The Sun. — London, England, 1857-02-13 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.-<YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the wool sack at five o'clock. NEW PEER. _ _ Lord TALBOT DE MALAHIDE took the oaths and his seat as a peer of the realm. The noble lord was introduced by Lord Monteagle and Lord Massarene. REMOVAL OF TROOPS FROM GREECE. Lord CLANRICARDE, seeing the noble earl the Secretary of State fur Foreign Affairs in his place, begged to ask him a question on a subject which he had seen in the newspapers, namely, the withdrawal of the troops from Greece, and also the appointment of a com mission to inquire into the future management of the finances of that country. He wished to know whether the statement was correct, and also whether there would be any objection to lay on the table a copy of the corre spondence which had taken place on the subject, in order that their lordships might know the exact situation of affairs. _ . The Earl of CLARENDON said he was glad to have an opportunity of answering the question put to him by the noble lord. „It was perfectly correct that troops .had been sent to Greece during the war in consequence of the hostility of that country towards the Western Powers. It was agreed to by the Governments of France and England to send a small force to the Pirxus to check the proceedings which had been complained of. The measure had been quite successful, as the troops had never been moved from the Piraeus. The war being over there was no reason why they should not be withdrawn. In the course of last autumn the Greek Government laid before the protecting powers a statement of the expenditure of Greece, which offered to pay, in small annual instalments, the interest on the loan guaranteed by the three powers, and which, up to the present time, had been ex clusively paid by them ever since the loan was made. The Greek Government suggested that perhaps the three powers would prefer, instead of receiv ing this small instalment, that it should be applied to the development of the revenues of the country. That pri position was ❑ot agreed to, as the Greek Government challenged an inquiry into the state of its finances. It was proposed by the two Governments that a commis sion, comprising the representatives of the three powers, should inquire into the character of the financial statement laid before them by the Greek Government. This statement was laid before them as creditors. The Russian Government was con nected with it, entirely approved of the proposal, and ex pressed a w ish to take part in the commission. A littl , l delay had arisen by the correspondence which took place as to the duties and duration of the commission. That commission was accepted in the most frank manner by the Greek Government. The proposition was made in the most friendly spirit to the Government of Greece, without the slightest intention of interfering with the internal affairs of the country, and that it should not last beyond the time specified. He believed it would render the most essential service to Greece, in assisting the carrying out certain financial reforms, which, without assistance, the Greek Government would never be able effectually to carry out. The com mission would be established in a few days, and the best effects were anticipated to the interests of Greece, as it would put an end to the struggles with which that country was afflicted. With respect to the correspon dence it was at present going on between the Govern ments of France and Russia with respect to the duties of the commission, and before it was established he thought it would be premature to lay any portion of it on the table of the house. _ _ . INCOME TAM. Lord BROUGHAM presented a number of petitions from different parts of the country praying for a repeal of the income tax. HARBOURS OF REFUGE. Lord RA.VENSWORTII presented a petition pray ing for the establishment of harbours of refuge on the north-east coast. The noble lorJ stated at some length the prayer of the petition, which stated the number of wrecks that had taken place on the north-east coact, where there existed great necessity for the formation of a harbour of refuge fur the protection of the shipping and commerce of the country. SECONDARY PUNISHMENTS. The Marquis of SALISBURY rose to move for the appointment of a select committee to consider the question of secondary punishments. The noble earl entered at some length into the subject, and concluded by moving the appointment of the committee of which he had given notice. Earl GRANVILLE said he did not think the noble earl had made out a case for the appointment of a com mittee. The subject of the employment of convicts in Government works would not be lost sight of. It was now under the consideration of the Government, who would give it their most serious consideration. He trusted the noble earl would not press for the appoint ment of the committee. Lord STANHOPE, who had moved the appointment of a similar committee last year, thought that the time for deliberation was past, and that for action come. He hoped, therefore, that Lord Salisbury would not press his motion until he had heard the Government plan. _ . The Earl of CARNAIWON could not admii, that the plan proposed in the other house was a perfect mea sure. Lord CAMPBELL agreed with Lord Stanhope in thinking that this was the time for action, and not for deliberation. In his opinion transportation was the only punishment which aff)rded a reasonable chance for the ref,rmation of criminals, and he hoped the Go vernment would direct their attention especially to the continuation of that punishment. After some further discu , Fion, in which Lords Fitz williato, Duogarvon, and Ravensworth took part, the motion was neLratived wi'hout a division. REPRESENTATIVE PEERS. The Earl of LUCAN aBked whether it was the inten tion of her Majesty's Government to take any steps to give effect to the recommendation of the Lords' Select Committee, appointed in the session of 185 G, to in quire intu the expenses incurred by Scotch nod Irish peers in proving their right to vote fcr representative peers ? Earl GRANVILLE replica that it was the intention of Government to bring i❑ a bill to give effect to the re commendations of the committee referred to. STATUTE LAW COMMISSION. The Select Committee on the Second Report of the Statute Law Commission was named anal appointed. Their lordships adjourned at half-past seven. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Cork and Bandon Railway Bill was read a second time. NEW MEMBERS. Sir W. CODRINGTON took the oaths and his seat for Greenwich. Mr. WEGUELIN took the oaths and his seat for South ampton. Mr. KENNAIRD took the oaths and his seat for New p,rt (Isle of Wight). CHARITABLE TRUSTS ACT. Mr. MOWBRAY asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster whether it was the intention of the Govern ment to bring in any bill to amend the act of 1853 for the better administration of charitable trusts ; and also whether they intended to reintroduce the bills for giving legislative sanction to various schemes of the Charity Commissioners which the Government abandoned last session. Mr. BAINES said it was not the intention of the Go vernment to introduce any bill this session ; and, as re garded the latter part of the question, that the bills would be introduced before Easter. THE CIVIL SERVICE. Sir S. NORTCOTE asked the . LI Secretary to the Treasury when. the next report of the Civil Service Com missioners v.as :ikely to be presented I Mr. WILSON said the report was ready, and would be sbc .- ^ l 3 laid upon the table of the house. • POSTAL COMMUNICATION WITH DUBLIN. In answer to a question from Mr. GROGAN, Mr. WILSON entered into an explanation of what had been done in reference to this matter, and said that the evidence given before a committee had been found difficult of carrying out. Nothing could be gained unless the letters leaving London in the morning should reach the provinces in the evening, and those leaving in the evening shouli reach the provinces in the morning. I n consequence of the disappointment experienced Govern ment was trying other plans than those suggested before the committee; and the railways and the postoffice autho rities were endeavouring to do all they possibly could towards carryire,r it out, and Government were ready to pay handsomely for it. lie hoped shortly to be able to I 'Y a modified plan before the house that would attain the object desired. BANKRUPTCY WINDING UP. Mr. BUTLER asked the Attorney-Gcueral whether he intended to introduce any measure to faeilitatd the winding -up of bankrupt companies, to render speedy assistance to creditors, and to prevent the serious ex penses and 1 013 S to the creditors and shareholders which elist under the present cor.dition of the law. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that he proposed to bring in a nut to prevent the scandal that had arisen with reference to the Royal British Bank, should the Lord Chancellor's bill be not sufficiently comprehensive. CHINA. Mr. COBDEN gave notice that on that day fortnight h o should move that this house had heard with concern the conflict between the Chinese auth or iti es an d this " t ory in the Canton river, and that, without express „).,inion as to the course o f complaint in nut ins* An ' fulfilled the Treaty of 1842, thi s h ouse considers haviug the NW!' !a th e table o f th e h ouse as unsatisfac ---i d on tory, and that a select committee of the house be ap pointed to consider o ur relations with China. (Cheers.) MONUMENT. O THE NELSO N mmmiainssione edt r o be Mr. WARREN asked the whatFi s r t s e t ps 1. , e Works whether any and , w taken by h er M a jesty s Government to complet e the square ; and, i in4numerit to Lord Nelson, in Trafalgar 50, when the com impression was pletion might be e x p ected ! Sir B. MAL L said that a ge neral abroad that the erection of the column was undertaken by the Gove rnment.. In 1840 some navaentlemen 1 of Lord desired to ere c t a ;monument to the memory Nelson, and rained a sum of 20,0001. They appe ar ed to Lave undertaken the wor k without hav i ng sufficiently considered the cost. In May, 1844, Sir G. Cockburn, the chairman of the fund, wrote to th e Government for tha assistance of 12 , 0001 . with w hi c h to finish it. The Government requested Sir George to have the esti mates revised, and an estimate was sent, stating that 14,805/. would be required, and that sum was voted by Parliament. It was found, however, not to be suffi cient, and that a further sum of 4,0001, or 1,0001. was required, with which to finish it. That could not be done without a vote of Parliament, and it was not in tended to ask Parliament for that sum. BRITISH GUIANA. Mr. LIDDELL asked for information in reference to the penal settlement situated upon the Mr ssarooni River in British Guiana,—let. When it was established ; 2d. Whether for imperial or colonial purposes ; 3d. Whether it is still in use ; if not, what causes have led to its aban• donment. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that the penal settlement referred to was established in 1842 for purely colonial purposes; and so far from abandoning it, it had been so successful i❑ its operation that it was under consideration to send convicts there from other ports of the West Indies. SIR R. PEEL'S LECTURE. Mr. STAFFORD.—I rise to ask the hon. baronet the member for Tamworth whether the report of a speech of his, made on the 7th of January, at Saltby, near Birmingham, which appeared in the daily journals, be correct, especially those passages which referred to the Grand Duke Constantine of Russia, M. de Morny, and the Prince de Ligne ? Sir R. PEEL.—My hon. friend has asked me a question, and I hope the house will allow me to say a few words in explanation. (Hear, hear.) It is said that it has been "arranged"—and the word is a heavy one—to put a question to me whether a speech reported to have been delivered by me at Saltby, and reported in the daily journals, is correct 3 Now, I do not think, perhaps, that this is quite the tribunal in which I ought to be called to account for expressions used in another place, and totally unconnected with the business of this house. (Hear, hear.) At the same time lam quite ready to accept the challenge of the honourable gentleman, and I am quite prepared to give him every facility in obtaining the most accurate information on this most important subject. (A laugh.) The hon. gentleman asks me whether I delivered the speech at Saltby which appeared in the daily journals. I beg to say that did deliver that speech as the guest of the h.m. member for Adderley—(laughter)—for North Staf fordshire. He invited me to attend that meeting on the occasion of a jollification (laughter), and I addressed that meeting. I admit that lam not in the habit of reading reports of speeches of mine after they are delivered. I generally rest satisfied with the favourable impression that I produce at the time. (Laughter.) It is, therefore, rather difficult for me at this distance of time to pledge myself to the exact accuracy of every word that appears in that report. I believe I spoke for nearly two hours and a half without notes, so that it is rather difficult for me to say whether that report is precisely correct. But this I am prepared to say, that such is the ability, the acknowledged ability, and impartiality with which the leading journals report the proceedings of public meet ings that I am quite prepared to accept the entire responsibility of every single sentence, except a particu lar phrase, which I do not think I used, but which if I had used I should have been equally prepared to accept the entire responsibility of. But I am sure that the house, as a great deal has been said about this speech, will give me ten minutes for a few remarks on it. (Hear.) I shall be very glad indeed to offer some explanation, as my phrases have been tortured a good deal from their true meaning, and a meaning has been given to them that I never intended to convey. I did address the meeting at Saltby, and, as a great deal of comment has been made on my words, it will perhaps be right, as I occupy a public situation, to put them in their true and proper light. (Hear, hear.) I am sorry, and I do regret that any inconvenience should have arisen from any xpressions that may have fallen from me, and which have been misinterpreted on that occasion. It is very far from my wish, and I think I may say from my nature—and I am known to many members of this house—to cause unnecessary pain to any one. (General cheering.) But these sentences have been very greatly twisted ; and, first, with reference to the Count do Morny, the Grand Duke Constantine, and the Prince de Ligne. (Hear.) As regards the Count de Morny, I absolutely repudiate having said anything about him which might not have been said by any gentleman with reference to his friends or acquaintances. (Much laughter.) I said that he was le plus grand speculateur dc l'Europe. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, I did net intend to imply anythi❑g detrimental to his honourable character—(continued laughter)—and immediately on my arrival in town, when I heard that these expressions had been noticed, I wrote to Count de Dlorny to wig that certainly envy and malice had done their best to twist these expressions of mine into something odious to him, but that I repudiated saying a single word against his character or the position he occupied. Now, I could not say more. (sheers.) As regards the Grand Duke Constantine, that is another mat ter. I certainly said that the Grand Duke Constan tine did not quite impress me with the feeling of a "frank and open-hearted sailor." (A. laugh.) I said that ; but the words were not mine ; they were used by the gallant admiral sitting there (pointing to Sir Charles Napier, amid much laughter). I never Raid one word against the Grand Duke Constantine, or any other member of the Royal family of that country. On the contrary, when I said that he did not give me tae impression of being "a frank and open-hearted sailor," I meant that he gave me the impression of being man of great powers of mind. (Rears of laughter.) What I intended to convey was, that he was not mert ly a simple sailor—(continued laughter)—but a man of greater grasp of mind. (Great laughter in which Sir C. Napier heartily joined.) As'regards the Prince de Ligne, I accept the responsibility of every phrase that I used. I certainly did say—l should be sorry to cause any unnecessary pain to any one—but I was talking in a familiar way, and I did use the expression that he was as stiff and starched as the frill of Queen Eliza beth." (A. laugh.) I cannot accept the responsibility of every word in the report. I see my hon. friend opposite (Mr. Adderley) who was present, and Lord Lyttleton was also present, andl appeal to him to say whether a single word fell from my lips that might not have found an echo and express►on from the most straight-laced gentleman in this house. (Laughter.) All I can say is that if, in the opinion of the hon. gentlemen who may have considered this question—if, in the at• tempt, the innocent attempt, I made to paint a few light and airy sketches of character—(laughter)-0, as Pope said, " hold the mirror up to nature"—(continued laugh. ter)—to "catch the manners living as they rise"—(much laughter)—if I have erred in the good opinion of those whose good opinion I honour and value, and whose judgment has weight, I beg to say, on this public occa sion, as an earnest of the sincerity of my feelings, that, though I do not feel that I did err, still, if I did err in their opinion, I now offer the most ample expression of regret—(cheers)—and that is the most fitting amende honorable that I can offer. (Cheering from all sides of the House.) THE " SECRET TREATY." Lord PALMERSTON—I wish to set myself right with the right hon. gentleman opposite with regard to an asser . Lion I made on Tuesday night with respect to the mili tary convention to which I referred. I said that I had been informed that that convention bad not been signed and my belief was that it had not been signed. But I think it right to state that, on further inquiry, I find that in point of fact it was signed—(cheers from the Op po,ition benches)—but that, being in its nature more of a military than a political convention, and having for its object the regulation, the mutual regulation, of the French and AuArian troops which might be in Italy in the contingency of Austria declaring war against Russia., and Austria never having declared war against Russia, that convention, although signed, became a deal letter, and never had anyapplication or effect whatever. DISRAELI—Although there is no question le - fore the house, yet I hope I shall be allowed to make a few remarks, and they shall be of extreme brevity. The house will recollect that I mentioned on the first night of the sesion that there was a secret treaty between France and Austria. That statement received a direct contradiction from the noble lord. ("No!" from Lord Pal merston.) It was "a romance." (Opposition cheers.) The noble lord said I was distinguished for ray powers imagination, that this was a complete invention, that I had produced some