The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-04 00:00:00

T" . l' D"ZDON MINISTERIAL PROFESSION OF PROPAGIND SM,—LoRD ALTHORP'S SPEECH. We beg of the - Morning Herald, Morning -. Chronicle, Globe, Sun, Courier, and - Times, and all the other jour nals that support his Majesty's ministers, whether disin terestedly or for wages, we beg of all and each to explain WHY THEY HAVE NOT PUBLISHED (ThRD NORTHAIkIPTON ELECTION SPEECH ? The speech is the speech of a cabinet minister,not only of a cabinet mi nister, but of the finance minister,—not only of the finance minister, but of the most ostensible of all. mini sters, the ministerial leader in the House of Commons; the speech, too, was delivered soon after dinner, reported, no doubt, by the noble lord's own hand, and certainly published in his own journal; and, as it sttinds, it is the best speed' of Lord Althorp that we have seen. Why then, we repeat, do not the ministerial journals aid us in giving to this European - document a European circula tion ? There is, no doubt; a gratification - irv-beckoning modest merit from the shade, for the enjoyment 'of a . greater share of which,•in Lord Althorp's case; we' are indebted to the•journals muted . ; but though from three • or four of them we have. always received - kindness and courtesy, we doubt whether any, even, of these, would neglect a reforming Chancellor of the Exchequer, merely that we might have the • gratification of . obliginc , ; while of the others some are so little fdnd of 'the Stand ard, that this hypothesis would be a dull joke in reference to them. We are afraid, but the truth must he told, that the ministerial journals are ashamed of the noble lord's speech, as otherwise it is -impossible to conceive why they do not help in giving it to the world; like Lord :Niihau's Epistolary Dragonades upon the. Widlow election, this effusion of new Whig eloquence- can find no approach to the puhlic•-saveAhrough • the conservative journals; and in what'a degrading light does this system of wretched self-confe - ssed duplicity exhibit Lord . Nithorp and his colleagues? What would be thonght,..and 'what would this Times and its yoke-fellows yelp of any conser vative peer whose letterg - or speeches every conservative journal would be afraid or as/lamed to print .? and Lord Milton is a patriot, and Lord Althorp is a Minister ! Standard. The speech which we proceed to reprint is a 'European document of the highest imaginable interest, and;,there fore; entitled to the most proininent'place in our-column•. Even to foreigners it cannot be unknown that. Lord Al thorp, along with being the minister of finance, is the special acknowledged organ of the cabinet in the House of Commons, or, as it is popularly called, the "ministe rial leader" in that assembly. A deliberate public avowal of any particular course ofpolicrby this nobleman must, therefore, be taken as the manifesto of the government; and never, beyond question, did a British minister pro mulgate a manifesto of more awful import: It is. not a war that it threatens, but a long succession of wan, — not the hostility of a single state which it challenges, but the enmity of e►ery regular monarchy. of the civilized world, not an object of easy or probable attainment which it proposes, but nothing less than to revolutionise all Europe ! But the reader shall have the noble. Chancellor of the Exchequer's own words : With regard to our foreign policy, he must state that the interests of r ranee and England were at this time stronger [he meant, are at this time more strongly, brit it is right that he should discard the En/AA langua r „ ,, e in avowing such opinions] united together than they had ever been at any former period, and it was their duty, in the protection of their mutual [com mon] interests, to check every aggression of despotic power, UNTIL THEY SAW TILL TRIUMPH OF LIBERAL PRINCIPLES TIILIOUGHOUT EUROPE." There—is a Christmas gift for the cabinets of Vienna .and St, Petersburgh—fl,r the Kings of Prussia, Hano er, Spain, Sweden, Denmark, and Naples, for, in short, every one (except the King of the Netherlands, who has been already served,) that is unwilling to bring the go ernment of his state to scale, according to the notion of liberal opinions received and accepted by Lord Grey and Marshal Soult. The style of Lord Althorp's eloquence and of his lord ship's literary, composition, is too well known in thiS country to make it necessary, at home, to verify the .Speech before us, merely because of its bad English and bad grammar. The portentous audacity of its menaces may, however, cause, both in England and abroad, some doubts of its authenticity. We can remove those doubts at once by stating, that the extract which follows is co pied from a revolutionary Northamptonshire journal; which, if not Lord Althorp's property, is certainly the object of his especial patronage. The report is given, too, after a considerable interval of time, so that no er rors of haste or inadvertence can be supposed, for the speech was