The Sun. — London, England, 1847-06-12 00:00:00

RA ' , WA COM `4i lITTEES. ROUSE OF LORD 4.-(YES FERDAY.) IrsOn-r Room C. "•• , 'N AND SOUTH-WESTERN (WlDEN aligz A ING, &c.) . .WESTEaN (BAAATCH TO JOIN THE z i ,,, N 2 ) °N AND SOUTH -VTESTERN AT "'" 4 /IXTH). 7: l 2. l3 eUnnmittee on thi s grou p met to-day at eleven o'clock; ""„r,? Colborne i t : th e c h a i r . po:epoe first Bill, whi c h, as w ill be perceived, is for the pur asraly 4t; _.f widening a minion of toe South Western, was pasted, "nemcte arrangements having been come to w ith land- The object of the second Bill is to widen the West London fi: w aY, and t o cont i nue i t , by means of a bridge across the 1 7, 11 2 es, to joi n th e S o uth-Western at Lambeth. G 7" Brunel wa s exam i ne d, and detailed the nature and co:)- ` e , l the line. By it the London and North-Western, the i o ti at Western, the South-Wes:trn, and ultimately the :2 1- Eastern, would be joined together. The n ew railwa y made would be seven miles and seven chains in leng th ; and .ue entire Cost, including the bridge across the Thames,kb° . be Battersea-hr dge, would he 280,0001. The line would et 'lostructed on the broad gauge, so that there must ne w''sitY be a b rea k o f eauge a t sue j u nction wit ti the South - N ew ". Toe li n e is opposed by the South-Western on the 6 ItiLoil that it will mater,allv in:erten with that line. e a h o r * 'TILL h i adressed the Committee in opposition, " On Mr Locke,engineer tv the South Western, in the - eon of his case. 'le Committee a . iljourned until Monday. ); rl . ‘ „ Ro o m D. Z O — "AT, STAINES, and SOUTH-WESTERN (STAIN ILI ES TO ASCOT AND WOKINGHAM, 7,7°R, STAINES, AND SOUTH-WES rm. (RICHMOND TO WINDSOR, &::.) e Committee „ ttee met at the usual hour this morning. r " - n e . s prune! having been examined in opposition to these c l o aud the c ase o f t h e op p o nents- having been brought to , Mr ' e ser"eaut WRANGIIAM addressed the Committee in " IMPORTANT DECISION. 1.), ~ i e room was then cleared. `-'n th e e , i e mission of the parties, 0 , 4 , uuke of R ICHMOND said that the Committee were of * e4 tnn that the p rea mble of the Windsor, Staines. and South "ern (from Richmond to Windsor) bad been proved. Pplau se ~,,,, e .followed the announcement. !'n clauses were then proceeded with, and the Committee "'Anted till Mon day. 40' 1 / B E. „OF COMMONS —(YESTERDAY.) itatz ut ,.. GROUP VI. WESTERN (EZTENSION TO • In to EX STEW. mother "equence of Mr. Brunel being under examination in m rr , COIIIIII4 ee, With ;"awson, surveyor of Exeter, was called and examined rch,'"Pect to the valuation of the land required for the by t a riB Y , v an,d the residential injury which would be caused C llwa y , ep h eho , r unel was then cross-examined by several counsel by At s' a certain opposing landowners, and re-examined At r . Slad th tal tw 2 conclusion of his evidence the Com mittee ad j ourned - "ve to-morrow. Th r!„ GROUP VIII. e raittee on this group re - assem bled this m o rning at tau, --al is pari letual hour, in Room 25; Mr. Young in the chair. IiaILBOUR IMPROVEMENT COM (I /PIZ POWER TO THE LONDON AN STERN TO Z SUBSCRIBE THERETO).D SOUTH t case „of the p r o mo ters was resumed, and • Warren, su perintendent of the South De von ifetts;l3lg • Company wa s cross-examined at considerab le lir. by is , r. ALL lehten e o. urY, tide-surveyor at Plymouth , corr oborated the e of last witness, and deposed to the great necessity h erb existed for the improvement and the deepening of the trecit4 r ; end preventing the accidents which were of such :„occurrence. th e walker,. Queen's Harbour-master , was examined to s ame effec t . effect e`rid e „,:r e .ac Nichols, the secretary of the company , gave cliff In favour o f the Bill, and stated what would be the Iree, n the n ew of the dues at Milbay and at Sutt on Pool under v Act, i n f avour o f t h e l a tter. Rill ° Committee then ad ourned till Mon da y , when they ket era. Pr°c " A-- - to hear further evidence on behalf of the pro- Th e g aa ..., GROUP X. thevonlmittee appointed to consider the merits of 'lour thi n c° ,„ lll Prsed in this group re-assembled at the usual 31 4.7tiarr -- " r "„Lg • Lord Clive in the chair. — "aa 'AND mAsrEvav COUNTIES Th e JUN CTION . to th e wuRMAN announced that the Committee had come Prov e d, re 4 olation that the preamble to this Bill was Lot *4lllTmlus UNION (111AWNINGTREE TO Th e c iitaitvizcs). t o 4 , RAHMAN announced that the Committee had come ir resolution that the preamble to this Bill was p roved. pa s i h e COrnmittee were occupied the rest of the day in dis the "g, of the cl auses . Th e w hole of them were agreed to , and Ulliirtnan was instructed to report the same to the accordingly. •ua Committee then adjourned. GROUP XXIV. Czo, - "STER AND 1101:713EAD (UOLYNEA.D _ , EXTENSXO, do.c.) 1 1 4 , i7 dence of a g 0 eneral nature was given in favour of this kL'Y Mr. Bagshaw, one of the directors of the railway, and if a zt e l other witnesses. Committee adjourned till twelve o'clock on Monday. 6110U1 ) XXX. T he Committee on this group met this morning at the 41114 hour, in Room 34 ; qtr. Curry in the chair. 2VORTE SoIIDEAZID (EAST RID- XI4G CANALS PORCUASE). This Bill, being unopposed, was the first business taken this morning, and was passed. CMCAT INTOUTHEIta OP JI.X.ROLIVIE EXTMNSION). _ Mr. B.u2sEs then ope,,ed the case on behalf of the pro moters of this line, and dwelt at considerable length on the great advantages it would confer on the district through which it passed. Wituess,fs were then called to show the importance of this line. Mr. Whittaker, landowner and farmer, Mr. Casson draper, both of Thome ; and Mr. Matthews, magistrate of Hat•:eld, Were severally examined, and deposed to the great accommo dation the railway would give to Thorne and the district generally. The Committee then adjourned till'Monday. GROUP XXXIX. T he e a Committee met at the usual hour this morning; Lord u tles Wellesley in the chair. lAA ENcE RAILWAY, AND LEEDS AND TIIXILSK, AMALGAMATION. d .T he Committee 18 P c4 sing of the special clauses in this Bill. GROUP XLV. t Th e committee (Sir D. Le Mar chant chairman) met at We've o'clock. EDINBURGH AND PERTH. e a r . /tr • Bateman, C.E., was called to support the evidence t - , h Y iven in favour of the li a nd after parties were ad ne. kitte e d r g oom was then cleared, Th p rov - e e d. CHAtaltni; announced that the pre amble was not T he Committee then adjourned. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS• " I.o nl the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Coinitiov.) ITHU RS DAY. JUNE 10. RAILWAY ;BILLS. o. hj i ,otion m a d e , an d Q u estion proposed, " That a Clause e "; 111 be ins er t e d i n every Railway Bill the present and ev ery future session of Parliament, prohibiting the payment 0, e any interest or dividend in respect of calla (e xc ep t the Merest by way of di,count on subscriptions pre-paid, agree to 8 Vic. c. 16, s. 24), out of the capital authorised to be "Med in such Bill, either by means of calls, or of any power Of borrowing contained therein -"—Amendment proposed, to eave out the words " in the present and every," it order to 'peen the words " introduced tor the first time in any," in- Stead thereof :—Question put, " That the words in the Present and every' stand part of the Question." The House divided MAJORITY—AYES, 70. Aglionby, H. A. Graham, Sir James O'Brien, J. Austen, Colonel Granby, Marquis of Ogle, S. C. Baine, Walter Grimsditch, Thomas Ord, William Bannerman, A. Guest. Sir J. Owe. , , Sir J. Baring, F. T. Hamilton, W. J. Parker, John Bellew, K. M. llastie, Archibald Peel, sir Robert Bennet, Philip Hatton, Captain V. Prime, Ri..hard Bentinek, Lord 11. Hildyard, T. IL Repton, G. W. J. Bodkin, William H. Hindley Chalice Ricardo, J. L. butte, T. J. Hodgson, I{,cLiard Seymour, Lord litusfeild, W. Howard, P. 11. Shelburne, Earl of Carew, w. H. Pole Hu dson, G. Stanton, W. 11. Cavendish G avendish, G. H. Hume, Joseph Strutt, Edward Clerk Sir G . Hurst, R. 11. Thornely , Thomas Denison J 'E. James, William Troubridge, Sir E. Douglas, J. h 'iir C. Jolliffe, Sir W. 11. Waddington, 1 . 1. S. —tick ' worth, Sir J. Lascelles, W. S. Warburton, lien7y D uncan,K George Lemon, Sir Charles Williams, W. 'Ululati Admiral M`Taggart, Sir J. Winningtou, Sir T. ..ast, Sir J. B. Mileage, 11. 'Wood, Sir Charles —Ellice, Edward Mitchell, T. A. ZUtwisle W. Monahan, J. H. TELLIII9. Ely ' 41 1, William Mostyn, E. Tufnell, U ,rellden, Sir W. Mundy - , E. M. Somerville, Sir W. Fren c h , P. O'Brien, A.'S. MINORITY—NOES, 27. Md a ,... , w. Clive, It. 11. Pakington, Sir J. S Ii "' Powlett, Lord W. alley, Joseph Davies, D. A. Ritii • ' Russell, Lord ~ eY, Joseph, jun. Fitzinaurice. W. ..askerrille, T. Gill, Thomas Stanstield, W. B. Beckett, W. Gore, W. 0. Strickland, Sir G Berkeley, Craven Grogan, Edward Turner, E. Illaekburne, J. I. Hamilton, G. A. Yorke, li. R. Buck, Lewis W. Harris, lion. Capt. TELLERS. 14 Rekl (~ Y. Edmund ilornny, Jena Denison , E. B. .aldin, W. J. Mastermaii, John Rassell,_C. r 2, 0 NIMITTEE v., PRIVATE BILLS. HUILJSE OF COMNIONS—(YESIEtiDAY.) .„„ UItELNE passed the preamides ut the to:lowing Ta ----Aru m Improvement, Market , &c. ituji----Arumdy Ar Hallway and Docks (Deviations , and B i d e. 1, 3 ‘ i i - ili k ua :ioutilatnpton Bra-ches). twprovement. S t. Laproveinent. (tiuntingdon) Inaprorement. x eter and Exmouth Itadway• S TANDING ORDER,S COMMITTEE. 11( )USE OF LtiliDS.--(YESTEIt , Before the Earl of SHAFTZSBURY alid Lord REDEsDatz.) The Bill : or the Weymouth Branch of the So u t ham p ton an Dorchester Railway was passed. The Committee decided that the standing orders had been com plied with i n th e G lasgow, Ki lmarnoc k, and Ayr Rail. A a r (No. 2) ; i n the Glasgow, Paisley, Kil mar nock, and dio Railw aY. and Ayrshire and Bridge of Weir Railway stork s : I); in the Saffron Walden Rates Bill; in the S wansea stair" Lii"; iu the Derby s hi re, S ta ff or d s hire, and Worcester -14: i luicti" R a i lway ; and in the Won and Ely RanwaY i tu i tti-a a to Lyuu 'jocks; as also i i toe Duului, tuld the Great 6ouitteru and ,t ea - 1 " 16 - 1 4 4 .4wapa fral r9rowlipato tg W11,1141119re! TILE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, JUNE 12, 1847. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, June 11. Their Lordships met at Five o'clock. Messengers from the Commons brought up several Bills, which were ordered to lie OR the table. LUNATIC ASYLUMS (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL, this Bill was read a third time and passed. HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL. The Marquis of NOI{MANBY presented petitions from Birmingham in favour of the Health of Towns' Bill; also from Warwick, Canterbury, Coventry, and other places, to the same efftvt. PO UG AL. Lord STANLEY wished to know if the Noble Mar quis the President of the Council had issued any in structions with respect to the prisoners of war that might be taken by our naval forces off Portugal; and if so, if he bad any objection to lay them before their Lordships. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he had not reo-ived the papers, and therefore he could not give an explicit answer to the inquiry; but he might observe that the surrender of the prisoners had been to de with out any conditions, and that they were nut subject to any peculiar r•-strictions. Lord BROUGHAM then gave notice that he should bring the stil* , ct of the armed interference i. ith the in ternal affairs of Pcistugal before the House on Tuesday next, and he trusted therefore that any :nformation which . the Government might possess would be laid before the 11.,1130. Lord STANLEY said that, under the circumstances, and in consideration of the intimation of his Noble and Learned Friend near him, he begged to give notice that, on Tuesday next, he should raove that their Lord ships should take into consideration the present state of the affairs of Portugal, with a view to obtain further information than any which they at present possessed. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that all he bad to state was that he really possessed no further information than that which he bad already given. Lord BROUGHAM begged to explain, that as his Noble Friend had given notice of a motion, he would withdraw his own inquiry. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH thought that good reasons ought to be shown why this interference had taken place, for the decrees of the Queen had been issued on the 7th of October, and this interference had only taken place within the week. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—That might be at tended to at a tutwe time. SPANMII BONDS. Lord BROUG LIAM begged to present a petition from the Sectety of the S anish Bondholders, praying the interference of the Government in their behalf, and that the authorities in Spain might be induced to pay the arrears of their debts. In mAing this motion he could not but observe that it was e cktes , able and dishonourable for men to repudiate their debts, as had been done with so much shamelessness by otherceuntries. The petition stated that the Spaniards had the means of paying, for their revenue had greatly inereased since the debt was contracted. Tee petitioners prayed that their Lordships would take their case intotheir most serious consideration. GREAT SOUTHERN AND WESTERN RAIL WAY. Earl FITZWILLIAM. was desirous of calling the attention of their Lordships to the report which had been laid upon the table of the House of Commons re lating to the great Southern and Western Railway of Ireland. The report, which had been prepared by Mr. Walker, recommended the encouragement of these un dertakings as one of the beat means for getting rid of some of the prevailing evils of Ireland. Hithertothe labourers of Ireland had been unaccustomed to receive money wages, but the introduction of these works into the sister king dom had produced a great change in that respect, and he thought Government could not do better than give their assistance to similar unde rtakin g s. He begged to move that the paper be laid upon the table of the House. Motion agreed to. NATIONAL EDUCATION SCHOOLMASTERS IN HOLY ORDERS. The Bishop o EXE rER, rose for the purpose of bringing forward the motion of which he had given notice, a few days since, That it is the opinion of this House that persons in holy enders not exercising eccle siastical functions, ought not, as such, to be ineligible to the office of schoolmasters in schools receiving the aid of Parliamentary grants. In bringing forward that motion he telt deeply impressed with the necessity of her Majesty's Government adopting that resolution. It was highly necessary, for the benefit of tae rising generation, that the principle of his motion should be carried out. Many of those whose interests he wee advocating were persons of the greatest intellieeece, and though not men of the we rid, they had their hearts true from those in fluences which would disable them from discharging the duties of teachers, and wet peculiarly well qualified to impart instruction. He said that the Noble Marquis, on the 25th August last, when the Minutes of Council were drawn up, had made no conditions which excluded clergymen from the situation of schoolmasters. The inquiry was as it affected the clergy. What was the fit nqss or the unfitness of deacons to teach? It appeared by the resolutions, that the parochial clergy were to assist in the examinations, and if that were so, it followed as a natural consequence that there must be a course of instruction in which he could concur, for if it were not, how could they take part in the examination ? Then there was anot.her question raised by these reselutions, and that was as to how far the doctrines thought in the school were in accorelaece with those of the Church of England, and in conformity with the principles of the authorised version of the Bible. The Right Rev. Prelate then read a series of extracts from the resolutions, in order to show the restrictions which are imposed upon the clergy of the Church of Eteglanct. Ho could not un derstand why a clergyman could be eligible to the office of inspector, and yet be deprived of performing the functions of a schoolmaster. It was on anomaly he could not account for, and he hoped the Noble Marquis would explain clearly and distinc.ly why so singular a distinction was made. If a clergy man were incompetent to fulfil the duties of one situation, surely he was capable of pertorm ing the functions of the other, and he must c ntess to their L.relships, that he was quite at a loss to conceive upon what grounds this resolution of the Council was to be justified. The motives which governed the Wes leyan body in their recent negotiations were evidently that they wished the Government to support them, and that the same assistance should be refused to all 'other sects, excel)r those who might happen to agree in the same religiens opinions as themselves. That body hie: most strenuously opposed the appointment of or dained persons to the situation of schoolmasters. And the Government had, in his opinion, most improperly given way to these objections. There was one point to which he wished to call the attention of their Lordships in the correspondence that passed between the Committee of the Wesleyan body and the Lord President of the Committee of Privy Coun cil, and that was with respect to the liturgy and cate cnism of the Church of England. The Noble Marquis had consented, in reply to the application ot theWesiey an body, to permit the catechism and liturgy to be dis pensed with in their schools, and thereby encouraged the Wesleyans in their resistance to the original minutes and regulations on education. He denounced this conduct of tee Noble Marquis as most unjust, and a breach of faith with tue Established Church. But this was not only done now for the first time, but the act itself was in direct vielatieu of the trust deed under which the Coun cil of Education was eetablidied. The schools carried on with the funds raised by the minute of C uncil were conduct. d upon the principles of the Established Church, and et their Lordships had an instance of her Majesty's Government committing themselves to a course of pro• ceedieg that was ie direct violation of those principles. The schools established by the Wesleyans were formerly onlytwo per cent. of the whole number in existence , and it was too bad that a body who had only availed themselves of the minutes of the Council to so small an ext-nt should be suffered to extort such terms wh as those s tr , had the h i e f h m ear t . h s isonc o W f e w s i h r i y e lt h n e d e t ° , done to neendti—(Hear, i ca o et concession it were to be called? Why, they resisted the progress of education ' when based upon Church principles. They resisted the educational "l clauses of the Factories Bill in 1839, and on every oc casion they had shown themselves antagonistic to al advancement or improvement in the Church of England. He would not detain their Lordships further, but simply _ move the resolution of hiowhichjn of h he t had is Housee given thaterp notice— namely, " That it is the op suite in holy orders not exercising ecclesiastical func tions ought not, as such, to be ineligible to the office of schoolmaster in schools receiving aid from the Parlia mentary grants." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (who was, as usual, inaudible in the gallery) was understood to say that the motion of the Right Rev. Prelate expressed nothing, and when carried it could be productive of no good. It was proposed by this motion covertly, if not directly, to establish the rule, that the education to be afforded by the public money voted by the state to the council of education should be conducted and administered only by clergymen of the Church of England. Now, such a re solution would be in direct violation of the opinions of • Parliateent, already expressed upon this subject. The Horse of Commons vested the money for the purpose of education, aid to no other purpose could it be applied; and yet, in the lace of all this, here was the Right Reverend Prelates asking their Lord ships to to pass a resolution to sanction diversion of these educational grants to the promotion of the Church. He could not c o nsent to such a pro ceeeing, but it the Church really r e quired the aid of ad oittoital t mitts to secure the services of a new class of clergy seen, let the Cuurch come forward and tell the Parliament and the country st , and no , seek to attain the object by indirect na , ans. Let them understand what 1 they were about, and if they were to vote money fur educational purposes let the futela be apelied to those e pure: 'see, and to none other. Th e R,ght Rev. Prel had aecased him of a breach of faith in treating with the Wesleyans upon this subject. For the lite of him he could not s.