.) But the tact was that the spoliation of West India property would only be an ex ample to show how easily other property Could be confiscated at the will of a minister. (Hear, hear.) And why did he say that this was to he done at th e w ill of a m i n i ster ? Because the spoliation which took place in respect to this question was to be the redemption of indiscreet pledges formerly given. (Heal e ) Pledges from which th e H ouse of Commons was no t f ree . He did not know how the House of Commons would vote on the question, but he feared that a great efl'ort would be made by the government to carry this measure, for he thought he could see in the scheme propounded not a little of got eminent patronage. (Hear.) If the House of Common s pass this measure, what other branch of the legislature would be allowed to stop it? (Hear.) The events which happened some short time ago, in respect to another question, would show that it was not. possible that any successful opposition could be given to this in another quarter, if the House of Commons were determined to pass it. ( hoar.) Before the gentleman, who at present conducted the Colonial Office, undertook that duty, a correspondence was carried on between a deputation from the West India body and Lord Go derich and Lord Howick, respecting a plan at that time con templated by the government; but on the retirement of those noble lords from the Colonial Office, a new andentirely different plan was submitted to Parliament by his lordship's . succeseor, Air. Stanley, without consulting the deputation, notwithstanding the pledge that the government would take no further steps without consulting those gentlemen. Thi s pl an a pp ea r e d in the newspapers, and had also been sent to the West Indies by the government at the time—as he would take upon himself to de clare—when government was not in a situation to carry the plan into effect. (Hear, hear.) Ile did not say that they would not endeavour to do so, but he would assert, without fear of contra diction, that they could not do so effectually. (Hear, hear.)— The kind of compensation, too, which was proposed to be given to the West India Propri e t ors f or t h e con fi sca tion of their pro perty was to be a loan, to be repaid with interest secured upon estates, which at present produced nothing. (Hear, hear.)— 'l'ruly, the persons who made this offer of alien from the public purse must suppose, as they asserted, that the West Indians had no conscience. If they had any conscience,' they couldnot, on such terms, accept the loa n ; though itwere even a free gift, what was the security to the proprietors that they should receive it ? If a man were to come t o hi m and ask him to advance 20 mil lions of money to meet the wish of government in respect to this plan, he would naturally inquire how the payment of the , money was to be guaranteed t o hi m ? Th e answe r, no doubt, woulu be, the faith of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The faith of Parliament. he would exclaim—what, that Parliament which , as the first proof of its e oo d faith, adopts aplan by which pub lic faith is violated—(Fear, hear , )._by which property which had been sanctioned and confirmed by repeated acts of the legislature, is to be confiscat e d. (H ear hear hear.) A wa y with such faith ; he would none of it: (dreat applause.) The noble Chairman, after advertin g to one of the details of the measure, relating to th e value to r te put on slaves, begged to make cne remark respecting the protraction of this question. He must own that for one he was anxious that it should be set • tied as speedily as possible. ( Hear, hear.) H e feared that most disastrous consequences would arise to property in the West Indies by th e protraction of the question, and he re,eretted that g overnmentdid not s ee k f or i nformation from the West India body, by which a sat is f actory measure could be propounded, and the interest of all parties attended to and secured. But there a ppeared to be an anxiety to avoid the West India body. — What could this arise Irons ? Surely it was the interest as well as the wish of all person s connected with the West Indies to give the best information possible in order that a just and proper measure might be brought forward upon which the final settle ment of this great measure would rest. Ile trusted that they would yet have an o pportunity of assisting to make some ar rangement by which this subject should be for ever set at rest. Keeping this always in mind, that they should not allow their property to be confiscat e d , h e would conclude by expressing a hope, that as long as they were anxious that property should be secure, as long as they were determined to have a right to their own house, they would resist this dreadful measure of spoliation. (Tremendous cheering.) Lord CoetBEIINIEtiE rose to propose the first resolution, and in doing so said, that after what had - been stated to the meeting by the noble Chairman, it would b e unnecessary f or hi m to enter into any details in respect to the great question to which the at tention of the meeting was called. He would only preface the reading of the resolution by a few words. He spoke as a sol dier, (applause) ha v i ng some exper i ence i n t h e W est I ndies, for as Governor of Barbados lie had many opportunities of wit nessing the state of the colonies, and the situation of the slaves, From this experience and this knowledge he could declare upoe his honour—that if the plan proposed in Parliament to emanci pate the slaves were carried into effect, that the result would be the certain ruin of the slaves and themselves. (Hear.) How far this measure would tend to injure millions of peolge here and elsewhere, he would leave to others to enter into. What he now stated was upon the authority of his own experience in the West Indies. (Hear.) The noble lord concluded by reading the first resolution.—See advertisement. Sir B. 31.sarix, in seconding the resolution, said that when he entered the room he had not the slightest expectation of being called upon to second the motion just made by the noble lore(Combermere). He, however, felt great satisfaction in doing so; but before he proceeded further, he thought it right to say that he possessed no property whatever in the West In dies, nor was he connected with any one who had; but then he had very near and clear friends, whose all were mixed up with the safe and satisfactory settlement of the subject which brought that meeting together That day, an d h e should be ashamed of himself if he di not come fOrward and lend them a helping hand when they were placed in difficulties. (Hear.) The ad vertisement in the newspapers called upon all persons inte rested in the welfare of the British colonies to attend that meet ing. As an Englishman he attended that meeting, because the interests of England were bound up with those of the colonies, (hear,) and because the revenue which the colonies supplied to the mother country, if destroyed, could never b e replaced. ( Hear.) He was also interested in the fate of the colonies be cause he was deeply concerned in the manufactures of thi s country. (Hear.) As a naval officer too he was interested in the fate of the colonies, for the moment we lost our colonies, that moment we lose our navy. (Hear, hear.) These were the words of the immortal Nelson—words in which he (Sir B. Martin) most cordially concurred. He had served at three different periods in the West Indies, and he could say from his own knowledge, that the false and scandalous papers put forth by the Anti-Slavery Society were the most cruel and unjust things possible. (Hear, hear.) The present measure of eman cipation was a clumsy contrivance, and ought not to pass. The West India proprietors held their property under the same laws that the people of England held theirs ; the moment that property s.O protected was violated there could be but little se curity for any other' species of property—all would be disputed. (Hear.) He also saw much peril threatening the shipping in terests in the proposed measure of slave emancipation. It was impossible that tie shipping of this country could bear a greater pressure than it now laboured under, (hear,) and surely every means ought to be taken to foster the mercantile navy of this country, which was the great nursery of the British navy. (Hear.) The West India proprietors asked only for that se curity which they were willing to give to others. (Hear.) In every case where a bill was introduced into Parliament for the formation of a railroad or a canal, by which the private pro perty of an individrl would be affected, Parliament always acted with the greatest degree of jealousy, and looked with an anxious eve to see that the public were not benefited at the ex pense of this individual. (Hear.) He only asked Parliament to adopt a similar course in this particular case. (Hear.) What right had Parliament to rob men of Their property, which was inzaire4 to them by the laws of their neuntry? (Ifitar, hear.) That they had no right was clehr, and certainly he could not uitaerstaud upon what principle they could justify their inter- i Terence in the property of others, uniess they meant to compen sate them for the loss which they were about to occasion. (Hear.) . If government wanted support, he was sure that the voice of the nation would be raised to sustain them in giving a inure just and equitable compensation to the West India pro prietors than that which was now proposed to be given to them. (Hear, hear.) The object of the West India proprietors was investigation; but they were met by secret enemies, who by every species of coutilvauce attempted to gain their point. (Hear.) Amongst. other methods, they have been enabled to exact piedges at the hustings in respect to slave emancipation— pledges which were alike disgraceful to those • who proposed them, and those who gave