The Sun. — London, England, 1857-12-08 00:00:00

LATEST NEWS IMPORTANT FROM INDIA. The following telegram was received at the Foreign -office at 6.35 p.m. on Monday, December 7, 1857, dated Cagliari, from Lord Lyons MALTA, DEC. 4, 2 P.M. Political intelligence received at Suez per Oriental on November 24. Two convoys of provisions arrived safely at Luck llovr, where Havelock was still surrounded by large 'lumbers of the enemy, who were said to have 300 guns. There had been some severe fighting, and General Outran was reported to have been wounded. Sir Colin Campbell and staff left Namwoor (1) for Cawnpore on the 281 of October, to which place the troops were being moved up as quickly as possible, and will proceed to the relief of Lucknow when in sufficient strength. The following steamers arrived in Calcutta with troops since the departure of the last mail:— Sydney, Australian, passed Lady Jocelyn, Nov. 10, and Candia near Sand Heads. There were Madras steam-ships Victoria and Carthage ; at Galle, Robert Lowe and Cleopatra, and ships, merchantmen. The Emeu left Aden on the 20th for Bombay ; Calcutta, Nov. 1 ; Madras, Nov. 6 ; Galle, Nov. 20. (Signed) LYONS (Admiral). Cagliari, 4 8 p.m. (Signed) Consul CRAIG. THE CRISIS AT HAMBURG. HAMBURG, MONDAY. The Senate and the burgesses have come to an Understanding. ___ They have agreed to abandon the issue of a paper Money and forced circulation. A. sum of 15,000,000 mares banco (about 2 8,000,000 fr.), will be granted to the wank of dis count ; and the Treasury is this day to deposit at the bank an amount of 5,000,000 in shares of the railways from Berlin to Hamburg, and from Ham burg to Bergdorff t both being the property of the Stat e . The Bank will open with the Treasury an account current for these shares, and will this day begin to grant discounts to the extent of 5,000,000 mares banco (equivalent to 9,000,000 francs). The State is, moreover, in negotiation abroad for 10,000,000 mares bAnco, in silver, to ba also Paid over to the Bank in the course of this week, •nd made applicable to the purposes of discount. RUSSIAN FRONTIER IN ASIA. f PARIS, TUESDAY, Dec. 8, 8.30 A.M. The Moniteur announces that the Commission of theTonr Powers signed, on the sth inst., at Con stantinople, the final act of the rectification of the Russian frontier in Asia. FRANCE. PARIS, MONDAY EVENING. The screw transport Gironde, which has been ordered to Toulon to be fitted out for a long voy age, is to take on board 500 artillerymen and ma t_,.Mes, convey them to China, and place them at the maposal of Admiral Rio.ault de Genouilly, at pre sent commanding the French squadron off Canton. In the money market to-day prices have been Maintained with a certain steadiness, but there has been no buoyancy in the market, as it was not sup- Posed that the Bank of England would follow the eXampld of the Bank of France and reduce the rate of discount bef , re neat week. In the Paris corn market during the past week brites were firm, without any great amount of usiness being transacted. The four marks were at first sold at the preceding price of 53fr. the sack of 1 57 kilogrames, but they afterwards could fetch L only 52fr. 50c. Inferior qualities varied from 51fr. 46fr. Wheat was scarcely asked for, and the 9tZotations may be set down as unvaried. From the country markets the accounts speak in general of lower prices. Borran, Dec. —T h e following were the last quotations Cash. • ' Ir. End of Month. 44 per Cents ... 9l 40 91fr. 50 .. 8 per Cents .. ............. 65 85 66 15 Bank Shares 3125 Credit Fonder 535 Sredit Mobilier 705 Roman 13 0,,. •Aecount 7OO Austrian 4 ' 4l gian 44 96l— ttpanish Threes _ ris clmontese(s) B 7i_ Horse Debt RAILWAYS—FOR CASE. tr. C. ft C. Orlining 14 jorthern 4 — New Ditto Ityonsand Med Neiv Ditto... ...." . 850 Sardinian Geneva 620 Austrian Cora. ....., 665 PRUSSIA. • A:letter from Berlin of the 4th says :—" We are assured that the Senate of Hamburg has prayed the ...Pruisian Government to assist that city in the financial alamity which has befallen it. M. Yolk. mar, general agent otthe Bank of Prussia, goes to day to Haniburg, and it is said that his journey h c as ref e rim e to a loan iu contemplation there. The news, from that: place is received here with feverish disquietude." AUSTRIA. A letter from Vienna of the 3d in the Lloyd's of Death says :--" It has been alleged that it was the r epresentative of Turkey, Fuad Effendi, who pre vented the thres Principalities of Moldavia, Wal litchi a, and Servia from signing the treaty relative to the navigation of the Danube. We believe, how ever, that it wan A.untrix in pdrilouT,l l l?' which op posed the claim of the Principalities, and that it was she, in conjunction, it is true, with the Turkish representative, who prevented them from signing. Austria took her stand on the principle that the power of signing treaties only belongs to sovereign States, and she was anxious to prevent the esta blishment of a precedent in favour of the Princi- Palitiesi which might have serious consequences." PORTUGAL. .4 Lisbon letter relates the following anecdote "eniplificative of the devotedness of the young King of Portugal in one of his visits to the military hospital :.—g‘ Approaching a bed on which was Stoopedalmost inanimate down, and throwing his arms round the " a:ll °st inanimate body of the patient, cried o ut with a firm but kindly voice: " Cheer 13 1 3 ) friend, c h eer u p ! Y ou are no t go ing to die yet. Take courage ! I am sure I shall °," of these days hear the sound of your "1.0331 pet under the windows of my palace !' The Rick man seemed to rouse up at the sound of the 3 ' c:fli ng King's voice, his eyes opened, and a faint colour rose to his cheek. He pressed his sovereign's 1 , / . 4 a (1 in token of gratitude, and from that moment 171" d to existence, and he is now not only out `". d anger, but recovering rapidly." We believe we can State that the Emperor of the French has been !natrack by the courage and devot , .dness displayed by the King of Portugal during the whole of the 'visitation of the yellow fever that his Majesty has Charged Count Walewski, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to transmit to the King, through Baron de Paiva, Portuguese Minister, the expression of his sincere admiration. COMMERCIAL FAILURES. - The failure was announced - a ye h s i ter hi day of Messrs. t y he re i s s rectahle Albert W. Pelly and Co. house engaged in the trade i orth of Europe. The stoppage is occasioned b received remittances on Messrs. Sewlls the an r d having who stopped on Saturday. It is thought that the liabilities will reach about 170,000/. • ,Messrs. Krell and Cohn, merchants of Bread- Street, have also been compelled to suspend pay- Mont, but the liabilities in this case are believed to be limited. At a meeting held yesterday, of the creditors of Mr . W. Caudery, who suspended payment some weeks ago, ,the statement of Messrs. Turquand showed a surplus. The estate will, it is said, yield C.onsider a bly more than 20s. in the pound, The total liabilities are under 30,0001. THE ADJOURNMENT OF PARLIAMENT. We understand that, if the debate on the Bank Charter Committee is not adjourned, there will be nothing to prevent Parliament from rising for the h olidays on Monday next. It is believed to be the intention of her Majeity's Government not to entertain any businesi beyond that at present before the house. 11 3 any case the two houses will adjourn in the "ginning of next week till the pe riod at which Parliament usually assembles.—Morning Post. Th e Ring of Hanover arrived in Berlin on the 3d fron t Neu Birelitz, and left shortly after for hie own capital, AMERICA. (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY MORNING. The steamship City of Washington has arrived from New Yolk with one day's later intelligence, but does not bring any specie. A sudden change in the weather had entirely elwed all the canals. Additional disasters on the great lakes are re ported. The Boston Transcript announces the suspension of Messrs. Trull and Brothers, liquor dealers, and lirgely engaged in the Mediterranean and Smyrna trade. The suspension was only expected to be temporary. The New York Courier and Enquirer reports that the telegraphic intelligence of the suspension of the Bank Act had given relief to many firms there whose correspondents here were under extra ordinary liabilities on American account. On the whole the stock market has been favourably af- fected, and prices were fully sustained. United States Six per Cents. of 1868 had advanced 1; Missouri Sixes, 1i ; Virginia, 2 ; Reading Rail road Shares, I, Illinois Central Shares, 4 ; bonds, 1. The rates of domestic exchange were daily becom ing more favourable, with an obvious determination to prepare for a resumption of specie payments early in the spring. The State Banks of Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio do not intend to suspend ; all in New Orleans and some in Missouri preparing specie. The 25th being Evacuation-day, business was restricted in the New York markets. Cotton, on the receipt of the Vanderbilt's advices, bad been held for an advance of ic., but at the close only ac. had been established in a small way. Flour, under the same influence, and the certainty of the closing of the Erie Canal, had advanced 5c., but the business was not large, holders asking higher terms. Wheat had fully recovered its tone. Corn firm and buoyant. Provisions unaffected anl dull. In sugar nothing doing. No engagements in freights to London or Liverpool. The downward tendency in trade generally had been arrested. Sterling exchange was quoted at 1081 to 1091 for binksrs' bills. The City of Washington passed the Royal mail steamship Africa hence, going into New York. The steamship Vanderbilt, from Havre and Southampton, had arrived at New