The Sun. — London, England, 1857-03-06 00:00:00

the new Parliament can assemble. It is no immaterial Concern. We debated for four days upon the questions • that have arisen, and we came to the opinion that that which the Government deemed worthy of approval we on the contrary thought deserving of our censure. (Hear, hear.) Are we to agree that we will be en tirely mute, that votes of supply, one after the other, are to be carried, and that we are not to ask what is to happen during this interval ? (Hear.) My noble friend said the other night that the object of the Government would be to protect the lives and property of British subjects. I have no doubt that that will be their ob ject, and that my noble friend will take very efficient measures for so doing. I think that these lives and that property have been risked not by the vote of this house (cheers)—because it is not the echo of our vote which is just reaching ns from China. The intelligence which is reaching us is the intelligence of the consequences that have been produced by the policy which the authorities have pursued. (Cheers.) Well, then, may we not ask while you take care to protect life and property in danger by the policy which has been there pursued, will you not take some means for the adjustment of those la mentable differences I My right hon friend who has just sat down, said my right friend the member for Wiltshire misrepresented the Government when he said we were pursuing by hostilities the object of obtaining the in troduction of Sir J. Bowring into Canton. Tbat may be a representation, and I think it is a very fair repre sentation of the state of the case ; but I and all the rest of the house are left completely in the dark, and if we state what we think is the object of the war, we are sure to be told we are misrepresenting it. The consul who demanded reparation in the case of the Arrow declared that all the demands on that subject were satisfied. Then we are pursuing some other object, and when my right hon. friend is asked what that object is, he wraps him self up in general and obscure terms, and says we shall settle on permanent terms our intercourse with China. Every one will agree that it is an object to be desired, but the question is, is this arranged on any principle that the house has approved of ? or is it on any principle they have disapproved of ? and, secondly, who are to be the judges of what our future relations with China should be ? Are they to be persons in whom this house has no confidence ? (Hear, hear.) If that is the case, I must say that when we are asked fir large votes in sup ply, it will be but reasonable that we shoal I ask the Go vernment to declare what are the terms that they pro pose to ask from China, and what are the objects they intend to pursue, because I believe the House of Com mons never was during the course of its existence placed in this situation, that we should be required to show the greatest measure of confidence in a Government whose course of policy we disapprove—(hear, hear)—that we should be required to give votes in supply, when at the same time they do not declare what are the objects to which those votes are to be applied. It does not appear to me that it would be very difficult for them to declare what their objects are. Ido not think there would be any hesitation in agreeing to all those votes of which my noble friend spoke, which would be necessary in order to enable the Crown to appeal to the country by a disso lution. It may be, as many gentlemen seem to think, the state of parties would be cleared up by a dissolution, and I can only say, having had my attention called to this vote, I think the noble lord did not fairly represent it when he said the question that occurred after that vote the other night was, whether the present Ministry should remain in office and appeal to the country, or whether a Ministry should be formed from a combination of the dif ferent parties who had joined in that vote. I think that any person reading an account of what had occurred in China might have come to the same result that the house came to the other night without any concert or combination. (Cheers.) Ido not believe that concert or combination existed. There is a great party, as every one knows, sitting on the opposite side of the house. I do not know that they have a combination with any other party, and Isuppose they would be the persons to whom her Majesty, if she was obliged to have recourse to other advisers, would have recourse to in vain to form a new administration. I can only say, therefore, that any charge which may be made, and which no doubt will be got up for the elections—(hear)—of combinations, fac tions, and unscrupulous combinations of parties in order to attain certain objects, I believe all, those charges are entirely false and calumnious. (Cheers.) There is no one in a condition to prove them, or who can bring to light evidence in support of them. A great part of those who sit on this side of the house concurred in that vote ; and I believe, however the Gover nmen t may a d m i re the acts of Sir J. Bowring in China, they concur in disapproving of theta. They consider that a question—l care not who ther it be a question which concerns our relations with China, but a question which concerns war and hostilities, which concerns the destruction of many lives, and which has reference to great calamities—that was a question on which they were bound to give an opinion irrespec tive of party. For my part I must, having heard that vote of the house sometimes directly and sometimes covertly attacked, express my belief that there is no vote that will do more honour to this Parliament than that vote. If this Parliament is to have existence no longer it will redound always to their credit that when they were calved upon by the voice of their country to engage in a contest with a great power, with one of the greatest powers in the world, they never hesi tated. They gave any supplies that were asked ; they contributed any forces that were proposed ; they voted arty number of men that were required ; they never showed th e l eas t unw illi ngness, the least backwardness, in contending with that erect power; but when it ap peared that we were engaged in a war with an tin warlike, with an almost defenceless people, that the-, interpesing an interruption to the proceedings of the executive go vernment which they hal not interposed before, they, or, the part not less of humanity than of the honour of their country, censured the proceedings of the Geverninetit. (Cheers.) I think that the vote was not only honourable in, itself, but I believe it will be an honourable precedent in the future history of this country. Parliaments have been too prone to approve of hostilities without consider ing, and weighing, and examining the grounds on which those hostilities have been commenced. I think that this house has shown that while they are ready to make any sacrifice for a just and necessary war they will not ap prove blindly of any hostilities for which no just cause can be made out. After so much has been said against the vote of the other night, attributing it to any other motive but a desire to arrive at a fair and honest decision upon the merits of the question, I cannot but protest against those imputations, and I cannot but again express my hope that before this debate is ended my noble friend who has the privilege ef reply will give us some notion, some idea, of what are the objects of carrying on this war with China, and whet are the results that he is de sirous of arriving at, Mr. ROEBUCK—I rise to protest against one state ment of the noble lord at the head of the Government, who has described his defeat as the result of a combina tion of parties, and by a combination of parties it is ob vious he meant a conspiracy of parties. (Cheers.) It is true that hon. gentlemen of different political opinions found themselves in the same lobby; but why should that circumstance be considered proof of a conspiracy ? I speak for myself and for a great number of gentlemen in this house, and I must say that I knew nothing of any combination of parties. (Cheers.) We were called upon . to give a vote upon a matter which involved the honour of our country ; that honour I deemed to have been dangered by th e con d uct of the noble lord,and I voted against him. 1 did that, sir, not because I agreed with bon. gentlemen opposite, but because I agreed with the resolution. (Cheers.) I thought that dishonour and dis grace awaited my country, and I thought the resolution was the only shield which could be placed between us and dishonour; and it was on that account I lent it my humble support. (Cheers.) Sir, we were toll that we were to-night to hear an explanation. We have had no explanation ; but we have heard a trumpery statement submitted to the house, and call-d an explanatio n . (Cheers.) An explanation of what ? Of their policy ? No, sir, they have no policy—(loud cheers)—and they can therefore give us no explanation. The fact is, sir, a set of men who act in the name of England have disgraced Eng land. This set of men have been upheld by the noble lord, and this house, coming to the rescue of Eegland and of England's honour, has declared against the noble lord and his Government. (Cheers ) If the noble lord had eoutinued to be what he declared hims-lf in times P ast , a supporter of liberal institutions, we would not have deserted him. It i s h e rather who has deserted us. The noble lord went where we would not follow hi m ; and becau se we felt he had disgraced Englan.l, we voted against hire (Cheers) Mr. 111`(REGOR • A. question has been put to the noble lord at the heaTl - of her MajestY's Goverment by the hon. gentlemati thebeen answered- member for the Wet Riding, done with the representative It is this : What is to