them. (Hear.) But these piedges were, in many instances, given under the influence of Tatse statements relating to slavery. Under such circumstances he contended that these pledges ought not to be kept; on the con trary, they ought to be given to the winds, (hear,) and such, he trusted, would be the conduct of those who hastily. and in considerately gave pledges without knowing the extent to which they had committed themselves. (Hear.) Mr. G. F. YOUNG said that he had no intention, when he entered the room, of addressing that great and important meet ing ; but if an apology were required for doing so, he trusted that the fact of being the representative of one of the most impor tant sea ports in the kingdom, in addition to his tilling the highly responsible situation of chairman of the Shipowners' Society, would be a sufficient one--(hear, hear)—and connected as he thus was with the maritime marine of this country, lie thought he should be wanting to himself and to those great in terests which he represented, if he allowed this resolution to pass without making a few observations respecting it—(Hear). In the resolution proposed to the meeting, it was stated that 210,000 tons of British shipping were employed in the West India trade, but the fact was, as was proved by papers before Parliament, the amount of tonnage employed in the West India trade extended to between 260,000 and 270,000 tons of British shipping. (Hear, hear, hear). It waS argued. by some that although our shipping might be affected for a time by the settlement of this great question, in the end they would not suffer, for other branches of trade would be open to them, and what they lost in one respect they would gain by another. Nuw, every one who had paid attention to the operation of our navigation laws for some years past, would see the absurdity of this argument (hear) ; for, whenever the principle of recipro city took place between foreign and British ships, in respect to the amount of duty to be paid,. the result of the arrangement was a serious injury to British shipping. (Hear). For instance in the article of cotton, that great staple traffic of this country, the tonnage inwards of that article was three-fourths 'in vessels connected with the United States, and one-fourth in the ship ping of this country (hear); and the value in dollars to the United States was exported nine-tenths in American vessels, and one-tenth in English. (Hear, hear). Under these circum stances it was absurd to talk of our shipping being able to make up in another trade the loss which they were sure to sutler by tire destruction of that to which the attention of the meeting was more immediately called. And one cause of this state of things was this,,, that foreign ships could be managed at a cheaper rate than. British ( hear); a circumstance which arose out of the great and weighty restrictions to which the British shipowner was subjected by the laws relating to British ship ping. (Hear). He therefore thought that the most disastrous consequences would flow to the British shipping from . its course being turned aside in relation to the West Indies. (Hear.) On the question of negro slavery - he entertained 'strong_ opi s nions, but when efforts were made at the -hustings to induce him to pledge himself on the subject, he indignantly rejected the attempt. He had ever expressed his opinions ou this sub ject. He had not shrunk from the avowal of them in Parliament, nor would he now, let the consequences be what they might to his own personal interests. He had all along based his views Of the extinction, of slavery upon the principles laid down in the resolutions of 1823, and by them he would be guided. (Hoar, hear, hear). He was one of those whO thought that slavery ought no longer to exist; but the question was, how was this to be effected ? In his opinion it could,only be done fairly by a due and proper compensation being awarded to the proprietors of slaves. (Hear.) When the question - was asked, what right had one man to hold possession of another in dividual ? his reply would be, that if the question were put to him by the slave he should not know how to answer it; but when the public, who were themselves the robbers, and who had put the effect of their rubbery into their pockets--when they put the question, he would say, in reply, .‘ Before you talk of takiug from me that which I have properly bought, return me the, pur chase-money which I have advanced. If you do this, I will then argue the question as to what right I may or may not have in w a o fellow oldonbley say (Loud cries of bear, hear.) In conclusion he that if the government dared to he honest (hear, hear), they would have been able to have meted out such a measure of justice to the West India proprietors as would, while pleased them, be received with satisfaction by the coun try. (Hear.) - - The resolution was then put by the chair, and agreed to una i e nimously by the meeting. Lord Cotyti.LE, in rising to propose the 2d resolution, ob served that like his hon. and gallant friend (Sir B. Martin) he had no interest, direct or indirect, in the West India colonies, but feeling strongly the injustice of the course which his Majes ty's minist ers were pursu i ng w ith regard t o thi s great an d im portant qu es ti on, he should not shrink from the performance of what he conceived to be his duty, and had the re f ore consente d to propose th e 2d reso l ut i on . NWllen he considered the vast in terests that were involved in this question, both as regarded the colonies and.mether country, he might well feel diffident of his own ability to do that question instice. He should, therefore, refrain from using any arguments in support of the West India interest, because he felt that it would be much better advocated by others than himself. He was not ignorant, however, of the West India colonies, _for his professional duties had given him a knowled ge on the subject, having been stationed in that part of the world for some years, and experience told him that the out cry raised against West India property was founded on false reasoning and gross injustice. (Hear, hear.). He was old enough to remember when the slave trade was carried on in British ships, and he rejoiced as much as any man in the aboli tion of that trade. He wished with all his heart to see it gene rally abolished in every quarter of the world. On the subject of emancipation, however, it appeared to him that a forced and morbid humanity had taken possession of the public mind, which precluded the possibility of viewing the subject in a calm, rea sonable, and rational manner. He considered that the measure proposed by government would throw the important trade of sugar into the hands of foreign nations, to the total destruction of our own trade in thatarticle. The people of England, he contended, could no more do without sugar than they could without beer or tobacco. Deprived of our West India possessions we would be obliged to resort fora supply of sugar to theßrazils, a country in which slavery was carried on in a much more odious form than it ever existed in the West Indian Islands. (Hear, hear.) — He remembered when a boy having frequently got under the sterns of slave ships that had just arrived with their cargoes of human beings from the coast of Africa, and he remembered hearin g the songs of the poor slaves who appeared contented with their lot, having, he- supposed, no very high idea of the blessings of freedom. He had seen the pour Africans landed from their floating prisons hi a state of misery that it was im possible to describe. He mentioned this circumstance, because he felt assured that the measure proposed by government would have the effect of renewing that inhuman traffic, for it was rea sonable to suppose, that other nations would resort to the same trade under the proposed change in our West India possessions. But what, he would ask, would be the consequence of the mea sure as regarded the people at large? He would not ask whose interests were involved ih that measure, but whose interests would not be involved in it. He contended that the measure concerned every class of his Majesty's subjects. He should not now advert to the injury which our naval service was likely to experience if unfortunately the plan of government Should be -carried into effect, for that part of the subject had been so ably touched upon by his gallant friend and brother officer (Sir B. 'Martin) as to reside r unnecessary any observations which he might feel disposed to make upon.that part of the question. He would just observe, h owever, t h a t with the dest ruct i on of our West India possessions our national superiority as a maritime nation would be destroyed also, unless, indeed, the power of steam could be made available, which he contended could not be the case with regard to large fleets of ships. He had once the singular good fortune of conducting a fleet of 370 sail from , the West Indies to v ar i ous por ts of the United Kingdom and this single circumst ance wou ld be sufficient to sho w the great naval superiority of En g l an d ov er other nations. Having wit nessed this superiority on many trying occasions, he might well deplore the prospects which were now presented. (Hear.) He could not, however, but indulge a hope that when his Ma jesty's ministers had learned what had passed at that meeting; and read the sentiments which were there delivered, they would be inclined to look upon the question in a different light, and consider that it would not vet be too late to retrace their steps. (Hear.) He could not help observing that the plan proposed by his Majesty's ministers was totally at variance with the mea sure of their predecessors in office. He blamed his :Majesty's government for not having sought information from those who could best afford it to them. They seemed to act in a confi dence of their own abilities, and would receive neither informa tion nor advice. To them might be applied the well known lines— " A man convinced against his will Is of the same opinion still." • This was not a question of party feeling, for it involved th e inte rests of all; and he therefore regretted the course which his Majesty's ministers had pursued, in not seeking for information to guide them in their plans. lie contended that the evidence upon which the government had acted with regard to this ques tion was not only erparte, but in every respect it was absolutely untrue, and had another committee been appointed, the greater part of that evidence would have been disproved. The noble-lord proceeded to observe that he gave notice in the Muse of Lords for the renewal of that committee, and his motion on the subject stood for the 26th Feb. last. llad that motion come on, his task would have been easy, for he would have had nothing to do but to require the clerk at the table to read the report of the com mittee. When the day arrived he was prepared to proceed with his motion, but he was asked to postpone it, which he did to another day, anctori - tho arrival of that day he was again asked for a further postponement, to which he consented, because he was urged by those who had a natural interest in the question. 