York, LITERATURE. Post-office London Directory for 1858. Kelly and Co. There are few books of more general utility and constant reference than this compendious volume, but like most other advantages of civilisation we scarcely appreciate them. The vast labour of its compilation, the wonderful correctness of its infor mation, the method and precision with which professions, trades, &c., are classified and arranged, render the " London Post-office Directory" a work of great intrinsic value, while its large circulation and the constant, demand for the book tes ify to its admirable adaptation to the wants of commercial life. Messrs. Kelly, however, do not remain con tented with the degree of excellence it has already attained. Each year they endeavour to remedy defects and to introduce improvements. Those in the present number are especially deserving of notice. We are told in the preface that the only complaint of the " London Directory" which has been received for many years has been of its great and increasing size. They have, therefore, employed smaller typo in the minor portions of the work, have increased the number of lines in every page, and are thus enabled to produce a smaller volume than its predecessors, while the clearness of the type employed prevents any inconvenience. By these judicious means they feel confident that a considerable time must elapse bef ire even the rapidly extending area of the modern Babylon wi l require any cowl derablo increase in the size of the volume. The • alterations have involved an increased outlay, but no doubt the approbation of the public will afford them ample remuneration. Another important al eration is the addition of the initials of the new postal districts to every address throughout the work. Tue advantage of this improvement will be readily appreciated. The corrections and alterations are, as usual, brought down to the latest possible period ; for instance, the name of Earl Fitzhardinge is removed from the official index, the street direc tory, and the court and parliamentary directories. The contents, as usual, have increased notwithstand ing the diminution in size. The Court Directory for 1857 contained 45,141 lines, and the Commercial 107,857, while the Court Directory for the present year contains 46,665 lines, and the Commercial 108,845. The map of London and its environs a sheet nearly as useful as the directory itself, is this year annexed to the volume. It extends from Leytonstone to Lewisham, from Cricklewood. to Rochampton, including in its circuit notherhithe and Greenwich, Clapham Common and Highgate. It will be seen, therefore, that every facility for topographical information is afforded by the enter prising publishers who thus maintain the high cha racter their previous efforts had attuned for them. The London Directory of Messrs. Kelly will soon cease to be regarded as a superfluity ; it must be ranked among tue necessities of men of bush-less. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN. Thefollowing report is to be submitted to the meeting of shareholders on Thursday next : The directors have called the shareholders together on the present occasion, for the purpose of explaining the objects for which it appears to them necessary that the company should apply for the sanction of Parliament. These objects are not such as will involve any considerable expenditure. The shareholders are aware that the company, in the last session of Parliament, opposed the project for the con struction of a line of railway from Wimbledon to Epsom, and that ultimately, when further opposition would have evidently proved futile, the board concluded arrangements with the new company for working its traffic, and securing such a position as to pre vent it becoming hostile to South-Western inte rests. The transaction was reported to the shareholders at the last half-yearly meeting, and resolutions were then passed, sanctioning the s,eps which the directors had taken, end authorising a subscription not exceeding £lO,OOO towards the capital, and for making such other arrange ments of lease and working as the directors might deem most conducive to the interest of this company. Two of the directors of this company have since been elected to the board of the Wimbledon and Epsom Company. At the thee when the agreement between the two companies was concluded, the standing orders of Parliament would not admit that clauses giving parliamentary Fanatic.* to the arrangements should be inserted in their bill. It has, therefore, become necessary that such authority should be obtained as now proposed. Another necessary object is the acquisition of powers to conclude the arrangements of lease made with the Salis bury and Yeovil Railway Company, in accordance with the resolution of the proprietors in 1856. The standing orders of Parliament have not admitted of an earlier application for the concession of these powers, but whilst both com panies are morally bound to obtain and ackupon them, the non-completion of the lease has already occasioned incon venience to this company. The directors, therefore, re commend that the obtaining of these necessary powers be uo longer delayed. The next objects are those in connection with the Yeovil and Exeter extension line, now in course of construction, viz., the acquiring compulsory powers over some additional land at Exeter ; the permission to alter the sanctioned levels of the line at certain points, and to build certain bridges and archways of less than the present statutory width ; and the construction of a short branch to Topsham. All these, except the last, are mere matters of detail, through which a saving in the expense of construction and future maintenance of the extension line will be effected. The proposed branch to Topsham is a work which the directors recommend, as one which will materially aid the traffic on the Exeter extension line. Topsham is on the deep water of the Exe, and is the beat Port for a considerable part of the country which is traversed by the Yeovil and Exeter Extension Line. The expense of constructing the proposed branch will not exceed 50,000 i. It will not be necessary to raise the capital at present, but it is desirable that the object be postponed, because at Topsham the proposed branch may now be advantageously connected with an exten sion line to Exmouth, about to be constructed by the Exeter and Exmouth Railway Company—a local company proposing to work in harmony with this company. The railway to Exmouth has already received the sanc tion of Parliament. It was originally designed for con nection, on the western side of the Exe, with the broad gauge system, but its proprietors being satisfied, on Par. t b l e i s a t more a beneficial with ro o r t s the , liament grantin g th e ex t ens i on li ne from Y eov il to E xe t er e don an system would ap p li trvethei Western etermiu cation to Parliament (which in th •must b their case o made during the present session) for powers to alter their under taking so as to connect Western system. The directors, therefore, recommend bill should comprise powersforconstructing that the intended from a point in the ma i n line from s thisto Exeter branchto , Topsham, terminating on the shore of the Exe there, and joining near 'Topsham with the line to Exmouth • and also provisions for authori s i ng wor k ing and other like ar rangements with the latter undertaking. Another object of the bill is to authorise an improved junction between the main line at Northam, near South. Efl opton, and the Southampton and Dorchester line. By this means a considerable saving in time can be effected in the working of any through trains to Dorchester and Wey mouth. It is in tended also to insert in the bill powers for pur chase, by compulsion or agreement, of several small parcels of land adjoining the line at various points—vi z ., at Feltham, on the Windsor line ; at Tonghare, on the Guildford and Farnham line; at Basingstoke, on the main and at Tetton, on the Southampton and Dorchester line ; line. All these parc els of laud are for the purpose of im proved station acc.,minoctation, and they will doubtl ess be purchased on less onerous terms, if the company can com pel the sale of them.—By order, L. CROMBIE, Secretary. Waterloo-bridge Station, Dec. 2,1b57• IMPERIAL PAR LIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. Viscount DUNGANNON presented a petition from a rural deanery in Buckingham, in favour of an amend ment of the Divorce Act. The noble lord also gave notice that on Thursday he should move for a copy of any correspondence relative to the transmission of troops to India. Lord CAMPBELL moved for a return of the war• rants, granted under the act of Parliament of last session, for the prevention of the sale of obscene publications, and also of the steps that had been taken under the said act.