delivered at the noble lord's election dinner on Friday, Dec. 14 : " E. Bouverie, Esq. proposed His Majesty's ministers.' • This was drunk upstanding, with thred times three, and tre mendous cheering. " Lord Althorp rose and said, it - Was most gratifying to him to find that his Majesty's ministers received the tribute of popu lar esteem. (Hear.) It ought to be so; but such had not always been the case; fer the ministry of a free country ought to be composed of such men as received the approbation of their fello'w-countrymen. (Cheers.) When the present ministers came into office, which was in times of great difficulty, the task which they undertook was of no ordinary description. Consi dering the various circumstances by which the country was agitated, and the numerous interests, the welfare of which they had to support, without neglecting one fur the advantage, of the other, his Majesty's ministers thought it most advisable to make a pledge of those principles upon which they intended to act; and they accordingly made three distinct and important measures their principal aim to carry into effect and ensure their continuance. These great objects were—Peace—Reform —and Economy. (Cheers.) Reform had already been effected; and in redeeming that pledge, the ministers had brought for ward such a complete measure of reform as very few of its strongest advocates expected. With respect to peace, he could assure them that he never was attached to war ; and if a war like appearance was now exhibited by this country towards Holland, he would inform them of the motives which had go verned the conduct of the present administration on that sub ject. When they entered office, they found that a separation had taken place between Holland and Belgium; andif 'things had remained in the same state as at that time, there would have been no necessity for the present hostile- proceedings. .But the King of Holland retained possession of a portion of „Belgium, which, according to the treaty, he ought to have no longer occupied; and it was therefore the duty of this country to preserve the peace of Europe. It had been stated that in the present proceedings England had truckled to France; but he t cgge d to say that if England and France had not resolved to -obtain satisfaction for the insults which both countries had re ceived, and allowed the Kibg of Holland to retain possession .of Aniwerp until spring, a ge neral wa r W ou ld h ave b een t h e con s equence. He hoped, therefore, that by the decisive meu, sures which had been tak en , th e war w i t h R o ll an d woul d speedily terminate, without extending any further throughout Europe. (Cheers.) With re and to our foreign p o li c y, h e mus t state that the interests of England and France were at this tithe stronger united together than they had ever b een a t an y : firmer period; and itwas their duty, in the protection of their -mutual interests, to check every aggression of despotic yowler, t•isTir, 'THEY SAW THE TRH. MPH O F LIBERAL PRINCIPLES • THROCMIot T EUROPE. (Cheers.) With respect to the late tinfottunate proceedings in Poland, if England had interfered it Would- have 'occasioned an extended war over th e contin e nt; whereas . the Presentwarlike appearances against Holland would tend to prevent war, rather than extend it. His lordship next alluded• to tha.pledge of- economy; and in reference to that he *would• - state, float during the past year a reduction of two mil lions. had : Yakein:place in .the. pufilie expenditure. They had 'abolished a number of places, and the march of economy would not step . here, but would proceed until they redirCed -the na tional burdens as much as ossible, consistent with the faith o f -the public creditor. But the interest- of the debt must be paid ; and when that was taken into consideration, the ministers had no more than twelve millions out of the fifty millions of annual revenue, to meet the necessary expenses of government. Their \ enemies had vainly talked of reducing the expenditure twenty ke‘tirmillions ; forthat.could never be done, unless they could demonstrate, by any means, that two and two made more than four. Suffice it to say that . . they had entered office when they had a surplus of• revenue. Having made a' statement of the pledges which the ministers had-given ' as well as the manner to whieh'they had proceeded fer-the . benetit of the country, he begged to express his deep-felt thanks for the compliment which they had paid to himself and his colleagues in office. His lord ship sat down amid loud acclamations."