'l'hc consequence was, that' he could not again renew his motion agreeably to the forms of the house, and he was obliged to with draw sine die. A change in the colonial departnAnt soon after and the new Secretary gave notice in th e H ouse o f took Commons his intention to bring forward the question, and after stating his plan, he proposed to postpone the further con sideration of the subject to the 30th of the present month. Mr. Stanley in thus hurrying the question forward gave no time to the West India interest to adopt the course which they proposed pursuing. He stated thus much in justification of the course which he himself had adopted, and while be gave every credit to the committee of gentlemen who were appointed to act on the occasion on behalf of the West India interest for their great zeal in the cause, he was compelled to observe that they had not acted with that sound discretion which was expected from them. In consenting to postpone the question th e y wished n o doubt to meet the views of his Majesty's ministers, and felt that it would be wrong, by throwing impediments in their way, to embarrass the government, which, God knew, was sufficiently embarrassed already. (Hear, hear.) He trusted that the West India cau se would - not be damaged by a desire to meet the wishes of govern ment. He contended that whatever attention his Majesty's ministers might give to the subject, it was equally the uuty of the West India proprietors to consider the question with at least an equal degree of attentio n . He considered it very unjust and cruel that the West India i n t erest s h ou ld b e singled out for the first act of injustice and oppression. (Cheers.) He would say that the plan of spoliation proposed by Ministers was arbitrary and unjust, and a disgrace to a free cou nt r y. (Cheers.) 1-luma nity was the specious pretext put forth by - those who advocated slave emancipation, but he would say that much of that huma nity was made up of cant, hypocrisy, and self-interest. (Hear.) The persons who were so loud in denouncing slavery were like the men described by the poet. They were willing - - - - - - " To compound the sins they felt inclined to, By damning those they had no mind to." (Cheers.) The noble lord concluded by moving the second resolution. Admiral Sir,R. STOPFORD rose to second the resolution, and in doing so he observed that he was not prepared to litter a libel against all former governments since the American war, by accusing them of neglecting to support the West India interest. Having served in alleet of 30 ships appointed to protect the West Indies, he could not suppose for a moment that his :Majesty's preseirt government were willing to withdraw all protection from the West India interests, as the plan they proposed was calculated to effect. At a time when Great Briiaiu was struggling for her independence with nearly all the world, our West India possessions formed the great object of attack.. He was now speaking of the American war, and those who, like him, remembered that eventful period, knew that the West India colonies formed the great feature in that warfare: He would now refer to the year 1805, when that great man, Lord Nelson, had the command of our fleets. A circumstance took place at that time which fell under his own observation, and to which he would now refer in order to show the impor tance which Lord Nelson attached to our West India posses sions. The English fleet was in pursuit of the enemy through the straits of Gibraltar, when they suddenly disappeared, and a council was held in the admiral's ship to ascertain the proba ble course which the enemy had taken. Several plans . were named, and it was generally thought that England was their destination, as an invasion was at that time threatened. The sagacious_ mind of Lord Nelson immediately conceived that the West India colonies were the object of attack. His words were, " England cannot be wounded in a more tender part than her NV est India possessions." (Cheers.) Lord Nelson gave immediate directions to proceed to the West Indies, and there, according to his prediction, the enemy was found. They were attacked without loss of time, and made to speed across the Atlantic much quicker than they came. (Renewed cheer ing.) The enemy, however, unfortunately feel in with the Antigua fleet, .rnost of which they either sunk or destroyed. The ~o-ailant admiral, in alluding to the feeling which prevailed on the subject of slavery, observed that it could not be, pure philanthropy, but that species of sentiment under whose bane ful influence the wise institutions of our forefathers were sought to be overturned. He hoped that his Majesty's government would not be so insane as to cut off the right arm of England by destroying our West India possessions. Then, indeed, would the downfall of all that was dear and valuable to us as a nation take place, and our boasted superiority as a naval country would exist no longer. The gallant admiral concluded by seconding the resolution. Mr. FITZGERALD, M.P. observed that, although he would be called upon iu his place in Parliament to pronounce an opinion on this question, he would not let the present opportunity pass without saying a few words on the occasion. H e wou ld p o t tresspass on the patience of the meeting by urging the injustice of the measure proposed by government, because every man who was present must be sufficiently aware of the nature of that plan, and its different bearings. The West India interest was threatened with ruin, but he would ask, was the fundholder in a better situation, and did not the property of both depend up on the acts of the legislature, by which their security was gua ranteed, and they sought in justice to be equally protected. (Hear, hear.) If then. the West India interest was to be at tacked—if their property was to be thus singled oat for confis cation, where, he would ask, would be the security of the fund holder—for the same power which broke through the solemn, security of an act of Parliament in one instance would not he sitate to adopt - a similar course in the other? (Cheers.) It was the duty then of the fundholder to make common cause with the West India proprietors against this most iniquitous measure. With respect to the future production of the I West India colonies, every man who knew the cha ra ct er o f the ne groes must be aware of their wish to escape from labour. The natural effect of this sluggish disposition would be to throw the land out of cultivation, and then there would be an end to the property of the planters, and the loss of our West Indian pos sessions would be, the inevitable eonsequnce. Encouragement would thus be given to foreign nations, and the colonies ? which cost this country so much to maintain, would be wrested from us. He was well aware of the exertions that had been made to influence public opinion on this question, for he had himself seen.thousands of petitions presented to the House of Commons by the advocates of emancipation. He knew, however, that all of these petitions were manufactured in the city of London, and he was the snore convinced of this because he had taken the pains to exauline these petitions, and found that they had all been written. on the same paper, were in the same writing, and in • many instances they were word, for word the same. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He found also that they were signed by one or two individuals, sometimes by four or five, and seldom by more than a doien persons. On the contrary, whenever petitions were presented from the West Itidia body, they entered fully into the merits of the question, and were in .respects what petitions ought to be. He begged to say that he was not influenced by any desire to retard the question of negro emancipation. On the contrary, he wished to see it brought to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion, provided the interests of the West India proprietors were satisfactorily se cured to them. He wished to follow the resolution of 1823. Now let any man take that resolution in his hand and compare it with that which Mr. Stanley had proposed, and the injustice of the latter would be apparent. NV ith regard to the delusions which had been practised by the advocates of emancipation, during the last elections, he would mention an instance in his own person: he had the honour of representing a free and inde pendent county, the voters of which were as liberal and hu mane in their feelings as any constituency in England could be. They felt strongly on the subject of negro slavery, but they placed him on the hustings without demanding a single pledge on that or any other subject. (Hear, hear.) He told them, that he would support emancipation, but th a t h e w ou ld do so on the fair and just principle of compensation to tho se whose interest would be injured by the measure. (Cheers.) He was perfectly convinced that the same feeling . of justice prevailed generally throughout the country, notwithstanding the delusive arguments made use of by the advocates of uncon ditional emancipation. He understood that there were two amendments to be moved on Thursday, to the motion of Mr. Stanley; one by Mr. Buckingham and the other by Mr. Bux ton; and he conceived that it would be desirable to know which of these ought to be supported by that meeting. The hon. gen tleman concluded by expressing his approval of the resolution, which was then put from the chair, and carried unanimously. Mr. J. HARMAN proposed the third resolution. He observed that whatever errors and horrors might have been committed, in former times, with regard to slavery, every dispassionate mind must feel that in the present day the condition of the slave was materially improved. Excitement upon this and every other subject appeared to be the order of the day, and the rapidity with which questions of the greatest importance were brought forward and disposed of by his Majesty's ministers, as if by the power of steam, had no parallel in modern history. He did not stand forward on this occasion as the advocate of slavery; but he was one who would not be so blinded as to overlook the interest of others in questions of this nature. He should hail the hour of emancipation, perhaps, with as much satisfaction as its warmest advocates could wish, for he hated even the name of slavery, under whatever form it might exist ; but he hated still more the doing an act of injustice under the mask and colour of humanity. (Cheers.) Now this measure, he considered, came fully up to that description, and as such he should oppose it. He - hoped if his Majesty's ministers had enough of iudependence left, that they would pause ere it should be yet too late in the ruioous course they were pursuing with regard to this all-impOrtant question. The honourable gentleman concluded by moving the third resolution. Sir CHARLES PRICE, in rising to second the resolution, apo logised for intruding himself on the meeting, for he confessed he had no interest i n th e co l on i es , b u t h e felt that if the mea sure proposed by government were carried, no person could contemplate the result without the most serious apprehension. He considered that, according to the principles of the constitu tion under which we lived, Parliament had no right to take away the property of any class of his Majesty's subjects, with out affording them due compensation. Parliament was called upon to emancipate the slaves of the West Indies; but would it do so to the detriment of the proprietors, and to the positive injury of the slaves themselves ? If the national character must be redeemed by the abolition of slavery, let it be done at the national cost. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps he would be told that the finances of the state would not admit of this. He was con vinced, however, that the resources of the country were suffi cient to indemnify the West India proprietors for the losses which they would sustain by this measure. The hon. baronet concluded by seconding the resolution, which was agreed to unanimously.. Mr. M. SHAW STEWART proposed the fourth resolution. Mr. Buss seconded the resolution, and observed that he was almost afraid to trust himself in speaking on this important question, which involved not only the interests of the West' India proprietors but every interest in the country. He had heard no exaggerated statement, for it was quite true that every person in the country would be involved more or less in the • measure proposed by his Majesty's government. Widows and orphans, who were " unable to dig and ashamed to beg," must die in beggary and despair. The great stake which was now contending for was nothing more nor less than life or death. What else, he would ask, could have brought forward so many that day to swell the meeting which he now beheld? A stranger who had come from London and beheld that meeting might imagine that Napoleon had arisen from his grave, or that Victor Hughes had once more " visited the glimpses of the moon to make night hideous," and scatter desolation around. But no enemy had done this : it was no visitation of Providence that the meeting had to lament, but the arts of a few demented beings who were determined to destroy. (Cheers.) He feared that the present measure would be followed by others of a still more destructive character. Nineteen or twenty of our most important possessions were threatened with ruin and confis cation; but would the mischief end there? It might be said, that the ruin which was apprehended was but visionary, and that the evils which were anticipated would not take place. It was a maxim in gambling, that, where the chances were equal, it was fair to speculate. But, in the present case, there was no chance at all ; for, while the imports from the West Indies amounted to ten or eleven millions, the exports did not exceed four or five millions at the utmost The northern colonies had so much at stake, that their very existence was involved in this question. Between 500,000 and 600,000 tons of British shipping were involved in this question, and at least 4,0,(X)0 seamen had an interest in it. He would be glad to know how the mini s t r y intended to make up the deficiency in the revenue which the loss of our West Indian possessions would occasion. Why should we all be made to drink of the poisoned chalice which was intended for the lips of a few only ? The deficiency of the revenue must be-made up-by an additional duty on sugar, which would go into thu pockets of slave owners, and thus would slavery be increased, instead of being diminished. (Hear.) As to the outcry whi c h was ra i se d against slavery, it was no thing more than cant and hypocrisy, for . persons might be found who were ready to adopt the most impracticable plans without the slightest inquiry. These were the persons who were arrayed against the Vest Indian Interest, who, amongst other antagonists, had to contend against the sect, one of whom had been lately exposed by the Lord Mayor for raising money from individuals by pretending that he had the means of making their fortunes. (Hear, hear.)- He could never believe that the honour and dignity of this country could be improved by an act of injustice and spoliation ; and it would certainly never re dound to the honour of the present age that we obtained an easy prosperity by being liberal of the property of others. (Cheers.) From the year 1786 to the year 1807, no less a sum than be tween one and two millions was paid by the colonies to this country for the purchase of slaves. " Release your slaves," say the government. " With all our hearts," we answer, "if you only pay us back the price we paid vou for them." (Hear, hear.) Slavery was said to be a foul you on the national cha racter. So it was; but let it not be wiped away by the blood of the whites. (Cheers.) The great object of the meeting was to check slavery, and he therefore called upon the meeting to carry up their petitions to the legislature. He hoped that, at least, as much attention woule be paid to them as was shown to the 180,000 British spinsters who had petitioned Parliament for negro emancipation. He hoped that the petitions from this body would be as respectfully attended to as the Priscillas and Arabellas of the sentimental school, who knew life only in the novels they had read, and who were so ignorant of slavery as not to know that they could never sit down to their tables or their toilets without leing indebted to • the productions of slavery. He hoped that our • colonies would not be frittered away fiv the government, and that the people of this country would not lay violent hands on their most valuable possessions. Then, indeed, would the lordship of the isles of earth and the dominion of the sea pass from before us, because we should then prove our unfitness to rule and to possess them. (Cheers.) Lord ST. VINCENT rose to propose the fifth resolution. He should feel that he would be doing injustice to the West Indian body if he did not say that they had every right to adopt the spirit of this resolution, provided that proper compensation was awarded to them, and snore than that could not be expected from them. It should be remembered that the system of slavery which now existed in the West Indian Colonies was not created by the West Indian planters. In point of fact, the slaves were originally purchased by the people of this country, and the planters bought them on the express stipulation that they:hoed t cultivate the land. (Hear, hear.) Was it not fit and proper under such circumstances, that compensation should be allowed to the planters for the loss of their property ? if any description of property had ever received protection from the government, it was the property which the West India planters possessed in their slaves. By an act of William the 1 bird the trader in i slaves was placed on the same footing as the trader in gold and i gold dust, and those articles alone were expressly exempted from : duty. (Hear, hear.) This fact was not known ge n era lly Ithroughout the country. How, he would ask, was the proprietor of an estate in the West Indies to continue the cultivation of his land without the necessary funds ? And how was the present and future interest of the negro to be provided for under the plan proposed by his Majesty's ministers ? Another consideration which had not been touched upon was this :—How were those persons who at present resided in the colonies to be protected, when not only their properties but their lives were at stake ? (Hear.) He much teased that if the ties between the master and his negro were dissolved, the latter, instead of looking up to his master as his natural protector, would shake off the trammels of slavery at once, and attempt to assert his rights as a freeman. What, he would ask, would be the situation of so ciety so new and unexpected ? (Hear, hear.) He wished to address one word to those persons who were not West Indian proprietors, but who rested their opposition to the measure of government on the evil consequences which were likely to arise to every description of property in the country. He knew that his Majesty's government were embarrassed, but the only way in which they could relieve themselves would be to preserve their faith to the country. It was the duty . of the governor to hold the balance even Vetween the conflicting interests, and to award what *as fair and just to the party seeking compensation. By pursuing this course his Majesty's ministers would receive the support of every interest in the country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. N. MALCOLM said that the West Indians were always ready to give effect to such a resolution as that which he had the honour of seconding—but the enemies of the colonists declare that the West India body are insincere, and that they were not anxious for emancipation... This, however, was most untrue, for the West Indians were always willing to accede to any well digested plan of emancipation —any measure founded upon the resolutions of 1823, for such a measure they would have received as a boon, and they would have willingly gone half way to re ceive it. lear, hear.) But the measure propounded by govern went for the emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies was neither a safe nor a satisfactory one. (Hear, hear.) He trusted, however, that after a remonstrance of such a meeting as the pre sent the government would be induced to stop in its wild career, and by granting to the West India proprietors a proper measure of compensation, afford an easy and satisfactory mode by which this great question could be settled. (Hear.) The resolution was then put and agreed to. Mr. levriso, in proposing the sixth resolution, said that his noble friend (Lord Colville) in the course of his speech alluded to two subjects, namely, to the appointment of a deputation to communicate with the government on the plan to be propounded in Parliament, in relation to the question of slavery, and also the re-appointment, or rather the non-appointment of the com mittee of the House of Lords, on West India affairs. Perhaps he would not be going beyond the line of duty which he should adopt if he were to state the nature of the negociations which the deputies had with the government on this subject. (Hear.) On the 25th Feb. the slavery committee connected with the 'West India body received a communication from Lord Goderich, that he was desirous to receive a deputation of five gentlemen from that body, to consult with him on the subject of the plan to b e proposed for the extinction of slavery in the West Indies. Under these circumstances the deputation deemed it advisable that the committee of the Lords should not, for the present, be appointed. He might here state that at that time the minister of the Crown had stated in his place in Parliament that a plan was to be pro posed by government for the extinction or slavery, which was likely to give satisfaction to all parties. Some discussion took place between the government and the deputation in respect to the appointment of the Lords' committee, in the course of which it was stated, on the part of the government, that it was imma terial whether or not the committee was appointed, for its acts would have no effect upon the plan of government, for that plan was positive and certain, and could not be altered by any new view that might be suggested by the committee. The deputa tion, of which he was one, entered upon the duty delegated to them in the true spirit of conciliation; they were anxious for a settlement of this great question, because they could not shut their eyes to the fact, that the question could not stand still, — that it must proceed let the result be what it might. (Hear.) After some tune his lordship submitted a plan to the deputa tion, which he requested might not be rejected at once, but that it would be well considered and digested, and th a t th e de putation would state their reasons for objecting to any parts of the plan. The plan was read by the deputation with no little surprise. They returned it, saying that they could not concur in it. That plan was since laid before the country, and the reasons that were advanced against it. What were the feelings of the public in respect to that plan—the opposition to it he could not say—he could only observe that the greatest anxiety was manifested on the part of the deputation to give to such a document all that attention that it merited. The docu ment, although objectionable in its general purport, was valu able tor two admissions made. in it—namely, that the blacks would' not labour freely,' and that in order to make them work coercion must be used. Lord Goderich seemed to think that the coercion used in Europe would answer for slaves in the West Indies, but the necessities of man in the West Indies not being equal to those in this country, and the population not being at all as dense there as here, there was nut the incentive to exertion in the colonies as there was in Europe, and there fore the species of coercion that should be used to induce the slaves to work must be of - a more extreme nature than that which would be applied in this country—(Hear). In this plan of his lordship's there were also two important blanks. There was a blank left for the sum to be paid to the West Indian pro prietors, and another as to when freedom should commence. Phis plan was submitted to the dep u t a ti on on a p ar ti cu l ar d ay, but the next his lordship and his plan left office altogether (a laugh), and they heard no more of either. The West Indian body hailed with satisfaction his lordship's secession, because they thought it was a proof that a beneficial change was about to take place in the settlement of this great question, and that Mr. Stanley would look not only to the interests of the public, but to those of private individuals—(Hear). To the great as tonishment, however, of the country, Mr. Stanley brought forth his crude undigested plan without consultation or consideration, and he must own that he saw nothing in it that placed it in a better point of view than that presented to the deputation by Lord Goderich. There was nothing but difficulty in its details, and spoliation would be its effect—(Hear, hear, hear). This was the result come to by the deputation, who had an interview with Mr. Stanley on Saturday last. That gentleman, although he never mentioned the word compensation in the course of his speech, frequently used that word in private. When he was pressed upon the subject of an increased amount of compensa tion, his reply was, he ' was not authorized by the cabinet to make any further statements on this subject. He (Mr. Irving) then said that this was a cardinal point, and that until it was settled in,one way or the other, nothing could be done by the deputation—that the government might, if they pleased, spo liate West India property, but that the colonists would not lend their hands to an act of suicide—(Hear). He trusted that upon the whole, th e deputation . had acted in a way that could not be considered injurious to the interests of the great body at large—(Hear, hear). One thing at least they did not do—they did not consult the West India body—(Hear.) They certainly, as individuals, gave in a detailed plan to go vernment, but he was sorry to say that none of the features of this plan were exhibited in that laid before parliament by Mr. Stanley. (Hear.) This right honourable gentleman cautiously avoided the word compensation or remuneration in his intro ductory address. The hon. gentleman here read two of the pro positions laid before the House of Commons, to show with what caution the right hon. gentleman avoided either of these ex pressions, and proceeded to observe upon the fact that slavery was to cease in twelve years. This certain cessation of slavery at a given time Mr. Stanley calls a possible loss of property. Is this a proper term for spoliation ? (Hear, hear.) This right hon. gentleman takes away one-f our th o f the labour which slaves give to proprietors, and consequently he takes away from the proprietor one-fourth of the profits which accrue to him from the possession of those slaves. (Hear, hear.) He then adverted to the necessity on the part of the planters to raise some two millions before he could come to market under the terms of this plan; it would also take a great amount of cur rency to enable the planter to meet the wages that were to be paid to the labourer by the terms of the plan, and it was well known that the present system of currency in the West Indies was only upheld by the general voice of the colonies. (Hear.) Supposing the colonies were to cease being productive colonies, from whence were they to maintain the great necessaries of life ? They should go to Cuba or the Brazils, and by doing so would be only perpetuating slavery in one quarter of th e wor ld w hil e we were destroying it in another. (Hear.) But while we were carrying on the trade with the West Indies upon capital now invested, where, he would be glad to know, were they to obtain a new capital upon which they could carry on a new country ? (Hear.) Cuba was subject to the mother country, and it was Impossible for them to say what would be the regulations that would be adopted by that country in respect to the trade of Cuba with any other country. Did they know that they would take commodity for commodity ? But it may be said