works of imagination, and that this was another " romance." (Cheers.) A week elapsed, and I took the earliest opportunity of the noble lord's reappearance in the house to make a statement, which I hope from a sense of justice is still in the recoi -1 -ction of the hause. I stated that what I had said on s previous occasion was perfectly correct—that, there was a treaty between France and Austria, and that the otrject of that treaty was to guarantee the security of the Italian provinces of Austria. I said that that treaty was signed —(Opposition cheers)—that it was acted en, that it was indeed extensively acted on, for the troops of Austria were withdrawn from Italy in con sequence of that treaty ; that at a subsequent period alarm was felt by the Italian Governments at the aitbdrawal of th ose t roops, and that they reques t e d the permission of Austria to communicate in con filence the existence of the treaty in order to tranquillise their subjects. This was the treaty we were told was never acted upon. (Cheers.) What was the answer I received on the second occasion? The noble lord declared on the first occasion that it was a romance. He was then, after the details I gave, obliged t t o e o o w b n je t c h t a o t f t w he h r i e ch wa w s aa : to accorn The But, no ( b said l e w ritten document in existenc e , h Pi ishth a a t t re w a l 4 ch bu l t a convention,explaine The (Cheers.) thelords ) amble s) dt was not lord, "That convention was n evers i gned. c I have been in active communication with those who can give me the best information on the subject. I have received information, and the fact is that the affair never was in operation, and so I was justified in my statement that there was nothing of the kind, and that the whole thing was a romance." Now comes the third act. We now have an acknowledgment from the noble lord, not merely that there is a written docu ment in existence in the shape of a convention between those two Powers for the object I stated, and that it is a secret document, but that the only statement which the other night saved the noble lord from substantial refuta tion—namely, that the convention was not signed, is incorrect, and that the convention was signed. (Hear.) After these two admissions from the noble lord, I stand here to state again that which I stated on the first night of the session. I say it was not a convention, it was a treaty—l say it was not only signed, but extensively acted upon—l say that every expressien the noble lord used in describing that instrument so little applies to its real nature, as it has been represented to me, that I really believed at the end of the debate the other night that there must have been some mili tary convention in existence, founded upon the treaty, which had not been signed, and that the noble lord was entirely misleading the house. (Cheers.) I state again that there is a treaty—a secret treaty—between France and Austria, the object of which is to guarantee the se curity of the Italian possessions of Austria—that it was executed on the day I mentioned—that it has been ex tensively acted upon—that to the best of my belief it contains, on its surface, no limitation of the period of its operation—and that the character given of it by the noble lord the other night is entirely incorrect. (Loud cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—I have no right to trespass again upon the indulgence of the house, but I hope I shall be allowed to say a few words after the observations of the right hon. gentleman, by which he attempts to cover his ignominious retreat from his first position. (Ironical cheers from the Opposition, and counter cheers.) The right hon. gentleman has misstated what he said on a former occasion. (Cheers and counter cheers.) He has entirely misrepresented his own expressions—his own statement. What was the right hon. gentleman's state ment ? His statement was that there was a treaty be tween Austria and France for guaranteeing the Italian possessions of Austria—(hear)—that it was now in exist ence—that it bad been recently quoted by Austria in corasequence of the discussions between France and Eng land on the one hand and Naples on the other—and that it had been executed at the instigation of the English Government—(loud cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers) —that it had been executed not only with the knowledge, but at the instigation of her Majesty's Government. (Con tinued cheers and counter cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—At tha " instance !" Lord PALMERSTON—No, " instigation." But the right hon. gentleman cannot rest his statement upon syl lables. However, I heard the word, and I recollect it- I am sure he made use of the word " instigation." Mr. DISRAELI—" Instance" or "advice." Lord PALMERSTON—WeII, advice. (Cheers from the Opposition.) Oh ! but I heard the word " instiga tion" distinctly. (Renewed cheers and counter cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—You say it is instigation. Lord PALMERSTON—What the right hon. gentle man meant was that the treaty originated in advice and counsel given by the English Government to the Govern ments of France and Austria. I denied the whole of that statement at the time it was made, and the whole of that statement I again deny. To the best of my know ledge and belief co such treaty exists or ever was exe cuted. I state most distinctly that the British Govern ment has no knowledge of such a treaty, and therefore cannot have instigated it. I said the other night that if the right hon. gentleman bad seen such a treaty, and could assert its existence on his own knowledge, of course I would bow to his assertion, and although I knew nothing of it I would take for granted that it did exist. I also said that a convention of a totally different kind had been negotiated—a convention regulating the mode of action of the French and Italian troops which might happen to be in Italy at the time, in the event of Austria declaring war against Russia and fighting i❑ concert with England and France, as Austria naturally wished her rear to be secured while she was fighting in the va❑ in concert with the allies. I said that convention was founded upon the assumed case of a declaration of war by Austria against Russia, and such a declaration never having taken place the convention became a dead letter, and, whether signed or not, had no effect, and never could take effect. These assertions I stilt maintain, and I say the right hon. gentleman, notwithstanding the vapouring manner in which he has been pleased to follow up his statement-----(cries of " Oh!" from the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial benches)—has been lin_ posed upon. (Continued cheers.) I beg your pardon the right hon. gentleman used hard words, and I shall express my opinion, whatever he may think of my mode of expression. (Cheers.) I say, then, that the right hon. gentleman has, to the best of my belief, been grossly imposed upon ; that a military conven tion, which never came into operation, because that which was to have been the basis and foundation of it never took place, has be en represented to him as being that which it never was, and was never intended to be, as a permanent guarantee of the Italian possessions of Austria by France say that it is utterly impossible that the military convention could have been made use of in the manner he described, because Austria could not have said to Naples, " I have a permanent guarantee from France for my Italian possessions," seeing that the only thing signed, as far as I am aware, was a con vention providing for a case which never bad any exist ence, and that the military convention I have described was not signed at our instigation or by our advice, but was communicated to us as an arrangement already settled between France and Austria ; and the only que-- tion with us was whether, on the whole, France was bound in honour to make such arrangements as would render the position of the Austrian armies in Italy secure. So far, therefore, from that which I have stated bearing out the statement of the right hon. gentleman, it shows that my own statement was perfectly true, and that the right hon. gentleman is entirely misinformed as to the facts of the case. (Loud cheers and counter cheers.) LEGAL REFORM. Mr. NAPIER rose to move, " That an humble ad dress be presented to her Majesty, pra3ing that she will be graciously pleased to take into consideration, as an urgent measure of administrative reform, the formation of a separate and responsible department for the affairs of public justice." But the noise occasioned by metn• bers leaving the house, and the buzz of conversation which prevailed for some time after the exciting seene of personalities above reported, rendered it impossible to gather even the purport of the right hon. and learned gentleman's observations. He was understood to de plore the confusion, the inconvenience, and the inefficient administration of justice, arising from the want of an efficient central supervision of all matters relating to judicial procedure, by some person armed with auth, rity who should be in constant communication with the judges and those who administered the law, to ascertain what difficulties they experienced, and to suggest reme dies, and to devise and superintend the framing of act s of Parliament, and the expurgation, classification, and consolidation of statutes. The right hon. gentleman proceeded to urge, that if we bad one department of the State for taking charge of the details of legislation and of the administration of the law, and it was properly or ganised, all