-e haw he had laid himself open to such a charge. Parliament voted the additional funds for the purposes of education, in order that these education grants might be rendered available to the Wesleyan body, who formed a large proportion of the population of this coun tr y . How could be biaMed then, or how could he have laid himself open to the charge of a breach of faith by consenting to an erratigemt nt proposed by the Wesleyans, which was strictly in accerdatice with the spirit and principle of the a a h V d es h le o y e a o t o is sid w e o r .r e e d grant, and would do away with the objeteions they must powerfult heta elate. body, and otherwise entertain, to participating ns t that o tt a s u h s e e ar he t theirus ° a P c i acted that a ( t m h he had d fai subject.ilen under Atfnul: l s t ith"; numerous sueals. sddeatiublibtreyyd.; of the Right Rev. Prelate, and ihe course of c:,nduct wh,ch h ie d was not ashamed of pursued. The re quest of the Weeleyan b .dy was the that could possibly be made to thetemost rational one Government. reprotieutativeb of the whole bod y were about to meet together in a few days, and the deputation desired to have some official intormation on the subject to communicate to them. Nothing could be more reasonable. Ile did not wish to charge upon the Wesleyans the gift of prophecy, but they did most certainly state that a short time only would elapse before the Bishop of Exe ter would endeavour to introduce some measure similar to that which he now proposed. It was not till within this very late period that the Right Rev. Prelate had discovered the necessity of adding the stipends of the schoolmasters to that of deacons. He believed that if the motion were agreed to, the result would be that the whole of the funds vote d for the purposes of education and founding schools would be expended in training deacons for holy orders.—(Hear, hear.) The effect of ttis experditure would be that each of these persons would receive item the funds of the Committee, For apprentice-ship for five years A; 95 Expenses at normal school bermes as schoolmaster Making a total of £29o to be expended in the formation of deacons for the Esta blished Church. lie need hardly say such was not the pur pose of the ciovern merit in bringing forward their measure and he hope;i that their Lordships would not sanction any departure from their intentions as embodied in the minutes of Council on education, which had received the cordial assent of the Legislature. With respect to the motion itsolf, he would beg to say that persons in holy orders were not now ineligible to the office of schoolmaster, but there was no doubt that it was inex pedient under cover of such a measure to augment to so large an extent as was, to all appearance, the desire of the Right Rev. Prelate to do, the number of persons in connexion with the Established Church receiving funds appropriated by Parliament for a totally distinct and different purpose. He should, therefore, feel it his duty to move the previous question on the motion of the Right Rev. Prelate. _ _ Lord STANLEY thought it unfair on the part of the Government to lay down a rule at the request of the Dissenters, debarring the clergy of the Established Church from a participation in the benefits of the Government grant as schoolmasters in connexion with the national schools. He was not a bigot in education, and had no wish to prevent the disseziting bodies from participating in the grant for education, and if they were to urge that the master proposed to be appointed to one of their schools, belonged to the Church of England, they would he per fectly justified in doing so. lie wished, however, to speak of the Dissenters with the greatest respect, because a more disinterested and respectable body, and one more desirous to promote the purposes of education did not exist; but he did not consider that they had any right to demand that a clergyman of the Church of England should not have aid from the State for educational pur poses when he sought it.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis said. that it was not their in ten'ion to train up schoolmasters who might at a future time enter into other pursuits, but he (Lord Stanley) thought that if they were to enter into holy orders that their services for the purpose of education would be far better secured than they would if the present state of things continued.—(Hear.) For instance, employment as clerks on the railways, and in other occupations, which are better paid than the office of schoolmaster, would be sought after ; but if he were called upon to enter into holy orders, such a state of things would not occur, and his whole attention would be secured for the purpose of education. He did not think that the Noble Marquis had met the case put forward, and thinking that this was an unjust exclusion, he should support the motion. He thought, however, that the object of the Right Rev. Prelat., would be answered by the discussion which had taken place ; and, therefore, he advised him not to divide upon the motion. The Bishop of NORWICH considered that if the motion were carried by their Lordships, that it would not be carried in the other House, because it would ex asperate the Dissenters, and these, as the Noble Lord had said, were not times to turn from the work of conciliation. Even it it were adopted, he did not think the thinking portio of the Church would be satisfied with it, because it wcula partake of an exclusive character, and would not be tolerated. Still he thought that a schoolmaster should be elevated to a higher office. He was most strongly opposed to the funds of the country being ap propriated to those who at a future period were to be paid by the Church. It was their duty, he thought, to lessen the gap which existed between the Church and the Dissenters. The Earl of CHICHESTER saw no reason why schoolmasters should not enter into holy orders, as he believed that the prospect of their elevation would induce tlsem to discharge their duties with greater effect than if they were simply to remain teachers. He was opposed to this motion, because he thought that it would not be for the benefit either of the schools or of the Church itself. The Right Rev. Prelate had read several extracts, which showed the anxious care which had been devoted to the system of instruction in schools, but he hoped that that instruction would not suffer by the absence of the honour which the Right Rev. Prelate had it in view to confer upon the schoolmasters. In opposing this motion, he did not wish to separate the office of schoolmaster and religious teacher, but he thought that they would be much better left upon their present basis, and therefore he could no t give his assent to the motion. The Bishop of S rILISBURY said that he did not intend to enter upon the general subject which had been raised in the course of this debate. He entirely con curred in what the Noble Marquis had stated with re spect to the arduous end difficult functions of the Com mittee of Council upon this subject, and he thought that had such a proceeding as the one recommended in the motion of his Right Hon. Friend been advisable it would have been adopted. He thought that in order to allay the unfounded jealousy which was entertained by cer tain persons in respect of the application of these funds, the Government had laid down rules which might have somewhat injured the Church of England schools, but he was extremely glad to hear that such was not the case. After a few words in explanation from the Bishop of EXETER, The motion was withdrawn. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. June 11. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. REPORTS. The following reports were brought up, and ordered to lie on the tahl.: :—Lincoln's Inn Rating; Oldham Alliance Railway; Rathmines Improvement; Caledonian Railway (Purchase or Lease of Wishaw and Coltness Railway); Inverness Municipal and Police, &c. ; Inverness Har bour and Navigation ; Tyne Docks ; Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway (Ossett Branch, and Dewsbury and Morley Stations); Manchester, Sheffield, and Lin colnshire Railway (Ashton Canal Purchase); York and Newcastle, Newcastle and Berwick, and North British Railways Amalgamation ; Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle-upon-Tyne Juliction Railway (Alteration of Main Line and Hawes Blanch) ; Northern Counties Union Railway Deviation. The reports on the following Bills were further con sidered and agreed to:—Edinburgh and Northern Rail way (Improvement of the Ferry between Ferry Port on Craig and the North Shore of the River Tay); Kilmar nock Police Improvement; London and North-Western Railway (Orinskirk and Rainford Branch, &c.); Lynn and Ely, Ely and Huntingdon, and Lynn and Dere ham Railways Amalgamation; Stockport Manorial Tolls and Bridges. THIRD READINGS. There were no less than 40 railway Bills standing for a third reading this evening; but, in consequence of the suggestion of Mr. Strutt, they were all postponed till Monday, in order that clauses might be introduced in them in accordance with the resolutions passed . last On the suggestion of Mr. W. PAT LEN, after a short discussion, it was arranged that the House should sit on Monday next at twelve o'clock, for the purpose of con sidering the third readings that had been postponed to-day, in order that the Bill might be taken up to the House of Lords the same evening. Mr. RICE presented a petition from Dover in favour of the Health of Towns Bill. EDUCATION. Dr. BOWRING presented a petition from the Catho lics of Dtptford against the scheme for the benefit of education. Mr. GISBORNE presented a petition from the Roman Catholics of Stafford:shire to the same effect. RAILWAY ACCIDENTS. Colonel SIBTLLORP postponed till Tuesday next the f o ll o wing motion respecting railway accidents, as he un derstood it was the intention of the Hon. Member for Sunderland to oppose it :—A return of the sums of money actually paid by each railway company as com pensation to the widow and children of persons killed, or to the individuals who have been injured in travelling by or while employed on each railway, from 1840 to the present period, stating the nature of each accident, and the amount which has been given in each case. IRISH RAILWAYS. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL presented petitions for the encouragement of railways in Ireland from the guar dians of the county of Cork and Kilkenny, and from the grand jury of Kerry. HEALTH OF TOWNS. Sir W. CLAY presented a petition from the inhabi. tants of the Tower Hamlets in favour of the Bill for this purpose. NAVIGATION LAWS. The HON. MEMBER also presented a petition from Limehouse against a repeal of the navigation-laws. MEXICO. Dr. BOWRING said that seeing the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department i n hi s pl ace , an d as there was no business before the [louse, he wished to ask whether her M ljesty's Government intended to take any measures for preveeting the lamentable state of things now existing between the Americans of the United States and the Mexicans, and to prevent a repetition of the dreadful effusion of blood which had lately ensued. L , ird PALMERSTON had to state, in reply to the question of the lion. and Learned Gentleman, that the late Government tendered its good offices between the two parties, and the present Government had re peated the offer in a more formal manner, but in n,ither case had the parties availed themselves of the offer. Of course, u: der these circumstances, however much they might lament this state of things, they could I not interfere.—(ldear, hear.) PRIVATE BILLS. Mr. HUME moved that it is expedient that the con stitution and practice of all Committees on Private Bills, in future sessions of Parliament, should be assimilated as nearly as may be to those of Committees on Railway Bills; and that it be an instruction to the Committee for revision of standing orders to make provision accordingly. Sir R. H. INGLIS said there were many objections to the principle of this resolution, and as it was likely to give rise to a good deal of discussion, he hoped his Hon. Friend would postpone it, in order that the more im portant motion relating to Portugal might be proceeded with. Mr. HUME did not think the motion was lik e ly to rise to a discussion, because he und o/1 4 40 a its principle was to be conceded. However, he should have no objection to postpone the motion till Monday next. The motion was accordingly withdrawn. EXCISE. Dr. BOWRING moved for a return, for the latest period to which it can be made up, of the establishments of the Excise, in the same form and under the same heads as that printed by the Commissioners of Excise Inquiry in their Twentieth Report, Appendix 12. Agreed to. HOUSE OF COMMONS TAXATION OF COSTS BILL. On the order of the day being read for receiving the report on this Bill, An Hon. MENBER begged to move that the amend ments be agreed to. The amendments were accordingly agreed to, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time on Friday next. CONSTRUCTION OF RAILWAY BRIDGES. Sir G. CLERK drew attention to a statement alluded to by the Hon. Member for Nottingham, that Mr. Locke, C.E., had written a letter to the Earl of Dalhousie, re presenting that railway bridges were constructed of such dimensions as to render them unsafe for the pur poses of public conveyance, and recommending that they should be made according to certain estimates enclosed in that letter. This was signed by other parties. He had discovered that such a letter was written on the 30th April, 1846, but it had reference to crossing roads, and not to bridges over waters. Mr. GISBORNE explained that his information was collected from a paragraph in a public print, and that he had stated so at the time to the House. THE AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. Mr. HUME said that, in rising to make the motion of which he had give* notice to the House, he could assure them that he had seldom risen in his place in that House to do what he considered a duty so unpleasant to him self, because he was about to complain of the Government measures as dangerous in every way to the British con stitution—measures which, if he could read them aright, were likely to lead to consequences most disastrous, not only to this country, but to the whole civilised world. He considered it valuable to maintain those principles upon which the British constitution was founded. They owed the liberties they possessed to the stipulations made between the people and the Sovereign, and by them they were enabled, after a long interval, to settle among themselves what were the laws under which the United Kingdom should be ruled. The So vereign of this day owed much to these resolutions of 1688, and had any Sovereign of Europe in those days ventured to take the part which the British Government had taken with regard to Portugal, where would he have been?—(Hear.) In short, instead of taking ten or twelve days, an ordinary member would have col lected all the evidence in four-and-twenty hours; the matter of real importance would go into a very smallaum ber of pages. He considered that they had lost a great deal of time, and although it might be desirable to know what effect their proceedings would have, yet the news of the day showed how fatal had been their interference. It cast a stain upon the honour of the country. He objected to the principle of armed interference, and he also objected to the manner in which it was done. While Parliament was sitting the Ministers ought to have come down and asked the consent of the country. He would, therefore, move, " That, in the judgment of this House, the armed interference of this Government between political parties in Portugal is unwarrantable in principle, and likely to lead to serious and mischievous consequences." And they had a precedent for such a resolution in the year 1826, when there was a triparte treaty, and when they were bound to furnish troops for Portugal. During the tune of Mr. Canning, the Cabinet showed its respect to the House of Commons, and the import ance with which it viewed the subject before it. What took place on that occasion? On Friday, the 9th of the month, the news arrived that an invasion had taken place. On the following day a Cabinet Council was held, and a resolution was come to to afford the country that assistance which it sought, and on Monday it was resolved to send a message to that effect to the House of Commons. A debate took place on the receipt of the message from the Cabinet ; and Mr. Canning on that occasion stated that they were called upon to interfere in the internal affairs of that country, and that unless there was a treaty existing be tween the two countries to that effect, he should be the first to refuse it, and the conduct of the Government upon that occasion did it much credit. In the other House Ie rd Bathurst concurred entirely in this view. Thus was passed an interference very unnercessarily. It did prove to be very serviceable to Portugal in the event, but it ought to be remarked that England interfered under a treaty, and in order to preserve good faith which he (Mr. Hume) preferred at a sacrifice, which could only be felt for a short time, but a bad example continued in its ill effects. On this occasion he did think England was setting a bad example. Mr. Canning, on the occasion he had referred to, on the 12th Dec., 1826, deprecated on all occasions intermeddling with the internal affairs of any other Government. But if that interference was wrong then, what could he say for the interference on this occasion? Spain bad not invaded Portugal; France had not — there had been no invasion. He was aware that civil war had continued in that country for anumber of months, and the contending parties had not been able to arrange a settlement. On that subject, however, he could never enter without recollecting the origin of that war, and he could not speak of this without complaining of the negotiations of this country with :Portugal, He did not, in saying this, refer to the Noble Lord in the Foreign-office, for he had looked over the dispatches up to the sth April last, and there was not ono dispatch of Lord Palmerston's in which he did not most entirely concur. He found the Noble Lord continually, on every application, repulsing theidea of an armed intervention. Before showing what had led to this result, he thought he might be allowed to state what had taken place from the beginning, and what that unfortunate country had been subjected to. He thought that the violation by the Queen of Portugal of the charter had roused the people of that country into resistance. The only demand that had been made by the English:Government was, that the Queen of Portugal should dismiss from her councils those evil councillors who had advised her to depart from the principles of the charter. lie thought that that charter was established in the reign of John the Sixth ; it was overturned three or four times, but it was subsequently restored. It was for the violation of that charter, that the people were now in arms, and if they did not resist that infringe ment of these liberties, he thought that they would be hooted by all the liberal and en lightened nations of E urope. H e would ask whether such a proceedin g s h ou ld b e sa nctioned by this country. Lord Ho war d d e W a ld en , in his dispatch, after stating that th e c h anges w hi c h had taken plac e had surprised everybody, sl id th a t the change in t he Government had been e ff ecte d i n the manner of a mili tary revolution, and he thought it had been caused by the election of the Duke of Palmella being doubtful. He further sap, " It is expected now (says Saldanha) that the Queen's proclamation will keep the country in a state of general tran4uillity, and that the suppres sion of all the newspapers, excepting those of the Government, will aid this purpose. But still, con sidering the small military forces of the Government, and the facility with