—Standard. TITI4, LIVERPOOL STANDARD. THE BALLOT. Does Lord Grey know how large a part of those mem bers', on whearhe'relies - for . support, have pledged them- selves to the introduction and establishment of the ballot? Does he know that the four members for the county of Surrey, the two members for West Kent, and a vast pro portion of the county members; who are called Whigs,. have, without any hesitation or doubt, made declarations in favour of the ballot ? Does my Lord Grey-know that the Tower Hamlets chose Dr. Lushington, with a banner waving over his head, having on it, "Lushington and the Ballot?" • - Does he know that the members - for Lambeth were elected. under similar professions ? Does he know that even Mr. Stanley's brother, who has been returned for Preston,' stands most unequivocally pledged to give his support to the establishment of the Ballot ? But does he know (and this comes more closely home to him) that, Mr. Poulett Thomson, one of his privy-councillors and co-servants, was elected at Manchester, under placards, posted in every part of that great town, having on them, VOTE FOR THOMSON AND THE BALLOT ?" The occur rences. (Whiah 1. shall mention in another place) which have taken place at Manchester since the election, prove very, clearly that. he owed his election to a very vile in trigue; and that good men, that sound men, of all ranks in life, look upon him as anything but a member for Manchester; but, even that -intrigue, together with all the dishonourable means that were made use of; and even my being,known to have been elected at Oldham by 'the Middle of the first day of polling at Manchester; even all these circumstances combined, could not, though with the addition of great- expectancy with regard to public plun der; all these put together could not have obtained him a-majority over-Mr: Loyd' or Mr. Hope, bad not his par tisans pledged him tot the ballot. Does Lord Grey knoW these things?—Cobbett ilqisto. On a ! dispassionate 'view of this question (cf the Ballot) it: must, be admitted that the leading objections are not cumulative hut. disjunetive,—that is to say, they resolve. themselves , into its usetnlness ; if the secresy- aimed at by its-advocates be unattainablet,. or its evil consequences, if "tare attempt'dt secresy be successfial."lt cannot be argued against on both these allegations at once. Our own opinion remains unaltered, that the claSses for whose benefit the ballot is professedly designed would receive no protection from it, or in so small a proportion, and under such peculiar circumstances, as to constitute. a very slender inducement towards the adoption of an elementary change in the whole of our system Of election. - As for the poor man, he has' no secrets' from the members of his little circle. His own and his gossipping com panions of the ale-house will' inevitably, frOm the habits of free communication thronghout that order of our coun trymen, be familiar with , his purposes and his acts; and this, whether a canvass takes place or not before the day of polling. Bnt there will-never fail to be a canvass. A seat in Parliament is an object of toe grave ambition, of too intense desire, the Oause.bf each candidate is an occa sion of Sympathy and eagerness with too great numhers of active individuals in every district, to render it at.,all presumable that the custom of canvassing the voters will 'ever be laid:aside or suspended. Then, if canvassing be general,-nay, if, even without canvassing; public meet ings in the interest of each candidate for a seat be con ticued—and Heaven forbid they should ever-be dropped in this country sey that with regard to the great bulk of the electors (which is a broad enough ground:fbr legislative proceedings every where,) it becomes morally imp ossale that their suffrages should be unknown to either friends or enemies. Among the upper classes of voters, such as tenants of considerable farms, and so forth, there-is-no doubt that persons may be found not incapable of keeping their own secret in ordinary matters, when in clined to do so; but in election cases is such concealment likely? A man who intends bona fide to vote for his landlord is not immediately'under consideration at pre sent. He, of course, will make the nat Ural . use of his complaisance or preference, and take care to-lose no merit .in the landlord's eye. He, on the other hand, who has, no conscientious scruple abOut promising and breaking his word; and:whenever therefore can be inspired with a true and sele-denying sense of honour, Will, in nine cases out of' ten, betray the vote he- gives -to. the party or the friends a the party whom he serveshy it; and what then is our "secrecy" good for • It seems to be taken for granted by the journals, that by the excluSion of all just, honourable, and natural in fluence from elections, elections would be more free. No notion can be more erroneous. We are obliged to the Times for the means of. setting right this error. In an article upon the ballot, the Times of this day gives us the' following history of town eleclors under the bill. All who recollect the opportunities which the Times writers must have had in privately studying, as they cer— tainly had in publicly suggesting, the several processes in this mystery of iniquity, will appreciate the value of the cOnfesSion:— The club, or union tyranny, is a condensed and wholesale power. It acts through means which are irresistible by indivi .and in no small degree formidable to the state. rersonal violence