be ' se w n e t r it d a i ' ve si of the Gov , -rnenent at Hong Kong ? (Cheers.) they delight rtoJhohn Bowring still to be the man whom honour? ? Are they still going to put confidence in a bee n has been de clared by the vote of this house to havew gailty, not of an indiscretion, but of a crime? (Che:res7) Is he stir that e °isstimoienrciful to represent the most powerful anfid4 Sovereign in the world ? Ie the China to be under his contri 1? I hope that tho future fate of Sir John Bowring will be decided upon b e f ore the noble lord when he again addresses the house sits down. Mr. GLADSTONE—When at the end of what I must be permitted to call the very bare and meagre statem ent of the noble lord at the head of her Majesty's Govern: ment the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucking hamshire rose in his place and stated that he would afford every facility for disposing of public business, I have not the smallest doubt the right hon. gentleman assumed that which we have since found from tha an swers of the right hon. gentlemen who have addressed the house that we should have been wrong if we had too hastily assumed—(cheers)—I mean that which my noble friend the member` or the Ci ty of London has argued in terms worthy o himself, and in terms which will carry conviction both to this house and to the country. (Loud cheers.) I can hardly express the amazement with which I heard the speeches of the right hon. gen tlemen the First Lord of the Admiralty and the Secre tary of State for the Home Department. (Cheers.) The Secretary of State for the Home Department says he did not understand the resolution of my hon. friend the member for the West Biding. Sir, I know nothing • THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY. EVENING, MARCH 6, _1857. about a resolution of the member forathe W es t Ridi ng. possible for me to / d o so . The questi on i s an urgent one. I know a resolution which was once thegescluhien o f I have a motiotnwhich I intended to make i n comm it tee my hen. friend, but has now beconieVretieselemn jildg- of ways and tiieans; and lam bound to say that nothing has been i;id byeny noble friend which w ou ld l ea d me to meat of this house. (Loud cheers.) In'the course o f a lone debate different views and different_ principles and think that there will be any cause for this house, during the limited term Ofits existence, to relax its vigilance in different conclusions were strongly adopted and urged , regard to the taxation and expenditure of the country. upon the two sides of the question ; but no man went further, and no man went so far in vindicating the . ' (Cheers.) Upon that principle it is my intention to act; though of course the application of that principle must wretched policy of which we have read some of the re- i depend upon what may be said by my no bl e f r i en d ; b ut suits in the journals of te-d a y— no man went -- so far in I vindicating that miser a bl e p ol i cy as t h e no bl e v i scount. concur in hoping that every pra c ti ca l f ac ili ty w i ll b e (Hear.) I wont go i n t o th e d eta il s o f t h e debate, but afforded for the despatch of busin ess . (H ear.) when my right hon. f r i en d th e S ecre t ary o f S tate accuses Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said th a t th ose gent l emen who my hon. friend near me of unfairness in stating that we had met by accident in the lobby the other night would %ere making war in order to secure the entry for Sir not be likely to meet there again if any vote could be John Bowring into Canton, I will ask, if we are not making war for th a t o bj ec t , f or w h at are we ma ki ng taken on the question before th e h ouse. T he r i ght hon. war ? (Cheers.) It i s upon recor d t h at t h e a ff a i r o f t h e gentleman (Mr. Gladston e ) h a d b een attempting to Arrow is settled—for the right hon, gentleman cannot mystify the boasts upon this questi on . H e s t ate d t h at destroy the e ff ec t o f th e passage i n wh i ch C onsu l the resolution agreed to o n T ues d ay was not the resolu tion of Mr. Cobden, b u t was t h e solemn judgment of }nukes makes thathlnnouncement ; and what then is the object for • which we are making war, it it is not the entry the house. Well, f rom th at j udgment the noble lord of J. Bowring into C an t on ? We are told that th House of Co mmons i s t o b e di sso l ve d , an d l am no t in was going to appeal t o th e country. (Hear.) The right the least dissatisfied with that announcement. Sir, it hon. gentleman said, "Look at the division list." But will remain on record that th e h ou se was dismissed be- w h a t did h e say it contained I He only mentioned the cause it struck a deadly blow at a great iniquity. (Loud noble lord the member for the Cit of London. Was cheers.) But, as the house is to be dissolved, as several y weeks are to elapse b e fore the dissolution takes place, there, then, to b e no appea l f rom the decision of that as several weeks more must pass without a Parliament noble lord ? (Laughter.) They were not t o ca ll it a existing in this country, and as some time must elapse " combination ;', but there appeared to have been some ev after the new Palliaent assemblies before it can th i ng very like a union of parties. (Hear, hear.) It was, give n m a definite judgment upon this matter—the question for us to ask is as clear as the day, although t wo Cabn at all events, a very r emar k a bl e c i rcumstance, that a motion very similar to that of the hon. member was pro ' net Ministers have proved perfectly unabl e t o compre - nosed in another place by the noble earl the leader of hend it—(a laugh)—upon what policy and what prin. the Censervative party, and a warm interest was taken cipa 1 e are your affairs in China to b a carr i e d on during by gentlemen in this house in the success of that motion. the interval of three mouths which are before us ? (Loud (Rear, hear.) The noble viscount naturally thought that cheers.) That, I think, is a question to which this a motion introduced by Lord Derby, and supported by house has the right to require an answer. For what is gentlemen who were generally known in the country as our position ? Hostilities have been commenced in Can ton by the local representatives of the British Govern- the peace-at-any-price party, and by his former col leagues below the gangway , l oo k e d someth i ng like a went. Those hostil i ti es h ave b een adopted, aggro- (Hear, hear.) The right hot). gentleman printed, made their own, vindicated in this house and in said, "Look at the division list !" Well, the noble vis e tmbioation. he other Image of Parliament by the advisers of the count was perfectly justified by that list in appealing to Crown. Those hostilities, too, are now going forward, the country. (Cheers.) On which side did those who re- It was the duty of those advisers to have at once come present large constituencies vote? Of fifteen metropo down of their own accord, and to have asked the judgs Titan members—(laughter) —twelve voted with the Go that the expenses of the war must fall upon the people of England ; and wh o i hon. gentleman th e p resen t mem b er f or the West Riding is hon. that is authori se d t o fi x upon —(laughter) —moved the resol u ti on ; b u t hi s co ll eague the people of Engla n d th e expense o f carry i ng on a war? voted against him. (H ear , h ear .) Th ey l aug h e d at the Is it the nobl e vi scoun t ? (Ch eers. ) I entreat th i s house metropolis—let them laugh at Li ver p oo l an d Birming not to be beguiled i n t o forgetfulness o f its most essential ham. (Hear.) The ri g ht h on . gent l eman t h e metn function, for it is our right a n d our r i g ht a l one, t o vote ber for Bucks and the mem b er f or t h e U n i vers i ty were the supplies by which th e h ost ili t i es i n Chi na are to be not likely to meet again in the lobby ; for the one said carried On. The hostilities have been condemned both the noble viscount had dealt frankly and honestly with as to their principle and their object ; yet her Majesty's the house ; and the other said he had voted disengenu- Government come down to the house ; they call its so- ously. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) said leinn decision a resolution of the member for the West he must have an answer to the question of the hon. gen- Riding ; arid they distinctly intimate that the war is tleman (Mr Cobden), whether the future policy of the to be carried on in China just as it would have been if Government with regard to China was to be changed. our vote had never been come to. (Cheers.) Most anxi ous as I am, in comm on w ith th e r i g ht h on. gentleman The noble lord had told th em it was no t . (H ear, h ear. ) The noble lord was going to appeal to the country on the member for Buckinghamshire, to afford every just that issue, and the verdict would be in his favour ; be and reasonable facility for forwarding public business, I cause the country thought be had maintained the na frankly own lam not prepared to abdicate an essential tional honour, and had done right in determining not to duty of the House of Commons. The House of Commons permit treaties to be evaded w ith i m p un i t y. (Ch eers .) has been wronged, and its r i g ht s an d pr i v il eges have been depreciated by her Majesty's Government. They have The noble lord was goi ng t o as k th e pu bli c w h e th er t h ey approved of his liberal foreign policy. (Oh, oh.) It was a I commenced a war in Persia, and they have adopted hos- liberal policy ; and the public would ask themselves telities already begun in China, without the authority of where, if Lord Aberdeen's Government had remained in Parliament. Sir, it is not the duty of Parliament to power, we should have been nowt We should have allow these things, and then to have a bill rendered them, had