which the soldiery can be gained over by every party, I contemplate the future with great anxiety." Now, I must trouble the House with another uotation. I will not read it, but it is " a list of t he unfortunate beings who ar e to be removed," as being odious to that party. Now I ask the House is it prepared to sanction any act of the Ministry that will uphold that Government, whose first act was the violation of the charter? He would now refer to an important paper which gave the stipulations of the charter, and, with the permission of the House, he would state a few violations of the charter which Palmella had carried out in Portugal, with perfect satisfaction to the whole Court. But he thought it necessary to state first that in the whole of these papers it was assumed to be necessary that they should depress the popular party as much as possible, and they had brought forward an absurd allegation that the Miguelites were the party to be dreaded in this in spite of the state ments of the English Minister for Forign Affairs. But the Miguelites had now united with the national party. These violations had been carried out to such an extent that the whole country was in disorder. The Hon. Member then read further extracts, proving the unconstitutional proceedings of the Court of Portugal. The people had been prepared by a series of acts of in justice from the Government, sanctioned by the Crown, to take the first opportunity of resisting them. He had seen a person that day who was one of those who w e r e among the arrests. He might say, indeed, that the acts of the Government had been nothing but arrests, imprisonment, dismissal, and transportation, and all without the semblance of law, without an appearance of right—in fact upon no other ground than the simple will of the Minister of Justice of the day. He had seen a gentleman that day who was one of 700 political prisoners capable of containing erne-half of t h e num b er — w h o was who had been heaped together in a prison not properly one of those who escaped on the 29th of April, when the disturbances at Lisbon opened all the prison doors. True it was that he escaped, but , seventy or eighty were butchered in the streets by the police, although they w ere quietly returning to their homes without arms in their h an d s . If Lion. Members who had not read those papers would follow that article m him, he would be enabled to make it cl ear t o t h em, t h at every liberty and privilege of a f ree country an d removing people had been violated. In the 19th art i c l e o f t h e there violation of were i independe nt dismissing e t h em. of judge and juries as well in civil as criminal cas e s, viog these judges from place to place and a nd judicial there h code ad bc e be en a He might say that such catalogues e cruelties had been heaped upon each individual, that it would tire the House were he to do more than,allude to there. The p tection which was set forth on this on wasconstituti n ot granted. The liberty of the press h a d bee n pu t d n ot granted. The liberty of the press had bee n pu t dow n down, and no newspaper was allowed to be printed e x ce p t those under the sanction of the Government; an d it was rather curious that the Noble Lord should ha ve inserted in these papers a number of extract s f rom the G overnment papers, as if Members of Parliament had not the sense to judge of what an article in a common newspaper was. These prisoners were carried off without conviction, without charge, and without trial, and locked wit h up felons of the worst description. So much for the Government which they had undertaken to protect. He would pass over other matters of minor importance, The chief of the police had the entire control and domination in the country; no man could live, move, or, have his being without him. Liberty of the press was . ' abolished. In article 25 the secrecy of letters was declared inviolable, yet Mr. Hume had seen many individuals whose letters bad been opened, and yet they were called upon to interfere and prevent the people, who had been driven to desperation, from obtaining their: just and undeniable rights. The Queen had established herself dictatress, and put an end to the working of every court and tribunal in the country. She had also appointed her Consort Commander-in-Chief of the Army, a pro ceeding which was against the law of the country, and against the Charter of 1838, that act of her's had alarmed many individuals who were disposed in her favour. He would not weary the House with a detail of the tyrannies committed; taxes had been levied without law, and what was most disgraceful, they had sent over Spanish bonds, similar to those which had been selling in the country, and which would lead people to sup pose gave the holder a claim upon the Government. And this was the Government they were called upon to support. It was of importance for him to adduce autho rities to show the real state of the question. He (Mr. Hume) recollected the time when Lord Grey, and when the Noble Lord, now at the head of the Government, obtained office on the express understanding that they would attend to three important points—that they should be friendly to reform, advocates of economy, and above all, that their Government should stand in a position of non interference in the affairs of other foreign countries. Lord J. RUSSELL—Peace. Mr. would ll l read e a e ce t between ef Earl Grey, rforeigny, and leave countries. Hesentiments rnn the Noble Lord to speak for himself. He said, if they wished to be at peace with other countries they must maintain the principle of non-interference, because any departure from such a course would in evitably lead them into war; and, further, that every Englishman must rejoice that Louis Philippe had been placed on the throne of France. Earl Grey made one of these expressions when they had expelled Charles XII. ; but he was not guilty of one twentieth part of the conduct of which the Queen of Portugal had been guilty.—(Loud cheers.) And if infatuation had ever possessed any man, it surely had possessed Louis Phi lippe—(Hear)—he who owed his crown to the barri cades—(immense cheering)—he who, but for the Duke of Wellington, would not have been placed upon the throne of France, because the Holy Alliance were against him, and the Duke of Wellington was the man who acknowledged the power of the people, for he would not allow any in terference of this kind ; and he believed no man was alive at that moment who took a more determined and popular part than the Duke of Wellington, because he supported the claims of Louis Philippe when the revolution took place to France, and was it not miraculous that the man who was so careful of his own interests as Louis Philippe should be a party to a measure of this kind, and his ex cuse was, that France and Spain were going to do something. What had they done ? Let the House hear, for it appeared to him that they had done nothing—could any man of common sense believe that the man of whom Earl Grey spoke in these eulogistic terms would have so acted ; and what were the Englishmen doing? But here are the Portuguese ten times worse in their Government, and led on in their opposition by the most virtuous men in the nation. After making inquiries, and satisfying himself in reference to their character, he repeated that he believed them the most virtuous men in the nation. Some of the papers he saw called them " Chartists ;" where they have got the name he knew not, or what they mean by it ; bat if anything disreputable was in tended, he must say that they were men possessed of a character which commanded the confidence of the people, and was it not painful to see the nag of England flutter ing over the suppression of a movement led on by men like these. The Noble Lord said peace, Lord Grey said nothing about that. Lord Grey, in the case of France, approved the ready recognition et the new Go vernment, and applauded the might which had been allowed to the voice of the people, in a matter of this kind, and hoped that the ready recognition of the new Government, would tend to a good understanding be • tween the two nations, as the foundation of peace. Lord Grey when in office, being asked a question of the same kind said, he had but to repeat then what he had said when out of office. As for peace, he (Mr. Hume) could not answer for the consequences which would follow. Perhaps the Government might think that after taking Conde Das Antes and his two thousand men prisoners they had obtained their object. They were further from it than ever. Could they persevere ? They must keep a British army in Portugal to support an infamous Government.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Was that the only authority on the subject ? Why, the Duke of Wellington, in 1833, on this very question, moved, " that an address be presented to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to give such directions as would lead to the English troops preserving a strict neutrality in the affairs of Portugal." And then the Noble Duke gave Lord Stowell's definition of neutrality, namely, that "neutrality meant not giving succour to either side." Lord Stowell also said, that " interference should not take place without a notice or a declaration of war." Had they done that ? No ; quite the contrary. A paper had certainly been sent; but why did not Sir George Hamilton find a party to ensure its arrival in time ? The General who commanded the troops in Portugal did not believe that they would run the risk they had done. They had a firm belief that justice would result from the interference of England, and that such an act of injustice would not be perpetrated. And he must say that a stain had been cast on this country which would never be removed. Now, lest there should be any doubt on the subject, he should read a question that had been asked of Earl Grey. That Noble Lord was asked, whether they were perfectly safe ? He had not yet seen the order under which these proceedings were taking place. But Earl Grey said, we sent Admiral Parker to the Tagus, with orders to observe the strict est neutrality. On the Ist of June, Admiral Parker was told by the Admiralty that, under all the circum stances, he was to observe the strictest neutrality. " Why was it that England, in 1833, had acted such a just and honest part, and in 1847 had acted in a manner directly opposite. He believed that if they had sent 5,000 men from England, and excluded Spain altogether, that the Portuguese would have submitted as to a stronger power; but if Hon. Members had heard, as he had done, the expressions of animosity that had been heard on the frontiers of Spain, they would have some conception of the bitter animosity that existed be tween them. Border feuds were nothing to it. An Honourable Member him, said that Louis Philippe was concerned in this. He believed himself that Louis Philippe was at the bottom of it.