The Sun. — London, England, 1871-02-10 00:00:00

unable to accredit my Ambassador in a formal manner to the Government of Defence, which has subsisted in France since the revolution of September : but neither the har mony nor the efficiency of the correspondence of the two States has been in the smallest degree impaired. The King of Prussia has accepted the title of Emperor of Germany at the instance of the chief authorities of the nation. I have offered my congratulations on an event which bears testimony to the solidity and independence of Ger many, and which, I trust, may be found conducive to the stability of the European system. I have endeavoured, in correspondence with other Powers of Europe, to uphold the sanctity of Treaties, and to remove any misapprehension as to the binding character of their obligations. It was agreed by the Powers, which had been parties to the Treaty of 1856, that a Conference should meet in London. This Conference has now been for some time engaged in its labours ; and I confidently trust that the result of its deliberations will be to uphold both the prin ciples of public right and the general policy of the Treaty„ and, at the same time, by'the revision of some of its con ditions in a fair and conciliatory spirit, to exhibit a cordial co-operation among the Powers with regard to the Levant. I greatly regret that my earnest efforts have failed to procure the presence at the Conference of any Representa tive of France, which was one of the chief parties to the Treaty of 1856, and which must ever be regarded as a principal and indispensable Member of the great Com monwealth of Europe. At different times, several questions of importance have arisen, which are not yet adjusted, and which materially affect the relations between the United States, and the territories and people of British North America. One of them in particular, which concerns the Fisheries, calls for early settlement lest the possible indiscretion of individuals should impair the neighbourly understanding, which it is on all grounds so desirable to cherish and maintain. I have therefore en gaged in amicable communications with the President of the United States. In order to detezmine the most con venient mode of treatment for these matters, I have sug gested the appointment of a joint Commission ; and I have agreed to a proposal of the President, that this Commission shall be authorised at the same time, and in the same manner, to resume the conside ration of the American claims growing out of the circumstances of the late war. This arrangement will, by common consent, include all claimsforcompensation which have been or may be made by each Government, or by its citizens, upon the other. The establishment of a Prince of the House of Savoy on the Throne of Spain, by the free choice of the popu larly-elected representatives of the Spanish nation, will, I trust, insure for a country which has passed with so much temperance and self-control through a prolonged and trying crisis, the blessings of a stable Government. I am unhappily not able to state that the inquiry which was instituted by the Government of Greece into the history of the shocking murders perpetrated during the last spring at Dilessi has reached a termination answer able in all respects to my just expectations, but I shall not desist from my endeavours to secure the complete attainment of the objects of the inquiry. Some valuable results, however, have in the meantime been obtained, for the exposure and the repression of a lawless and corrupt ing system, which has too long afflicted the Greek Penin sular. The anxiety which the massacre at Tien-tsin on the 21st of June last called forth has happilly been dispelled ; and while it -will be my earnest endeavour to provide for the security of my subjects and their trade in those remote quarters, I count on your concurrence in the policy that I have adopted of rer.nnising the Chinese Government as entitled to be deal& with in its relations with this country in a conciliatory Lud forbearing spirit. The parliamentary recess has been one of anxious interest in regard to foreign affairs. But I rejoice to acquaint you that my relations are, as heretofore, th o s e o f friendship and good underetanding with the Sovereigns and States of the civilized world Papers illustrative of the conduct of my Government in relation to the several matters, on which I have now summarily touched, will be duly laid before you. In turning to domestic affairs, I have first to inform you that ehave' approved of a marriage between my daughter Princess Louise and the Marquis of Lorne, and I have declar e d m y c o nsen t t o t hi s un i on i n Council: GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, The revenue of the country flourishes, and the condi tion of trade and industry may, though with partial draw backs, be declared satisfactory. The estimates for the coming year will be promptly laid before you. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, The lessons of military experience afforded by the pre sent war have been numerous and important. The time appears appropriate for turning such lessons to account by efforts more decisive than heretofore at prac tical improvement. In attempting this you will not fail to bear in mind the special features in the position of this country, so favourable to the freedom and security of the people, and if the changes from a less to a more effec tive and elastic system of defensive military preparation shall be found to involve, at least for a time, an increase of various charges, your prudence and patriotism will not grudge the cost, as long as you are satisfied th a t th e en d is important, and the means judicious. No time will be lost in laying before you a bill for the better regulation of the army and the auxiliary land forces of the Crown, and I hardly need commend it to your anxious and impartial consideration. I trust that the powerful interest at present attaching to affairs abroad, and to military questions, will not greatly abate the energy with which you have heretofore applied yourselves to the work of general improvement in our domestic legislation. I commend anew to your attention several measures on subjects which I desired to be brought before you du r i ng the last session of Parliament, but which the time remain `ng at Your disposal, after you had dealt with the principal subjects of the year, was not found sufficient to carry to a final issue. I refer especially to the Bills on Religious Tests in the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, on Ecclesiastical Titles, on the Disabilities of Trade Combinations, on the Courts of Justice and Appeal, on the Adjustment of Local Burdens, and on the Licensing of Houses for the Sale of Intoxicating Liquors. The inquiry made by a Committee of the Commons House being now complete, a measure will be placed before you on an early day for the establishment of Secret Voting. A proposal is anxiously expected in Scotland for the adjustment of the question of primary ed u cation. With reference to the training of the young in schools on a national scale and basis, that portion of the country has especial claims on the favourable consideration of Parha raent and