that they could get all they wanted in the way of that necessary luxury sugar in the East Indies. To this he would just observe, that we were destroying in the West th a t w hich they were anx i ous to establish iu the East. (Hear.) After some further remarks, Mr. Irving concluded by moving the sixth resolution :- Mr. CoLviLa seconded the resolution, and would only detain the meeting for a few moments, while he stated the grounds upon which the deputation came to the decision they did in re spect to the plan proposed by government. This deputation endeavoured to look at the question as it bore upon the interests of the country generally. If this measure were passed, Euro peans would not reside in the West Indies. It would be left to the control of slaves,_ and the benefit of the colonies wou ld b e completely lost to England. From the general character of the - government plan, it was evident that all control on the part of the master over the slave would cease the moment the plan was carried into effect. Were they not, therefore, justified in saying that there was no security in this plan for the white por tion of the population in the West Indies, if it were carried into effect. Ile then adverted to the fact that the existence of slavery, and of the control of the planter over his slave, was re cognised in an act of Parliament so late as 1824. But by this plan the planter was not only deprived of all control over his slaves, but he was also to be deprived of one-fourth o f hi s la bour. A loan, however, was to be advanced f o r th e remunera tion of the proprietor. Why, a loan meant that interest was to be paid, and that the principal was to be met at some time, and by a novel mode of proceeding, one-fourth of the proceeds aris ing out of slave labour was to go to the redemption of the re maining three-fourths. He then adverted, to the principle upon which the value of slaves was to be regulated, which he con tended was most iniquitous and unjust, and showed, by refe rence to a possible atta c k u p on t h e f un d s founded upon the same principle, that the result would be, that while the fund holder would be receiving only £2 55., instead of £3 interest, supposing his three per cents. were w or th £B7 , h e would be at the same ti me paying £7 a year for a liquidation of the debt due by the country to him. (Hear, hear, bear.) If a dark and dangerous measure were to be adopted, let the voice of the na tion speak out upon it, but do not let a small body of person s be the means of.depriving people of their property unjustly and. improperly. (Hear.) After a few further remarks he con cluded by seconding the resolution, which was put and carried. Mr. H. PlamErt, in moving the next resolution, said he never rose under feelings of ~, Y reater anxiety to add ress a mee ti ng than H upon that occati on . e knew of no reason for his being called upon to propose the resolution which he held in his hands, but from the circumstance of his having held a highly responsible situation, in whi c h h e h a d endeavoured to uphold' the credit of the country (hear, hear,) and lie trusted that in all cases the responsible corporation to which he alluded would be at all times anxious to maintain and uphold the character and credit of this great commercial country. (Hear, hear.) lie was in no way connected with West India property—indeed if any thing his interests were rather opposed to those connected with the West India colonies; but feeling that the derangement of one interest was only the forerunner to the destruction of enother, he felt that he was bound to come forward to give his humble assistance in the forwarding of such, views as such a meeting as that would suggest. (Hear.) He_ was in favour of slave emancipation, provided that that emancipation was founded upon just and proper principles. But while he declared himself favourable to a measure of emancipation he must say that never was there a time when the plan of government on this subject was so little called for as now. (Hear.) He con tended that it was a most reckless measure, and one that would upset the entire form of society. He remembered well the effects of the panic of 1825, but if this measure passed, the events of that period would be nothing compared with what would flow from it. Having read the resollion, lie would just observe that if the proposed measure passed, there would be no security for funded property. (Hear.) This:property was secured by one, act of Parliament. West India. property was, on the con trary, secured by .100 acts. If, then, one-fourth of the labour of the slave were taken away;tkere .was no reason why the principles of Messrs. Cobbett and: 4.ttwood should not be realized, by which one-fourth would be taken from the property of the landholder. That slavery ought to be done away with as soon as possible every one admitted; but it ought not to take place without perfect and satisfactory compensation. When compensation was awarded, then ought it take place. (Hear.) He concludd by moving the adoption of the resolu tion, which he had previously read. Mr. LEWIS seconded the seventh resolution, and observed that having for some years held the office of Spe a ker o f th e H ouse of Assembly in Jamaica, he felt a warm interest in the welfare of that colony. The resolution which he had risen to second had been so ably dwelt upon that but little remained for him to say. The public policy of the country began that system of sla very which was now so much condemned, and the crime of which was most unjustly ascribed to the planters, who were the mere instruments in carrying it on. Commercial enterprize carried on the trade, and slaves were imported into the colonies to work for the planters who had a direct property in them. Those slaves were granted to the planters on the express stipulation that the land should be cultivated by them, and the property of the planter in his slave was not only recognised by the Colonial Legislature, but by the Court of Chancery in England, in several cases of appeal. So far indeed was this right acknowledged, that so late as the years 1808 and 1809 the Government granted, land and slaves to individuals for a consideration in money. Lord Stow ell, in a judgment which he delivered, recognized the same prin ciple, and, after expressly stating that a slave was as much the property of his master as his house, proceeded to state, that if slavery was a sin this - country- had a full share of it, and ought in justice to share in the price of the slave's redemption. (Hear, hear.) Were those principles, propounded by one of the ablest judges that ever sat in a court ofjustice, to be repudiated now; and was no compensation to be afforded to those who were de clared by Lord Stowell, that slaves were the property of those who purchased them ? If the property of the West India pro-' prietors in their slaves was thus to be surrendered at the will of government, he would only observe that no species of property would be secure if the government were determined to lay vio lent hands upon it. No property, however strongly guarded and hedged in by law, would be considered sacred, tor the law of expediency would overrule the law ofjustice. As a native of the West Indies he felt the strongest affection for the colonies, and with that feeling he should with pleasure second the reso lution. Lord WILLIAM POULETT then rose, and said that the task devolved on him to propose the eighth resolution, namely, " That petitions, grounded on the resolutions whi c h h a d b een unanimously agreed - to by the meeting, should be presented to his Majesty, and to both Houses of Parliament." He fully acquiesced in those resolutions, and should' ot have come for ward at all if he danot feel that they were founded in justice. He believed further, that the measure proposed by his Majes ty's government would be found impracticable, and that they never could be carried. (Hear, hear.) He admitted the evil consequences of slavery, and believed further that all parties were agreed on that point. He would ask, were the \Vest In dia proprietors to be the victims of the flagitious legislatures of former times, by whom slavery was fostered and encouraged ? (Hear, hear.) He kiwi no instance, either in ancient or mo dern history, of slavery and liberty existing together; . yet this was a part of the plan proposed by his Majesty's ministers. He was of opinion, that if the slaves were entirely free, it would be much better for the planters than the sort of half liberty that the government intended for them. The noble lord concluded by moving the eighth resolution. Mr. GEORGE HIBBERT promised the meeting that he should not detain them many minutes, for the question had been so fully and so ably discussed, and the resolutions expressgd so admirably the feelings of the meeting, that very lilttle remained for him say. He could not avoid observing, however, that if ' the measure proposed by government should b e carr i e d, it promised to give a death-blow to the colonial, commercial, naval, and financial interests of Great Britian. If those ereat com manders who he knew in his youth, he meant Rodney, Nelson, and St. Vincent, were to arise from th e i r t om b s , an d si t in judgment on the defunct body of the West India interests, they would return this verdict, that the body c ame t o it s d ea th by suicide, committed on itself in an interval of mental derangement (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The hon. gentleman concluded by seconding the resolution. The Earl of HAREWOOD wished, before the meeting retired, to say a few words both on the general question andon a matter which concerned himself individually. When last they met in this room, it was on the subject of the orders in council, the spirit of which, he would just observe, exhibited a spirit of dis trust on the part of the Government in every thing that re lated to the. - West