—(Laughter.) Mr. Sotheron, in his letter, had stated that there was, on the part of the people. every desire to make peace, but that taxation had been greatly increased, and that rates were levied to make new roads, while there was not in all Portugal a road fit for any continued use. External commerce had been kept away by a system of high duties, and an inquisitorial system which was carried on against the masters of merchant vessels. There had been the abolition of trial by jury, and many other inflictions upon the people in comple contravention of the articles 16, 17, and 18, in the treaty of 1842. By the abolition of the right of trial by jury the sub jects of her most faithful Majesty were placed at the disposal of the executive, and such an executive.— (Hear.) Mr. Bulwer, in his letter, gave it as his opinion, that interference was most objectionable, he alluded to his letter so late as on the 29th of October last, when hearing that a party of troops were moving down, he wrote to inquire as to the truth of the report. He had also quote the opinion of a public officer, Mr. Sotheron, who, writing so late al the 19th of December last, says, that interference is objectionable, and that it pro duces more evil than good, and that it was rapidly giving a national colour to the present contest. He said that no Hon. Member who had read these docu ments could fail to be of opinion that they had added to the cost of the civil war which had broken out, and that they had increased the difficulties of the country; and it appeared to him that they would find much more difficulty in settling the affairs of the country than they imagined. He should not, he feared, discharge his duty if he made any exception of the Noble Lord the Member ler Tiverton (Lord Palmerston)—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—because he intended to read several of his letters, and thus, as it were, to make him speak of him self. (The Hon. Gentleman then read a dispatch, dated the 29th of November, stating that every opportunity ought to be taken advantage of to impress the Portu guese Government with the desirability of entering into some amicable arrangement with the discon tented parts of the country, for the pur pose of putting an end to the insurrec tion. It went on to say that the English Go vernment, saw with regret that a great proportion of the people of Portugal were in insurrection, and that it was advisable that steps should be taken when it was once suppressed from allowing it to break out again. What was to prevent it from bursting out again?— (Hear, hear.) It went on to say, that the practical question then was, whether the Queen could consistently with her dignity and Crown, consent to an arrange ment satisfactory to the nation, and which could put an end to the insurrection. That was a very wise considera tion. The dispatch went on to say, that the fleet should abstain from taking any other part in this civil war than that of a friendly power. The Hon. Gentleman then read the dispatch from Lord Palmerston of the 4th of January, and a dispatch from Mr. Sotheron on the 10th of January from Lisbon, stating that the prisons were Lull of members of :the best families. Many persons of high rank had already been imprisoned upon the very slightest grounds. He had probably failed in stating what he intended to state—the causes of complaint upon the part of the people. There was one ground which he had forgotten, namely, that the con stitution by which the Queen derived her power from the people, enacted that the Cortes alone should regulate and prevent the introduction of foreign land and sea forces into the country. And yet the British Govern ment supported Donna Maria, in violation of that con stitution.—(Hear, hear.) There was another act of vio lence which he forgot to state. On the 3d of November the following decree was passed, namely, that all ecclesi astics, or laity, or officers arrested with arms in their hands, should be immediately shot—three of the officers of the troops arresting them to form a court-martial, to hear them verbally, and the execution of the sentence to depend upon the will of the chief commanding officers. This was in order, as the proclamation stated, to keep the country as much as possible from the horrors of a civil war. Many of the officers taken prisoners had been sent to Africa, to the most unhealthy settlement there, and sent eut in such a manner as to call forth the re monstrances of the captain of the ship which conveyed them. One captain was superseded, and another ap pointed, merely for having, in that case, made an appeal to the humanity of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then read, at some length, a paper from ,the Foreign-office, dated April 5, with reference to the state of things then existing in Portugal, and to the construction of the treaty of 1834. He did not:think it necessary to refer to the proceedings of the Portuguese Government at any greater length. Many ac ts of not only interfere:rice, but of viola- L i o n of the treaty, had been committed by the Government in supp ort of Donna Maria. None of which were in any way justifiable or even called for. He thought that he had made out a case of gross violation of a treaty, and an improper interference in the affairs of another country. If Russia, Prussia, and Austria were to send troops to France and interfere in their in ternal arrangements, could the English say anything to it? If they were desirous of interference, why did they not prevent Mexico from being overrun by America? By what tenure did the Queen of England hold her power ? Might not another Power come over and interfere with the affairs of Ireland? The principle which the English Government had laid down appeared to him a most dan gerous one, and one which was capable of the most se rious and injurious application. He therefore made the motion of which he had given notice, although with deep regret, for he felt that the occasion for such a motion was one which could not be productive of anything but danger to this country and injustice to others.—(Hear.) Mr. OSBORNE seconded the motion. Lord HARRY VANE then rose, but in consequence of the confusion prevailing in the House he was for a short time inaudible. His Hon. Friend had quoted the dispatches of different agents of the Government in behalf of the principle which he advocated—that interfe rence of the present description was unjustifiable. He (Lord Harry Vane) admitted that the general principle ought to be that of non-intervention, but there were cases of exception, under certain circum stances, which clearly made some interference necessary. The diplomatic agents had, in their representations to their respective Governments, objected to all interfe rence, and it was not, till it was signified that France and Spain would interfere, that it was considered right the British Government should assent to the principle of intervention. Had the insurgents been allowed to proceed unchecked, there c aild be no doubt that they would, in a short time, have undermined the throne of Donna Maria, and, perhaps, seated Don Miguel upon its ruins. The con sequence o f t hi s wou ld b, that Spain would have been obliged to cross the frontier, and at• tempt to restore the monarchy to its rightful possessor. This would necessarily have led to the interference of France ; and from the dispatches of M. Guizot there is no doubt but measures would be taken by France, in conjunction with Spain, to put down the pretensions of the new usurper to the throne. He thought, therefore, that under those circumstances the British Govern ment was called upon to take the steps which it did, and thereby prevent the evils which would have inevitably taken place had she remained quiescent. No doubt the Administration of the Queen of Portugal had been very arbitrary, and had been guilty of acts which made it liable to the greatest censure ; but this could not justify the extreme measures which had been resorted to by the Junta for the purpose of redressing them. Ile admitted the Queen had violated the constitution, and that if she had attempted to govern through the means of a fair representation of the people, the scenes which had occurred would not have taken place. He thought, however, if the British Government had not interfered, Portugal would have been overrun by a Spanish army, and far greater evils than those which now existed would have been the result. He answered, if they had not interfered they would have have been obliged to send an army to put an end to the far worse state of things which would have resulted in the event of the interference having been left to Spain. Now, he did not think that this, which would have been a matter of necessity on the part of the British Go vernment, wonld have met the approval of the Hon. Member for Maidstone. —(Hear, hear.) He was of opinion, therefore, that a complete case of justification was made out. It was impossible that a great nation like that of England, should not interfere in order to protect her own interests. Under these circumstances, he should give his decided opposition to the measure.