—The returns were ordered. IHE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING DP:ACEMBER CHURCH RATES. The Earl of MAL MESBURY asked whether it was the intention of the Government to bring forward, during the ensuing session, any measure respecting church rates I Earl GRANVILLE said it would entirely depend upon circumstances whether any such measure would bo introduced. HER MAJESTY'S ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS, The Earl Sr. GERMANS brought up her Majesty's answer to the address of their lord,hips, in answer to her Majesty's gracious speech on Thursday last. Her Majesty's answer was as follows :—"1 thank you for your loyal and dutiful address. You may rely on my cordial co-operation in all measures calculated to pro mote the welfare and prosperity of my people in every part of. my dominions." THE EARL OF DERBY'S ATTACK ON THE GOVERNMENT. Earl GRANVILLE said be would take that oppor tunity to afford some explanation as to contrad ctions which he had given to the noble earl opposite in the course of the debate on Thursday last. As to the alleged reprimand administered to Major-Gen. Hearsey by Lord Canning, the noble earl said that there had been such reprimand to Gen. Hearsay for having, after an attempt at mutiny in the 34th, then and there promoted a sepoy, but what had taken place left no impression on his (Earl Granville's) mind of a reprimand. On referring to the Blue Book he found this account of what bat taken place. Their lordships were aware that certain orders and regulations existed—whether they were right or wrong had nothing to do with Lord Canning—as to the powers of officers commanding troops. The facts were that Major-Gen. Hearsey did not promote the sepoy on the spot, because he was not there. He found that Lord Canning, in reviewing that general order, pointed out to General Hearsey that he had no authority to make that promotion without the sanction of the Government ; but it was added that the man richly deserved promotion, and that the appointment should be made. He (Lord Granville) had said that he had no recollection of any reprimand having been given, and he could not conceive that the Governor-General having pointed out the exist ing regulations amounted to a reprimand. The noble earl a!ter wards said what he was about to state appeared so strange that he hardly expected it to be believed, but be asked her Majesty's Government to contradict it it they could, and it they did not contradict it be promised that he would produce irrefragable evidence of the truth of it. Some considerable time after these arrangements the President of the Board of Control somewhat sur prised the Peninsular and Oriental Company by a letter which he wrote to them to ask if a scheme might not be organised for sending troops to India by the com pany's stezmers. Now, this had been done for a consi derable time both under the authority of her Majesty's Government and that of the East India Company, and yet the President of the Board of Control wrote to ask if it was possible to organise a scheme for doing FO. He asked how, after what he had stated, the country could trust to the vigour, the energy, the wisdom of those by whom the government of India was administered. He (Earl Granville) stated that he believed that statement to be without foundation, and he had since made inquiries, and he could now state that his right hon. friend, Mr. V. Smith, bad never sent any letter to the Peninsular aid Oriental Company ; the Company had never received such a letter, and did not reply to it, as the noble lord had misstated, and that no reply had been received by the right hon. gentleman. The Earl of DERBY—His noble friend had been good enough to give him notice, which he had received about an hour ago, of his intention to give some explanation of contradictions which he had given to him on Thursday last, and he (the Earl of Derby) had endeavoured to recollect what those contradictions were, but all he could fix on were two—one to which his noble friend bad just referred ; the other was not in reference to th• Presi- dent of the Board of Control, but his statement that for a cfflbsiderable time no step was taken by the Govern- ment of India to disabuse the minds of the sepoys as to the intention of the Government to interfere with their religion. He had assumed that those were tho two points upon which there was to be explanation of contradictions. To the two points which had been re ferred to by his noble friend he would take the liberty to add a third ; for on that point also he had been con tradicted. With regard to the reprimand of Major- General Hearsey, all he could say was this—that Major-General Hearsey, having taken upon himself to promote this sepoy, bad that promotion been disapproved of by the Government ? His noble friend had charged him wadi having taken these facts, not from the blue book, but from a certain "red pamphl4." He admitted that he had read that pamphlet, and he strongly urged their lordships to read it also, for a more able summary of affairs in India he had seldom seen. But he had not made a single statement that he had read there without verifying it by official documents. The noble earl was not right in supposing that he had got his facts from that pamphlet ; but what he had said was this, that Major- General Hearsey bad received a reprimand from Lord Calming, and he did said that be had. He had done too much, he was afraid, for he had conceded that a° order contained a statement of approval of what Msj9r. General Hearsey had dt.ne, for ha now found that it did not. His noble friend wonld find in the minutes that it was stated, as to the sepoy who so gallantly defended his officer against the murderous attack of the mu inter, that it was not in the power of a m,,j >r•general in tke army to make this promotion, which could proceed only from the Governor-General of India,and therefore should not have appeared in the divisional order without the sanction of the Government. Now when a governor general, without a single comment, announced that a major-general ought not to have done that which he had done— (near, hear)--he said it was, to hie mind, ex tremely like a reprimand ; it might not be so to the minds of her Majesty's Government, but it was so to those of other people. It went on to say, that " doutitedly that promotion which has beea annosiaced is richly deserved, and may be properly confirmed." The confirmation wee accompanied by a reprimand to the major-general for doing it. The next statement made was as to the inserting two officers' names in the order, because, it was said, it should not be for a moment sup posed that any other officer would not have acted in the same way, and because it was thought that it was very inexpedient that this matter should be made the subjsct of more conversation than was necessary. He thenght it should be observed that the divisional order had not characterised the mutiny as one of re:igious frenzy, and he must express his astonishment that the Government still persisted in saying that it was not a reprimand. (Hear, hear.) The second point on which the noble earl had offered contradiction was that he (the Earl of Derby) had said, that for a considerable period of time no step had been taken to disabuse the minds of the sepoys with regard to the intention of the Government to interfere with their religion. What said his noble friend I Why, that within one month afterwards the greased cartridges were withdrawn. He knew that, but that was no authority for saying that it was the deter mination of he Government to abstain from every step that looked like interference with religion. On the 9th of June, his noble friend (Lord Ellenborough) had asked the government whether it was not the intention of the government of India to issue ssah a proclamation to quiet the public mind t Tnat was on the gth of June, and he was told that it was not the intention of the government to issue such an order, that it was wholly unnecessary, and that the government entirely approved of Lord Can ning not issuing such an order. What happened at the very time :that the noble earl was denying this 9 Why the Governor-General bad actually issued a proclama tion which the government here were lauding him for not issuing ; but the fact was that be bad issued it three moths after he ought to have issued it. What he com plained of was delay. As to the third point, he should be extremely sorry to misrepresent or even exaggerate the mistakes of the right hon. gentleman the President of the Board of Control, and ho bad not been surpri , ed at being met with an expression of incredulity, because when the statement was first made to himself, he said " that is impossible." (Elear.) All he could now say was, that he was never more astonished than by the con tradiction which he had that :night received, because the gentleman who had given him the statement, except that he bad used the words " very considerable time," and he believed the period was three or four days—the gentleman who bad given him the statement—and he was sure he would not mislead him—and obtained it from the managing director of the Peninsular and Orien tal Company—a member of parliament, not in England new, to whom the letter was addressed, and who had informed his informant that it had been sent. The day that parliament met he again saw his informant, who said he was sure he was correct. He said that the man aging director was not now in England, but he would see the other managing director, and he did see bins, and informed him (the Earl of Derby) that what he had said was correct. He regretted if be had done injustice to the right hon. gentleman the President of the Board of Control ; and of course, if his noble friend had had the opportunity of giving immediate contradiction, that cons tradictiou would have been made. He was extremely sorry if be had done injustice. He could not explain the contradiction tbat had been given to the circum stances that had been brought before him ; but so the matter must rest. He had no power to make any further inquiries, and he had stated the authority on which he had made his statement. Earl GRA.NVILLE—With regard to the explana tion which he had given as to what the noble lord called the reprimand to Major-General Ilearsey, he had nothing further to add. With regard to the other point, as to the greased cartridges, he would read an official docu ment to them of what steps bad been taken to di4abuse the minds of the sepoyr. With regard to the Peninsuler and Oriental Company and the explanation that had been given, be would only say that be held in his band the correspondence on the subject. It was stated that everybody connected with the Peninsular and Oriental Company had been asked, and nobody could imaeine on what greu