is not often resorted to by your clubs, for the breaking in of sturtly-electors,, because it is unnecessary,—being super seded by another, the moral outrage of making existence insup portable, through a multitude of ,ociu/ persecutions. There is no form of punishment more painful than that which large bodies of active and overbearing partisans, l e a g ued t oge th e r or a - 00111111011 purpose, and backed by a thoughtless and brutal rabble, have it in their power to inflict upon individuals of their own class, and within their own vicinage, who have spirit enough to hold out against their projects. Abuse and ridicule, the most malignant slanders, refusals to deal with them, sending them to Coventry, and other moues of vexation which it would be endless to enumerate; are hand-to-hand4eapons which it require§ all the armour of. long-tried fortitude and conscious principle to encounter. Few town voters, indeed, among those orders of the community which furnish the busy-books of clubs and unions, can muster up strength of mind enough to withstand them." • This is the system under which is exercised that over whelming portion of the franchise which in Giat Bri tain semis to Parliament three-fourths of its British members. The &flowing extrixt fiom the Mayo Con,sii tuticu of Monday, Dec. 24th, will show bow far Irish elections are free from influence : " It was ascertained for some time previous to the commence ment of the election that the peasantry cl entire baronies had been regularly organized, and provided with clubs, for the pur pose of marching into town, and keeping possession of it for the repealeis during the contest. This arrangement was car ried into effect to the letter, and on the first day of the election it was announced by a contemporary journal, in the interest of Sir William Brabazon, that 'upwards 30,000' althe, people had marched in.• Had the tenantry in the interest of the Messrs. Browne been permitted to come in also, the collision would have been fearful. '1 he freeholders who voted fur the Messrs. -Browne, were escorted to and from the hustings by a military and police force, and nothing was left undone on the part of these gentiethen to prevent any thing like hostile collision with a mob evidently bent on mischief and destruction. On Friday night an immense cut, several feet wide, was made across the rend leading, om Ballina to this ttaen for the puipose qf obstructing the progress of the mail coach, which was c( :Teging freeholders to the election. Providentially the trench was disco vered before the horses had plunged into it, and the coach and passengers were thereby saved firm destruction. The horses were taken out, a paszage made for the coach, aud, after a delay of some hours, the mail proceeded on its route. Finding this means of retarding the communication unavailing, the peasantry last night broke dou-n the Pontoon bridge, and another on the same line, so as effectually to cut off all intercourse with the drawly districts; and in consequence no mail reached us from Sligo last night. Sir William is reaping the fruits of the exertions of yesterday and last night, during which the houses of many free/solders throughout the county were surrounded, and the owners compelled on their knees to swear that they would plump for the repealer. The maj aOty for Sir. William on the day's poll up to this hour is 10. Thcountry is described as being in a state of the most appalling excitement." These are influences a little more cogent than any as cribed to property, rank, or intelligence, and these if they cannot be corrected, ought, at least, to be balanced. The TimeS, indeed, suggests a corrective, and one in which, as far as it goes, the Chronicle would concur, inasmuch as that journal would make the remedy universal. the Times proposes to try the ballot in town elections and in Irish elections. Though, however, we doubt whether it is possible for any thing to make town elections in Britain, or Irish elections of all kinds, worse than they are, we are thoroughly persuaded that the ballot would niake them no•better. .The s y stem of rabble conspiracy, and club persecution, which the Times justly describes as tyrannising in our British towns, does not confine its despotism to the nomination of members of parliament —it pervades all the pursuits of life, and debauches to detnocratical principles our whole municipal population. This the ballot could not cure. Again, in reference to Irish elections, the Times seems to forget that the priests are the tyrants of Ireland, and that from his priest a Papist has and can have no secret. To establish a ballot-voting in Ireland would be, in fact, to relieve the priest from all his present labour and responsibility at elections—leaving him, however, more absolutely master of them than ever. Besides, what would the ballot do to obviate such outrageS as those described in the Mayo Constitution? The utmost that the ballot could be expected to do would be to screen the elector from punishment on account of his vote. It