that he had spoken of as defective its our system would be remedied, and, just as you had a de partment of finanoe, of trade, of war, of the colonies, you should have one of justice. Lord Bacon suggested that there should be commissioners of both houses whose business it should be to keep their eyes on the law. His (Mr. Napier's) object was only to get something done, to get an efficient remedy for the existing state of things, and he was confirmed in the course proposed by the opinions of many eminent med. The right hon. gentleman thee read extracts from a speech of Lord Langdale in 1836, and also from the last speech the same noble and learned Lori wade in the House of Peers, in which he advocated the appointment of a Minister of Justice ; and especially in alluding to the extension of local jurisdictions by the establishment of the county courts, he said that that that circumstance bad rendered more necessary both the appointment of a Minister of Justice and the simpli fication of the law. Fortified by these opinions, and also by that of the noble lord the member for London, he (Mr. Napier) had thought it desirable to bring this subject again before the house. The law of this country was now in a transition state; and he believed that the law had declined in public opinion. He therefore urged the necessity of legal education ; the reform of existing law and a better mode of law-making for the future, all carried out on the most enlightened principles. This he believed could best be done by Parliament giving to the country a separate department for the affairs of justice, and he was sure that it would tend to give the law and the administration of the law a better position in the eye of the public. With regard to the objections which had been made to the principle of his motion : in the first place it was asked if we were going to have a Minister of Justice ? were we going to have an office with a con tinental name ? He did not care about the name—he wanted the thing ; although, as ;regarded continental law, he would say that, in communications he had had with continental jurists, he had found that they were men of ability and learning, and their knowledge imbued with the best principles lof law. But call it what you like, let there he a department 'for the affair of justice. Then another objection was on the score of expense. lie did not think, however, that the country would grudge any expense for the establishment of a really efficient de partment of justice. Again, it was said that it would in terfere with the rights of the Chancellor ; but as the mat ter now stood, it was admitted that the Chancellor was without such an organisation of a body of assistants as to enalslehim to perform the functions of a Minister ofJustice; and, indeed, the Chancellor could not do everything. As to interfering with the Home Secretary, a department of justice could not interfere with him in anything with which he had properly to do ; and on that the question came to one of the proper distribution 4)t work which must or ought to be done by somebody, and which the existing departments could not do. Then it was said that it would interfere with the Irish executive. Now, he wanted to in- terfere with the Irish execuf ive ; and he believed that no part of the United Kingdom would be benefited so much by the appointment of a Minister of Justice as Ireland. In that country what was wanted both in the administra tion of the law and the appointment of the judges, was the introduction of English principles ; and the putting an end to all that went on at the castle. He wanted to see uni- formity of legislation for the whole kingdom, and that the administration of the law should be as imperial as pos sible. In France the Minister of Justice published every year a report giving a full account of all the proceedings in and the state of all the courts of that country. If we had suoh a thing in this country could we have got into such a mess as we have with regard to the Inoumbered Estates Court in Ireland ? It was also said that this de partment would interfere with the freed om o f Parlia ment. He denied that the having a minister of justice in Parliament to take charge i of and expl a i n a ll matters re lating to the law could n any way interfere with the ' frecuom of Parliament. In the proposition he had made for the appointment of a minister of justice, he did not desire to fetter the Government as to the way in which the matter was to be worked out. H e k new th a t t h ere i were difficulties to be met n arranging the d e t a il s o f suc h an establishment ; but he did not think that they were insuperable. All he wished was that his motion for an address to the Crown should be carried, an d th en l e t t h e Government take the matter into their serious conside ration, and he was convinced that if they had the will they would find the way to effect the object desired. He hoped the house would support him in carrying the motion. Mr. COLLIER seconded the motion. He lamented the unsatisfactory progress of law reform, which he at tributed in great measure to the indiffere nce w i t h w hi c h both the great parties regarded it. The Premier was no doubt willing to forward the progress of legal measures, but he did not regard them with great anxiety, for he knew well enough that the right hon. gentleman opposite was not likely to oust him on a question of law reform. But the real fault lay in the present system. Neither the Lord Chancellor nor the Attorney and Solicitor-General could act as that Minister of Justice whiels Mr. Napier desiderated. The remedy lay, he believed, in the sug gestion made by Mr. Napier, and, therefore, he had no hesitation in seconding his motion. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that his right hon. friend the member for the University of Dublin had added to his distinguished reputation by bringit,g forward this motion. Unquestionably the subject was one which had not escaped the attention of the Govern ment. The terms of the earlier part of the resolution showed that it had received the consideration of Minis ters; but the rest of the motion might be said to be the property of the right hon. gentleman, inasmuch as he had brought it forward in the year 1845. It must be distinctly understood that in accepting, with a slight modification, the resolution of the right boo, gentleman, the Government did not see in the language used by him, nor would it recognise as a consequence of the adoption of the resolution, the necessity of any such plan as that which had been spoken of by him—namely, the establishment of a separate Minister of Justice. He did not conceive that at present there was any necessity for the introduction of any suck officer. (Hear, hear.) He thought that all the objects of the resolution might be more effectually carried out by means of the existing machinery than by introducing the change recom mended. There were abundant means at disposal for effecting all that was required without the addition to the Cabinet of any each Minister. It would be utterly impossible to introduce into the Cabinet the addition of a Minister of J ustice whilst they had the Lord Chancel lor there, and whilst they had the Secretary there, with out introducing discordant elements, the possibility of contention, and an absence of that unanimity which was essential in order to carry out just and proper views. Some years ago, when bills were introduced in 1852, for what had been called the reform of the Courts of Chan cery, hon. members would recollect that a new tribunal was constituted, called the Court of Lords Justices of Appeal. This court having relieved the Lord Chancel lor of a considerable portion of his judicial duties, it would be in the Lord Chancellor's power to discharge the duties which would devolve upon him under this pro posed measure, without the nomination of a Minister of Justice. It was certainly within the power of that dis tinguished officer, if he were only assisted by an effi cient staff, to accomplish, in a Most complete manner, the three great objects which they desired to attain — viz., the effectual administration of justice in all its departments ; secondly, the superintendence and effec tual carrying out of the process of the amendment of the law ; and, thirdly, the giving prompt, effectual, and complete assistance to the conduct of the business of current legislation. With the omission of some words in the resolution, which he considered unnecessary—viz , " an urgent measure of administrative reform," the rest of the resolution might be accepted in the language of the right hon. gentleman, and the Government would certainly give the subject all that attention which the right hon. gentleman desired. (Hear, hear.) Tkey ey misfortune procee ding, several of them upon antagonistic principles. They had a great number of tribunals, none of which were armed with the power of dealing complete justice on any given subject—(hear, hear)—and there was the necessity im posed upon in dividuals to resort to a great number of tribunals to obtain justice. They obtained a little por tion of justice at one tribunal and a little at another. (Hear.) That state of things must still continue for a considerable length of time. The apa'hy of the people with regard to any alteration in the shape of reform was so great that it would be idle to expect any complete re construction at once without the process of patching. If this system continued therefore, as he apprehended it would continue, it spoke plainly enough in favour of having some great department charged with the duties of carefully watching over and