n d t h e statemen t b a d been m a d e . It was thought that it must be all a mistake ; that they had re ceived no letter, public or private, from the Board of ' Control ; they had first heard from the Court of Direc tors on the 7th Sept., and answered on the 19th Sept. A. gentleman in the office of the Board of Control had written to ask if he could be borne out in the statement that there had been no correspondence between their office and the company, and that the first communica tion was in Sept. from the East India Company. The answer was that the company had received no direct correspondence from the Board of Control, and that the first communication as to the conveyance of troops over land was on the 9th Sept., and was from the East India C ,mpany. Ile thought that every caution ought to be exercised where public men were attacked in this way. The noble lord woul I not deny that there was great similarity between the topics set up by the noble earl in this house and those set np by another gentleman re presenting the noble earl in the other house. He con sidered that in these attacks on the President of the Beard of Control in '.ne house, and on the President of the Board of Trade in the other house, it would have been better that the noble earl should have made the attack on the President of the Board of Trade in this house, and that the attack on Mr. V. Smith should have been made by the representative of the noble earl in the other house, where he could have defended him self. The Earl of DERBY agreed with the noble earl as to the great caution which should be exercised, when charges were brought forward against public men ; but he thought that he could not have better authority than that which he had stated to the noble earl. With regard to the iaailarity of argument which it was said exited between him a-..d his right lion, friend in the other house, there was nothirg extraordinary in that, for it had gene rally been his practice to communicate with his colleagues in the other house. He did not know why the noble earl complained of it. He had not made any attack on the noble lord the President of the Board of Trade when be alluded to India, and he was really not aware why be should, but if it was wished he should make an attack on him. (Laughter.) Earl GRANVILLE—His right bon. friends bad not been attacked to their faces, and he did not like that they should be attacked behind their backs. The Earl of HARD WICKE said that a gentleman had related to him the anecdote as to Mr, V. Smith. He afterwards visited the Earl of Ellenborough, who said, "It can't be true." I don't believe it," though it bad been stated upon authority which he (Earl of Hard wicks) could not for a moment doubt. The Earl of ELLEN BOROUGH explained that the Board of Control would correspond only with the Board of Directors, and not direct with the Peninsular and Oriental Company. Any letter sent to the company would be a private letter. The Duke of ARGYLL—The statement of the noble eat 1 (Earl of Derby) was that it was a letter from Mr. V. Smith; but, however, the contradiction referred to all letters, public and private. He would read a letter which had been put into his hands, from (as was under. stood), Mr. Willcox, who was, or had been, a direct r of the Peninsular and Oriental Company, and who would he sure to know if anything of the kind had taken place. He said he had read the report of the speech of the Earl of Derby with great surprise, and after going into the matter in detail, further said that the statement was utterly incorrect, and that nothing whatever hail occur. red in connection with the Peninsular and Oriental Company which could possibly give rise to such a mis. conception on the subject. The fact was, that no offer for the conveyance of troops, via Egypt, had been made to them, as stated, and it would have been absurd to attempt so to convey troops during the monsoon months especially as they must have been conveyed as deck pas sengers. It was not until Sept. that, in consequence of a verbal communication, a detachment of 22() or 240 men had been sent across the isthmus. If ithad been proposed to convey troops by that route in August, the Govern ment would have been perfectly justified in refusing to assent to such a proposition. That statement he thought was as perfect as it could be made. The Earl of DERBY—That statement was in direct contradiction to the published report of the Peninsular aind Oriental Company, which had been printed a few days ago, and which he bad in his hands now. The Duke of ARGYLL—In the City:article of the Times of this morning there was a statement as to the conveyance of troops by the Peninsular and Oriental Co , but that statement referred to a later date, about Nov. 20, be thought. The Earl of MALMESBURY--It was stated in the printed report that on Oct. 1 the first batch had sailed, the number being 200 men. The Earl of DERBY—And that the offer to convey troops would have been accepted by the East India Company, but it was refused by the Government. The matter then dropped. PROVISION FOR GENERAL HAVELOCK. Earl GRANVILLE announced a message from th• Crown, which was read by the Lord Chancellor as fol- lows : " Victoria Regina—Her Majesty being desirous of con ferring a signal mark of her favour and approbation on ktaj ir-General Sir Henry Havelock, Bart., K.G.8., for the eminent and distinguished services rendered by him in command of a body of British and native troops in India, and particularlarly for the gallant and successful operations undertake❑ for the relief of the garrison of Lucknow, re commends to the House of Lords to concur in enabling her Majesty to make provision for securing to Major-General Sir Henry Havelock a provision of 1,0001. per annum for the term of his natural life." (Cheers.) On the motion of Earl GRANVILLE it was resolved that this message shoull be taken into consideration tLii day (Tuesday). RELIGIOUS WORSHIP ACT AMENDMENT BILL. The End of SHAFTESBURY, noticing their lord ehipa' preoccupation with the affairs of India, said he thought he should exercise a prop!r discretion in post poning his promised statement on this subj-iet until this day (Tuesday). INDIA. THE ARMS AND TRESS ACTS. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH rose pursuant to notice and said—The first motion I have to submit is that there be laid upon the table of this house the Arms Act which has been recently passed by the Legislative Couacil of India. I believe the circumstances under which that Act was passed are these :—There had been a most unusual importation of arms into Calcutta, and it appearel that the purchase of those arms had been to a great extent made by natives. This naturally very much alarmed the Europeans, inasmuch as they had he fore them the bad use which had been made of arms by natives in all parts of the country, as there was reason to suppose that there existed a combination to massacre all the Europeans in Calcutta, and as moreover there were present in that place 1,000 or 1,500 persons, natives of Oude, who were servants of the King of Oude. Under these circumstances it was very naturally sug. gested to the Government that it would be desirable to di.arm the natives in Calcutta for the security of the Esiropeane, who are few in number, and had but a small military force for their protection. The Government declined, but said they would produce an Arms Act, and that is the act which I wish to see and to have placed before you. The Act, as I understand, adhering to a principle very recently a tt em pt e d to be introduced into the legislation of India, pl a ces the Europeans and the natives—the persons who abase arras for the purpose of destroying us, and the Europeans who wish to have arms for their protection —o n exactly the same footing ; and it went to this extent, that Europeans were not to be p issessed of arms unless by the consent of a magistrate. Now, in the Mofussil, that is in the provinces, the magis trates being to a great extent natives, the Europeans are therefore compelled by the Act to go to persons of Cale description, many of whom are suspected of being trai tors, and many of whom have really proved themselves to be traitors, for permission to retain the arms necessary ' fir their protection. Now, my lords, my apprehension is (the noble lord on the woolsack will correct me if I am wrong) that, according to the Bill of Rights, we English, being Protestant., are permitted to have arms for our own defence. Wiq I Because at that time the Roman Catholics were suspected of traitorous designs, and there was a reason why Protestants should f .r their own safety bear arms. Now, is there not a reason for confiding to Europeans in India a eirniair privilege, and for excluding under present circumstances the native population I Yet at this moment the Government of India consider it ex pedient, in accordance with what they call a principle, to place both these classes of persons on exactly the same footing, and to subject Europeans to the disadvantage of not being allowed to possess arms unless by theconsent of a native magistrate, if they should happen to live in the interior of the country. My lords, that resolution of the a e tthNe Normans the mtia v ne E ss Europeans r f o Saxonp ensa India. Legislative Council appears to me to rest upon a total mis apprehension not only of our position a t th e p resen t mo ment,nEC le tire negja necessarily ti.l:3°omn i must n theest India m ho u . sdt is position w b il e ti hk eAr.armed,eths4irespect t n of f t or tnh years e or it is impossible for us to protect ourselves. Instead of bringing in a measure subj -cting both English and natives to a law of this des scripeion, the law of India ought to be, that every Englishman should be possessed of arms under a penalty for neglect of the ordinance ; and, if a resident in India, he should even be compelled to enrol himself in some corps for occasional discipline and drill. It is impossible for us to preserve in security the lives and property of Europeans in India un l ess we, for a time at least, assume the appearance cf an armed militia. My lords, it is not surprising that this fatuity on the part of the Government, acting upon a principle which never population a very strong feeling of die can be adopted in India (least of all at the present time), them.eigt(general iI pitorre ass 81 and subjecting our countrymen who are now fighting for their lives to this indignity, produced throughout the swahtiosifeactEtuornopaenadn disgust. Of course there can be no objection to the production of this Act. But then there is another Act, of which we have a copy, which was laid upon the table of the house at a very late period of the last session—l believe after I had discontinued attend ance here—l mean the Act relating to the Indian press. We had laid before us at the same time the speech of the Governor-General in proposing that Act, and also some minutes of the Legislative Council in order to explain the circumstances under which it was passed. I wish your lordships distinctly to Before I say a word regarding this act for the seppres sion (for practically it is a supp ress i on , ) of the English press so India, under stand the difference which exists between the press in opinions s per ma s 7 y bi b it e oifunpdtpieioffarnee'rsreteun(tf the people, and if they did not it It.dia and the press at home. Is this country the press is emphatically the press of the people of Erg land. It advocates their interests ; it is supported by their readers that their object is the they endeavour would be impossible for them to exist. A newspaper must pay, and it cannot pay unless it relies for support upon the masses by whom it is to be purchased and read. But the press of India is in a totally different position. ythtoe In the first place there are two kinds of journal—native and English. The English press is not the press of the people of India. It is the press of the stranger, the press of the Government,the press of the governing class. It advocates their interests. I do not say that it may not occasionally advocate also the general interest of the country ; but that is not the particular object of the English press; it is to represent the interests of those by whom it is especially supported—the governing class, and these interests the English journals have to support in direct contradiction to the general interests of the peop!e of India. The native press, on the other hand — erroneously as we thick, traitorously as it has lately seemed—take up what it conceives to be the cause of the p opulation generally, and is opposed to the personal in terest of the governing classes. Being published in the English language the English press is perfectly innocu ous as regards the people of India until the articles it contains are translated. Meanwhile it has no more influence on the people of India than the English jour nals would have upon the people of this country if they were published in Greek or Latin. On the other hand, the native press has no influence whatever upon us, for by ns it is not read. However, there can be no doubt that, although upon the people of India the English press can have effect whatever until its articles are trans lated and have received a general circulation through tit native press, the native princes Chid I think probably all the more considerable persons in India) obtain for themselves, as I have been informed, not through the European press of India, but directly from this country, translati ens of all the articles relating to the interests of India which appear in the English newspapers. That source of information may and must remain open under all circumstar ces, whether it produces benefit or mischief. Now, there can be no doubt that the state of things in India was serious—there had been mutinies—more mu tinies were expected—those mutinies had assumed the character of revolution—there was so much appearance of danger—that I do think the Government was perfectly justified in considering whether it would not be necessary to restrain the indiscretion of the press in publishing that which might be injurious to the public service. My lords, I k now there are several points on which thst indis cretion—l will use no harsher term—has assumed much prominence. I think, there, nothing could be more proper if the Government, entering into confidential com munications with the editors of all those newspapers published at Calcutta bad distinctly stated their views as to the danger of discussion upon particular topics in a particular sense, and had ascertained whether the edi tors were willing to come into some arrangement re specting the publication of the newspapers, distinctly intimating that if those gentlemen were not disposed to acquiesce in the suggestion the Government would take some course by way of legislation on the subject. No such communication took place. The Governor-General went down on the 13th of June to the Legislative Coun cil ; he made a speech ; he proposed a bill, and in the course of the same day that bill became law. but by the strangest inconsistency its operation did not commence till after the lapse of 14 days ; so that all the dangers which were depicted as arising from the disaffection of the native press and the indheretion of the European press were allowed to increase and to produce the mis chief which might be effected during 14 days of exasper ation, those days covering the 23d of June, the anniver sary of Plassy, which was considered the most dangerous day for that country on account of the excitement of the native mind. Now, let me inform your lordships what the provisions of that Act were. First of all, no printing press was to be kept without a license from the Govern ment, under a penalty of 5001. er two years' imprison ment, or both ; two years' imprisonment being death to an European in India. Death I worse than death, because including every suffering that can be inflicted upon the body. Secondly, the Act conferred the power of searching for and seizing unlicensed presses. Then applications for licenses were to be granted under such conditions, if any, as the Governor-General in Council, or the Governor-General might think fit to prescribe, and such licenses might be revoked at pleasure. The conditions might be exactly whatever the Governor- General chose. The Governor-General might, if he thought fit, under this Act, require that there should be a previous censorship, and very much bett'-r would it have been if he had determined upon taking that course, because a previous censorship, conducted with intelligence would have alt igether prevented the mis chief apprehended from the indiscretion of the news papers. The course which has been adopted allows the mischief, and only attempts to prevent it by punishment subsequently to the issue of publications which may have been injurious ; but I think in the state of real danger which existed, that the censorship would have been infinitely preferable to the course which has been followed. The Act provides that, if the editor of a newspaper agrees to certain conditions, the penalty for violating such conditions shall be a fine of 500/. and two years' imprisonment. It further provides that books, &c., printed at a licensed press shall have the printer's and publisher's names, and that c 'pies shall. be sent to the ruagistrators. Besides this, the Governor-'2Teneral may prohibit the circulation of any book, newspaper, or print- d papr, wherever printed ; a id whoever know ingly imports, publishes, or circulates, or causes to he publi-bed or circulated, any such ne vspaper or printed paper, is liable to the penalty of 500/., or two years' imprisonment. Now, these being the provd ions of the Act, it is necessary to see what were the conditions required from the editors. Those conditions were— " That no book, pamphlet, newspaper, or other work, shall contain any observations impugning the motives er designs of the British Government, either in England or India, or in any way tending to bring it ' into contempt,' weaken its authority,' or that of its servants, civil or military.' " Nor anything havinz a tendency to create suspicion' in the native mind of interference with their religion. . - " Nor to weaken thelfriondship of native Princes toward' " The above conditions apply equally to original matter and to matter copi Al from other publications." Now, of these conditions I think that which requires that nothing shall be published which has a tendency to create suspicion in the native mind of inter ference with their religion, and also that which requires that nothing shall be published which may tend to weaken the friendship of native princes towards us, are perfectly legitimate ; nor do I understand that these conditions have in any case been violated. I know my •elf the extreme danger which is created by the circulation of opinions as if they were the views entertained by the Government with respect to native Powers. No one in my time ever threw the slightest suspicion upon the views of the Government with regard to the religion of the people ; but I know well the danger of saying anything which may weaken the friendship of the native princes. If that provi,ion had not been introduced, or if the editors of newspapers acting in conformity with the opinion of the Govern ment, had not ab-tained from publishing statements which might have weakened the friendship of the native princes, I really know not what might have been the condition of our Indian empire at the present time. We owe the safety of our communications in an extensive district altqgether to the fidelity