could not prevent his being sworn by a ruffian mob as to the man ner in which he should dispose of it. But though the ballot can do nothing but to produce further mischief, it is highly probable that the ballot will be adopted before the next. election, if fur no other rea son because it threatens evil to existinc , orders and insti tutions; and we would more strongly press upon the Conservatives the necessity of preparing for it as inevi table, because the same preparation will be available for Conservative interests, come the ballot or come it not. They, have the rank and property of the country—let them use both for their own protection, and for the pro tection of their children, and let them use both boldly. The cant that political feeling ought not to influence men in the other concerns of life, always fallacious and mischieyouS, is now an utter and most transparent absur dity. The measures of Lord Grey's government have made all political questions, questions of no less than life and death to every one who haS any thing, whether in station, possessions, character, or talent, which a success ful revolution would . depreciate. It used to be reproached to the Dutch, that they sold gunpowder and bullets to be fired upon themselves; but it they sold these they got an equivalent, and they gave the munitions of war. to ene mies' who, if not supplied by them, would have been sup plied elsewhere. But what shall be said of the conserva tive who expends a shilling with an anti-conservative, or gives, or, if he can help it, continues, to such, a foot of ground Which a' conservative would be willing to have upon the same terms? Why, such a fool or coward dis arms his friends and supporters, in order to provide his enemies with weapons to be directed against his own life. —Standard. It is vain to blink - the matter; the question of ballot, or no ballot, must be set at rest, and speedily; but we have reason to suspect that a decision in the negative will be most in accordance with the feelings of a vast majority of EngliShmen, in spite of the clamour which has been got up on the subject,—that is our serious belief. Often, perhaps too often, we have lately felt called upon- to state . our impressions with regard to the vote by ballot, and once more we are bound to declare the continued bias Of our judgment against that plausi ble, but inefficient and disgraceful, and if not inefficient, most dangerous and immoral measure. Those who appeal to .the late elections as an argument in favour of introducing the secret vote, appear to us to have little respect for facts, or less capacity for the most obvious .reasoning. Attempts at intimidating voters have been complained of in four or five dozen places ; and in half that number of instances they may have been successful. But look at the bulk of the new Parliament. Has its complexion or character, as a whole, been Much affected by the influence of Tory landlords in counties, or of ultra-Radical combinations over the town voters ? Why, the popular returns are in the proportion of five to one. Our firm persuasion is, that no sensible mischief will ever be wrought . by the threats or denunciations of unconstitutional power against any large portion of the constituents of this country. We have applied a phrase to the ballot which to some may appear uncouth. We have called it " odious." This expression is employed by us deliberately. It is not enough to say that the performance of an honour able duty, the discharge of a solemn trust, and the enjoy ment of a valued privilege, ought, according to the whole spirit and context of our constitution, to be open to the public view : but the introduction of the hada would be hateful-Ist, to all ranks of voters throughout the kingdom, who feel conscious of their honest and in dependent principles, and exult in the open vindication of them. 2d. And this fact,' if new to many of our readers, is equally striking and unquestionable, the notion of the ballot is most odious to a very extensive and growing body of the NON electors in many parts of England. This vast numerical majority of our country men regard with jealous vigilance the conduct of those in whom has been vested the political power from which themselves (though on well-considered grounds) are ex eluded. They look upon the elective franchise, like the representative office, to be a " trust," created. for the benefit, not of elctors only, but of the .whole people, and .y consequence for that of non-electors, the undisputed -majority of the people. They have begun therefore to declare their anxiety that the elective trust shall be per .finmed in such a manner as- to fix. an effective respon sibility upon the trustees—that responsibility which no thing short of absolute openness and publicity can pro duce. They .are not acute . enough to see the enormous difference insisted on by the balluteers between the cases of the reprensentative and constituent. But as the elector has a right to ascertain how the representative does his duty on a division, so