superintending the work ing of our numerous tribunals, and endeavouring to in troduce harmony and conformity into a system which hitherto, in theory and practice, was in many respects in congruous. They bad a portion of the laws in insolvency dealt with by an Insolvent Court ; another portion was committed to a Court of Bankruptcy ; a third portion was committed to a sort of statutorytribunel, under the Wind ing -up Acts ; and a further portion still was assigned to the Court of Chancery. They had also courts of law, which were in a great measure opposed altogether to courts of equity. Again, they had a great number of county court judges, and they had a defective system of crimi nal procedure—prosecutions were instituted and con ducted without any control. There was no adequate super• intendence in point of judicial authority over the sen tences and procedure of the county courts. In point of fact, the whole system stood in such a position that the only hope of order and unity would be to charge some great and responsible department with the duty of super intending it ; of collecting the details of its working, and the duty of pie ;enting them in a great report to Parlia ment. With regard to the manner in which prosecu tions were conducted, what was the present system ? There was no machinery at all for improving it in any effectual manner ; and, therefore, when an emergency arose, no means of meeting it were at hand. With re gard to the amendment of the law, the house must un questionably recollect the diffioult position in which they had been placed on various occasions during the la 4 two or three sessions. To what was it due that there was no department to which could be committed in a satisfactory manner the consideration of any great subject of legal reform ? If a measure caine before the hisuse with the authority of such a department, they would then be able to receive a report of it. The effects of the present system he would illustrate by the following example :--He had the ho lorn- G e e r forward) a recommendednour of proposing a bill on th e su bj ect of the Courts o f Testamentary Jurisdiction, a n d f or prov i ding a chief and efficient mode of conducti ng t h e proceedings now he for (th S e u A ff t o t Suffolk broughtey dis charged by the ecclesiastic a l courts. The moment that project was brought bef ore the house, the hon. gentle man the member competing plan; his proposal, and the ri g ht h on. gentleman recommended another his, and to this two contending remedies there was a third difficulty added—a third bill was introduced, and the house had before it then three projects at one and the same time. Another argument to be brought for ward was with regard to the written and unwritten law. The written law consisted of a great variety of statutes which were frequently obscure and inconsistent, and it was difficult to ascertain what the law was. The un written law was in a worse condition. They had to find it in a hundred volumes of reports, added to without any sufficient authority, and any gentleman of the bar who published a volume of reports and affixed his name to it added to the law, and these reports were being produced year by year in very considerable numbers, and when cited in courts of justice judges felt themselves bound to act upon them as authority ; but it was impossible to al low that the law of the country did not require consoli dation, and if the written law required consolidation, the unwritten law required it much more. In the observa tions which he had made as to the necessity of immediate attention being given to the subject, it must be under stool that he had merely stated his own opinion of the matter, and that the Government must not consider him as being pledged to it. Lord J. RUSSELL thought the whole argument of the Attorney-General was in favour of retaining the clause to which the Government objected. He strongly objected to vestin g the controlling power alluded to in the hands of the, Lord Chancellor, whose hands he be lieved were already more than fully occupied. It was only on the supposition that the Lord Chancellor was already overworked, that Ile could attribute the other wise imacswerable fact that, in proposing to reform the law of marriage, the present Lord Chancellor omitted to sweep away the abominations of actions for seduction and for criminal conversation. He rallied the Attorney General on the difference of opinion that existed be tween him and the Lord Chancellor, comparing them to the physician and the cook of Sancho Panza, the one of whom produced most savoury dishes, which the other forbade hi m to taste. He would rather appoint the Home Secretary as Minister of Justice, relieving him of other duties which did not pro perl belong to him. He had no hope of any great re forms of the law being carried without the formation if a separate and responsible department of justice. Mr. KEATING hoped the Attorney-General would not insist on the omission of the clause. He thought the proper and natural head of such a department as was referred to was the Lord Chancellor, and not the Home Secretary. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said rather than raise any discus s i on he would accept toe clause recom mending the m o ti on as an " urgent measure. " H e on l y objected to it as unusual, if not unnecessary , i n a n ad dress to the Cr own. The discussion was continued by Mr. IngriAn, Mr. Evart, Sir E. Perry, Mr. M. Chambers, Mr. L. King, and Mr. Warren, who supported the motion, and Mr. Matins, who contended that it wouli produce no good effect. Lord PALMERSTON promisee the hou-e that the measure should receive the serious attention of Govern ment, and in reference to the different opinions expressed, whether the new department would require a new Minis ter, or whether it ought to be attached to some one of the present functionaries, he expressed his own prefer ence for building upon the old foundations. A fter a few words from Mr. HADFIELD, Mr. NAPIER replied, and the motion was agreed to. CHURCH RATES. Sir W. CLAY rose to move for leave to bring in a bill for the abolition of Church rates, the bill to be limited to the total abolition of such rates, and a provision say• ing existing legal obligations. The bill, he said, had not only the same object, but was identical in terms with the measure which he had introduced on the same subject during the last session of Parliament, and the only dif ference was that a portion of the former measure was omitted from the present bill. He therefore felt it un necessary to trouble the house with any observations, but when he moved the second reading he would explain the reasons which had induced him to make the omission to which he had referred, and he would also feel it his duty to comment upon the important returns relating to the subject which had been laid upon the table in com pliance with the motion of a noble lord opposite. Mr. SPOONER said that, although he and his hon. friends on that side of the house would not oppose the motion, it must not be supposed that they gave any assent to the bill which the hon. baronet asked leave to introduce, and which provided for the simple, ab,olute, and unconditional abolition of Church rater. He thought it would be convenient to the house and to the country to learn what course her Majesty's Government intended to take on this subject. They had already stated that they did not themselves intend to bring in a bill, and that they were not prepared to say that they would move amendments to any measure which might be in troduced. • Mr. LABOUCHERE observed that his right hon. friend the Secretary for the Home Department had stated on a former occasion that the Government nad no inten tion of introducing any measure on this subject during the present session ; but he said that when the question was brought before the house that would be the proper time for the Government to declare what course they intended to pursue. He (Mr. Labouchere) hoped the hon. gentleman would not expect the Government now to go out of the way to express their opinion, but when the second reading of this bill came on, no doubt his noble friend (Lord Palmerston) or the Home Secretary would state the views entertained by the Government. Leave was then given to bring in the bill. GENERAL POLLOCK. Captain L. VERNON moved for a copy of all cor respondence relating to the removal of General Pollock, G.C.8., from the direction of the Hon. East India Cam pany. The hon. and gallant member gave a sketch of the brilliant services of Gen. Pollock from his first victories in India down to the time he received the thanks of Parlia ment, and quoted " Kaye's History of the War" in sup port of his statements. When it came round to the Go vernment to appoint three directors, of course Sir George Potl)ck was placed at the head of the list, because no man had better led the Indian army ; but while he was only nominated for two years, his colleagues, who had never saved an Indian army, were nominated for four and six years. Everybody expected that the gallant general would have received the appointment for the longest period, but he did not ; and on the 20th March, 1856, h• received a letter from the India Board intimating that he would not be re-appointed, the only reason given being a subterfuge, that the act of 1853 required, not a re-appointment, but a new appointment, whereas two clauses in the act expressly contemplated re-appointments. (The hon. and gallant member read the correspondence between Gen. Pollock and the India Board.) He was. an Indian officer, and of course his advancement was cavilled at by the Horse