of the Rajahs of Rewah and G Nalior ; but, if instead of abstaining from making observations upon the conductof those princes, the ludian ne vspapers had expressed doubts of their fidelity, and in the spirit which too much animates persons in that cow' try had expressed ahope that when our rule was re- , ..stat•lished there would be further and further annexations, I assure you that every part of central India chiefs as wellas subjects would have been in arms against UP. I therefore eat rely agree with the Government in the necessity of making that condition, and also in the necessity of making the coa -1 dition with respect to the religion of the natives ; but observe how these conditions fail in meeting the require ments, which are equally, or nearly equally pressing, and ho sr the Act its 4f and the condi:ions imposcd under it go altogether beyond the necessity of the case. No doubt inconvenience may result—under some circum stances there may be more than inconvenience—from the ' dissemination through the press in India of observations tending to bring the Government of that country into contempt. But the provisions of this Act are not con fined to the general conduct of the Government in India, but they apply to the conduct of the Government of this c.iuntry in so far as it affects the Indian empire. All that the Government of India have to do is to pre serve their own safety, and to leave us to ourselves; but instead of confining themselves to this object, they make the penalties attach to any newspapers or books what ever, wherever printed, and also to newspapers which republish papers printed elsewhere. Indeed, in a recent case a newspaper was either warned or suppressed—l don't remember which—for republishing in India an article from a newspaper called the Press, published in this country. Now, observe what the effect of this provision really ie. This law prohibits the press of India from speaking freely on the subject of the position of Englishmen in that country, and also with reference to the conduct of the Government there ; and, so far as it can, it extends its coercion totbe press of this country, for it provides for prohibiting the publication of anything which has been puolished in England that may not suit the views of the Government of India, and from the day of such prohibition any English gentleman in India who knowingly receives a book or a newspaper so prohibited will be liable to a penalty of 5001 , and to two years' imprisonment. Why, my lords, the things most injuri ous to the Government of India are the debates which sometimes take place in this house —(cheers)--- 7 such debates as took place 'on the first day of this ses sion, and such as may be expected during its pro gress. Is nothing to be said during those debates which is not laudatory of the Government here and in India I Is nothing whatever to be said impugning the conduct of the Government here, or the policy of the Government of India / If, however, in any one of those debates anything is said of such a nature, the Governor- General may require that the English newspapers con taining them shall be taken to him, and, on finding anything objectionable in the report of any speech in either House of Parliament, be may prohibit the circula tion of such newspaper, and any gentleman who knowingly receives the Times or the Daily News of a certain date, after that prohibition, is subject to a penalty of 5001. and two years' imprisonment. My lords, I don't know whether it is the object of this pro vision, but certainly its effect, if fully carried out—and from :he warning given to a newspaper for republishing a paragraph from an English newspaper I have no doubt it is intended fully to carry it out—its effect will be to deprive us in this country of knowing through the press what are the opinions of our countrymen in India, and to deprive them of what is still more important, the opportunity of knowing what we think of them. (aear, hear.) It wills establish a system of mntual ignorance. The Governor-General said, when he imposed the law, that it was directed against the native press ; that the native press bad published that which was injurious to the State ; that he could not say the same of the English press • but that he could not see any solid standi n g ground on which a line might be drawn marking out the difference between one and the other. That, again, is following out the insane principle of treating in India —and especially at the present time—natives and Europeans upon the same footing. (Cheers.) But, although the Governor-General may not have been abl9 8, 18N1 . , to find this solid standing ground, it seems he has found in the native press a stepping-stone from which to direct his weapons against the press both in India and in this country. Suppose that two persons, one a native, and the other an Englishman, were taken before a magistrate in India, charged with offences. Suppose the proof against the native was decisive, while that against the Englishman was extremely slight, and that the judgeshould say to the native, "Pandy' —that is what we call the natives now— " You are convicted upon the clearest evidence ! your offence is of the deepest die; I cannot say the name of the Englishman, whose offence is very light, but I bare no solid standing ground en which a line may be drawn ; I cannot wake any distinction between you, and there fore you must both be subject to the same punishment." Can you call that justice 'I Do you think that the Euro peans with all their pride from the recollection of the liberties they enjoyed in their own country would suffer that But observe that while this Act does that which is unnecessary, while it aims at the freedom of the En,g'ish press as well as that of the press of India, it fails alto gether in doing that which is necessary. There is not in the conditions one word with respect to the dissemina ticia of information with respect to the movements of troops. At a moment like this that of all things is the most important to prevent. If you look back to the de spatches of the Duke of Wellington you will see how grievously he felt the injury on this point done by the freedom and indiscretion of the press. (Hear.) I know its indiscretion in India. I know I was obliged almost to violate the law in order to preserve that absolute secrecy which I know to be necessary to the success of mil tary movements. Yet, in respect to this Act there is no condition to prevent the publicity of every mili ary movement in India. (Hear.) We still give through our press full information to the enemy. There is not a single newspaper which does not contain the most minute de tails of every movement of the smallest detachment, which does not disclose all our difficulties by stating where we have guns and where we have not ; where we have ammunition and where not ; and where troops are with drawn to, some being described as sent to one place and some to another. (Bear.) There is not one piece of in formation which the enemy would give a mint to possess that our press is not now allowed to gave to that enemy in India. (Hear.) Therefore, I say that it is not for a public object that publicity is not desired by the authorities in India, but it is for the purpose of protecting the Government from the free observations of those who censure its conduct. I have already stated that the most serious injury which the press can commit is still allowed to exist. Though there were 11 cases of warning given for the suspension of European news p-pers, the Government have not given warning in one instance to any native newspaper, though it is perfectly well known that the native newspapers are full of the most virulent invootives against Earopeans. Still, that is permitted. There is another thing permitted, which I deeply regret, and view with great alarm. It is very na tural, no doubt, that officers and gentlemen in India, having heard and seen what they have of the horrors committed in many cases against their friends and dearest relatives, should write with very great excitement, and should indicate a diipositien which, if carried out, would be totally inconsistent with all possibility of a settled and peaceful government of India. But not one of their letters is ever excluded from the European press. It is great in dacretion on the part of the editors, as well as of the Government, not to prevent the publication of such letters. Therefore I say the Government does moi eiejury by allowing, through the medium of the press, our ene mies to know every movement of our troops, and by allowing every excited man to publish his feelings to the natives, tban by permitting the press to remain as it was even under the former system. (Bear.) I must allude to the feeling which exists in India on the subject of the English press. There is no one who can feel more deeply than I have the enormity of the crimes committed in India. No one feels more than Ido that it is absolutely necessary to give future security to Englishmen in that country by punishing in the most exemplary manner all who should be convicted of having perpetrated those crimes. (Hear.) The crime of the soldier who attacks his officer is to my view the crime of parricide. The crime of a man who violates a woman is so horrible that for my p trt I should wish that in the legislation of all the world the punishment—the inexorable punishment --for it were death. But could any one have contem plated the p issibility of a crime so extensively com mitted in India—the crime of torturing and mur dering children ! There is something so revolting to human nature in such a crime that I cannot understanci how any mercy could possibly be shown for so horrible an offence. (Hear, hear.) I would p-rsecute with un remitting val the perpetrators of those horrible crimes. God would not