I trust the year may not pass by without your having disposed of this question by the enactment of a just and effective law. The condition of Ireland with reference to agrarian crime has, in general, afforded a gratifying contrast with the st a t e of that island in the preceding winter ; but there have been painful, though very partial exceptions. To secure the best results for the great measures of the two last sessions which have so recently passed into opera tion, and which involve such direct and pressing claims upon the attention of all classes of the community, a period of calm is to be desired ; and I have thought it wise to refrain from suggesting to you at the present junc ture the discussion of any political question likely to become the subject of new and serious controversy in that country. _ The burdens devolving upon you as the great Council of the nation, and of this ancient and extended Em- Ore, are, and must long continue to be, weighty. But you labour for a country whose laws and Institutions have stood the test of time, and whose people, earnestly attached to them, and desiring their continu ance, will unite with their Sovereign in invoking upon all your designs the favour and aid of the Most High. Ur. J. G. C. HAMILTON (South Lanark) in moving the address, in reply to Her Majesty's most gracious speech, referred to the important events passing in Europe, which had caused Her Majesty's Government some anxiety. He knew that the reason he had the honour given to him of moving the address was out of compliment to his youth fulness as a member, and to pay a compliment to Scotland. It was his first attempt, and he hoped to have the sympathy and forbearance of the House. He expressed the feeling of the House when lie said that the presence of her Majesty gave great satisfaction to the country. (Hear` hear.) The announcement that her Majesty had given her consent to the marriage of the Princess Louise with the Marquis of Lorne would be received with great Satisfaction, as an alliance likely to lead to the happiness of the Royal Family, and bind her Majesty still more closely to the hearts of her people. (Cheers.) The greater portion of her Majesty's Speech had been taken up with foreign policy, and Short as the time was to which it alluded, yet the events takieg place would be part of the history of the world for ages to come. No one cou ld l oo k on a t w h a t was happen ing without feeling sympathy and heart soreness for both France and Germany. They all hoped that the pro positions of peace would be such as were honourable to both parties, and that they would be honourably carried out. The Government had done their best to maintain their rights, and strictly to perform their duty as neutrals. They had endeavoured to prevent the enlargement of the area of the war, and they had done their best to settle the terms of peace. At no period during the ‘var could this country have actively interfered. (Hear, hear.) It would have been beneath their dignity to make remonstrances which might not have been received and might have been incompatible with their Professions of neutrality. Their position as neutrals would naturally be felt irksome by some, but that was nothing more than what might be expected under the circumstances. They had been blamed by both sides for infringing their neutrality, but that was the best testi mony that that neutrality had been strictly maintained. He hoped the negotiations now going . on would lead t o a l asting peace and restore tranquillity in Europe. It Wight have been urged that they had not recognised the French Government of Defence, but to have done S O would have been to interfere with the choice of the French people. Referring to the Conference, the bon- member stated that Franc e, being in great dis tress, .._ as w not represented ; but he declared that no agree -I.l.lent come to without the consent and concurrence of eon"ranee would be lasting. Whilst our Government would with jealousy to maintain the honour of this 4 7 in that Conference, he hoped that . the regult of its deliberations would be satisfae• tory, and show that treaties were not made to be broken. (Hear, hear.) A commission had been ap pointed to settle the Alabama question, and the Fishery question between the United States and British North America was also under consideration. The correspon dence on the Alabama question would be laid before the House, and in the statement of facts therein he hoped a basis for satisfactory settlement would be found. Spain had always had the sympathy of this country, and he trusted that what was taking place in that country would tend to a stable Government. The hon. member then went on to say that there was much in what he had read, and in what had occupied the greater portion of her Majesty's Speech, to prepare the House for an increased expenditure, and in making this statement he might refer to the remark of a previous Prime Minister, that the best means to secure peace was to be prepared to resist aggression. To be prepared, then, we must have a great military force, for it was clearly the fact that the great nations of Europe were armed, not only for their own protection and the protec tion of their country, but in order if it was necessary to strike a blow elsewhere. Whole classes were devoting themselves to military study—literature, trade, everything was made subservient to military arrangements. We could not but derive many lessons from what had taken place on the Continent, during the past year, and one of those lessons was that young soldiers were as good as old soldiers— (" no, no ")—and we had likewise learned that it is neces sary that our officers should be men who were well trained in military discipline and military science generally. When the war broke out we saw the soldiers of France moved from one quarter to another to join their regiments, and the same applied with respect to stores, which had to be removed from one side of the country to the other. In Germany, however, the case was different—indeed, widely different ; the men, while being organised, were not told to make king journeys, but were assembled at the nearest large town, where they found stores and arms ready for them, and officers not only ready but able to command them. (Hear.) He knew we were a most economic country, but we must be prepared to meet further outlays. We had an army under its own officers, a corps of pensioners under their own officers, a militia under one class of officers when embodied, and under another class when dis embodied, the yeomanry and volunteers were similarly si tuated ; there was only one staff officer to about 20,000 men, and even this arrangement was not in force a year ago. (Hear, hear.) This was the reverse of satisfactory; and, holding these views, he need not say he was glad to see that paragraph in the Queen's speech, which said that a bill would be brought in " for the better regulation of the army and auxiliary land forces of the Crown." The hon. member then alluded to other measures that were fore shadowed in the Queen's Speech, and expressed a hope that the legislation of the session would lead to better government at home, and to the security of our position abroad. He concluded by