a peace very different from ,that which the noble and be toll that that is the charge. If that is what the viscount had secured for us. The noble lord (Lord J. house is (Cheers.)te willing to submit to it may as well close its doors. Russell) was the British lion wh en h e s t oo d at the table; we vote It is our ies duty as well as our privilege, at the but he was a spaniel at Vi enna . (L aug h ter.) The house suppl—before hostilities are waged, and would recollect what th e r i g ht h on. gentleman the mem not afterwards—to be the j u d ges o f th e p urpose t o which ber for the University had said abo u t th e R uss i an war. those supplies are to be a pp ro p r i a t e d. (Ch eers .) I t i s vain He said it was a wicked for the noble lord—l d e fy hi m t o escape f rom t h e principle Mr. GLA.DSTONE—I b eg pardon. (Order.) I war— whichbe- the constituti on of E ng l an d h as so we ll l a id down, lieve lam withi n th e or d er of the house in contradicting the right, namely, of Pa r li a m en t, no t on l y t o vote supplies, and I have oft en sa id j ust the reverse. (Hear.) the hon gentl eman . I never said a syllable of the kind ; but to judge of the p ur p ose f or w hi c h t h ose suppl i es are demanded. Sir, I h o p e th a t a t l east we s h all o b tain a Mr. DUNCOMBE was not ng anything the right clear answer—or indeed some answer, for as yet we have hon. gentleman had said that fightnt ; but the right hon. had absolutely none—from her Majesty's Government gentleman had declared that the war ought not to upon this question. My noble friend said that he would have been entered u p on —( no , no )- -and that the Empe- rot move the adjournment of th e h ouse, i n order that hon. of Russia gentlemen might ha ve an o pp or t un it y o f commenting penses of the war. (011:! o ought to have been reimbursed for th e ex - h ! and laught er .) upon the statement he was about to make. B u t instead Mr. GLADSTONE—I r i se t o protest against that of making a s t a t emen t upon w hi c h h on. gentlemen could statement. (Order, order.) Well, If lam not to be per comment, lie has withheld the whole pith and marrow of mitted the usual privilege of members I will sit down. his promised statement. He has told us nothing, except Mr. DUNCOMBE had certainly understood the right that we are goieg to be sent about our business ; and hon. gentleman to say so—it was during the discussion the only thing left to hon. members is to get up and after the return of th e no bl e l or d (L ord J. Russell) from ask questions, by whi c h th ey l ose th e i r r i g h t of making Vienna. No doubt the right hon. gentleman had ap any comments upon the statement of the noble lord proved of the war; and his subsequent disapproval of it which he may choose to make in reply. But, sir, while I shall listen with a tt en ti on t o t h e statement which I was what he (M r . D uncom b e ) could never understand. suppose my noble f r i en d w ill present l y ma But the right hon, gen tl eman did di sapprove of the way masse upon this in which it was carr i e d on , (H ear, hear.) Then there vital and essentialsubject, I hope it will b e un d ers t oo d that was the right hon. gen tl eman th e mem b er for Wiltshire. there is no pledge g i ven —th a t th ere i s no understanding He (nir. Duncombe) supposed he was wrong again— whatever--which in any degree fetters the free action (laughter) —but he understood that right hon. gentleman and judgment of this house, or which implies that we are to concur in condemning the war. about to play a mere Ministerial part in regard to the Mr. S. HERBERT —I never said any such thing. taxation of the country, or are going to place an office (Laughter.) which is esetecnetly ours in the hands of the executive Mr. DUNCOMBE--The right hon. gentleman during advisers of the Crown. Sir, the noble viscount has re- the discussion after the noble lord's return from - Vienna ferred again to-day to the subj e ct of combinations. He said we ought to h ave b een content with two of the four waled that he wa s b ea t en b y a comb i nation of parties, out points. of which a n ew G overnment might perhaps be formed. Now,Mr. S lIERBERT—No, no . (L aug h ter. ) I apprehend th a t many quest i ons might be raised Mr. DUNCOMBE—D o you mean to say you didn't? upon the meanin g o f t h e t erm " com bi nation ;" but this (Loud laughter.) W e ll, t h en, i t was three points. (A. I will say, Ido not thi n k th ere ever Was an occasion upon laugh.) Then there w as th e r i g ht h on. b aronet the mem which it was less t o t h e i n t erest o f a G everranent which ber for Carlisle. (L aug h ter, an d cr i es of " Question.') found itself i n a m i nori t y t o ex twine cl rely the con- They said the Gove rnmen t h a d no pol i ng; but what was tents of the division lists. (Loud ch e e rs .) I n cons id er i ng the contents of t the right hon. gentl eman ' s po li cy I H e said, "Don'tthose lists I put enti re ly ou t o f v i e se mY drive Russia t o th e wa ll . " Di d not he say that ? Well, right hon. friends who s it near me. I admit with regard but what did we go to war for but to drive Russia to the to them, and with regard to myself, that our isolated po siti wall ? (Hear.) At l as t we did so, and we got a peace if we are accu se d of enteringinto, e unjust we mu s t be ar et different from th a t w ith w hi c h t h e right hon, gentlemen would have been s a ti s fi e d. (Ch eers.) The noble vis patiently. But, s i r , p u tti ng t h ose i n whom I am most count's foreign poli c y, th en , wou ld meet with the sup interested, and p u tt ing my own character out of the of question, I mu s t as k, w h en it ever happened before that port tic pot the country. (He ar .) W i th regar d to h i s domes cy—(laughter)—the no bl e v i scount must take a a case arose s o s t rong as to compe l thi s house to check the more decid e d course . (L aughter and cheers.) The noble mad career of the G o ve rnmen t i n a war ut the extre- lord had sufficient diploma c y, if th ey lik e d to call it so, ,pity of the earth ? O ver an d over aga i n we have seen this not to see the ne cess ity o f t h at. The noble lord had hous e ch a ll enge d to condemn our foreign poli t y ; never said he was a ga i ns t a ll re f orm, b ut on the contrary but never on any single occas i on , w ithi n my recollection, he was a party to a ver y goo d bill , wh i ch was introduced has it been induced to interfere. (Ch eers .) I t h as always by the noble lord the member for the City of London. felt too strongly its weakness and its want of informs- Would the hon. gentlemen opposite give them a bottee? tien on such ma tt ers ; an d t he presumpt i on, therefore, ie, (Rear, hear.) If h e wou ld only continue that course, that the usage an d fi xe d ru l e o f the house has not been and proclaim t o th e country that he would maintain altered with ou t reason, b ut that a stern necessity has the honour of o ur na ti ona l fl ag —that he would not compelled it to inte r p ose an d rescue our d earest interest?, allow tre a ti es t o b e evaded with impunity —he might and dearer than a ll i n t erests, t h e fame and honour of the defy that puny jealousy by which he was surrounded empire from the hands of men who are unfit to guard here (cheers) and set at nought the misrepre them? But what are the facts as regards thiseupposed corn- sentation to which he was exposed elsewhere, because bination ? Firstly, the majority comprised that great he would receive the support of a very vast majority of party now in opposition, which at all times muste either that large community whoseinterests were committed to he the first or second power in England. In the next his care and who would not all ow th ose i nterests to be sacrificed to either u n p r i nc i p l e d ca b als or mere accidental place it compris e d th e name of my noble friend the mom- i her for the city o f L on d on. (Cheers.) And who is my noble friend th e mem b er f or the c i ty of London ? (Hear.) meetings in lobbies. (Cheers,) Ido not speak o f him as agreeing with hi m upon every Sir J. GRAHAM--I had thought that the objects of political question, but I speak of him as history will re- the present debate had been sufficiently wide and desul gard him henceforth, and as the Ecglish people regard tory without introducing into it the topic which the last him now. (Cheers.) Is h e no t th e man w h o has led speaker has thought fit to raise—the commencement the liberal party in thi s ooun t ry d ur i ng a per i od of more than 20 most eventf u l y ears —th e man un d er whose and the conduct o f th e R ussian war. Unintentionally, guidance that liberal p ar ty h as ac hi eve d the greatest no doubt, he has so muc h misrepresented what fell from triumphs it has ever won ? (Cheers ) With him was former speakers, that I cannot allow this debate to close combined the ablest and most distinguished man among without offering a few words in explanation on behalf of the popular leaders of England (Mr, Cobden). There myself and two right hon. friends near me. Th e y and was also an hon, and learned g en tl eman (U r . R oe b uc k), who was so far f rom b e i ng a po li t i ca l enemy o f the no b le myself were colle agues o f t h e no b le lord (Palmerston) and other gentlem en on t h e T reasury bench at the time of 1 ird at th e h ea d o f her Majesty's Government, that in 1850, when he th oug ht t h at upon the whole the foreign the declarati on o f war. W e b elieved it to be just and ne policy of the noble lord was satisfactory, he himself came cessary--we so declared it—at the commencement and forward, and, refusing to accept the decision of the during the progress, and from that declaration and that House of Lords, mo ve d a resolut i on which led to what opinion we have never swerved. Together with the no le the noble