forgive us if tee pardoned them ; but I do entreat your lordships, and the people of this country, and our countrymen in India, to recollect that for pun ishment to produce real effect there must be discrimina tion. (Hear.) To produce effect the punishment even of the greatest offences must appear t) be intl cted after ample investigation from the judicial administrators of the law. (Rear, hear.) It inu-t not appear to be the result of the wil I vengeance of a private individual. (Bear, bear) If it be desired that our empire in India should be, as I trust it will, eternal, it can rest only upon mutual confidence between the governors and governed, and I trust that in the hour of victory, if we should triumph, we shall he found as jealous of our honour as in the hour of d,fficulty, for by acting on such a principle we shall, if so unfortunate as to fall, be accom panied in oar fall by that which we have hitherto carried with us, and I hope ever will carry with us through this great contest, the sympathy and goodwill of Euro pean nations. (Hear, hear.) Tee noble earl concluded by moving for a copy of the Arms Act lately passed by tee Legislative Council of India ; also, a return of all native and European nets-papers licensed under the Act of the Legislative Council of India pa.sed on the 13 , h June last; and also, copies of all letters of warning ad ! dressed to the editors of any such native and European new papers respectively, and of all revocations of the licenses, if any, of much newspapers, and of all corre spondence relating to the restitution thereof. Earl GRANVILLE—The noble earl, in pursuance of his novice, has directed his attention chiefly to the sub jects of the Arms Act and the Act which places restric- lions on the press in India ; but he began by stating that alarm had been felt in Calcutta for the safety of that place. This very circumstance was fully investigated, and it was ascertained that there was nothing to warrant any real alarm as to the safety of Calcutta. The Arms Act to which the noble earl referred contains pro visions with respect to the importation of saltpetre and guns, and with respect to dealing in arms. As the noble earl has not alluded to that part of the measure, it is not necessary for me to go into it. The other part of the measure I do not think in any way meets the description which the noble earl gave of it. Tke Act does not im mediately compel the Europeans and natives to give up their arms, or to obtain licenses to carry them ; but it enables the Governor-General in Council to proclaim any district, reserving to himself the power of exempting from the operation of the Act any persons or classes of persons whom he may think fit to exempt. I know that at Calcutta there was a very general wish tbat martial law should be at once established and general disappoint ment took place that that was not done. It has been said that Sir Colin Campbell, supported by the Governor- General, desired the establishment of martial law, but there is not the slightest foundation for that statement. Tne town was not in danger, and continued perfectly tranquil during the two Mahorsedatt festivals, when danger was most to be apprehended. With respect to the defence of the lives and property of the inhabitantsthei r lordships would recollect the ridicule with which on a former occasion the nobleearl treated the ideaof persons going about with revolvers under their umbrellas to de fend themselves. But the noble earl's objection to the Act is that Europeans are comprehended within its pro visions as well as natives, and he says this is not the policy we ought to pursue—but the policy should be to make the English be like Normans and the natives like Seams. I cannot agree in that opinion, which I think is perfectly inconsistent with that portion of the noble earl's speech in which he observed that without mutual feelings of kindness the government of India could not be carried on. Nothing could be more inconsistent with such an opinion than the announcement in this house by one of its most eloquent members, and one, too, who has had so much experience in India, that the f©w resident English there should act as Normans, and that the millions of natives should be treated like conquered Saxons. A suggestion was made to Lord Canning that Christians should be exempted from the Act, but, most properly I think, he felt that, since many of the native rajahs, zemindars, and their retainers, had exposed their lives and property in order to stand by the cause of the. Government, any act subjecting them to a disarnament from which all Europeans and Christians were expressly exempted would have been a most unwise and impolitic measure. (Hear.) Supposing the Act proclaimed in any district, can your lordships imagine that it would be difficult for a loyal Englishman who wishes to be ex empted to give at once the only notice required with re gard to the number of arms which he possesses and which he desires to retain I It must be obvious that every Englishman worthy of the name will be very glad to comply with the Act in that respect, and nothing more will be required of him, for the Act provides that in a proclaimed district wherever any parson makes a return of the arms in his possession and requests to be allowed to retain them he will receive a license enabling him to do so. There can be no objection, surely, to such an Act. (Hear.) The noble earl, leaving the subject of the Arms Act, proceeded to comment upon the re strictions placed on the press, and that question be seemed rather to darken by the statement that Lord Canning had made au attack upon the British press, at home. .1 deny that statement. I believe Lord Canning would be infinitely less likely than the noble earl himself to object tothe freest discussi on of p ublic questions the press, or to the widest circ ulation of anyt h ing tending to the enlightenment of eve r y class of Britian Nobody but a madman would think t h s e . of may arise, if we can venture to eoetemp a press at home ; and the day on which , s t u e c e h u a eh q a u t e h st in to g n B wi o l t l b tb e e a E cl o a g y li d s a h rk pr a ee n s d a t s he pa a r n t i ly al s s t o a f te E d n b g y la th i e l noble earl, stands on a perfectly different footing from i g n l n m d y i a i , n the press at home. Nothing, indeed, can be more die similar. The noble earl stated that the press here represented the people. That is so true that I believe there is no class which is not represented by a portion of the aggregate press. It is to he remembered that our press is assisted and controlled by the Houses of Parlia ment and by the public meetings which are constantly held all over the country. The press certainly influences and assists in the formation of public opinion, hut public wTahyese e wholly ar must different have state read opinion daily reacts upon the press, checking and con . A l trolling sat sin I varietynd India. of x things the minute of Sir T. Munro, and although he may not entirely agree with it, yet the authority of Sir T. Munro is not to be put aside, especially when he points out what dangers may accrue is India from the errors of the Eng lish press, referring particularly to the mischiefs which ii ight be produced among the sepoys in our own pay. It is worthy of remark that the noble earl has treater! t the act relative to the press as it were a permanent pro. vision adopted for ever in India, whereas, in the letter already presented to Parliament and by the act itself, it. is clearly confined to one year, and is intended merely to apply to the extraordinary and exceptional circum.. • stances in which India is now placed. I may state that • the English press in India, by an order of the noble earl himself, is now prevented from obtaining that official . formation which it formerly used to possess. Since the promulgation of that order everybody connected with the Government of India has refrained from writing in the press or giving it intelligence, and hence the absence of ud o g f m it e s n p t o o w f e i r t . s ma. The noble earl h as n any a T g e h r r e e s c E f a r r i r t l t y h o e e f x E wise and B I sober o o y R a l o t exercise y u a G n a dj_ misapprehended the object and effect of my order. What I did may be explained in few words. I found gehtlenua in India who thought that public documents which came into their hands as servants of the Government were theirs to dispose of or make public for their own pur poses whenever they pleased. I saw such infinite dangers to the Government in the prevalence of that custont—a custom which it would be impossible to tolerate in any country, and which, if it existed here, the noble earl himself would say ought to be put down—that io clear and distinct terms I told the public functionaries what their duty was, and desired them to do it. (Rear.) Earl GRANVILLE—If the order was confined to the prevention of the publication of official information by subordinate servants of the Government, I do not think there could he any objen;inn to it. The Rug of ELLENBO - ROUGE-IlThe order was rendered necessary by the conduct of one of the most reTen ,, ible persons in the country. Earl GRANVILLE—The effect of it has been thip, to prevent any public official j mrnal from forming a n y connexion with the press. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH—No official has a , right to publish public documents. Earl GR,A.NVILLE—ErectIy. But there is a cliffs renete between that and an official making use of the press as a channel through which to communicate to the public such news, arguments, or explanations as it ought to know. There would be nothing wrong, for example, in a police magistrate, in the event of an accusation being brought against him, publishing a defence of his conduct in the newspapers. As the head of the department of education, I would regard the publication by the officials of anything calculated to promote the cause for which the department was instituted as perfectly legitimate, while I would condemn as criminal and most dishonour able the disclosure of matters affecting the general go vernment of the country. But, however, that may be, I wish to direct the attention of your lordships to the fact that of late years the English press in India, with few exceptions, has been most violent in its attacks upon • the Government, holding it up to contempt in every possible way. The noble earl says it writes fur English men alone. I ern told that is not the fact—it is read extensively by natives acquainted with English ; its articles are translated in the native journals, and the evils it has produced in this way have been of a very grave character. For example, the Bombay papers stated that the Government had determined to annex the territory of Baroda. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGLI—When was that statement made Earl GRANVILLE—Ido not know the precise date. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH—Was it before or after the paeeine of the act relative to the press Earl GRA.NVILLE—Befere it. The Calcutta papers 4 announced that part of the deficiency in the public reve nue was to be met by a reduction of the allowances granted to native princes. Such statements were, of course, productive of touch mischief, and, besides their effect upon the natives, I think Lord Canning had reason to complain of them up in another ground. fie was in the habit of publishing in the Calcutta papers al the information which he received of an authentic character, and yet it was no unusual thing to find in the same journals, by the side of the official intelligence obtained from the Government, news of an entirely opposite cha racter, for which there was no foundation whatever, and calculated to cause great detriment to the English cause. That was conduct that could not be overlooked. (Hear.) I have heard it said that the Indian Government have acted with greater rigour towards the English than towards the native press. The fact is, I believe, that except in one or two instances, where it has been found necessary to take an officer into custody, the native press has submitted itself peaceably to the instructions issued • by Government, whereas the English press, with that firmness which characterises us all, has become more unfriendly than ever. It was absolutely necessary that the Government should proceed against the English press, for it would have rna , ie itself a laughing-stock to the vvheee of India if, after having passed such an act, it bad refrained from putting it into execution. (Hear.) I am the more anxious to state the grounds upon which I think the conduct of the Government quite defensible, an., indeed, imperatively called for by a sense of public du , y, because I believe there is no doubt that it to this act which has caused all the virulent attacks which have been made by the Indiau press upon Lord Canning since tt • promulgation of the to erictions. (Hear.) Toe noble lord said that the Government passed the act to defend itself. Now, there were no personal attacks upon Lord Canning in the press previous to the passing of the act, and therefore there could be no vindictive fe , ling on the part of the Governor-General. I find in a July Lumber of one of the leading Calcutta papers, which smarts under the infliction of a " warning," a statement to the effect that up to the time of the restrictions every Euro pean in India cave net only his support, but his syrn pat'q to Lord Canning. That, it seems to me, stands rather in contradiction to the bitter accu atious which now proceed from the same quarter; it shows, at all events, the estimation in which Lord Canning was held previous to the passing of the act relative to the press. I believe that Lord Canning, receiving representations— not from those surrounding him in Calcutta, but from the highest military and civil authorities in the country, as to tbe dangerous tendency of much of the writing b ,th in the English and the native press, was more than justified in pas- iog a temporary restrictive act at a time when ail the energy of the Government was required to defend the English cause. With respect to the closing remarks of the noble earl nothing. I am sure, could be more admirable, especially coming from one so well ac quaieted with India. I believe that there is no question of showing mercy to any one man guilty of mutiny, mur der, or infanticide; but it is most important that punish ment should be administered as a public act, and pre. served from all character of private vengeance. I was glad to hear the noble earl affirm so firm and positively ad the principles of Lord Cunning's policy with regard to the punis ,meat of the guilty, and tt e showing, I will not say mercy ,but justice to the innocent. I agree with the noble earl that the only means of insuring good go vernment in India is to produce and encourage confi dence between the people and their rulers. If our govern ment is to continue, our only object must be the happiness of those whom we govern. That object is perfectly com patible with the best interests of the English nation, and I believe that when these events are calmly considered, and at all events when history shall pronounce its verdict, nothing will so entirely justify Lord Canning as tbe sedioness and firmness with which he resisted the pres sure to which he was subjected to induce him to place Europeans and natives on a different footing. His oon duct in this respect will, when this disastrous mutiny has been suppressed, enable the Government to resume its former course, and to be administered without its being regarded by the natives as a tyrannical and hestPe power. This calmness and courage Lord Canniug has displayed in the highest degree. I have seen lett!rs in which be has been accused of every compatible and in compatible deficiency a man could exhibit under such circumetances ; but I am bound to say that in some of these very letters, written before Delhi was taken or Lucknow reached, I have seen imputations of actual cowardice cast upon both General Wilson and General Havelock, the results of whose operations have shown that not only was every bit of caution which they dis played absolutely necessary, but that their objects have been attained only by the most heroic exertions on their parts. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, my lords, I have seen letters—from young men, it is true, whose opinions are not worth much, but still showiiigethat the conversation which they hear is not all on one side— defeudieg Lord Canning's character and conduct, and complaining of the unfairness of the attacks to which he has been subjected. I have also seen letters from some of the ablest Indian officers, praising in the highest t e a r v m e s seen the letterscou rag courage from an d civilians coo es who of L their wholedivas in India, holding exactly t he same lan g ua g e, Lord Canning. parse d have and stating that the real cause of Lord Canning's un popularity among a certain portion of the Calcutta people is the singular calm ness and absence of fidget with which he has applied all his energies to the work in hand. Do you wi,h to know what General Mans field thinks I General Mansfield said, by the first mail, that be Could only judge Lord Canning to be one of the ablest men of business that he had ever met; by the second mail be wrote that, having bad some opportunity of ascertaining facts, his belief was _ o tha l Canning'e shoulders, (H ear, hear.) 'Sir Colin the one calm head in C alcutta was that upon L thinks that the Englis h in India are fortunate erfect ng a at their head at this moment so able a chief, so p . . C n a b m a p r b i e r ll oment when great d in Calcutta , he was rash inintrusting him- . gen tleman, and such a u a d mirable man of business as Lord Canning. I think that, at a m panic existe P elf to troops whose fidelit y might be suspected ; but it w a s at a time when he felt that, as our dominion in India depended up on the belief in our self-confidence and cou rage, it was of the greate st im p ortance that th e head of the Europeans i n that countr y should not be thou g h t to be deficient in those qualities. (Hear, hear.) And I ' a m quite sure that, among Englishmen even, too great an indifference to personal danger is not likely very long to tell against Lord Canning. I have thought it right to say thus much in justice to Lord Canning. With re gard to theme two Acts, I admit that possibly there may . be defects in their details, but I cannot see the justice of the accusations which the noble earl has brought against' them, amid I certainly believe that by the means of_these . measures the princit:le of conciliating the native tribes has been carried out, without in the slightest degree en dangering the lives or the property of the European resi dents. (Hear, bear.) The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH—If I understood. Lord Canning is more favoura ble to the liberty of h tht, noble earl correctly, he expresse d the b oric: ion that press than I am. favour able to free discus. Earl GRA.NVILLE—gore sion. Lord ELLENBOR OUGH—Free discussion 1 I th o ught it was abou t the press. As to that, Lord Can. ping, a Liberal, wa s the author of this Act. After I had been in India three days I was subjected to much more abuse than Lord Canning. I saw the danger arising from the indiscretion of the puss, and it was not for want of suggestions from home that I did not adopt some measure. against it. The Directors, I recollect, suggested to me that it would be advisable to impute s ome restrictions upon the press, and that it would