moving the address. Mr. Monur seconded the motion, expressing his belief that it was a general conviction throughout the country that the Government had done all in its power to prevent the enlargement of the area of the war, and to bring about a restoration of peace. Mr. DISRAELI, on rising, was received with cheers from both sides of the House. He said it was little more than six months since that Parliament was prorogued under circumstances of great anxiety, and they had re-assembled to encounter a state of affairs which all admit were com plicated, and not devoid of danger. At the termination of the last session, Europe was on the eve of a war which, looking to its consequences, might perhaps be described as the most important event of the century. Her Majesty's Government then indicated their policy, which was one of neutrality, a just and wise policy. (Cheers.) There was a mysterious pause just before the commencement of hostilities to suggest that our policy should be an armed neutrality. The First Lord of the Treasury said that that would be a serious thing, and that was why he (Mr. Disraeli) recommended it. (Laughter.) To have inter posed successfully it was necessary to use an instrument of equal temper to that opposed to them. The tendency of an armed neutrality was to prevent rather than bring about war, and when there was an opportunity it insured the acceptance of a just and temperate settlement of the terms of peace. Having alluded to the previous results of armed neutralities, he remarked that, in this case, the Government were placed in a peculiarly favourable posi tion to test the opinions and policy of the Emperor of the French. He gave them credit for obtaining the with drawal of the Prussian Prince as a candidate for the Spanish Throne, but that only gave them an additional claim on the Emperor, which they ought to have exercised to prevent the war. Had he refused to listen, they should have protested that the Emperor was insulting the dignity of England, and that, as he had thus disparaged her efforts, he must abide by the consequences. If this had been done, backed by an armed neutrality, he did not believe there would have been war. The right hon. gen- temen referred to the subject of Treaties, and said that it was impossible Governments could repudiate solemn engagements. Though they might consent to see frontiers altered and Treaties thus violated, it could not be for a moment argued that every important detail could be ig nored. (Cheers.) He next referred to the state of our armaments, and declared that, in the face of events which were taking place in Europe, inexcusable rashness had been pursued in the reductions that had been made. He also blamed the Government for the course pursued when Russia repudiated the Treaty of 1856. (Hear, and cries of " Oh !") He admired the manner in which the Foreign Secretary had shown the fallacy of the premises, but the conduct subsequently pursued by the noble lord ill-com pared with the firmness then evinced. Great sacrifices were made to secure that Treaty, and it was not wise lightly to relinquish it. Having attacked the Government in other matters with regard to their foreign policy, the right hon. gentleman concluded by saying that he was no alarmist, but he could not resist the conviction that the country was in a state of great peril, and that the utmost courage and prudence were required to extricate it. He however, moved no amendment to the address, feeling . _ that it was of great importance that we should show Europe and America an united Parliament on its reassem bling. (Cheers. ) Mr. GLADSTONE said the right hon. gentleman had made charges of a most pointed character against the Go. . . _ _ _ vernment, and he should endeavour to shew that for thee* accusations there was not a shadow of foundation. He (Mr. Disraeli) had built up a fabric which existed in his own inexhaustible brain, and for which there was no foundation in fact. He declined, at the present moment, indeed it could not be expedient to give the opinions of Government as regarded affairs between England and America. The Government was on the eve of sending out a Commission, with the President of the Council at its head, and the House might rest assured that the wel- 'are of the nation would be fully protected. So far as he had any means of judging of the state of the public mind, ho thought that Earl Granville's answer to the Russian note was recognised as a becoming and adequate and manly answer. It was not a fact that the Govern- meat had made an appeal to Count Bismarck; they had taken their own course, and then communicated it to the the Powers who were parties to the treaty of 1856. It was said that if they had maintained an armed neutrality they would probably have prevented the war. But if they had maintained that neutrality, France might very well have abided by th e consequences in refusing to be satisfied with the withdrawal of the candidature of the --- German Prince, In saying to France, in friendly terms, that she was wrong in n o t accep ti ng th a t w ithdrawal, the Government had disch arge d th e w h o l e o f their duty. It would be unjust to say that the Luxemburg treaty had been put an end to, considering that they had had from the German Government an explicit assurance that the objection which they took to the proceedings of Lux emburg wxs merely with respect to military necessities alone. If they had not assented to the Conference, they. would have done so with their eyes open to the fact that no one Power in Europe shared their opinion, or could in the slightest degree be respo ns ibl e f or th e i r ac ts. It was admitted that they had a powerful and efficient fleet. At the time when Mr. Disraeli condemned the armaments as bloated, the available army at home numbered 92,276 men, arid in 1870, when they were called "attenuated," there were 89,051, with a reserve in the former instance of 3,500 men, and in the latter of 20,000. (Cheers.) He hoped the armistice would lead to a durable peace, though it would be rash to indulge in too sanguine ex)ec tations. Without subscribing- to any theory of mediation, he would say that it would be unworthy of England if she neglected her obligations to nations more liable to suffer than herself ; and he fully admitted that the exer cise of that duty could never be separated from a due re gard to the efficien c y o f th e i r m ilit ary system e which he defended from the charges brought against it by Mr. Dis raeli. They had been successful in securing the with drawal of'the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern, and though they exerted their good offices to avoid the war, they had been unsuccessful. They had partly suc ceeded in freeing Paris from bombardment ; and when the Government learned of the dreadful condition of the Parisians . on the armisti ce b e i ng proclaimed, they offered both belligerents supplies of food and other necessaries ; but he regretted to say that they had only last night re ceived the consent of both Powers. Three vessels had, however, gone out that day. The speaker concluded by expressing a hope that all parties in the House would combine to bring about a final settlement of this question. (On resuming his seat