Indies. The instructions directed to the crown colonies were ordered to be obeyed without the slightest alteration of a single letter, and those directed to the legisla tive colonies were ordered to be carried into effect also. The orders were subsequently withdrawn from the latter colonies, and some hope was entertained from that circumstance that Government intended to relax some portion of its severity to wards the West India interests generally. How well that hope had been fulfilled he would leave the meeting to judge. Now, with respect to the matter in which he was personally con cerned. Having taken a deep interest in the affairs of the West India proprietors and his own, and wishing to stand well with those whose cause he had advocated, it might be a matter of surprize to some, if on the presentation of the petition to the House of Lords, he should not be in his place to support its prayer. He would not pledge himself that he would not be there, and he believed the meeting would do him the justice to believe that if any one question could, induce him to give his attendance in support of it, the question which they were now met to discuss would be that question. But he repeated that he should not pledge himself not to be in his place, but if he should not, he hoped that the meeting would not conside r hi s a b sence as any desire to disregard their interests. It might be that in the de bate on the question he should feel that it would be out of his power to do good to their cause by any advocacy of. his. Ex perience told them that a question of great national and indivi dual interest might not possibly meet with support in that branch of the legislature to which he (Lord Hares , ood) was attached. That branch of the legislature had often done service to the cause of the country, but it could not be disguised that attempts had been made to dverrule and overawe its decisions, and that circumstance had placed the interests of the West India pro prietors in a situation from which he could not augur any very flattering result. (Hear, hear.) Mr. FULLER moved that the thanks of the meeting be given to Lord Harewood, for his proper and dignified conduct in the chair. Mr. K. DOUGLAS seconded the motion, which was carried with acclamations. Lord ST. VINCENT then moved a vote of thanks to George Hibbert, Esq., for his exertions in forwarding the West India interests. Agreed to unanimously. The Committee have been endeavouring to make out a list of the persons present, but find it would have been an useless task. A member of almost every banking or commercial house in the city attended, and numerous noblemen, M.P.'s, &c. It is cal culated that full five thousand persons attended in the course of the day. The meeting then separated. LONDON GAZETTE.-TUESDAY, MAY 28. INSOLVENTS, May 27.—Francis Hoad and John Wadey, Prospect-place, St. George's-fields, bricklayers. BANKRUPTS. Robert Oaks, Liverpool, painter, June 13, July 9, at the Clarendon Rooms, Liverpool. Solicitors, Mr. Robinson, Liverpool ; and Messrs. Biackstock and Bunce, Sergeant's Inn, Fleet-street. Richard Lloyd, Liverpool, brewer, June 13, July 9, at the Claren don Rooms, Liverpool. Solicitors, Mr. Broadhurst, Liverpool ; and Messrs. Adlington, Gregory, and Faulkner, Bedford-row. Robert Woodward, Lime-street-square, tailor. William Woolcott, Exeter, grocer. Henry Wyatt, York-street, Covent-garden, boarding-house-keeper. Thomas Thirlwell, North Shields, wine-merchant. John Kaberry, Leeds, leather-cutter. Charles Hugh Linter, Portsea, grocer. Charles MorrisVilks, Greetham, Rutlandshire, innkeeper. John Gardner, Preston, joiner. Gervase Cressy Hall, Alfreton, Derbyshire, money-scrivener. John Turner, Langport, Eastover, Somersetshire, corn-factor. Robert Collier and Horatio Collier, Witney, blanket-manufacturers. William Gibson, Pendleton, Lancashire, broker. Seth Burge Grant, Bristol, hatter. PARTNERSHIPS DIS S OLVED. C. Jaeger and W.Lavies, Liverpool, blockmakers.—J. T. Alston, Wm. Mackie, A. Lockhart, G. Hervey, E. Sainet, K. Finlay, J. Hodg,son, J. Ryburn, James Buchanan, James Finlay, John Finlay, J. K. Finlay, A. Buchanan, James Smith, and Win. Finlay, Liver pool, Glasgow, New York, New Orleans, and Charleston.—E. Yates and J. Jones, Liverpool, corn-dealers.—T. Ward and J. Ward, Doncas ter. dyers.—Fred.Wm.Billing,s and T. P. Bassett, Broad-street-build ings, merchants.—J. Okell and M. Okell, Altrincham, Cheshire, druggists.—W. Hague and E. Meller, Ashton-under-Lyne, corn-dea lers.—J. Hancock and J. Biggs, Leicester, millers.—George Fielding and Wm. F. Harrod, Nelson-street, Greenwich, ,goldsmiths.—P. A. Hanrott and T. Metcalfe, New-square, Lincoln's Inn, attorneys-at law.—G. Lawe and E Jones, Plumber's-row, City-road, silk mercers. —P. Kenway, J. S. Kenway, and Wm. Kenway, Bridport, net-line manufaclurjrs.—T. Almond and J. Almond, Wigan, wo o ll en -d ra p ers . John Attree and T. Turner, Sompting, Sussex, farmers.—J. Barnes, H. Barnes, and J. Bedwell, Faversham, coal-merchants.—D. Ilodg son and Thomas Beal, Sandwich, hoymen.—B. Rooks and S. Pear son, Cleckheaton, Yorkshire, machine-makers —Chris. Scales and T. Blake, Newgate-market, meat salesmen.—Richard Overend, Ro bert Overend, and William Overend, Popplewell, Yorkshire, wire drawers.—N. Higgins, James Mills, James Stophard, and John Evans, Oldham, coal miners. _ _ DIVIDENDS, June 20, M. Pass, Nine Elms, Vauxhall, lime-burner.—June 21, A. K. Mackenzie and E. Abbott, Austin-friars, merchants.—June 20, M. Jones, Old Compton-street, Soho, upholsterer.—June 20, It. Tophain, Dockhead, Bermondsey, linen-draper.—June 18, T. Surflen, Ab church-la ne, linen-draper.—June 19, J. Luke, Mark-lane, wine merchant.—June 19, B. Me^e, Copthall-buildings, Throgmorton street, merchant. —June 20, W. Hall, T. S. Hall, and W. Hall, Crosby-square, packers.—June 21, S. Harvey, Bodmin, Cornwall, builder.—June 18. J. Atkinson, Cockermouth, slate-manufacturer.— June 21, G. Mitchell, Halifax, card-maker.—June 18, J. Botcherhy, Darlington, iron-merchant.—June 19, C. Hall, jun., Walsall, Staf fordshire, brush-maker.—June 27, B. Kent, Bungay, 'Suffolk, inn keeper. CERTIFICATES to he granted, unless cause be shown to the con trary, on or before June 18. G. Mason, Rollestone, Nottinghamshire, joiner. -11. Pike, Ayl - Norfolk, money-scrivener.—J. L. Overton, Leamington-priors, Parmeter, Gosport, ship-builder.---G. Mitchell, Tren tham, Staffordshire, miller. Althorp's liberal sire, the Earl Spencer, is the Lay Impro priator of the Manor of Wimbledon, held on lease, under the Dean and Chapter of Worcester, at a very low rental. Now, there are three parish churches in the manor, namely, Putney, Wimbledon, and Mortlake—besides chapels; and although, as we are informed, Earl Spencer derives nearly £5OOO per annum from the tithes, &c. of the manor of Wimbledon, will it be cre dited that this modern church reformer—this cess and ;vestry abolitionist—meanly allows to the three perpetual curates (there are no vicars) only L,IO a year each—leaving a balance in favour of the lay impropriator of about £4BBO per 'annum i Let my Lord Althorp answer this if he can. NEW LANTERNS FOR SKIPS. —Captain de Coninct, of the Danish navy, has invented a new kinj of signal-lantern, found to be of reat utility in the navy, the light of which is much more brilliant than that at present in use. It is obtained on the argand principle, without the use of glass, by conveying a current of air through the lantern. The lamp will contain sufficient oil to last several hours, and, by the construction of the lantern, not to be liable to the effects of bad weather. It is said to have been tried with complete success in a gale of wind. The above officer has also applied the same principles to the construction of deck lanterns, eight or ten of which, when placed midships, are sufficient to give light to the guns on deck of the largest man of war. The light is so well secured from external effects, that it withstands the coneusssion produced by the firing of guns, which so frequently extinguishes the light of the common lanterns. The efficacy of this inven tion has been put to a severe test on board two Danish frigates. For this purpose the lantern was suspended from the muzzle of-the gun, which was fired with the lantern in that position, A common laqtern placed by the gun was immediately ex tinguished by the concussion of the first discharge, while the new lantern remained steady during 14 successive dis charges, when it was extinguished by the united effect of the concussion and the great vibratory motion it obtained.--Re pertory of Patents. CO,YTEMPQRARY PRESS. It is now thirty months since Lord Grey and his eabal velocipeded themselves into their berths at the d onwe. , 01 quick of a popular hurricane. Let them ' no w ea clance backward, and measure, with what crum bs omfort they can muster, the whole latitude and 1 , 0 , 0 ,g .. . tude of the state of things, which their " thunde r brought forth. The Crown and the Government a.11!;e . sunk in public credit ;—the aristocracy and all the 5 10 th ri e ous recollections which twined their laurels roun un brows of the barons of England reviled and &ivel l ub r, to contumely ;—the . Commons, no longer reflecting P fan , lie opinion or constitutional freedom, moving like d toccini to the wires of ministerial manipulation , engaged, one hour in the bedevilment and the next, in disencumbering themselves of th o u: momentary hallucination of an independent existence! —the Church, with its once venerated forms and il,? r tutions, flung down as a sop to the lusty appetites oluurret ever-waking, never satiated foes ; industry, agri eul . t , re ships, colonies, commerce, manufactures, and eyerj. Of destruct 7 cognised element of a nation's greatness and well - b e U cankered, and gangrening to their heart's core! is that cavils with the colours in which this pictu re drawn has long summer d a y s b e f ore hi m ; let bin' „ vel the land where he listeth, and he shall wend his g•-; in no direction, but the first field, or dockyard, ° or workhouse which he encounte rs , s h a ll t e ll him, ne t though our pencil may shadow o u t d ar kly, it has given one outline but what the fi nger o f t r uth hel l o might have drawn. Yet what car e th e party for , abyss into which they have hurled our nobler dentbs.4 Where is the brow of their's that a tt es t s one Pas,sl:er cloud of regret, th o u g h th e i r c l u t c h b e d raw ing °L.