— (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then resumed his scat. A pause then ensued for some minutes. Loud cries for Lord Palmerston succeeded, but the Noble Lord did not respond to the call. A curious scene then occurred. Mr. B. ESCOTT loudly called " Question, question." After an interval of some minutes, in which the cries of " Withdraw " and " Divide " alternated, thus failing of its object in calling up the Noble Lord, Mr. B. ESCOTT drew the attention of the House to the fact that strangers were in the gallery. The gallery was then cleared, but in a few moments the press were re-admitted. Mr. M. MILNES rose to support the policy of the Government. He contended that it was not only right but necessary that Great Britain should interfere, and he trusted that when she did so, it would always be in a way befitting her dignity. It was not to be expected that a country such as Portugal would of itself—so young in all the constitutional principles of Government, and in the necessary experience, speedily effect those ob jects to which reference had been made. In Nov., 1846, The Palmella Administration was suspended by what was called the Ultra-Tory party, and which finally established the Marquis of Saldanha in the Councils of the Crown of Portugal. If they looked at the course of events which led to that result, they would discover nothing but one issue of illegal acts and unconstitutional proceedings which could not in England be enacted. He found that Mr. Bulwer, in a conversation with Count Thomar, advocated the non-introduction of foreign powers in the affairs of Spain. Count Thomar, however, took another view of it, and evinced a strong feeling on. the part of the Spanish Government to interfere, and Mr. Bulwer wrote to Lord Palmerston that it would be impossible to avoid interference. In the meantime, Sir H. Seymour used every means which were in his power to moderate the asperities of the contend ing parties. The Honourable Gentleman quoted another dispatch to that effect. He was sure that it would be admitted by the Hon. Member that every effort had been used to end hostilities without force ; but all failed, every effort was vain, and what remained? Nothing but an armed intervention remained, and now it became an important consideration with every country, and this country, how they would act in case of an armed intervention. (The Hon. Gentleman then quoted a dispatch from Baron Munhausen, stating by authority, that the French King had announced his good disposition to the Queen's cause, and asking Eng land also to interfere.) Now he said they were come to the crisis when England had to consider whether she would interfere in the affairs of Portugal, and to what extent she would do so. Then came the dispatch of the sth of April, a dispatch which he believed was, under the circumstances, the best policy. That dispatch set forth those very principles which had been advocated by the Hon. Member for Montrose. The Noble Lord set forth the broad grounds on which he based his interference. The interference of England was introduced on principles which in no way discouraged the expression of the popular opinion, and the result intended was to restore all to their former position in the kingdom. Propositions contained in that dispatch were laid before the Junta, who expressed themselves highly satisfied with them. Terms at length were of fered on the part of the Government, treaties were being negociatcd until an ultimatum was offered, supported by an armed force in case of refusal. The Junta, at the unhappy moment, was, he believed, over awed by various parties and considerations. This appeared by a dispatch from Colonel Wylde. What would be the effect of giving away to the violence of the impetuous national character? Why, it would have been most injurious, and he thought that Colonel Wylde had acted perfectly right. It appeared from the public journals that the Conde das Antes was in reality a prisoner in the hands of the British Government.—(Hear, hear.) Conde das Antes and the troops under him were conquered, but as brave men might be by the force of overwhelming numbers. For Conde das Antes, or any other person, to suppose that this country should go and make a formal declaration of war he considered absurd. Ile thought on the entire that they had a right to congra tulate themselves upon the conclusion at which they had arrived. He thought the Noble Lord was called upon to do all he could to secure for Portugal constitutional liberty. All that could be done by the English Go vernment should be done for those brave men in Por tugal who were endeavouring to maintain inviolate the constitutional liberty, and he trusted that the Crown of Portugal might be taught—if Crowns could be taught lessons—not to attempt to invade the liberties of the people. Lord W. POULET said that he thought that Govern ment might have interfered to protect the Queen, but should not have gone further. Mr. WARBURTON said that the opinion of Sir Thomas Monroe on the interference of this country in India was so applicable to the present question, that he would beg leave to read what he stated in a letter to the Secretary of the India House, who produced it when under examination before a Committee of the House. The Honourable Member here read an extract from the document in question, which strongly deprecated the interference of a foreign power in the affairs of India, as it was calculated to sustain oppression on the part of the Sovereign, and to suppress all eflbrts for liberty on the part of ? the people. The Hon. Member also read extracts from some letters of Mr. John Mills, who asserted that foreign interference had the effect of supporting despotism, and engendering a tutilage on the part of native Princes, who, from a custom of de pending upon foreign assistance, would naturally be en feebled. As a man that wits accustomed to go on crutches would never be able to use his limbs perfectly. Mr. 11. BAILLIE said that he did not attach much importance to the delay of these papers, because he knew that that habit of delay was an old failing on the part of the Noble Lord opposite ; for as long ago as 1841 he found that great complaints were made of the delay of papers in the affairs of Portugal. The question for them that night, was not the infringement of the charter, but the right of a foreign power to interfere in the in ternal affairs of a foreign country, when that country was not threatened with aggression by a foreign foe ; and he should like to ask the Noble Lord if their former interferences with other countries had redounded to the credit of the British arms—from interferences which he could not designate by any other name than unjust and impolitic interferences ; and however anxious he might be to ascertain the opinions of the Noble Lord (Palmerston), he should feel it his duty, in the absence of that experience, to illustrate his own opinion by reference to the history of other interference s ; and, for this purpose, he should not go further ba ck than the origin of the late disturbances in Portugal. What had their interference with the affairs of Portugal got for this people of this country while Miguel waste Pee the King of Portugal? They had a commercial treaty, which was liberal to this country, but they chose to interfere in behalf of Don Pedro, and after a bloody struggle, I)on Miguel was driven out of the country. What had they gained? Nothing. Their commercial relations with that country were in a worse state than before. What had their in terference with Spain done them? They found Spain in a state of civil anarchy, and they thought, improperly thought, that they were called ou to interfere. They proposed to raise a large body of men in this country to assist in the warfare of that country ; these men to be commanded by able British officers. What was the result ? Late events had shown them, Spain had truckled to Louis Philippe, and England's former services were f orgotten. And now they were again prepared to interfere in the affairs of Portugal, despite their former experience. They were again pre pared to embroil themselves in the civil warfare of Con tinental Europe.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that this course would not receive the sanction or ap probation of that House ; he trusted that steps would not be taken which would prevent them reced ing with honour, and without loss ; and be hoped that the House would recognise the principle now fully acted upon by the people of this country, namely, that intervention with foreign countries was generally unjust find always impolitic. A considerable time having elapsed before any Hon. Member's offering to address the House, and loud call s for Lord Palmerston having been made in vain, Mr. B. OSBORNE rose and said, that he had tried to have had the experience of any of the Members of the Government who might have chosen to ad dress the House on this subject, but having been unsuccessful in this endeavour, (although he cer tainly expected that some of the Lords of the Treasury, who were as mute as they were distinguished, would have been put forward,) he was forced to content himself with the explanation given by the two Hon. Members who had spoken on the side of the Government. Had the Hon. Member for Pontefract not appeared to the rescue ; had he not illustrated in his own person the advantages of intervention, the " red box" would have been in considerable danger, for a division would pro bably have been in danger, and the Ministers would evidently be in a minority. He considered that the Hon. Member for Pontefract had drawn on his poeti cal invention—(Laughter) —when he said that a young country required schooling in constitutional government. There was only one way by which they could explain this. If they only allowed one person to tell his story continually from morning till night every day for a twelvemonth, that person would in the end become their master. On no other principle could he account for the otherwise unaccountable conduct of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, clin g ing to a C a bi net which he refused to become a Member of in 1845 because of the meddling capacities of the present Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It might be said that this inter vention was a great scheme for the improve ment of Portugal, but if it could be shown that this intervention, so far from pacifying Portugal, was laying the seeds of a general European war, en dangering the existence of Portugal, and upholding anarchy and despotic principles ; he maintained that every Member of that House who preferred liberal principles was called upon