the right hon. gentleman was loudly cheered. ) _ Mr. IS r ewdegate and Sir James Elphinstone having made a few remarks, and the address having been agreed to, the House adjourned at ten minutes past nine o'clock. rHE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 18'i1. THE ELECTIONS AND PEACE PROSPECTS IN FRANCE. The special correspondents of the Daily Telegraph for ward the following items of news : VERSAILLES, Tuesday, February 7. The 13th Army Corps, at first composed of the Meck lenburgers and Hanseatics—the 17th Infantry Division, belonging to the 3th Army Corps, and the 22nd Division, belonging to the 11th Army Corps—with the 4th (Prince Albrecht's) Cavalry Division, and the 12th (Von Bre dow's) Cavalry Brigade, has been dissolved. This corps, bearing the designation of Army Section (Armee-abtheilung ) was placed under the command of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, and attached to the Second Army during the campaigns of Orleans and Le Mans. The corps, how ever, will probably be reconstructed from other elements namely, from the Grand Ducal Hessians and the Wurtem bergers. _ _ . The 14th Army Corps (General von Werder) is now the strongest of all; and the Fifth Army, of which it forms a part, under the command-in-chief of Von Manteuffel, is more numerous even than the 3rd. It consists of 133 battalions of infantry, with cavalry and artillery in pro portion ; whereas the Red Prince has only only 118 bat talions. Manteuffel's army is destined to carry out mili tary operations in the South should the armistice not result in the conclusion of a defintive peace. The third parallel has been opened before Belfort, which will probably fall within the next few days. The fortress must succumb, or must be . carried by assault, at any sacrifice, before the expiration of the armistice. The whole of the 24th French Army Corps has arrived at Lyons. Ail the forts around Paris are now fully armed with Krupp siege -guns and amply supplied with ammunition. Paris could be utterly destroyed in six hours. The population of the capital is violently exasperated against Gambetta. Great interest is felt here among both the French and the Germans with regard to the result of the elections. Communication with Paris becomes more difficult every day. VERSAILLES, Wednesday, February 8. Yesterday morning 80 field guns and 140,000 rifles, of which about 50,000 were Chassepots, were delivered up to the Prussian guards at the advanced posts near Forts Ivry and Vanvres. The surrender of the armaments of the garrison is proceeding steadily. A very gloomy feeling prevails in high circles here. Should the elections fail to result iu bringing together a National Assembly that will at once conclude peace, military operations will be immediately resumed with re doubled vigour, and Paris will be heavily mulcted. Things do not look quite so well to day ; but I am precluded, by reasons which you will understand, from giving any definite explanation of the causes. Paris may be entered before the 19th—certainly will be entered on that day ; and preparations of the most comprehensive charac ter have been made for the bombardment of the city, should those complications occur the possibility of which is apprehended. Down to the present moment the attitude of Paris is utterly pathetic, and the reaction from thQ ex citement of the bombardment is greater even than was expected. When the news of M. Gambetta's last utterance, main taining the decree of the 31st January, arrived here, the Emperor sent the telegram at once to Count Bismarck, who, within an hour, communicated with M. Favre in Paris, and received satisfactory assurances from that Mi nister—who, I believe, has taken measures to arrest Gambetta. M. Favre, I may add, is daily becoming a more decided favourite with the great personages at head quarters. His behaviour is most exemplary, and he has won esteem and confidence even from those in whose minds a violent prejudice had existed against him. The Red Prince arrived here on Monday night from Le Mans, with Colonel Stiehle, the Chief of his Staff. His Imperial Higness announces that the whole district occupied by the Second Army is peacefully disposed. All the mines and sougasses at the different gates of Paris have been dug up. One hundred and fifty mi trailleuses are parked near Passy. General Vinoy has issued an order to all the soldiers to shave off their beards and have their hair cut. • VERSAILLES, Thursday, February 9. From a colleague who has just come rat of the city I learn that Paris was quiet down to midnight on Wednes day, and the elections proceeded without disturbance. The scrutiny of the votes was unfinished at midnight. MM. Thiers, Victor Hugo, and Louis Blanc, with several Admirals, are believed to have been elected. In Felix Pyat's new journal, the Vengeur; an attack on M. Jules Favre has been made by Milliere, accusing him of bigamy and perjury. The insolence and rudeness of the Prussians at Amiens, and a!ong the lines of railway from the coast, are the subject of much complaint. Great difficulties are still interposed In the way of re victualling the capital by the Chemin de Fer du Nord. Black bread contipmes to be the sole food of Paris. General Chanzy breakfasted yesterday with General Vinoy. The " Besieged Resident" correspondent of the Daily News in Paris telegraphs as follows : PARIS, February 8 (8 p.m.) The elections hive taken place. No disturbance of any kind occurred. The result will not be known until to morrow. It is thought. that Victor Hugo, Thiers, Louis Blanc, and Delesciuze have been elected. The Due d'Aumale is believed to be at the head of the poll in the neighbouring Department of the Oise. Chanzy arrived here last night. An arrangement has been made between Count Bismarck and Jules Favre for an extension of the armistice. The muskets and field artillery of the army have been given up. Count Bismarck has consented to allow 25,000 soldiers instead of 12,000, to retain their arms, in order to enable General Vinoy to keep down any riots that may occur. The second remittance of £5,000 of the Lord Mayor's Fund is being distributed. Bread is as bad and scarce as ever. The Prussians are doing their best to impede and hinder the revictualling from England. (CENTRAL PRESS TELEGRAMS.) THE ADMIRALTY FRAUDS. The trial of William Arthur Carlisle, ship steward of the Pembroke, who is charged with fraudulently repre senting to the paymaster that larger quantities of meat had been received on board than was actually supplied, was commenced before a court-martial at Portsmouth yesterday, and adjourned. LATEST INTELLIGENCE SUN OFFICE, 8 A M. LATEST FOREIGN NEWS THE AV A. 11 THE FRENCH ELECTIONS. A telegram from Havre of the 9th bays that MM. Thiers, Pouyer-Quertier, Buce, and Cordier have been elected by this department as members of the National Assembly. The Republicans obtained a majority in the town, but in the country not one of their can lidates was elected. News from Lille states that although the majority of the votes given at Lille are for the Republican candidates, yet it is considered certain that their candidates will not be elected in the Department of the North. LILLE, February 9. The triumph of M. Thiors is considered certain. ELECTION OF THE ORLEANS PRINCES BRUSSELS, Eebruary 9. _ Intelligence has been recei%ed hero that the Duc d'Aumale has been elected by a large majority in the Department of the Oise, and that the Prince de Join ville has been elected for Cherbourg,. Advices from Paris state that the Orleanist party regard as certain the election of the Due d'kumale as President of the National Assembly, if permitted to take his seat in that body. BORDEAUX, Febru iry 9. M. Thiers has been elected at Lille and Marseilles), Garibaldi at Nice, and Jules Simon at Bordeaux. General Changarnier has been elected at Lille and by two other constituencies; M. Dufaure by three constituencies; M. R6musat by two. General Ducrot is reported elected at Nevers; and 13enoy d ‘ zizy has been elected at Nimes.