the non-elector has (in his own judgment) an equal title to be satisfied that the con stituent does his duty at the poll, and conceives that the ballot out of doors would be-as gross a violation of the national right of superintendence over the exercise of the elective franchise, as the ballot within the walls of Parliament would be an outrage upon the constituency of the realm. We have good authority for assserting that this language has been used in one of the largest counties, and openly and extensively in an important town, which contains the largest constituency in Great I3titain. It may here be stated, that Mr. SPRING RICE'S argu ment against the ballot, at Cambridge, was received with great approbation by a body of electors, many of whom might, from circumstances, be supposed to require protection in the exercise of their franchise. Our wish is confined to a single point—that if the innovation be adopted, it may effect all the public good which its t British 'Monarchy, proscribe the right It Church, and make anarchy and disc sanguine partisans predict from it. Some, thougans of accomplishing the other object: bition. we have shown, but a partial injury may have arise we are unteachable enough to continue under the hese OVONNELLITES—these family take, if it be a mistake, which we set out with, ged representatives of -the priests, an that the ballot would be no cure for any existing Nity ' confederates, come into Parham and that if it were a remedy for them, it could on ea l o f the Uni o n. It is - not yet four so by becoming the source of others at present unk ived the boon' of sitting ht Parliami to this country.—Time4 concessions' then made to them • we DUTY OF CONSERVATIVES IN PARLIAMENT. tld be grateful. The " healing measi the feuds, and heart-burnings, and poli es of Ireland. A grand atonement the sins and crimes of that country. s.to act like the angel's tear in 'Malin; ins of past years ; angry passions w 'lion was too - sleep with the kid, and • tethicide were to be converted into the n;s.of -hnsbandry. Anxiously and• s y that . these happy consequences wo s gave them time, and waited the iss ple' allowance •for the recoiling wave cessation of the tempest, but ala ridaf's 'grief, We have borrowed from the Morning Post a li the English members of the douse of Commons, curate, we believe, as such a list can be made by an gree of care. The display, it cannot be denied, is i tisfactory enough ; the conservatives, it must be o are few and far between ; and when the Irish and S , returns shall be added, the aggregate will have ev worse appearance, but " Nunquam desperandum e , Republica."—there is " Some soul of goodness in tl evil." As the returns have not been a great deal b: it is well that they are altogether as bad as they a `ti hile this Parliarrient lasts there can be no suspicion the conservatives are battling for place, nor can the now be divided by projects of particular ambition, or tracted by jealous suspicions that such projects are where entertained. They have, too, the property o country, and, with that, it must be their own fault if have not a preponderance of political influence. A present election, the legitimate and natural influen' property has been ne ll atralized by the reform cry; • the conservatives do their duty this cannot last for nor, if the conservatives do their duty, will it last t• next elections. The Bristol election—the splendid play of plumpers for Lord Chandos in Bucks,—fo , Edward Knatchbull in East Kent,—and, indeed,. for conservative candidates every where, demonstrate can be done with the people when properly addre Everywhere we know the feelings of the respec' classes are conservative. The great manufacturing to have, indeed, been turned by Lord John Russell close boroughs, as has been proved ; and the caned/ corrupt cities will be everywhere antipatriotic ;. but enough remain, to give 'assurance; that if the Conserva of high rank begin in time, and steadily fix their a' tion upon that object, they must have a great mail in the next House of Commons [no revolution into ing.] They have, as we have before said, the . pro I of the country; and while they are careful not to the means of political power, or, if they can help it, tinue the means of political power. in the. hands of sons likely to abuse it, they must make their patrol also tell for the great work of national defence. A' all, where private ingratitude is manifested in poll perverseness, it must never go without punishinent. no threats of the ballot avail to deter from this saP, but indispensible vindication of moral justice. If ballot can be introduced upon this, it will be introd , upon this or some other pretext, and the best po;.