lard justly regards as one of the most signal of lord, when we were his colleagues for a short time after his political triumphs. (Cheers.) I think, then, it is a the fall of the Aberdeen Administration, we were!partiee little too much for members of the Government now to to sending the noble lord(Russell) to Vienna, to negotiate challenge inquiry into the constitution of the majority peace, and so far from driving Russia to the wall, which of Tuesday last. (Loud cheers.) Tue noble viscount, I adroit I declared to be impolitic, we were parties to on a former occasion, spoke net only of a combination, theinstructions given to that noble lord with reference but of a " secret treaty" for the acquisition of office, to the negotiations at Vienna. I and my two right hon. My honourable friend the member for the West friends still retain the opinion that peace with Russia Riding spoke of the noble viscount in terms which, I might have been honourably and advantageously con think, did him honour, with respect to the noble lord's eluded in conformity with those instruetions, and in co tte atm nt of his political opponents. (Hear.) I adopt incidence with the opinion of the noble lord who at all my hon. friend said ; and I gladly admit that the tempted to negotiate the peace, and with that of the good humour of the noble viscount is such that it duo noble viscount, who was not only a party to those in arms resentment, even when he utters what in the mouth structiens, but was at the head of the Government when of any other man would sound like reproaches. (Hear.) they .were framed. And, if we are to try these negotia lam sure that the noble lord only used these " combi- times at Vienna, or the conclusion of a peace by the guess nations" and " secret treaties" as a weapon of debate. tion—was Russia driven to the wall ? it must be re- My own case is this. Upon the first night of the session I, like the re s t o f the house, heard the right hon, gen, membered that the c onc l us i on o f peace left Russia with - Sebastopo still in p and h power was tleman the memb er for Buckinghamshire make an an- somewhat l her broken in the ossession Black' Sea, if it is er by no means neuucement for which we were not at all prepared—that impaired in the Baltic (Hear, hear.) Upon the question ie to say, an announcement that he intended to insist before the house, way I presume very shortly to express upon the application of certain principles to the reg pi ua- my onion 1 The noble ord (Russell) has rered to ton of the public tax a ti on , U pon the basis of that penal dissolutions of parlia l ment. It cannot fora moment public declaration s heard by the house and the Govern- be doubted that the threatened dissolution is of a penal ineut at the same time that it was heard by us, we sup- character. A dissolution of that description was resisted ported the resolution of the right hon. gentleman. with by Mr. Fox ; it was resisted to the last extremity with which our principles were thoroughly in harmon. respect tolhe passing of the Mutiny Bill in 1784, andwith (Cheers.) That is the history of our "combination" all respect for that great constitutional authority, I do with tie right hon. gentleman opposite. In the same not think that example is a precedent which ought to manner we heard the hon. gentleman the member for tike be followed. (Hear, hear.) That resistance was pushed West Ratin g gi ve no t ic e of a motion for which we were to the last extremity ; but the patriotism of Mr. equally unprepared, and in which we also thoroughly Fox and those who adhered to him, then constituting a concurred. In consequence of that concurrence we gave majority of this house, seeing inevitable confusion and the best support we could in public debate to my hon,_ mischief to the state as the result of persevering in this friend's motion ; and I should like to g know whether we measure, they gave way, and allowed the Mutiny Act to shim' I not have been guilty of the reatest breach of pass. This gave to their opponent, Mr. Pitt, an im peOlic duty in both cases , if , w i th our strong convictions mense advantage; their protracted resistance placed as to what the int e r es t s o f t h e country requ:red, we had him in power, which he retained for years ; and the for a moment thought of pursuing another course ? party of which Mr. Fox was the distinguished leader (Cheers.) These ar e the "combinations" for which we are responsibl e , an d t h ese alone. Hear. lost much o f th e power and pre-eminence which until () Our opinions then they had en j oyed. I think, therefore, both on con are before th e country, and whatever may be said against stitutional grounds, and with referenc e to example, that te, it will at least be admitted that we have never any such opposition to the passing of the Mutiny Bill shrunkfinance, from stating those opinions, Our views upon ought carefully to be avoided. And therefore I entirely so clear' taxation, and public expenditure have been concur in the course proposed by the noble lord (Rue them, arlz h s a e t t forth that there can be no doubt upon sell), that every facility should be given for passing the vinheenetdhosneyviheewrs jsiaarieeentyo,ts iGnehvaerrmnmoneyntwithfutihlye Mutinyy Billßili ifeorneacneyssapreirlyiodbalseesds,twhaituh admit, but I believe a re y fe e r a e r n . ce ß b u e t th the with the interestseve them to be strongly in harmony the marines and the army, upon the number of men to of th . abide by them whate e country ; and we mean to be voted by this house. With reference to the navy es of public affairs , (Cheererraay happen in the vicissitudes timates, as to the force proposed, I should entertain not to state this ; and I now Pe) It is due to the house for us the least objection to vote the Mutiny Bill, not for a Norfolk (Mr. Bentino, leave it to the boo. member for portion of the year, but for the whole. With reference responds with all that /' 4 say whether it eH 1 s his liv ely and note Y oor to the army, I certainly entertain the opinion that the lantana im i • has been pleased to suggest ? (L an ' - - ag natuln force is larger than can be required, considering the state ghter and am bound to add, before sitting down, oheers.) lof profound peace which now happily exists in Europe, that • h to finance and public expenditure lam leftw e i n t ti regard and with the exception of the war in Persia--if it be doubt, by what I suppose in courteis Y must be call e eltl ' e u e ; still an exception—and of the China war, the sub statement of the noble viscount, He said lse to i jeot of the recent debate. But, confining our view to r take certain taxes for the year, and that he intended to • Europe, and to the peace whi c h preva i ls in the western take the estimates and the Mutiny Bill for a part of the world, I think that the force proposed is larger than the, year. I should be glad to give the noble viscount the best h e e r c e e n s e sity requires. p If we are to take that force with re rata and China, I should' demur to being information in my power as to the course I may think "concluded by any such necessity to vote so large a force. it right to pursue •; but my noble friend has made it im, tatill it must be remembered that the force stated is the maximum. The Mutiny Bill for the army must be based upon some definite number, and considering that the force proposed is the maximum, I should, for a time li mited, be willing to give my consent to that number, always leaving it perfectly open to the new Parliament to consider the number of men. There is another point to which I must allude, that of taxation ; and when the noble lord speaks in reply, I hope he will give us some clear notion of his policy on that question. I take it we are all agreed that no advantage should be taken of the technical ground on which the exaction of the 16d. in come tax for the year 18578, might be insisted on. It must be observed that there are two different items corn prised under the definition of the war income tax—one an addition oF9d., made shortly after the commencement of the war, and a second item of 2d., now also part eking of a war charalter, making in all ld., which was added during the war. If the law as it now exists should not be maintained, the principle that ought to come into ope ration on the sth of April next is, that sd. in the pound only should be levied. A great question will arise before Parliament is dissolved—and it is impossible for us to pre vent it—what shall be the amount of income tax for the ensuing year ? That question must be considered with reference to the expenditure of the State and the policy of the Government ; and it cannot b e cons id ere d apar t from the question of the Persian and the Chinese wars. There is another question hardly less important upon which a decision also must become to. There is 4,500,0001. of arrear of the war income tax to be levied between the sth of April and the 6th of October ; and that sum, by the past decision of Parliament, has been appropriated to the extinction of a particular portion of debt, six mil lions of Exchequer bonds. It is sought by the Govern ment to apply that 4,500,0001. to the expenses of the current year. That will be a departure from the policy that has been affirmed by this house in the most delibe rate manner. These are questions that cannot be post poned and must be decided. So also with respect to the tea duties, which stand for discussion to-morrow night. (Hear, bear.) Were the law allowed to take its course, that duty would be ls. 3d. per lb. from sth April next. A notice stands for to-morrow night for the Government to propose a considerable addition to that duty. It will be for the house to consider whether, being about to meet our constituents, we shall impose upon two articles of first necessity, next to bread, a heavy additional tax, partaking of the nature of a war tax. (Hear, hear.) I admit that the duty on spirits is a duty which ought to be carried to the utmost extent consistent with security to the revenue ; but there is a war duty of 100,0001. a year, which it is sought to ren der permanent. Ido not object to that ; but there are questions of finance which must be dealt with, and dealt with immediately. This being s, and as much discussion must ensue in the present Parliament with reference to these important matters, I think some explicit informa tion from the noble lord as to the course he intends to pursue with reference to taxation would be not only for the convenience of the house, but that it is just to the community. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON said it was clear that the Go vernment paid no deference to the vote of that house. (Hear, hear.) It was most desirable that they should know what were the intentions of the Government as to the Chinese war—(bear)—more especially after the state ment of Mr. Duncombe that the Government did not intend to alter their Chinese policy in any degree, or make any change in the hands to which the conduct of our affairs there was committed. (Hear, hear.) He had fully expected that the noble lord would announce his intention of appealing to the country, but he had expected that that announcement would have been accompanied by a declaration that the conduct of our affairs in China was no longer to be left in those unsafe and incompetent hands. (Hear, hear.) He inferred, from the silence of the noble lord and the evasive speeches of his two colleagues, that the Government had not yet made up their minds on the subject. Before the house was called on to vote supplies, with a view to facilitate the dissolution, he hoped the Government would state what policy they meant to adopt on this question. (Hear, hear.) It was now denied by Sir G. Grey that the hostilities in China arose from a desire to obtain by force of arms the right of entry into Canton. What, then, were we carrying on the war for ? What was its real object ? (Hear, hear.) He had heard with surprise the statement that any danger to British life or property there would be traceable to the vote of Tuesday night. He appealed to the journals of the day to show whether the deplorable course that had been pursued by our officials in China had not been already attended with such danger to British life and interests, that it was scarcely possible for it to be aggravated by any effect of the late vote. After that vote, the simple de claration of the noble lord that steps had been taken for the protection of life and property there was not enough. He was willing to afford every facility to the Govern ment in transacting business essential to be done before the dissolution, so far as that was consistent with the interests of our fellow-countrymen; but they had a right to know from the noble lord whether the conduct of affairs in China was or was not to be left in the same unsafe and incompetent hands. (Hear, hear.) Mr. W. J. FOX said that imputations having been thrown out by the noble lord at the head of the Govern meat and the hon. member for Finsbury as to the motives of those who had voted in the majority the other night, he felt he owed it to himself and his independent friends to repel anything like party spirit upon the occasion re ferred to. He thought it was one of the most unjust im putations that .could be made. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more alien from those feelings and sentiments which really induced them to give their honest votes on Tuesday night. He confessed he had great difficulties in making up his mind 'to vote for the motion. He certainly bed no wish to do anything that would assist in the resto ration of the Derby Government, whether by themselves or in conjunction with the members of any other party. Although the noble lord had disappointed his expectations in many respects—although he thought that the policy of the noble lord tended to lower the flag of England, he was not disposed to vote for the opposite party. Although they were called the peace-at-any-price party, they had made many sacrifices during the late war, in order to strengthen the hands of the Government, and to support the honour and the dignity of the country. With regard to Sir John Bowring, he (Hr. Fox) had had a long friend shipfor him; he admired him for the versatilityof his talents, his upright principles, pure integrity, and high-minded patriotism. Nevertheless he could not blind his eyes to the act to which ho was a party in Canton, and which was so opposed to the honour and the interests of the country. He (Mr. F.) believed that Sir John Bowring was driven from the carrying out of his own natural good intentions by those pernicious influences with which he was sur rounded. In the majority of Tuesday night there wore the representatives of all the high principles held in that ho use . E ver y shade of opinion was there; and it was therefore evident that nothing but the force of truth and honest conviction could have brought together such a body. (Hear, hear.) There was as C no hi h n o a. honour in only hon assuchawaorur h they were now carrying on y could get from it was to stop it practically at once. Sir F. BARING said he had heard from all sides, with much pleasure, satisfaction expressed hi regard to the in tentions of the Government to appeal to the country, and defeat o e Government.the Government I n he was sure that no attempt would be made to throw a n y the way with o f th f they always heard the same cry raised of a co ns pi racy o f parties. He could only say that he never g ave a vo t e w ith more personal pain, s u u n e n h e c c e a s s s e a s r yasofhpaotsiotfi norenreo a clearer cons c i ence ; and if the time were to come again, and if it was the last vote he could over give, he would give that vote with the most perfect sincerity. (Hear.) He would venture to ask the noble lord, as they were to go to the country upon a question as to whether the policy of ber Majesty's Go vernment, or rather that of Sir John Bowring, was to have the approval of the people of this kingdom —he would ask the noble lord, under such circumstances, to inform the house whether Si- John Bowring was to continue i n h i s present place? (Hear, hear.) He did not wish to say anything harsh of that functionary; but the feeling was strongly impressed ex his mind that so long as the carry ing out of the instructions of the Government were en trusted to his hands, all the conciliatory efforts of the Government would bs in vain. Although they hal heard many gentlemen defend the proceedings in a legal point of view, except on the Treasury bench, and hardly even there, was there a man who ventured to support the course taken by Sir John Bowring ? (Hear, hear.) He would ask, then, the Government to declare whether, in the face of such facts, they intend-ad to retain Sir J. Bowring in his present pusition ? He did not think that the fortunes of this country, the fate of thousands, and the questions of war and peace, should any longer be entrusted to the care of Sir J. Bowring. Mr. BENTINCK said—l will not detain the house for more than a moment. The right hon. gentleman opposite, the member for the University of Oxford, after indulging a great deal on the subject of combination, did me the ho nour to refer to some remarks I had made, which he as cribed to what he was pleased to call my lively imagina tion. Sir, I will only say that I shall receive with due respect any statement of the right hon. gentleman as to the origin and character of party combinations, relying upon his experience in such matters. (Hear, hear.) I only regret that the right hon. gentleman did not go a step further and tell us whether, at this moment, he really wished to carry this combination to a more substantial conclusion. (Laughter.) I have only one word more to say. If it be my good fortune to meet the right hon. gentleman again within the walls of this house at a future period—l say it without meaning, him any disrespect or discourtesy —I hope we shall meet, as we do now, on op. posite sides. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) If that should be my fortune, it is possible I shall again have to remind him of the remarks he has made to-night Upon the subject of political combinations. (Cheers.) Lord PA LSIERSTON—Sir, with regard to the desire expressed by the right hon. baronet the member for Car lisle, that I should enter into an explanation upon subjects connected with taxation, and with the estimates and mat ters of finance, I have only to say that I do not think that the present is an appropriate one for going into such a question. My right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Ex chequer will, to-morrow, in committee of ways and moans, A give every e x pl anat i on that can reasonably be asked for in that direction. Sir J. GRAITA2I-11a s he given notice? Lord PAL3I ERSTON—Yes. 31 Tgo — ri:t a_mThatdey rightial is only ly b e t hheonen. saidfrid will g ordinary etnhisev n e o n t i i ie evening r Had he not bette r g i ve a fresh notice? a pro L S o i d e : P . AGTi notice.m ERRA A s upon the one question, that it looked more like the pro longation and continuance of the debate upon China than a debate which naturally arose out of my statement. Sir, it was not my intention to allude to the debate of last Tues day, nor will I do so now. I cannot, however, help ob serving that the tone adopted by some hon. members to wards the Government appears to me a departure from that whichonght to characterise our proceedings. (Hear, hear.) I must say, in one respect, that the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford has, to a certain degree, negatived the charge of combination between him and the right hon. member for