—Lombard Telegrams. THE PROVISIONING OF PARIS. General Walker telegraphs to the Foreign Office, under date Feb. 9, from Versailles :—" I request you to make known to the several charitable associations, that they must not forward their gifts of provisions, &c., for Paris through Versailles. Such things should come from Havre, Dieppe, and Boulogne, direct to Paris. From henceforth no supplies will be allowed to enter Paris through Versailles. I have come to an understanding with Count Moltke on this matter. Any departure from the appointed routes will only entail two-fold obstacles. The following has been received at the Foreign thlice February 3, 1871. M. Lx COMTIC,—I have received by Mr. Marshall, who same in person on Lehalf of Mr. Odo Russell, verbal notice of the arrival at Dieppe and Calais of considerable provisions, sent to the population of Paris by the population of London, and by the English Government. It is unnecessary to tell your Excellency how profoundly touched I am by this generous mark of sympathy. Permit me to see in it a proof of that precious senti ment of union which ought to bind all nations together, and lead them to help each other, instead of fighting and destroying one another. It was reserved to you intelligent country to give to the world this example of solicitude for misfortune. I beg you to be the interpreter of my grati tude towards your fellow - citlzens towards the inhabitants of London. The inhabitants of Paris have suffered cruelly, they still suffer much, but they console themselves with the thought of having done their duty, and of being recompensed by proofs of esteem and sympathy such as those which you are good enough to afford them.—l have, &e., "(Signed) Jtrum FAVRE. " His Excellency Earl Granville." THE GERMAN TERMS OF PEACE. BEILLIN, February 9. It is said that the indemnity to be claimed by Germany of France will be about three milliards of francs, and that the boundary line is reduced. A commercial treaty will also be concluded between the two Powers.—Daily News Telegram. The following telegrams come through Renter's agency: — THE SIEGE OF BELFORT. IMPERIAL HEAD-QUARTERS, VERSAILLES, February 8. General von Treskow reports from Bourogne that the detached forts built on the rocks at Haut Porches and Basso Perches, before Belfort, were captured to-day, to effect whioh the trenches which had been partly constructed •also in the rock, and which in the present thaw were under water, had to be blown u p. THE FRENCH TROOPS IN SWITZERLAND. BERN; February 8. The military chest of the Army of the East, which contained 1 million of francs, was given over to-day into the custody of the Federal Treasury. The French Government is senling 62 waggons with provisions for the commissariat of the interned troops. BRUNE, February 9. The Federal Cohncil has ordered the sale of the horses of the French Army of the East, which number between 5,000 and 8,000. DISTURBANCES AT LYONS. BRUSSELS, February 9. Advices from Lyons of the sth state that dis turbances had arisen between the club agitators and the National Guard. Order was promptly restored, and a few arrests were made. THE AIIMISTIUE. The Paris Journal Qfficiel of the 4th, says that the Armistice Convention was debated from Monday, the 23rd nit., until Saturday, the 28th. In the same paper it is said :—" Public opinion and the Government of England sympathise with us, and we believe that the feeling of mutual interest will strengthen these sentiments." ILLNESS OF THE KING OF SWEDEN. STOCKHOLM, February 9. King Charles has been ill for some days past. It is reported on good authority that his Majesty's com plaint is not dangerous, but it must be some time before he recovers. DISCOVERY OF PRIM'S ASSASSINS. It is announced at Madrid that the assassins of Marshal. Prim have been discovered, and that several adherents of the banished dynasty are im plicated. THE ROUMANIAN QUESTION. The Vienna correspondent of the Standard says : England, Austria, and Prussia have persuaded Prince Charles of Roumania to maintain his posi tion. His father, Prince Hohenzoller►, is expected at Bucharest. THE ALABAMA. COMMISSION. We are enabled to state that the Earl de Grey and Ripon, Lord President of the Council, will proceed imme diately to Washington to act as President of a Commis. sion which will be appointed to investigate the Alabama and other claims now pending between England and the United States. As those claims include matters connected with the Fisheries dispute, two Canadian statesmen of eminence will be members of the body. It will be constituted as follows; The Earl de Grey and Ripon ; Sir Edward Thornton, our Envoy at Washington; Sir John A. Macdonald, First Minister in the Dominion of Canada ; Sir John Rose, K.C.M.G. and Mr. Montague Bernard, Professor of International Law at the University of Oxford. Lord Tenterden, of the Foreign Office, will accompany the Commission and act as secretary.—Daily Telegraph; PROVISIONS FOR PARIS. The Pelter, Government vessel, left Portsmouth for Dippe yesterday afternoon, laden with biscuit and flour, from the Royal.clarence Victualling Yard,. for the use of the inhabitants of Paris. THE OXFORD EIGHT. The following, there is little doubt, will compose the Oxford crew in the University Boat Race :-1. Mr. Woodhouse ; 2. Mr. Giles ; 3. Mr. Baker ; 4. Mr. Malan ; 5. Mr. Moss ; 6. Mr. Payne ; 7. Mr. Leslie ; Stroke, Mr. Banbury. This crew, steered by the President of the University Boat Club, took a spin over the short course yesterday afternoon. There was a large number of spec tators on the banks of the Isis. THE ACTION AGAINST CAPTAIN PORTER. The announcement that the jury had disagreed in the case of Poynter against Porter was received throughout Fermanagh with the greatest satisfaction by the Ennis killeners. It was a matter of much congratulation, and at Lisbellaw, on Mr. Porter's estate, where preparations have been made in readiness, great rejoicings took place. Last night there was a grand dis play of fireworks, and bands played from Lisbellaw to Belleisle Castle. Large crowds assembled at the Ely station, expecting Porter, who was received with a general ovation. RESIGNATION OF MR. WESTHEAD, THE MEMBER FOR YORK. Mr. J. P. B. Westhead, the member for York, bas resigned on the ground of ill-health. A deputation of Liberals waited upon Mr. George Leeman, of York, requesting him to be a candidate for the future repre sentation of the city. He his consented, and will publish his address to the electors in the morning. He is a sup portor of Mr. Gladstone. Her Majesty the Queen has graciously ac cepted a copy of Mr. St. Leger's " Reminiscences of Balfe." We are informed that the latest accounts state the condition of Lord Redesdale's health to be somewhat improved. OPENING OF A " CRECHE " IN THE EAST END OF LONDON.