„, e- r i, and closer still the h a lt er roun d th e nec k o f e very P 1? tisli interest, great or trivial, national or indivicl ua d, The worse the plight to whi c h th e co u n t ry i s red°c, the further they deem that th e c h ance o f i ts redemPtiti; by Tory hands is removed; the more inextricable ,1;•s, difficulties in which they can i nvo l ve it th e more ` 4 O . tant they account the prospect o f w i s d om an d hone s e ( i being found at the helm. But th e y rec k on without-11s, o i host; every advance they.m a k e i s h a ppil y a f res h se` to madness or folly on their side, and a fresh incentive contempt and disgust on the p ar t o f th e i r f e ll o w-6 1 ; 1 n, trymen ; they cannot pull one s t r i ng w ith ou t drasc' t oe ° 0 the other; so true is it, that " if. an ass find its wsl. o „, Mecca, even though it be the ass ,of the Prophet 0 4, self, he never comes back any thing but an ass !" pray to be excused the vul gar invidiousness of the 0- 0 ; parison; but really, we cannot think of Russell, Palmerston, or Althorp, or, in truth, of the hoc Sli t onzne, without having our mi n d' s e y e di recte d to bait animal likeness. They would have us all be patient, u ic der the bitter penury and di s t ress _ w hi c h t h e l as t thl r months have worked out for u s; a l as 1 'ti s th e "P a tien ,„ ' ;,- good friends !" which the wo lf en j o i ne d t h e ass to :re chew,—whilst teari ng hi m li m b b y limb—And when',l come to cast our eyes abroad, w h a t a scene o f nati,. °-$ degradation meets them ? Th ere i s no t at t hi s hour genuine English soul amongst • u s w h o can s t am mer the first two letters of the political alphabet w itht blushing to own his descent ; for it was not always to there was no euphony to his ear in the names of .A l P e dy and Antwerp,—Batavia and Braganza,—the Bosph°:,; ( 1 and Byzantium. We may not pronounce Ancona P - 0 f Belgium in the same breath ; they were ever the star, foreign intrigues and d om e s ti c con t en ti on, nor h as Dot ing-street cared that they sh ou ld b e li e t h e i r o ld en new riety in the present day.—Guardian. Mr. Sadler, whose general politics we deprecate, b ij o t from whose noble exerti ons f or th e p oor c hild ren it v; 10 %1 be base public ingratitud e t o w ithh o ld our mos t c ord` „ admiration, has address e d t o th e L ee d s comm i ss ioner nominated on the import un ity o f th e cotton mas ter9 l protest upon some of their proceedings, which teems mat spirit, shrewdness, and just severity. It appears tP ir these gentleman, by name D r i n k wa te r , P ower , an ds den, the last a medical m an , h ave agree d to ma ke - Pi course of their examination into the factories privatei. that is to say, to give. the masters an a d van t age will, the unfortunate children had no t, i nasmuc h as a ll the tr' - timony dfieered before the Pa r li amen t ar y comm itt e e %/ 0. public, and exposed to cross-examination, as well as the revengeful visitations of those against whose tyra l3 % it was directed; but now th e comm i ss i oners being, 0.10, alleged by Mr. Sadler, in constant communication to the masters, at whose instance, and, it may not be tie:, fairly presumed, for wh ose s ak e Lord Althorp assenteci i ! nominate them, are t o h ave am pl e o pp or t un it y of er:, l;ng their reports as th e y thi n k fit, w ith ou t t h e iewi chance of any undue bias being made known, or any ° A their errors or possibl e m i sre p resen t a ti ons b e i ng detecteu. " It was but too manifest under what species of impe 9 i sion Lord Althorp laboured when forced to speak •o e upon the principle of the factory bill. His lordship a.r peared, in short, to have caught the cotton-master's Jni fluenza, and if the co mm i ss i oners w h om h e h as a ppoint be of the same kidney with this not very eminent, thour we take pleasure in adding, very "upright and well-inte rs ' tioned, minister, it is easy to fortel what sort of protec tion the poor children may anticipate from their inqt ries. The state o f th ese i n f ants i s really, in our eyes, blackest guilt with which England stands chargeable the present moment, and we are convinced that the re formed House of C ommons w ill remove i t w i t h out farthe r delay—whatever these commissioners may report—what ever new devices the hard-hearted manufacturers nial have recourse to, and however - ministers may counte nance other schemes for procrastination, as they ha te countenanced this scheme of a commission.—Times. In every point of view, whether of justice to the clerg' or information to the public, it is right that full informa tion respecting clerical property should be plainly esbl - and the monstrous exaggerations which have pre vailed, to the great disadvant age o f th e c h urc h , remo ved With this view we return to a subject treated in our last; and taking an entirely independent view of the question' it will be found to produce results completely coincident' The whole rental of I re la n d i s ca l cu l a t e d b y t h e best authorities at twelve millions. But the rental bears only a certain proportion to th e whole proceeds of land. T o b e profitably occupied, lan. d must yield much more than the rent. In England land 15 let to tenants on the calculation of its wielding a stun' which, divided into four parts, would leave one part t 0 the landlord as rent, and the remaining three parts in the hands of the tenant, to c over ti t h es an d taxes, see d , a nd farming utensils, labour and interest of capital—and to a' ford the farmer a fair profit on his time, skill, and industry' Land, then, in England is said to yield FOUR RENTAL S ' But say that, in Ireland land is not, from want of ,ca pital, skill and due culti va ti on so profitable : it is sta ll well known and admitted, that - it yields THREE RENTAL S at the least. The net amount, therefore, of the produce of land it! Ireland would be thirty-six millions of pounds annually' • 12,000,000 3=36,000,000. According to the vulgar error, therefore, which attr i i O . butes to the clergy a t en th o f th e pro d uce , t h e amoun t 0 , 4 tithes would reach th e mons t rous sum o f THREE MILLI O`9 SIX HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS. But the truth, as proved by the official and incontr ° 2 vertible returns, is, that the actual income of the clergy does not amount to quite seven hundred thousand polo' s , a-year —or, (according to what we proved in our last b), a different process) to c ons id era bly l ess th an one -third ( 4 ' the supposed income : in fact it does not amount to 0 0- FIFTH ! Now, of the thirty-six millions arising from the Prr duce of land, twelve millions a r e s upp ose d t o rea ch tu pockets of the landlo r d— SE V EN HUNDRED THOUSAND e POUNDS to be paid to the clergy ; and the remainder' amounting to TWENTY-TIIREE MILLIONS THREE ITUND 9EP THOUSAND POUNDS, remains with the oc cupi er t o answe r all other charges against him, and afford him a reasona ble profit. It is quite plain that no deduction is t o b e made from occupant's share on account of tith es , b ec ause " amount is calculated and deducted from the rent be con tracts to pay. Neither is the clerical income to be de ducted from the landlord's share ; because his rents' stands clear, as mentioned in his lease, without any ad dition to or deduction from it, on account of tithes. The landed proprietary of Ireland do not claim the, tithes as theirs. Their fortunes are not a jot diminishe d by the payment of them. But were it otherwise;—were they reduced in pro perty by £700,000, it should be a consideration with them whether it were not better to pay this sum cheer fully, than to open the flood gates of spoliation up on themselves by contributing to, or e ven p erm i tt i ng 141 " confication of the property of any other class. See how the case actually stands. The democracy , e r his Majesty's Ministers, require the appropriation ef,... 3 4 certain sum of money for the service of the state. Tu i sum amounts to £700,000 a year, and belongs to a fee ble body called the Church. But three leading Noblemen of Vngland have amongi them private f or t unes w hi c h amoun t t o a grea t er annu 3 sum. We need not name them. If the democrat)' c s ; Ministers should again need a similar subsidy, what is ,c prevent the spoliation of these noblemen ? We could point out three creditors to the nationalt debt living within half a mile of each other whose joi ° claims would exceed the income of the Church of Ir e. / land. What is to oppose the spoliation of these, or ° the whole class, amounting only . to 250,000 individu als, when once the example is set and the principle est a- Wished? But to the land proprietors espeCially this is a mat t ,,, er , of consideration. Were there no tithe s , it is true ti'7 o would have seven hundred thousand a year in additio n their twelve millions ; but then they d o not want wbatult not their own. All the charge they are at is 31)° 03 fifty thousand pounds a year for maintaining their go . places of worship, they being almhst universally r o , testants. We appeal to them is this unjust or Iran' derate ? If unjust, let them say so, and justify the selves: if it be im m od era te, let them reduce it w ith o r proper bounds • but do not throw the burden o n tie Clergy.—Dublin Evening Hail. THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. \L 31,18.33 ti ll li e 411