- mode of obviating its more serious mischievous e willbe the creating and the attaching a body, of &Le ' whoSe principles can be depended upon, whether ti vote openly or in secret. With respect to the course be pursued by the conservatives in Parliament, we them at once to the example of such leaders as Chandos, Sir Robert Inglis, Sir Richard VyVvafi• Robert Peel, Sir Edward Knatchbull, Mr. Attwood• many others. Aft to the Scotch conservatives—bil' may leave them out of the question, as Scotland, w ' instinct that has never gone astray for 125 years, sent her whole quota to the support of the treasury be —Standard. That wears out th' traces of the deepest As the sea washes the prints made in tt Hath passed o'er them in vain." r years of " Titize" . have rolled by 1 ealing" on their wings. One boon hal tike dustlike a despised thing. Our c , 1 - gii - en rise to fresh . demands ; and i 4 tranqUillityinstead of gratitude an -ead of " oblivion for . the past and 't.tre," we haVe renewed turbnlence, i bas, More pestilent politics, more factio : . e audacious violations of law, and ` , B of plunder and murder. To stinvul the representatives of Ireland now des THE U NION. _ . Ireland . has hitherto been a burden to a financial point of view, she costs Qs in the shape of income. At the sa ti le policy and the strength of both cou *y sensible man must be convinced ; 1 pestered by these absurb and destru 'have a wish to reserve Ireland from tit( I Principled demagogues, perhaps it wi consider whether we should not cons 'lull repeal. But we would advocate it %Inds from any which are assumed by 1 'ticn. We would make many sacrifice % beyond the pale of mischief; and rer e responsible situations in the Br. nimons, which they profess themse: .ions to fill. Let us, by all means, tPerimental repeal of - the Union, and lee more in a state of single blessedness, 1. a few years, to lead a monastic life; in `'n whetlier it be possible for her to imps lading and amend her morals. tut, let us not be mistaken. We do : L 'Peal of the Union, that Ireland should 1 ' ! incubus •of a. Dublin Parliament. I propose to administer a more poter , ate her on a simpler diet. She shall demagogues to herself, but she mu ;tied to choose a Parliament composed o th e priests, O'CoNNELL being the leade nephews, cousins, and Other '1 the majority of the house. Widely 4 111. We wish to 'see justice done t( to see it governed by a just Govei '%tilent factions ; and, as it seeks disuni t , at its own expense—a repeal of the linic arliament !—Guardian and Public Lec4 From what we know of the vacillating unsteady racter of the ministers, and the awkwardness o f position, we should not wonder if they attempted a ti course, that of being Conservative and Destructive turns, according to the exigence of the moment, ia hope of keeping both parties at bay; and so floating O long_ as they can from one quarter-day to anoth er . we do not think it possible for this plan to succeed, f .Ol many interests would be placed in continual jeopardy such a line of conduct, and so much general dist' would be induced by the jeopardy of those interests, I all parties would soon be glad to unite against the PI tical nuisance of such a government. Half-measures conflicting principles will not now be tolerated. Fre aggression must be arrested, and old alliances served, or Europe will be plunged in war. Ire must be saved or lost to the empire by a plain. intelligible course of decisive policy. The West must be tranquilized or abandoned to some rival poI The Bank Charter question, the East India question',„ Currency question, the Church Reform question. the financial system generally, must now be fairly and the thousands of respectable families, whose means of subsistence are connected with those questsv must know whether they may pursue their avocation 0 safety, or whether they are liable to sudden ruin from 5C hasty tricky resolution of a desperate gambling mini - 01 , We wish ministers success in their attempts to settle s jects of such magnitude and delicacy with the assist' c of a reformed Parliament, the wisdom of th e po llt ' i 01 , unions, the occasional suggestions of Talley r and O'Connell, and the added illumination of those bi l i sl lights of the new representative system, Messrs. (5 , 1 and Cobbett. The elections are over, and the conse:.L tives have well performed their duty by sending into .7 0 lament, in defiance of the bill, a firm and compact lanx of patriots, who will either arrest the progres s o revolution, or record their protests against it as a, 0! mento for better times. It only remains that all t l3 , interests which are known to be in, the proscriptio of jacobinism should cordially unite with their par,, mentary leaders in organizing the necessary meal ° self-defence. Good men must associate when bad 0 , 1 ,, conspire. The country cannot always be deceived , 1 . 1, must wake at last to a distinct perception of that Spe v il of government which is absolutely indispensable to P protection of its vast and complex in terests.—Morit.Pe' TIIE " HEALING" MEASURE :—IRELAND. We have heard much of the unbounded influence, the aristocracy of England over the elections, but we 1 0 „ never heard of any one family, noble or otherwise, OP ing so many members to the British House of Comfy as the illustrious family of O'CONNELL. in Ireland. ,tv priests of Ireland have evidently more power than aristocratic families in the United Kingdom. Ist. ' lll t o is the head of the House himself, the Great AgO i c member for the city of Dublin. 