Guards, and he (Captain Vernon) con sidered the general had been very unworthily dealt with. (Hear.) He expected no redress in making these state ments to the house of the treatment experienced by that distinguished soldier at the hands of the Presi dent of the Board of Control. He knew what the answer would be. The right hon. gentleman, if he made any reply at all, would thank him for the opportunity of explaining the transaction. His (Captain Vernon's) only object was, to complete the general history from the time he received the thanks of that house until the time when his great services were so unworthily ignored by the Government. The records of that house would show to posterity the history of his great deeds, and they would likewise testify to the small esteem in which those great deeds were held by the Board of Control. Mr. VERNON SMITH said there was no such offi-, vial correspondence in existence as that for which the hots, member had moved, as to the removal of General Pollock, and further than that, Sir G. Pollock never had been removed from the office of director, nor had such a thing been ever contemplated. With regard to the tett,os that had been read, everybody who knew anything of Government patronage was aware that those communica tions were always considered to be private. That was the fi t h r B a t t time a e h , e a h h a d d known he dd not h e t t t h e e r e o v f e t h t and kind general t b o h e a r d e ad everin sanctioned their being read. He was quite ready to ac knowledge Sir G. Pollock's services, and no one could have felt more pain than he did when be felt it to be his duty to refuse to re-appoint the gallantgeneral. His reason for refusing was the conviction in his mind that the spirit of the act required new blood to be infused into the di rection of Indian affairs. He considered Sir E. Rawlin son, whose diplomatic and military character was well known all over the work:, a better person to fill the ap pointment, and by the advice of the noble lord at the head of the Government Sir E. Rawlinson was appointed. Shortly after, on the vacancy caused by Mr. Melville's retirement, Gen. Vivian was recommended for similar reasons. He hoped the house would observe the difficul- ties by which toe Government were surrounded. On one side were a ❑umber of gentlemen who announced their inte❑ti•n of watohing every appointment that was ina4e, in order to see that the right man was put in the right plane, while on the other side were gentlemen who, on every occasion when this principle was acted upon, brought charges against the Government of neglecting distinguished services. But Gen. Pollock lad never been dismissed. His term had expired, and he ceased to hold his appointment when his time was out as a matte, of course. He . had only t• say that he did not regret the appointment he had made, and never should as long as he lived, and with reeard to official c.ffrespondence, there was none in existence. Mr. DISRAELI opposed the Indian Bill in 1853, be lieving that it would not work satisfactorily or improve the administration of our Indian affairs. And all that had occurred since had confirmed him in that impres sion. And he believed that on this point the Presi dent of the Board of Control concurred with him. He had at that time been somewhat reconcilef to the measure by the manner in which the Governineut power of appointing directors was exercised. He was not surprised that Sir George Pollock should wish to have his case brought under the consideration of Parliament. But in what a strange position did they Ind themselves f He gave the President of the Board of Control full credit for having acted con scientiously in not re-appointing General Pollock ; but in vindicating himself he had virtually censured his colleague (Sir C. Wood), who had appointed the gallant general. It could not be that in three years the great abilities which he was said to have possessed, and must have possessed, could have passed away. The letter which he had written, and which had been read to the house, was manly and dignified, and struck him as the produc tion of a man fully competent to the discharge of the duties of an Indian director. He believed the appoint ment of Sir G. Pollock three years ago was a satislacwry one ; he had heard nothing which caused him to think that the gallant general was less able than'at any previ ous period to discharge the duties of the direction, and therefore, although he was not prepared to contest the right hon. gentleman's exercise of his respousibiiity, he nevertheless must declare his regret that Gen. Pollock was not a director, and that he (Mr. Disraeli) entertained for him that respect which he believed was entertained for him by the people at 1 rge. Lord PALMERSTON said it was quite a misrepre sentation to describe the course pursued by the Presi dent of the Board of Control as derogatory either to Sir G. Pollock, or implied that Sir C. Wood was wrong in appointing him three years ago. He hoped the hon. ge n . tlsma❑ would not place on the records of the house a statement contrary to fact, for Gen. Pollock had not been dismissed. He was appointed by law for two years, and was capable of being re-appointed. But if at that time his right hon. friend thought that another person was, from age or other circumstances, capable ~f more efficiently filling the office, he was only doing his duty in appointing him. Nor could he admit that the high professional character of Sir G. Pollock was at all dis• paraged by the step which was then taken. Captain L. VERNON would withdraw the word "removal."' As to the manner in which he got posses sion of the letters he had read, it was sufficient to say that they fell into his hands, and he thought he had a right to use them. As, however, there were no other documents in existence save those which he had read there was nothing for which to move, and he should therefore withdraw his motion. The motion was then withdrawn. WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. Mr. L. DAVIES submitted to the. house the neces sity for legislation to prevent the gross inequalities in the weights and measures of the United Kingdom. The present law was quite inadequate to meet the evils which arose from the great inequalities of weights and measures which prevaited in different parts of the coun try. If the Government would not bring in a bill he would himself introduce a measure rendering it compul. sory that in every part of the kingdom sales should be made by imperial weights and measures alone, and by no others. The loss caused. by the present system amounted to hundreds of thousands per annum between the producer and the customer: He begged leave of the house to introduce a bill to amend so much of the sth and 6th Wr.n. IV. as related to weights and measures. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that no doubt could exist as the desirableness of having an uniformity of weights and measures, but hitherto legislation bad in vain contended with.the inveterate habits which had fixed the adoption of varying weights and measures in different parts of England. He did not know whether in regard to corn it would not be better to discard bushel and quarter altogether, and sell only by weight. But then the tithe commutation rent charge was fixed by the bushel and quarter, and if the change were mad e it would be necessary also to alter our legislation o n thi s su bj ect. When the of the hou. member was introduced it should have his best atten tion. Mr. ADDERLEY contended that nothing of any im portance had yet been done to enforce an uniformity of weights and measures. The act of Wm. IV. was practi cally rendered inoperative by a proviso which defeated the rest of the measure. The evils of the present aye tern were very great. It ought to be undertak en by the Government, but as they would not bring i❑ a bill, he was glad the hon. gentleman (Mr. Davies) had done so ; and he hoped that the feeling of the country and the opinion of that house would support him, and either enable him to carry his measure througb or force the Government to leg:slate. All that was wanted 'was that a stone, pound, bushel, yard, or foot shoed be the same, and should be a fixed quantity in all parts of the country. That was surely a simple thing, and one that could be easily effected. All that was requisite was to repeal the proviso in the Act of Wm. IV., by which it was enacted that sales should not be void if the mea sures used, though not imperial, were yet what they professed. If this were done, and if some machinery were provided for enforcing the penalties imposed for the use of illegal weights, he believed that the imperial weights and measures would soon be in general opera tion throughout the country. Mr. WCANN suggested that the difficulty might be solved by insisting that dry goods should be sold by weight, and liquid goods by measure, all over the empire. Mr. L. DAVIES having replied, After a few words from Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr. Bess, Leave was given to introduce the bill. MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA. Lord C. HAMILTON moved an address to her Ma jesty for a copy of the treaty concluded by his Majesty the Emperor of Austria with the Sublime Porte, on the 14th of June, 1854, relative to the military occupation of the above Principalities. He complained that owing to long-established habit, unless her Majesty's name ap peared as one of the high contracting parties, no treaty, however important it might be to the general state of Europe, or however it might affect British interests, was printed unless some member of