Buckingham shire, because combination implies to some extent a simi larity and identity of feeling. Now, the right hon. gentle man the member for Buckinghamshire, in what he stated, spoke with a calmness of temper—(hear, hear,)—and with a statesmanlike view of a great occasion, which I think did honour to himself and the party to which he belonged. The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford was, however, carried away by a fit of impetuo pity and (multi:lllW, which certainly did not betoken any previous concert with the right hon. gentleman the mem ber for Buckinghamshire ; and which I think will be con sidered by the latter as an unfortunate omen of the co operation—if it is to be one —which is to complete the combination between him and the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford. (Laughter.) But, sir, I said nothing to-night in regard to combinations or conspiracies that could give offence to any man I stated merely a fact, which you may call a combination, or, indeed, you may describe it as an accidental and for tuitous concurrence of atoms. (Great laughter.) You may call it, too, an accidental meeting of different gentlemen in the same lobby. (Hear, hear.) But when gentlemen find themselves ♦oting in the same lobby, surely it is not unnatural to find themselves uniting together to form an administration. (Cheers.) Now, I did not mention this as any reproach. I stated it, on the contrary, as a fact, while agreeing with the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire in the principle he has laid down, that it is not inconvenient or injurious to the coun try to prepare in time for a great change, and that there must be elements to form another Administration if the country should think we do not deserve its support. I therefore think that much which has fallen from the right hon. gentleman was inappropriate to this occasion. (Hear.) My noble friend the member for the City, always disposed to follow in the foootsteps of that statesman to whom formerly he gave so constant a support, has told us that Mr. Fox on some occasion called a dissolution a " penal" disso lution; and my noble friend, following this precedent, thinks this a penal dissolution—a punishment of the House of Commons. (Laughter.) Sir, that is a strange doctrine of those who think they are speaking the sentiments of their constituents, and only re-echoing the opinion of the country —(hear, hear)—of those who think that this judgment is identical with the judgment of the country. Why, so far from their looking at a renewed intercourse with their con stituents as a punishment, they ought to interpret it as a triumph, and rejoice at the opportunity of coming back to this house strengthened and supported in their antagonism to the Government by the recorded opinion of those who return them to Parliament. (Laughter, and "hear, hear.") Well, sir, so much for the dissolution. The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford, amongst others, charges her Majesty's Government with having entered into a Chinese war without the sanction of Parliament. Sir, we entered into no Chinese war. Mr. GLADSTONE—I never said so. (Cheers.and coun ter cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman might not have intended to say it. Mr. GLADSTONE —I said a Persian war. (" Hear," and "No, no.") Lord PALMERSTON—WeII, I am very glad that which the right hon. gentleman conveyed to cur ears was not in his mind—(laughter)—for it would have been a most prepos terous statement, as every one knows that those events in China happened not only without our previous knowledge, bat that we were as much surprised at the announcement of those occurrences as the right hon. gentleman, or any other person who had perhaps learned them for the first time by the papers aad despatches which have recent'y been published. (Hear.) As regards,those operations, the house has undoubtedly a right to ask what is the intended policy of her Majesty's Government ? (Hear.) Now I think there is no change, and there can be no change, in the policy of her Majesty's Government. The policy of her Majesty's Government, as much in China as elsewhere, is security for the lives and properties of British subjects— to maintain the rights of this country, as arising oat of treaty obligations —to endeavour by negotiation either to conclude existing relations, or to restore those relations of which recent unfortunate events have brought about a rupture. (Hear.) It will be our duty, as has been said by my right hon. friend the First Lord of the Admiralty, to take such measures as will insure every possible exertion to afford security to British residents in China. (Hear.) No one knows better than the right hon. baronet the mem ber for Carlisle that that is an important matter, requiring great care ; for he has on former occasions, if not on this— I will not say magnified the danger to which British inte rests are exposed, but said that those interests are so varied and scattered that they require the most carefully devised measures for their protection. (Hear.) I shall repeat what was stated in the course of the debate the other night, that our intention, even before this outbreak, was, in conjunc tion with the Government of France, and if possible, as we hoped, with the Government of the United States, to endeavour to procure, by negotiation with the Court of Pekin, an improvement in the state of our relations with the Chinese Every one will admit that if an improvement in these relations could be obtained it would be a gaeat ad vantage to civilisation, and conduce very mush to the inte rests of British industry. I allow that this is a difficult mat ter ; and the difficulty must be increased by the unfortunate events that have lately occurred. (Hear.) Without stating anything precise —and Ido not think the house will expect that I should de so—l may say that the subject is still under the consideration of her Majesty's Government; and I am bound to add that it must necessarily be a cub ject of serious deliberation on the part of her Majesty's Government who the person is to be to whom shall be com mitted so grave and important a duty. (Hear, hear.) It must, I think, strike every one that if a person could be found who could start from these shores imbued with the feelings of the British Government and the recipient of their further instructions, a person of that sort would have more weight with the Chinese than any person now in Chita. (Hear, hear.) In saying that I hope the house will allow me to add that I am by no means underrating the merits of Dr. Bowring—(ironical cries of "Hear, hear")—to whom I think the greatest injustice has been done—whose merits have been disparaged to a degree that astonished me. At the same time her Majesty's Govern ment cannot shut their eyes to the gravity and importance of the matter, and to the fact that it will be their duty to select for these negotiations—if it take place—such a per son as they think most capable of conducting them on the part of this country. (Hear, hear.) I trust, sir, that this is as much as the house will expect. I say our policy is the same. That policy is to maintain our rights, defend our fellow-subjects, and improve our relations with China; and I hope it will be found that in selecting means for the fulfilment of these ends we shall have a due regard to that duty which we owe to the people of this country. (Hear.) Mr. SPOONER was of opinion that no consideration ought to be allowed to interfere with the recall of Sir J. Bowring. The noble viscount said Sir John was unjustly used ; but what did he say to that false statement in which he declared that the Chinese were perfectly right in what they did—that the Arrow was not entitled to any protec tion, while a few days afterwards he declared that the Chinese were wrong ? Sir J. Bo wring had disgraced the character of this country. The noble viscount would never carry with him the confidence of the country as long as he maintained in his post an official who had disgraced himself by a falsehood, and had put a stain on the British character. Mr. R. KER said that his duty was to look for Conser vatism where he could find it, and if he could find it on the opposite (the Ministerial) benches he felt bound to adopt it, and not ally himself with parties exhibiting such discordant elements as those who opposed the noble lord at the head of the Government. (Hear.) FINANCIAL PROPOSITIONS OF THE GOVERN MENT. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the debate had assumed to so great an extent the charac• ter of an adjourned debate upon China that he had ab stained from rising at an earlier period. He wished now to give notice that to-morrow he should make the same pryposition to the House with regard to the income•tax for the ensuing year, which he had already announced, omitting, however, any proposal with respect to the two subsequent years. He did not desire to ask the house to agree to anything that was not necessary for the ensuing year, and he should therefore move to-morrow for the re duction of the income-tax for the next year from 16d. to 7(1. for incomes above 1501., and sd. for incomes between 1501. and 1001. It would be unnecessary to propose a re solution in Ways and Means, as no new charge could be laid on, and to-morrow he would move for leave to bring in a bill to carry out the proposition he had mentioned. With regard to tea and sugar, he should confine his pro posals to the next current year, and he should move to morrow the rates of duty that ho proposed to adopt for next year. Sir J. GRAHAM took it for granted that the Chancel lor of the Exchequer would not divide the house to-mor row night on these proposals. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proposed to go into Ways and Means to-morrow upon the sugar duties, and to make this the first order. Mr. GLADSTONE could not suppose his right hon. friend intended to move at night the resolution he had placed in the hands of members only the same morning. Such a course would be entirely contrary to Parliamentary usage. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would not press his motion to-morrow night if he thought it would be regarded as a surprise, but he did not propose any de viation from the scheme he had already announced, with one slight exception. He proposed that the duty upon tea should be ls. sd. next year, and that the sugar duties should remain exactly as they stood for the ensuing year. As this was proposing no material change he did not see how his right hon, friend could assume that the house would be taken by surprise. Mr. GLADSTONE submitted that the proposal as tq the tea duties was really the corner-stone of . the whole matter. (" Order !") The SPEAKER said the right hon. gentleman might put a question to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but there being no question before the house he must go on with the paper of the day. After the right hon. gentle man's motion was put it would not be competent fog him to make a speech when there was no motion before the house. The subject then dropped. LAND TAX. Mr. MACKINNON moved for a select committee to consider the expediency of allowing a farther redemption of land tax, and also whether by any other means this tax might be made more beneficial to the revenue of the coun try, and to the reduction of the national debt. He hoped that the Government would not refuse him the committee. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER asked the hon. gentleman to consider, after the statement which had been made that evening, if it would be worth his while to press the motion on the house? It would not be easy to find 14 members to attend under present circumstances. He would suggest to his hon. friend whether he would no t postpone his motion to% more fitting time. Mr. MACKINNON felt the difficulty attending the motion at the present time, bat he hoped a future oppor tunity would be afforded him. Motion withdrawn. JUDGMENTS EXECUTION. The order for the committee on this bill was discharged on the motion of Mr. CRAUFURD. The bill passed through committee. An HON. MEMBER moved that the house be counted, and there being only 28 members present, the house ad journed at five minutes past eight. The suspension we announced yesterday of Messrs. Copland, Barnes, and Co., provision merchants. They were an old and respectable firm, and their difficulties are attributed to heavy losses on a contract for victual ling the steamers of the Royal Mail Company, espe• cially o❑ the intercolonial routes. The amount of their liabilities has not transpired. According to some ac counts it is about 40,000/. PRISON DISCIPLINE.—We understand that Sir George Grey has just made the following changes in the prison districts :—The Home District has been discontinued. Scotland, with the English counties north of the Hum ber and the Mersey (including the counties of York and Lancaster), is henceforward to be called the Northern District), under Sir John Kincaid. The other English counties are divided into a Central and a Southern Dis trict —the former under Mr. H. P. Voules and the latter under Mr. J. G. Perry, inspectors of prisons. LA.NOA.SHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAILWAY.—The half yearly meeting was held on Wednesday at Manchester, Mr. W. Stuart presiding. A dividend of 21. 10s. per share on the 1001, stock, and the respective dividends due on the guaranteed shares was declared, friIIEATRE ROYAL, DRURY LANE.— Lessee, Mr. E. T. Smith. Acting Manager, Mr. C. Mathews. Stage Manager, Mr. R Roxby. Scenic Artist, Mr. W. Beverley. The eminent Comedian, Mr. Charles Mathews, every evening. Re-engagement of Mr. and Mrs. Keeley. Great Success of the Gland Christmas Pantomime, the most magnificent ever produced on the English stage. THIS EVENING, her Majesty's Servants will perform ilte popular Comedy, A CURE FOR THE HEARTACHE. Characters by Messrs. C. Mathews, Keeley, Vincent, Til b ary, Templeton, Carter, Walton ; Mrs. Frank Matthews, Miss Cleveland, and Miss I. Oliver. After which will be produced SEE, SAW, MARGERY DAW ; Or, Harlequin Holiday, and the Island of Ups and Downs. The reduced prices as follows, varying throughout the um, se to suit every one ;—Galleries, 6d. and ls. ; Second Circle of Boxes, ls. 6d. ; Pit, 2s. ; First Circle of Boxes, h. 6d. ; Dress Boxes, 35.; Stalls, Ss. ; Private Boxes, Ws. Gd., V. Is., 1/. Ile. 6d., and 2/. 25.! OYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE THIS EVENING, will be performed A MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM. After which will bo produced a new petite comedy, in two acts, called OUR WIFE ; or, The Rose of Amiens. Princi pal characters by Messrs. Ryder, Harley, Fisher ; Misses lqurrry and C. Leclercq. FINFIEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. TRIS EVENING, to commence at Seven, with the successful new Comedy, in three acts, entitled, DOUBLE-FACED PEOPLE. Characters by Mr. Buckstone, Mr. Chippendale, Mr. Compton, Mr. W. Farren, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Clark, Miss Reynolds, Mrs. Poynter, and Mrs. E. Fitz wil' lam. Followed by (16th time) a new drama, called A WICKED WIFE. After which, GRIMSHAW, BAGSHAW, AND BRAD • SHAW. To conclude with Moncrieff's comic drama of THE IRRESISTIBLES. R OYAL LYCEUM THEATRE. Lessee, Mr. C. Dillon. THIS EVENING, will be performed the new drama, is -five acts, by Westland Marston, Esq., entitled A LIFE'S RANSOM. Lord Revesdale, Mr. C. Dillon ; Bancroft, Mr. Stuart ; Felicia Revesdale, Mrs. C. Dillon. Followed by a new drama, by Stirling Coyne, Esq., entitled ANGEL OR DEVIL. Mr. and Mrs. C. Dillon, Mr. J. L. Toole, Mr. Barrett, &c. To conclude with *CONRAD AND MEDORA; or, Harlequin Corsair and the Little Fairy at the Bottom of the Sea. The burlesque opening by W. Brough, Esq., founded upon the ballet of Le Corsair, as produced at Her Majesty's Theatre. The harlequinado upon things in gene ral. The new and magnificent scenery painted by Mr. F. Fenton. Conrad (the Corsair) Miss Woolgar Birbarto (his lieutenant) Mr. J. L. Toole Medora Mrs. Charles Dillon Clowns Mr. A. Marshall The box-office open day, from 11 to 5, under the super ntendence of Mr. Chatterton, jun. Carriages conveying parties to the Private Boxes to set down at the State entrance in Burleigh-street. THEATRE ROYAL,r ADELPHI. Lessee—Mr. Ben. Webster. THIS EVENING, will be performed the popular drama of IRELAND AS IT IS. Mr. and Mrs. Barney Williams. After which, A NIGHT AT NOTTING-HILL, in which Mr. Wright and Pail Bedford will appear. Followed by a new Piece de Caractere, entitled IN AND OUT OF PLACE. Mrs Barney Williams. To conclude with the new original comic drama, called BARNEY THE BARON. Barney O'Toole, Mr. Barney Williams. OYAL SURREY THEATRE, /1:41) Lessees, Messrs. Shepherd and Creswick. THIS EVENING, a new drama, entitled FRAUD AND ITS VICTI WS. Messrs. Cres wick, Shepherd, dm. After which, HARLEQUIN AND THE SUMMER QUEEN. Harlequin, Mr F. Clover ; Clown, Mr. Buck ; Pantaloon, Mr. Bradbury; tlra Four Sprites, the Finis Fa mily; Columbines. Mesdames Marie and Agnes. THEATRE ROYAL, SADLER'S-WELLS. Under the Management of Mr. Phelps. THIS EVENING, will be performed WILLIAM TELL, Characters by Messrs. Phelps, 11. Marston, J, W. Ray, L. Ball, A. Rayner, Williams ; Miss Atkinson. To conclude with THE HONEYMOON, STRAND THEATRE.,—Manager, Mc. T. Pavne.—This Evening will be peribrmed a new Drama, FASHION AND FAMINE; or, The Straw berry Girl. Julia Warren, Little Cordelia Howard. Affer which, THE DEATH OF EVA, in which the Howard Family will appear. Followed by a Ballet Divertissement. To concludo with DON'T LEND YOUR UMBRELLA. Commence at Seven. Stalls, 3s. ; Boxes, 2s. ; Pit, is. ; Gallery, 6d. It 0Y AL OLYMPIC THEATRE. Lessee, Mr. Alfred Wigan. This Evening, the new drama, by Torn Taylor, Esq., called A SHEEP IN WOLF'S CLOTHING. A CONJUGAL LESSON. Lullaby, Mr. F. Robson. Followed by the new farce, by Bayle Bernard, Esq., called A SPLENDID INVESTMENT. Commence at half-past Seven. STLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Lessee and Manager, Mr. W. Cooke. This Evening, with the original vocal music, and novel and startling Equestrian Illustrations, invented by Mr. Wrn. Cooke, the equestrian operatic drama of ROB ROY. Rob Iloy, Mr. James Holloway, After which, the brilliant SCENES in the CIRCLE. To conclude with the equcstriaß harlequinade called PAUL PRY ON HORSEBACK, Commerce at seven o'clock. Dress Boxes, 45. ; Upper Boxes, 3s. ; Private Boxes, from I/., no charge for booking ; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery, Is. ; Upper Gallery, Gd. "ox-office open from Eleven till Four. Stage Manager, Mr. W. West. Equestrian Director, Mr. W. Cooke, jun. CANTERBURY HALL, Westminster-road.-- OPEN EVERY EVENING.--T}© follow ing company of Vocalists are engaged for the performance of 'elections from all the popular Operas, Madrigals, Choruses, Glees, Duets, die., viz.: Miss E. Pearce, Mrs. J. Caulfield, Miss Brunell, Miss Summers, and Madame Marietta; Mr. J. Caulfield, Herr F. Toughmans, R. Grover, T. Farrant, S. Jones, J. Barker, W. Melling, P. Corri, Senor Antonio M. de Sella, and E. L. Hime ; Masters Austin, Bennett, and Corti; Messrs. Sam Collins, E. Mackney, and C. J.,Wilkins. Pianoforte, Mr. Cacil Hicks; harmonium, J. Caulfield, jun.; Erector, Mr. J. Caulfield. Commence at Seven o'clock pre. cisely. Suppers, dte., until twelve o'clock, lIIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. rim DAT—Morn. 2G min. aft. 10—Evening 35 min. aft. 11 ~ ,, t.litn,ovi—Morn. 0 win. aft. o—Evening 1 min.Aft.l2 THE WEATHER —SUN OFFICE, MARCH 6. TZERMODIETER, IN THE SHADE. 48 --liighes; since noon yesterday. 