2nd. There is MAO ful O'CONNELL, eldest son of the aforesaid, membe i cs: Tralee. 3rd, comes his second son, MORGAN O.V ( - ) 1 NELL, member for the county of Meath. 4th, is O'CONNELL, third son of the said Daniel, memb i e ir • Youghall. sth, CHRISTOPHERFITZSIMON, son Daniel, member for the county of Kilkenny. 6th, FINN, brother-in-law of Dan. for Kilkenny. 7th, GAN JOHN O'CONNELL, nephew of Daniel, memb e %ill Kerry. In addition to these seven, there are three c O l 6- i ? returned upon the same interest, making in all o il members of the reformed Parliament returned by e i ?nem, backed by the Popish Priests, and that man 0 13 the most restless and pestiferous demagogues that e % disturbed the peace of an unhappy country. We ll le O'CONNELL be proud, and the ministers and peOP , ti England ashamed of such a triumph. It sho ws t 1 there is a power mightier than the Government, aristocracy, and the owners of the soil; and that P° s i is priestcraft, which works in secret, which pour s , " leperous distilment" into the ears of the ignorant 11 enslaved, and sends forth its sworn agents to underni Tzi 7,7 TI I Tit TLLG - 4. 'HOLLAND AND BELGII;?. 4 b.RtSSELS, DEC. `273.—His Majesty will reim 1 -lay. The French Princes, accompanied i tPI4, Marbot, and Baudrand, set out fur Paris It of Eckmuhl; the Duke of Is;, the D i , s ge son,) and Count Gerard, arrived here y, ‘retedi a tely went to visit the palace of the .Fr • i u 4 ricli is still furnished as wnen it was nhi Oltil St. Alphonse, cOmmancling the betty: r eveli army, ieftGrammout the day before ye Q antients of Cuirassiers had left 24 hours car i lleers and Dragoons follow at two days' bite' . 1. 14 LA1)-QUARTERS, BILUCHEM, DF:C. 21.—A dt 41 ze of Dalmatia arrived yesterday with ordc rf e north immediately to return to . France ' t ile positions as before its entrance into Beig ,k , m 4 hicate with the corps in the east of Fra " north will remain organized on its present 't events. apartments arc preparing for her Majesty ti tench, her sister-in-law, all her two sons.-1 28. The Staats Courant publishes the following di bizspArcii FROM GENERAL CHASSE' TO TLIE•AI] • ." Head-quarters, Citadel of Antwerp, " To his Excellency, &c., The difficulties, which daily increase, loi th honour the post which is confided tome, "ter i n t o negociations with the enemy yesterd `` The fatigues and privations which my tro ( 1e for three weeks are not to be described, hausted the strength of the garrison. TO this I must add, that in consequence of e water from the moat of the citadel, the frc k lls has so sunk, that it is with the greatest ve been able to get as much as was abfolut - el: aedd to this misfortune, our two last wells gluit by the enemy's bombs. . ~` All the places that are bomb - roof are rui , ; ',idiers, in the midst of the most terrible bum . i l r . Owded in the posterns, the communicat io n s, a bthey have scarcely a moment's repose. 4ta.l, in which are all the wounded aM t s e rs, who are no t in a Condition to be ten _Nry moment to fall down an d bury iithe unfort '7 4 ruins. the left glacis of the ba stion 2 the enei yeach of SO or 100 metres, whi ch has aheady. the ditch. A descent to the ditch has be en iZ s einy has only to spring his minnand Flow 1•0 the ditch to mount to the assault. hk For exult ailthese t b y reasons iusill s y e e w i a ir s i i i n t g t ofobret ailiMpOtl and t t ned might be totally lost, I ma d e , overti , Ca r d t o gr ant me;ii free retreat; and declarer .. v keuate the place, as he demanded on th e ``The Marshal having reftised,, I have,lo. afte %%le day, concluded, in concert with this cot e capitulation of which I hav e the- honour t ( 1, gerea myself and some of my officers as pri 4 tulition7that the remainder of the garrisons return to the northern provinces, but all iii 11-`' Your Excellency will see, by' the a.clitiont ; 4 tilla - hefoie the citadel is -not included iii th h is article was inserted by the desire - of CETI 7 , navy. ti:, -I k t l s i i t x c o o t. n t s h e e q i u )e e s n t c g e u o i ' l f -b ll' ( l ) i ii s t s night; and the others be' destroyed.- Itst I,,'Lrlconld not be-effected, for I just warn the ti,kt sailed, - and that the eleven others were 1 'e crews. a shouldr 111 e g i n o c d n o t This, then,. is the unhappiest day of my' li t ehed to end it . by agrarians - death, - but F was ages'By the first oppoitunity I will mention ix Who have most distinguished thenisehe g,'that . their flames may bd laid'before Hi Sovereign. the General Commander-in-chief of the c of the forts dependent on it, and of val force on the Scheidt, B, tl,(liere follows GeneralChasae's letter to "e . capitulation.) • e, • William, &c., desiring to give to a i:itry, Baron Chasse, on the occasion that ht mir..ni-ehief of the citadel of Antwerp, fleet ,l i urious defence of that fortress against asupe