—An interesting establishment, projected by Mrs. Hilton, a member of the Society of Friends, on the model of (74che d Bruscelles, is about to be [opened at 16, Stepney Causeway, Commercial-road, East. It contains thirty cotts, in one compartment, presented by Lady Victoria Barton, Samuel Morley, E sq ., AL p., Lady Lawson, Mrs. J. Gurney Barclay, Mrs. G. W. Alexander ; and others, and accom modation for a number of children up to five years old, while their mothers -are out at work. The institution is now ready for the inspection of visitors. OUR CO - :;'E/YIPORARIES---Thi:.: • Morning OPENING OF THE SESSION.-THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. The Times considers that had it not been for the un toward accident that a war between France and Germany has occupied the whole of the Recess, the debates on the Address last night in answer to the Royal Speech would have been of unusual excellence. As it was, the speeches delivered were remarkable for the dexterity with which the subject that was uppermost in all men's thoughts was generally avoided. An order had been apparently issued that as little as possible should be said about the war. The consequences that followed were in some degree inevitable. The human mind is not qualified to play double parts at the same moment. To speak of one thing and to think of another is the sure way to be ineffective in speech and irresolute in thought. Lord Westminster was learned last night in the -statistics of - free trade in beer, and if Mr. Bruce gets an opportunity of bringing on his Licensing Bill such statistics ought to be remembered. Mr. Samuel Morley achieved a distinction that can only be properly charac terized as miraculous by his dexterity in avoiding the subject of the day. Ho had his pet statistics also— a comparison of the trade of 1870 with that of 1869 and of 1868, and he boldly prophesied that with Univer sity Tests once abolished, and a fair Burials Bill passed, we should be on the eve of the millennium. His greatest exploit was, however, the expression of an opinion that the Combination Laws—abolished nearly half a cen tury since—had worked unspeakable mischief. Who would not assent to this historical criticism ? Who does not see in it a easy way of sliding over every difficulty? The world is agitated and anxious while revolving the problems of the hour. Men are discontented with things as they are, and yet, perhaps, do not see their way to improving them. • While they are thus perplexed, a comforter comes and assures them that an evil system which passed out of existence in a former generation produced much mischief as long as it lasted. One of two consequences at once follows. A feeling of relief is experienced, or, if not that, then a feel ing of irritation. The choice is offered of accepting a stupefying draught, 01 of rejecting with contumely the delusions of a self-contented philanthropy. In the opinion of the Standard, the Speech which has on this occasion been put into the mouth of the Queen is at once the longest and the clumsiest composition of the sort which we can remember. So curiously bad in taste and in style is this remarkable document, that we must conclude that it is no longer Mr. Ayrton who writes the Queen's Speeches for the Government. There can be but one hand capable of turning out these bald, jejune, and vapid periods—these phrases full of ill-fitting words which mean nothing—these 'sentiments at once barren and unctuous. The principal subject of the Speech is, of course, the war ; but those who looked for. any defence of the conduct of the Government during the last seven months, or even for any intelligible statement of the grounds of the policy which they pursused, will be greatly disappointed. Ou that other scarcely less important foreign subject, the audacious violation of the Treaty of 1850 by Russia, we have an utterance as crude in sentiment as it is bare of meaning, Coming to the domestic portion of the Speech, we find a vague and equivocal allusion to the subject of military reform. We are promised certain changes " from a less to a more effective and elastic system of de fensive military preparations," which will be embodied in a bill shortly to be submitted to Parliament. Of the other more important measures, special reference is made to bills relating. to religious tests in the Universities, ecclesiastical titles, to trade unions, to the courts of justice and appeal, to the adjustment of local burdens, and to what Mr. Jacob Bright believes to be the paramount subject of the day, the regulation of the traffic in intoxicating liquors. A particular paragraph is devoted to a renewed pledge that secret voting will be established. A vague expectation is expressed that something may be done for primary education in Scotland. The condition of Ireland is declared to be satisfactory as compared with last year ; though it is scarcely a proof of this fact that no mention is made of the working of the two great remedial acts ; nor is there any hope expressed of the repeal of the strong coercive measure of last session, nor, which will be in the eyes of Irish members the most significant of all the omissions in the Speech, any allusion whatever to Irish education, or to those concessions on which Cardinal Cullen, only a day or two no, so confidently reckoned. The Speech, which ends with a peroration more solemnly and portentously unmeaning than usual, may be described generally as the emptiest, and yet the most ponderous, of all recent pro ductions in this kind. The Daily News says Disraeli truly described the Speeeh with which the Queen opened Parliament yester day as one of the longest ever delivered from the Throne. The speech was read by the Lord Chancellor, and once more Royalty allowed itself to be present rather as the chief ornament than the chief actor of the scene. The Speech reflects of course, the aspects of the time. Two-thirds of it are on foreign ques tions, and nearly a third of it is upon the war. The foreign policy of the Government is its strong point. Mr. Gladstone found no difficulty in vindicating the Go vernment policy, both as to our neutrality as between France and Prussia, and our conciliatory attitude to Rus sia. It is quite true that the session begins amid cir cumstances of good augury for our domestic peace. Pauperism is diminishing, and we have Mr. Morley's assurance from a practical point of view that all departments of commerce are flourishing The most interesting and important part of the Queen's Speech is, of course, that which deals with questions of domestic legislation ; and our anticipations of yesterday as to the Government programme are more than realised. The Government has taken up the dropped threads of last year's discussions, and given guaran tee, by early introduction of promised measures, that they shall this year be woven into the year's accomplished work. The session has thus