46 -lowest this morning and during the night. 63 -this day at noon. BABONETER, 30 . 05—a sudden fall since last evening. WIND, N.W. to I N.N.W.—Rather fresh, with fine, sunshiny weather. It rained a little last evening. ,),41 _ 41A A l e ',,c ; t4) e, ,4§.2)44.14.4.1/0 LONIJON, FRIDAY, MARCH 6, 1857. The country now knows precisely what is before A dissolution of the present Parliament im mediately such a dissolution shall have been ren dered in any way practicable without the possi bility of thereby necessitating any detriment to the Public Service ! That is the decision at which Ministers have arrived, after mature de liberation, in consequence of the adverse majority of sixteen. Yesterday evening that decision was announced with all becoming brevity and distinct ness by the Noble Viscount at the head of her MAJESTY'S Government. It was, of course, any thing but agreeable news to the Leaders of the Opposition. It was anything but what they had been rather confidently anticipating. It was the reverse of pleasant. It WM, in one word, and that word sufficiently popular and idiomatic, a " sell." Not a syllable about a Resignation ! Not a whisper about a new Cabinet ! Nothing of the sort. Only —monstrous fact—the curt and terse announcement to the House of Com mons, by the Prime Minister, of a proximate and contingent dissolution. A dissolution con. tingent upon the speedy " getting through " the Public Business. Immediately all necessary la bours have been got through, with a view to the temporary completion of the fiscal and financia 1 arrangements of the year—there will be an Appeal to the Country ! Directly the necessary sup plies have been v o t e d directly the whole system of taxation has, to some extent' at least been modified, directly the Mutiny Bill has been passed—then, but naturally enough, not till then—Parliament will be dissolved, an d Honourable and Right Honourable Gentlemen will be returned upon their constituencies. Now we do deliberately and conscientiously be lieve that—than this no course could by any pos sibility have been adopted by Lord PALmERsroN more thoroughly rational, more entirely rea sonable, more completely or more signally COnsi. tutional. So also—be it said to his honour thought (immediately and upon the instant) the Right Honourable Gentleman the Leader of her MA aSTI'M Opposition. Scarcely had Lord PAL. All the larger constituencies, without exception, throughout the land enforcing the all but unani- mous opinion expressed by their representatives through the minority of 247. A circumstance (this last mentioned) which was intimated yester day with characteristic pleasantry by gallant, out spoken, honest Tom DIINCOMBE—M.P. and Pet of the Finsbury constituency! An enthusiasm, afar spreading and spontaneous enthusiasm such as this, will more than compensate to Ministers, we should conjecture, for the " sixteen" majority of that astonishing medley of parties which we shall take the liberty of designating—. TIIE OXFORD MIXTURE The Voice of the Country expressed thus loudly through its constituencies, will tend, let us trust, not only to inspirit the Hopes of the Cabinet, but to strengthen, if that be possible, the firm deter mination of the Government—to vindicate the honour of the British Empire, to maintain invio. late the glory of the British flag, to protect at all hazard, and at all cost, the lives and proper ties of British citizens—what though to accom plish this it becomes imperatively requisite to carry fire and sword to the heart of an em pire having a population of 300,000,000. As we predicted, there is to be an appeal to the country. Lord PALMERSTON last night announced s House l el oar ui t osde t hwae hill p i :ecrh t be a permit itthtehes t dissolution, aat eo Government oe frntmhee business atthe uts nceas sl earliest l of u ptobithe o the constituencies to exercise that privilege which the Constitution places in their hands. In the meantime they will only call upon Parliament to pass those provisional and temporary measures which may be necessary to provide for tho public service until the earliest period at which the new Parliament can assemble. This is as it should be! This is the straightforward and Constitutional course, which the manly and independent characd ter of the Noble Premier induced us to antici pate. It would have been a betrayal of the trusb reposed in his hands, to have deserted his post in consequence of the temporary success achieved by a factious vote. Lord PAL' MERSTON owed it to his sovereign, to himself, his friends, and, above all, to the people, to appea from the decision arrived at, to the only legiti mate tribunal—the Court of public opinion ; and he is abundantly justified, under the circunl. MERSTON completed his brief but comprehensive announcement of the determination arrived at by her MAJESTY'S Ministers—when Mr. DISRAELI, without one mordent's hesitation, intimated his readiness to facilitate by every means within his power those preliminary labours of the session which are absolutely requisite before Ministers can venture upon the bold measure of a Dissolu tion. The conduct of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire, upon the occa sion of the present conjuncture, as upon that of so many previous emergencies, cannot fail to be re cognised, upon the instant, by one and all, as indi cative on his part of a view of affairs at once most statesman-like and most magnanimous. Here, at least, in the instance of the Leader of the OW' sition, there is nothing factious—there is no evi dence whatever of the "petty jealousies" which were said last evening to have encompaased the reputation of the Prime Minister, and to have in* terfered detrimentally with the operations of his Government. Neither thus magnanimous, however, nor thus statesman-like, were the views taken of the Minis" terial resolve by the other (motley) Chiefs of the late very singular Combination. Politicians, hi the way, so thin-skinned and so irritable, that they must needs carp and cavil, with almost spiteful resentment, at the mere matter-of-fact application of that one simple word "Combination" to th e miscellaneous gathering of the representatives Of all parties in the lobby of the Opposition ! " Combination" that strange assembly Morelli was in the strictest meaning of the word—Whe t ever may be the virtuous indignation expressed about it by the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, or by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman the Memberfor Sheffield, or by the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Portsmouth. Conservatives and Radicals, Gladstoneites and Cobdenites, the Manchester Party and the Toll Party, Manufacturing Representatives and AO' cultural Representatives combining—whatever they may say to the contrary, there upon the divi sion list is the indisputable fact—combining hi walking out amicably together into the vo le lobby to vote upon a grave question of the ve i l first importance against Her MAJESTY'S Gover n. ment. However painful it may be to such exceed ingly sensitive men as Mr. GLADSTONE, and h fr c i ROEBUCK, and Sir F RANCIS B ARING, and my Lord JOHN RUSSELL, to b e t o ld so ; t h ere, i n the eve nt g Tuesday evening, or rather of Wednesday morning is the glaring and undeniable fact of their havi n g lent themselves—literally, and positively, and ad visedly be it said—to A COMBINATIO N ! There 35 no mistake at all about it. The fact is there b fore us clearly and incontrovertibly. They—' 4 —combine ! The plain and simple reality of t he fact is not to be got over. It is written legibly in every individual name in that long catalog ue of 263 of perhaps the most diversified and W en : grous members out of the whole body of our 6 55 representatives. Yet Lord JonN, for mang le ' with the absolute fact of that Combination before his eyes, within the recent experience of the House, and under the recent cognisance of the whole community..—haughtily and arrogantly re' pudiates the b are id ea of any Combination 1 The Noble Lord—bungling even beyond this-,--.Per versely denounces Lord PALMERSTON'S strictl y constitutional and only rational course under th e present conjunctur e o f c i rcums t ances as--a Pen a Dissolution ! Incited to this astounding demur elation by his infatuated veneration for Mr. F. and his no less characteristic infatuation in favour of that old abstract object of his idolatry—Pre' cedent. " A Penal Dissolution r' exclaimed Lord PALMERSTO,N, in sarcastic amaze last even' ing, in the course of his very masterly and dig' nified explanation in Reply—" Why, I should have thought the supporters of last Tuesday . night's successful Opposition instead e t regarding an Appeal to the Country ae a Punishment, would rather have looked upon it in the li g ht o f a Triumph r' It was a significant, though wholly unc onscious; admission, how ever —th a t unfortunate ep ithet blurted out by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, that blue' dering epithet of a Penal Dissolution—it was A significant, though unconscious, admission of weakness and insecurity on the part of the Opfg r sition. An admission loudly and wondrously corroborated by the intelligence now fast throng' ing in upon us from all quarters of the Unite d Kingdom. Intelligence of the extraordinary effect produced simultaneously, far and wide, hi the spreading news of the late majority of Sixteen' Liverpool merchants upon 'Change affixing their names, with enthusiastic eagerness, .to 14/1 Address to the Prime Minister of England' expressive of their admiration- of the hel d and patriotic course hitherto pursued by his Go' vernment ! Citizens of London rapidly crowding their signatures to a Requisition entreating Lor d PALMERSTON to allow himself to be put in mini' tion upon the ensuing elections at the Guildhall