that house went through the process of moving an address for that purpose. It was to that point he wished to call the attention of the house, because treaties which were of much importance, and in actual force, were not to be found in the library. The object in making the motion was to get over a pre cedent which existed, according to which no treaty was printed unless moved for a private member. The last official statement of treaties was published in 1830, and there was no more recent list in the library for members to refer to. There were several other treaties which ought to be printed for the convenience of members, and he hoped the Government would give attention to the subject. Lord PALMERSTON—I suppose my noble friend having made his statement, will hardly press his motion, because the treaty to which he refers has been already laid before Parliament. (A. laugh.) With regard to the general question, I apprehend the case to be this—that the Government lays before Parliament all treaties, it being fitting that Parliament should kuow what engage ments the country has entered into ; but, with regard to engagements entered into with other Powers between themselves, we havA no official knowledge of such, and therefore they are not laid before Parliament. If a par ticular treaty is concluded between two foreign Powers, and it is thought to be one that by its nature bears in some degree upon the policy of England, a member moves for it, and application may be made for it to that foreign Government, and it may then be had officially and laid before Parliament. But what I apprehend my noble friend to mean is that all European, or rather all international, documents and engagements of general interest should be collected and placed in the library. Well, if it is thought fit to make arrangements for that purpose, and assign a remuneration toa person responsible for doing it, it might be useful to those gentlemen who may wish to consult those documents. But that will ,e a question for the house to determine, s and my noble friend is aware that there is now a periodical collection made and printed for sale, containing all the documents,, not merely of treaties, but every European document of general interest, and made up in volumes for each year ; and a very large number of volumes are now published. This is a work of great labour and research. Those documents are collected from all sources —foreign news papers, and the acts of foreign Governments—and it takes a considerable time to collect them with accuracy. With regard to the other question, if the house thinks it worth while to charge any responsible person with the duty of colho leg, for the use of members, all treaties and documents of international operations, I do not ap prehend that the Government would be at all opposed to such a step. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI—I think the house must feel obliged to my noble friend (Lord C. Hamilton) for bringing the matter before them. There is a want of many docu ments of international interest in our library, but I am sure my noble friend meant no censure upon the gentle man who now manages the library, for I believe no one could discharge that duty with more ability and ac curacy. (Hear, hear.) What my noble friend says is, that the collection at the Foreign-office is made with ample knowledge and proper research, and in every way satisfactory, except one, and if our representations were made to the Foreignoffice that there should be a little more energy employed in the production of the valuable collection of documents there, they should all have the information which it was so desirable to possess. (Hear.) The motion was then withdrawn. BANK ACTS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose to move the appointment of the Committee on the Bank Act. He said—l will trouble the house with a few remarks relating to the nature of the committee I pro pose to appoint—namely, a Committee of Secresy. The actual difference between an ordinary committee and a committee of secresy is not, in fact, very wide. It is competent for a select committee—and it often exercises the power—to exclude the public during the reception of evidence. All select committees exclude the public during their deliberation., which constitute the only part of their proceedings of which an authentic report by a shorthand writer is not preserved. To a committee of the sort I now propose it is not probable that the public would be admitted during the examination of witnesses; but a complete report of the evidence would be taken, and the committee would have the power of laying it on the table of the house. The only difference between a select committee, not admitting the public during the examination of witnesses, and a committee of secresy is this—that it is the privilege of members not belonging to the committee to be present at an ordinary se ect committee, if they so think fit, while the public are excluded. But, if the committee be a committee of secresy then members unconnected with the committee have not that privilege. Teat is the whole extent of the difference. In looking through the series of committees appointed to inquire into the Bank charter and te her questions of a similar nature, I find it to have been the invariable practice to constitute them , compaktees of secresy. In 1819 the committee on the tipadiency of the Bank resuming cash payments was a secret com mittee. In 1832 a secret committee was appointed to inquire into the expediency of aenewing the Bank charter. In 1836 the committee of joint-stock banks was also secret, and the committee on com mercial distress in 1848 was likewise a committee secresy. With respect to the arrangements between,this Government and the Bank of England, there is nothing which, as far as I am aware, inight:note. be .published to the whole world, and as far as Government is concerned there is no reason to wish that any departure shout' take place from the usual mode of examination in committee. But the house mast be aware that, in a committee of this sort, questions may arise affecting the credit of par ticular commercial establishments, with respect to which it might not be desirable that any pUblicity should oc cur ; and that, I apprehend, is the prjncipal reason why this course bas been invariably pur.ued with respect to committees of this kind. Therefore I have thought it desirable to adhere to what seems to have been the in variable practice, and I propose that this should be a committee of secresy. With respect to the members of the committee, it has been my study to propose as fair a list of names as possible, and one which would insure a complete and searching investigation of the matter re ferred to the committee. I think the house will admit tbat there are scarcely any discussions so disagreeable to the feelings as those which arise with respect to the preference of one member to another for appointment on a committee, and if the house should be of opinion that, on the whole, the list I propose is a fair one, I trust that, without going into the merits of other members, it will be disposed to adopt the list I submit. Two gentle raen—the hon. members for Wallingford and Perthshire (Mr. Malins and Mr. Stirling)—have intimated their inability to serve on the committee, and I should there fore give notice of a motion to substitute two other names instead of theirs. The right hon. gentleman con cluded by making the following motion : "That the committee be a committee of secresy, and do consist of 22 members—viz., the . Chancellor of the 'Exchequer, Mr. Disraeli, Sir J. Graham, Mr. Spooner, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. G. A. Hamilton, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Hildyard, Mr. Glyn, Mr. Beckett, Mr. Hankey, Mr. Pollard-Urquhart, Mr. J. L. Ricardo, Sir C. Wood, Mr, Cayley, Sir F. Baring, Mr. M. T. Smith, Mr. Wilkinson, and Mr. Fergus." Mr. PEACOCKE rose to protest against the fairness of the proposed committee. Opinions upon this subject were entertained by two schools, if he might call them so, which were diametrically opposed to each other. There was the school which wished to preserve the Bank Act in its present integrity, and which had on its side the high authority of Lord Overstone. There was the school which wished to introduce considerable modifica tions in the act, and which had on its side the still higher authority of Mr. Fullerton, Mr. Tooke, and Mr. Wilson. The last-mentioned gen tl eman, indeed, had almost de luged the country with the variety of pamphlets, articles, and publications which he had issued on this subject during the last 14 years, On lookin g at the names that composed the com m itt ee, he (Mr. Peacocke) found one or two members of what he might call the Birmingham school, and be found one or two of what he might call the Overstone school. He found the names of come members who, he believer', had not expressed any opinion on this subj ec t, if , i ndeed, they entertained any. But he did not find a single member of what he might call the school of economists which had the very high authority of Messrs. Tooke, Fullerton; and Wil son. H e li s t ened to a great portion of the not very lively o r instructive debate on thi s subject theother evening, and of the rtion of which h e had not the felicity o f h ear i ng, her ead a report the next day. He found that during the whole of the debate there was but one hon. ge n tl eman w h o b roa ched doctrinesatallwah,p-, ap proaching to th a t sc h o ol. The hon. gentleman, was the hon. member for Wick Burgh (Mr. ing), spok e mos t a bl y, b u t his namr. Peacocke) might b e name was he not on the commit tee. Pe r haps, however( told, as he had been remindedby that the name of th e his right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire, hon. member for Westbury (Mr. James Wilson) was but be must take the liberty o f asking whether he was a Wilsouite—(laughter)—fo r h e was probably no mores Wilsonite than Wilkes Was. a Wilkite. He (Mr. Peacooke) was rather inclined to be lieve that the hon. member for disciples, Westbur and y h was he inclined, like Wilkes, to repudiate his there fore begged to ask whether h it was really his intention to take his place upon • t e committee, and, if be s h ou ld do so, whether he a ould do so as the author nion bulli for tl and cial the 1 Capital and Currency," or as the Secretary for the iury ; because, with the s i ng l e exce pt ion o f th e arable gentleman him•elt, tiler,: was no represent,s• ,f the - 5 . 