opened not only with a Speech of unusual length, but with considerable promise. If the hopes of peace are realised abroad, and the Government is resolved to consolidate its majority at home, we may have a prosperous and successful session. Parliament has a large programme before it; its leaders ask it at once to plunge into work ; and we may hope that several important measures of ecclesiastical and political reform, which have long waited for realisation, will at length find their way into the statute-book. The Telegraph observes :—We may infer from the Queen's Speech that the session is to be eminently non political. Not one of the topics recommended by her Majesty to the consideration of Parliament is a party question. There will be, of course, many de bates on foreign affairs ; but the great war has severed Englishmen into sections entirely un- connected with old political lines. High Conser vatives, moderate Liberals, and extreme Radicals find themselves united in sympathy with France, while Germany can also count Tories, Whigs, and advanced _ _ politicians among its friends. The reform of the army is unpolitical; there are Liberals who are as anxious for a large and popular armed force as any Con. servative in England, and there are Tories who are staunch in their zeal for thorough military reform. The Ballot used to be a party question ; it can hardly be called so now. The University Tests Bill will awaken parsonic and sectarian rather than political fire. Then the measures relating to Trade-Unions, to Courts of Appeal, to local rates, to public-house licenses, and to Scotch education, are any thing but calculated to provoke party strife. Of course we are well aware that, if politicians desire it, they can make anything a party question. The Tory party, to its credit, has ever had a vivid sense of national interests. and displayed a constant readiness to see our fight ing power improved ; and it is not at all likely that the Conservatives will offer any factious opposition to the military measures of the Cabinet. The renewed prospect of the amicable settlement of the Alabama claims and other Anglo-American controversies is also likely to have a tranquilising effect. Here then we have at last a " no-party" session—a session with a large number of great questions on which ,members may vote almost without reference to Whips on either side. We can, at all events, congratulate our elve on the change that, notwithstanding Mr. Disraeli's random utterances last night, promises us " no party politics," in . _ the old-fashioned sense of the word, but rather indicates a long series of business-like discussions on reforms of prac tical importance. The Manchester Courier observes that the whole speech a in truth a somewhat blabby document, and though its sentences are not so bunglingly constructed as that to which we have referred, it is watery enough to create a strong desire that before such a thing as the Qneen's Speech is again prepared by a Liberal Cabinet, those who are concerned in its production should take a text lesson in English composition. There aro plenty of Civil Ser vice " examiners " who would undertake the work upon terms which even Mr. Lowe could hardly refuse to pay. The Government is, however, compelled to admit " that there have been painful, though partial, exceptions." It •11•,•..., .... • does not add that the peaceful state of Ireland is due to the harsh coercion bill of last year much more than to he messages of peace which were to procure such miracu- lous effects. The paragraphs of the Speech w hich fellow may be clismissed with little more than a word. In the penultimate the Government declares that calm is necessary to secure the best results of the last two sessions, wherefore, it is added, no political subject likely to become the subject of very'serious con troversy has been suggested. We should imagine, how ever, that the long list of sweeping changes mentioned above will afford quite sufficient grounds for discussion, and that whilst they are agitated there will be plenty of con troversy. The last paragraph is worthy of attention only on account of one clause, that which assures 114 that the people are earnestly attached to the laws and institutions of the country, and desire their continuance. In the face of that growing mass of sedition and republicanism which we have so often lamented, such a sentence as this can only inspire admiration for the happy audacity of the Minister who invented it, just as the general verbosity of the whole document inspires wonder for his flood of words and remarbable feebleness of thought. The Birmingham Morning News thinks the Queen had no confidence and little hope to express, and indulged in no dream so sweet and so false as that of last year, in reference to the continued maintenance of general tran quillity. It is satisfied that the policy of the Government in regard to the war will receive the approval of the nation, and heartily approves of what is said of the objects, designs, and probable results of the Conference, and joins in regret that France is unrepresented. With regard to the differences with the United States, the Speech is hopeful, and that hopefulness seems well based. Approval of the remarks concerning Spain and her people; it is glad the topic of Italy and the Pope was not introduced; and that the epistle of the too ready-writer, Gladstone, finds no echo in the Queen's Speech. With regard to foreign affairs, we say bravo tothe Speech ; approve of the remarks concerning the Princess's dowry, the defensive military preparation, the ballot, the attack on religions, and the tests at universities. There are some things omitted that we should be glad to have seen inserted. But looking at what is possible, and not at what is theoretically desirable, we like the speech—its prayers, its praises, and its promises. The Yorkshire Post's opinion of the Royal Speech is that it is heavy laboured and ill-composed. It tells us very little that might not have been easily anticipated, mid upon the most serious subjects to which it refers—namely, those relating to Continental affairs-- it is as hesitating and feeble as the policy of which it is the re flection. After reviewing the various points in the Speech, the Post says : " Foreign affairs will probably absorb attention at a very early period, and the difficulties of the Government in this respect will be complicated by the task which, unless we are much mistaken, they will find by no means easy of persuading the House that they are con ipetent to deal with the question of army reform in a statesmanlike and sufficient manner. War abroad and preparation for war at home will give rise to much fighting in Parliament, mid the Government will have cause to consider themselves sin gularly fortunate if, after the great conflicts on these questions, they find themselves in a position to deal with matters of a more pacific character." The Nottingham Journal says:— The Speech spews that the Government is consistent in their policy of noe-inter vention. The fact that they have endeavoured to uphold the sanctity of treaties, and hope at the Conference to do so successfully, gives proof that they do not mean to sacrifice the dignity of the country. The