to support the motion of the Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Montrose. What induced the Noble Lord, on the 25th of May, to arrive at the conclusion ? He was unable to account for it by the ordinary rules of reasoning. There certainly were at the time whispers about mysterious influences, but no import ance was attached to them, and he could not believe that the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, suffered himself to be influenced by them. The only conclusion, therefore, he could bring himself to arrive at after an attentive perusal of these papers was, that the Noble Lord was averse to the whole proceeding. The Noble Lord must have been out-voted in the Cabinet. Now it was necessary in coming to this debate that they should have a definite meaning of the word " intervention." He believed he was right in saying that the term was modern, and he could not, he thought, put the subject on a better footing than by reading the definition of the word " intervention," given by a statesman of great influence and experience. Here was the definition. The term " intervention" he defined to be, " the principle that every nation has the right of managing its own internal affairs, and regulating its in ternal policy so long as it does not injure its neighbour; and no nation has the right to control by force of arms the appointment of its Govenments or rulers." That was the definition of the Noble Lord the present Secre tary for Foreign Affairs on June the Ist, 1829; and, therefore, he felt bound to ask the Noble Lord who ought not, he thought, to retain his seat with such pertinacious obstinacy, why, if in June 1829 he held this principle to be sacred, how was it that he now violated it in his own person, and outraged the liberties of Europe by his own proceedings?—(Hear, hear.) It was well to remark that all this intervention had been done secretly, and the greatest fuss had been made in that House about the production of the papers relating to it.—(Hear, hear.) Why, at the very moment when the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Montrose was pressing the Government for them, the protocol was actually published in Paris.—(Hear, hear.) In reading these papers, and examining all these transactions, he was most forcibly struck with the astute conduct of Louis Philippe. That great genius did not appear in these transactions to the extent of the part he had taken in them. Whenever there was any dirty work to be done, Louis Philippe, like a second. Mephistophiles, urged on the Noble Lord, who was as the head of the Foreign Department, and the time would come when he would reap all the advantage of the interven tion, while the Noble Lord would have to bear the whole odium of the proceeding.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Montrose had told them that the Queen of Portugal sacrificed her Crown, and broke her oath when she sought for the intervention of a foreign power. The Noble Lord readily responded to the call, but how dif ferent was the course pursued by Mr. Canning in 1826, when the intervention of this country was sought then. by Portugal. That great statesman would not allow i t single British soldier to embark until the concurrence of the Portuguese Legislature had been obtained to the proceeding. In 1847, however, the Noble Lord sets aside all charters and treaties, and only looking to an absolute monarchy, paying no regard to constitutional liberty, he did not wait to ask a single question, but actually put the army in possession of the Jnnta, before the Cortes had taken any consideration of the subject.— (Hear, hear.) It was not very difficult to discover from the contents of the blue book, the real object of the Court of Portugal since October 1846. Its whole object had been foreign intervention. That was distinctly to be traced from the very beginning of the counter-revelutios and the military " move " executed under the auspices of the Court itself.—(Hear, hear.) They had heard a great deal which did not appear in the blue book ; but are Hon. Gentlemen really aware of what Costa Cabral's administration was ? Costa Cabral. like many others„ commenced his career as a furious Liberal, but the mo ment he got into power he became the patron of abso lute monarchy. They had some instances of this, though on a humbler scale, on that side of the House. They had some Gentlemen who had been very loud in opposition, but became very quiet in office. Now, by the intrigues of Cabral the charter of 1826 was got rid of, because there were articles in that charter which pre vented him from carrying out his designs, and substi tuted in its stead the charter of 1833. Not content with that, however, his first act, under this new char ter, was to appoint his brother Jose Cabral to be Mi nister of Public Duties. lie then took to levying taxes without the consent of the Cortes—he imprisoned people without trial—and, at last, he took a policy, which on all occasions, and at all times, had pro voked the resistance of the people.—(hear, hear.) He began by levying two taxes, one upon salt, and the other upon burials, a tax of 10s. was levied upon the frieuds of every person who was buried, and this gave rise to the insurrections in the provinces. The minister was then dismissed, and the Duke Palmella. was sent for, who was induced to accept office, but on. the 6th of October he was desired to sign his own dis missal. At first he hesitated doing so, but he was told. he must consider himself a prisoner, and after having being confined one night in the palace, he signed the decree of his own dismissal. The dis missal was brought about by the King Consort, who had taken the army under his control ; and when the com manding officers would not bend to his will, he substi tuted creatures of his own in their place. He offered Das Antes, a Marquasa if he would take part in the counter-revolution, but that distinguished man refused the bribe, and he (Mr. Osborne) was sure had the Honourable Member for Pontefract been as celebrated for war as he was for verse, he would have followed the same course.—(llear, and laughter.) When Cabral was disposed of—to use a. common English phrase—he was kicked up stairs. The Queen made him courtier, and sent him to Madrid, where he had concocted the whole of this scheme of foreign intervention, which had brought eternal disgrace upon the British name.—(Hear.) At that moment Cabrai. ruled Portugal ; at that moment he ruled this country, and he (Mr. Osborne) believed that, however well-in tentioned the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department might be in his interference, the Noble Lord, in this instance, had been caught napping. The. Noble Lord, in fact, was nothing more than a child in the leading strings of Costa Cabral and Louis Philippe.. Although she was waited upon by the wives and daugh ters of those who had suffered in her royal father's cause, she sent these prisoners to a convict ship, and from thence to a penal colony. What was the conduct of Mr.*Southern? he remonstrated with the Government, although without any orders from his own Government; but what did they do? they lied to him.—(Hear, hear.) Yes, there should be speaking out. They said that they would send those prisoners of Torres Vedras to Madeira. and was this now the Government whom they were about to bolster up? Could any one believe that the Queen, starting with the prestige of royalty, and a good and disciplined army, that she should be driven into e coraer, relying for her protection upon the British fleet in the Tagus, unless the voice of the people was unani mously raised to hurl her from her throne, he must say that the appointment of the gallant officer, Colonel Wylde, was most injudicious. They said that they only appointed him in order to give a military opinion, but it was a very curious circumstance that throughout the whole of the discussion and the reports not one of those military opinions was hazarded. He did not suit the views, however, of the Noble Lord, and his commis• sion was recalled in consequence, as it was alleged of his having spoken disparagingly of the Marquis lie Sall danha's troops, let them remember that. This was only the statement of the Marquis, for Colonel Wylde denichi having given any offence to the Marshal Saldanha, al though he found him forging his name. He would quote several passages to prove that Colonel Wylde was sent in any character but that of a military One; he was rather sent as a mediator, and if he came from the Foreign-office, he would leave it to the House, it waa most injudiwmciiotohsutst,Nthntghoeooaot Noble Court,s IslteaeehnneatLd affairs, oearinitrdrosps: person ngrrades, and osd n pi buthnablfteei information mhehn dispatches urt o ruwli deos o anpt n l seri eodkalyseb:oWorti,ourgtmyht have uhda thet hih e Wy lde, connected t was e d a army.mse management for exceeding n goneel LHoeefnwtthoaesf the bounds of his authority, when ha threatened the Marquis Sa Da Bandiera, that if he should be successful, he should have to meet the British troops. What right, he should like to know, had he to take the name of the Queen and the people of England in vain? he protested against such conduct, he protested against it being even tacitly approved of by the Minister, as there was no appearance that he had been reproved for it. It appeared that the Queen had broken through every oath, and it was impossible to rely upon what het Ministers would say. But as soon as Sir Hamilton, Seymour appeared, the whole scene changed. All the dispatches assumed the character of rose-water. The Queen went out and attended the wounded. He wee sent out in order to make a case for the Court. The Noble Lord was very much mistaken if he thought that M. Guizot or Louis Philippe would be caught in a blue - book—(Laughter)—and he certainly thought that he could not m a k e out hi s case , th roug h them. Now he considered that it was necessary, in such a crisis as the present, to speak out the whole truth, and, in his opinion, Sir Hamilton Seymour exceeded his no thority, for they were only bound to guarantee the life of the Queen, and not her throne; but he had gni. ranteed the throne, and in this he overstepped the boundaries of his duty. Every one knelt