allusions to our relations with America will command general approval. It was dignified not to say more, and less could not well have been said, as to the marriage of the Princess Louise. The allusions to Army Reform are somewhat indefinite, but we are pro mised on an early day a measure that shall be at once "decisive" and judicious. Mr. Gladstone is right in his determination to lose no time in finally settling the vexed question of the Univer sity Tests. The promised Ballot Bill should serve to pacify the Radicals, and so many Conservatives have expressed their approval of secret voting, that there should be no great difficulty in carrying the measure. On the whole the speech will be generally accepted as a dignified expression of the sacred principles cherished by Her Majesty's Government and a business-like summary of the measures to which they propose to apply those principles. The Sheffield Telegraph says :—The inference that the fighting will begin again, unless both parties refrain from fighting, is a sage inference, and one worthy of all admira tion—for its soundness. In the third paragraph the Queen is made to say—" In the first of these declarations, I have maintained the rights and strictly dischargel the duties of neutrality." We look back for the declaration, and cannot find it. What we do find is a " promise "of con stant attention to the subject of "neutral obligations." How her Majesty could have maintained her " rights " by promising " constant " attention to her " obligations " is one of those profound problems which Mr. Gladstone could alone explain. The fact assexted—the maintenance of neutral rights—is not over clear. The novel thing in British history is, as it seems to us, the " right " of British merchantmen to be sent to the bottom. The fourth paragraph takes credit for the "cordiality " of England's relations " with each belligerent." There is a winning amiability in this way of putting things. None but the man who extracted sunbeams from cucumbers could have found "cordiality" in kicks. The paragraph about the non-recognition of the French Go vernment is an explanation which needs explaining. A Government, honoured with the adhesion of an Arago and a Thiers, is one which ours is " unable" to recognise ; whereas to King William we have " offered" our " con gratulations." This difference of treatment, as we are assured, made no difference whatever, an assurance imme diately followed by " regret " that France has sent no re presentative to the London Conference. The great cod fish question gives a fishy aroma to the twelfth para graph. The right of the United States to take other people's fish, has been made the subject of " amicable communications," with a view to the discovery of the most convenient mode of treatment. Cod's heads should go with oyster sauce, and if Butler sees "manifest destiny " in Canaddian codfish, why should not the Blue Noses, in exchange of favours, dredge in liberty, equality, and fraternity the United States oyster banks ? After remarking upon the omission of all mention of Rome, the Sheffield Indopendent concludes : The speech as a whole is the longest and one of the best we remember. It is fresher and more vivacious in style than such docu ments usually are. It faithfully describes the foreign conduct of the Government, and furnishes the welcome intelligence of the coming settlement of the questions at issue with the United States. In domestic affairs it fore- shadows a course of legislature that will commend itself to the Liberal party, while the proposals of army re f orm , though very generally treated, indicate a measure at once bold and comprehensive. With success, a past to refer to, and such promises for the future, the Ministry deserves treatment more generous than eondemnation unheard. The Scotsman thinks the Speech rather confirms than dispels the expectation that this is to be a military session. One of the most important, and not most satis factory, paragraphs is that relatin g to the United States, it is not easy to understand still less easy to applaud. The j o i n t commission on the fishery question must necessarily be sanctioned and shared by Canada and it is somewhat anomalous that it should be authorised to take up as a subordinate mltter a question of greater magnitude Clad that which 11 .ts originally appointed to deal with. It is also assumed Irvin the inference that the question is only made up of matters of amount and detail. Hitherto it was believed the Government denied culpability and responsibility. The success of the ballot bills this year is, beyond doubt. Such a phrase as a national scale and basis justifies the expectation that Scotch education will be something differing considerably for the better, as it could scarcely differ for the worse, from the English. In the case of Irish education, where nothing good was expected at present, it is pleasant to find that there is to be nothing done at all, see i ng how much the Catholics demand. The Edinburgh Courant thinks that the whole Speech exhibits a rehearsal of the principles which have hitherto guided the Gladstone policy. Instead of parochial politics being held up. as the great end and aim of Government, it is now confessed that we must look to ou r position' among the nations. Nothing more than . the present crisis on the Continent is required . to shew how m i sera bly injurious the so - called economical policy of the Gladstone Government has . prove . d its effects. The list of measures of domestic legislation too is not long, and compares unfavourably with . that of last session. The great measure of . the session, it is evident, will be the bill for the reorganisation of the army, and perhaps we are again about to have evidence afforded us that Parliament is able to . deal with . only one great scheme in the course of the session. It is worthy of note that nothing is said iu the Royal Speech about the Navy. Is it because that branch of the service is so perfect under the control of the First Lord, who is unable to work, and who in the perilous times is on the sick list ? The Irisknuart says :—The speech delivered by Queen Victoria has no interest for us except that its reference to Ireland is significant enough. It makes a short allusion to what is called " agrarian crime," in which respect our island, we are told, presents a gratifying aspect ; and next it contains a refusal of further reforms. A period of calm is to be desired," so it says. It simply means that all the labours of the National Association and of the Catholic Committee, with reference to the education question, are contemptously spurned. The majority of the nation is bidden to rest and be thankful whilst the minority eat all the plums. The Gladstone Ministry has played false to Cardinal Cullen and all his men. Having used them so far as they could in discountenancing Fenianism, they now believe they can dispense with them altogether. Ireland is to have no reform of any kind ; no ballot, no federative plans—nothing but (per haps) an improved coercion clause ! And Ireland will accept this refusal of her popular and national rights as a message of peace ! How little her rulers understand her. There can be no peace whilst injustice exists. ~. x