0:1 . 6'A of which he Was - once the apostle, iof which be (Mr. Peacocke) b,lieved he o longer a disciple. (Laughter.) If there was one ;ion more than another to,which the attention of rumittee ought to be di rec t e d it was th a t o f cou p es. •On looking over the debate of the other mg he found that that rubject was alluded to by [.)ne gentleraan, viz., his hon. f r i en d th e mem b er f or fness-shire. But that hon. gentleman's name was the committee. There was another most impor oint. He believed that it was a very general opi hat it was the intention of the Bank Act that the n in the is,•ne department should be exclusively e purpose of securing the convertibility of the note, at the hol er of the bank note should have a spe en upon it. Now, if the bank should break, was elder of such a note to be paid pani pass e with _ .._. . . ~... exeryi other credit or ? That the Chancellor of the Exche quer must admit was a very important question for the consideration of the committee, but not one of those bon; gentlemen whose names had been proposed had alluded to it. And so he (Mr. Peacocke) was told that this was a fair and Impartial committee for the purposes of inquiry. He declined to propose any alteration of it. He thou4ht that the play was amusing as it, stood, and he did not wish to interfere with the performance or the distribution of the parts in this most solemn comedy. (Laukliter.) Mr. DISRAELI begged to repeat the appeal which he made the other evening to the Government, to intro duce;ai bill at once without the intervention.of a com mittee, as he thought that all the information that might be needed could be furnished during the discussion of the bill in its several stages in the house. The Govern ment'had matured their opinion on the subject, and be thought it was most unadvisable to appoint a committee to investigate a subject with respect to which the Go vernment was prepared to undertake, on its own respon sibility, the introduction of a bill. He (Mr. Disraeli) was not disposed to divide the house upon the appoint ment of a committee unless be should receive more en couragement than he then anticipated. But there was another point which was scarcely less important which he would urge upon the Government, and that was the expediency of not only changing the names, but reducing the size of the committee, which was unwieldy. All the opinions that ought to be represented might be repre sented by a committee exactly half the size. Why not have a committee of 11, as they chose 11's at cricket I (Laughter.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it appeared to be the general wish of the house that a se lect cionomittee should be appointed on this subject, and although he thought there was no necessity for one yet he would yield to that desire. Even if he had deter ininad to introduce a bill in the first instance he believed that the majority of the house would have referred it to a select committee. There was a general expectation, both within the house and out of doors, that the sub ject should undergo investigation before a com mittee. On referring to former committees upon this subject he foui,d that they were generally composed of 26 or 28. The last committee was composed of 26. In proposing, therefore, a com mittee of 12, he did not choose an unreasonable num ber. The many application which had been made to It m by hon. members desirous of being appointed on the committee induced him to believe that it was the general wish that the committee should be composed of at least 22 members. Mr. HADFIELD complained of the absence from t h • list of evrry hon. gentlemen representing the manufac turing districts in the north of England. Mr. TITE expressed his approval of an inquiry by a select committee as a preliminary step to the introduc tion of a bill. All the names preceding that of Mr. Pollard-Urquhart having been put from the chair and agreed tJ, Mr. GROGIN proposed the substitution of Mr. Vance's name for that of Mr. Urquhart, on the ground that the latter represented an agricultural, while the former represented a mercantile. constituency. After a few words from Mr. NEWDEGATE, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought that if was not the * first time that the hon. gentleman had made a motion of a similar nature with respect to his colleague ; and he also thought that his colleague had made a similar motion with regard to himself. (Laughter.) He himself would adhere to the names which he had set aown, and, as among those names were the name of the hon. member for the University of Dublin, an accomplished financier, and of the hon. member fur Westmeath, who had on previous occa• sions exhibited considerable acquaintance with the sub ject, be did not think that Irish commercial interests were not fairly represented. Mr. VANCE disclaimed any intention of placing himself in antagonism with the hon. member for Ws itmeatb, but at the same time he begged, in reply to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to btate that he had never proposed his colleague to serve on any committee, and he hoped that his hon. colleague would now with draw his motion. The motion was then withdrawn, and the remaining names were agreed to. The Commons Enclosure Bill and the Royal 'Marine Forces Bill were read a second time. The house adjourned at 12 o'clock. Country Markets. DERBY 3MITIIFIELD.-FElt. 10. Our market was well supplied with fat beasts to-day, with a full number of buyere, and high prices obtained for every quality of beef, and most of the animals were disposed of. There wore an average number of sheep, which sold well. The supply of fat pigs was more plenti ful. The supply of fat aed store calves was larger. The following were the quotations I—Beef, 6d to 60; mutton, 74d to 8d ; lamb, —d to Od ; veal, 7d to 81 per lb. ; pigs, ;Os Gcl to lls Od per score; rough fat, 5s 101 to 01 per 141 b. ; hides, 41d to 64d per lb ; calf-skins, 40 to bid per lb. 7-_< . Y 1 EDINBURGH GRAIN.—FEB. 11. j • Large supplies of grain to-day. Sales were heavy, but, prices much better. Wheat, on the top, 16s Od up, and on the average Oa Sd up. Barley, 64 down on the top, and 2s 7d up on the average. Oats on the top 2s Od up—on the average is 7d up. Beans on the top 2s down, and on the average 2d down. AVERAGES PER IMPERIAL QUARTER. Wheat £2 0 6 3-12th. Do. new -12th. Barley Oats 1 6 0 4-12ths. Beans BOSTON-FEB. 11. We had a liberal supply of wheat, the demand for which ruled exceedingly inactive, at a decline of Is to 2s per (F., according to quality—the condition generally was very in' different. Oats were slow of sale, and a trifle cheaper. In other grain no material change occurred. Prices :—Wheat, red, 41s Od to 56s Od; new, —s to — 0 ; white, 55s Od to 58s Od; extra, 61s. Barley, 38s Od to 47 , Oil. Oats 18s to 255. Peas, 36 , to 42s Od. Beans, 3Ss Od to 46s Od per qr. NEWARK-FEB. 11. At our corn exchange to-day we had a lib3ral supply of grain of all descriptions, and a good attendance of farmers. A heavy market at late prices for dry samples of wheat. Inferior kinds difficult to sell. Wheat, white 623 to 665, red 57s to 635; barley, malting 43s to 48s, grinding 38s to 425; oats, 24st. 348 to no, 22st, 24s to 26s ; beans, 48s to 523 ; malt, 72. to 808; peas, 411 to 42s ; tares, —s to —s per qr. LOUTH-FEB.. 11. The corn market was dull to-day, and wheat was rather lower, except for the best samples, the greater part on offer being much out of condition. For other kinds of grain the tendency was downwards. Wheat, 19s to 53s ; extra, 565; barley 43s to 465; oats, 23s to 278; beans, 405 to 455. REBUILDING OF WALLASEY CHURCH.—A public meet ing hai been held at the Egremont Hotel to set in motion means for the raisin,' of funds to rebuild Wallasey Church, near 'Birkenhead, which was destroyed by fire early on Sunday morning, the Ist inst. The Lord Bishop of Chester occupied the chair. The attendance was numerous and influential. Subscriptions were handed in to' the amount of 200/., the bishop heading the list with a donation of 1011. BIRTHS. OP • OM On the 12th inst., at 14, Devonport-street, the wife of Edward James Daniell , Esq. Hyde park On the 11th inst., at 7, Pembridge-crescent, Mrs. Geo Byham. Or A DAUGHTER. On the 11th inst., at Woolwich, the wife of Lieutenant' Colonel Gardner, R.A. On the 12th inst., at Hampstead•heath, the wife of J. E. Woodroffe, Esq., barrister-at-law. MARRIED. On the 10th inst., at Brompton Church, the Honourable Richard Handcock, eldest son of Lord Castlemaine, to the, Hon. L ou i sa Matilda Harris, only surviving daughter o f the late, and sister of the present, Lord Harris. On the 12th inst., at St. Luke's Church, Chelsea, the i Hon. George Frederick Wm. Yelverton, the eldest son !) Viscount Avonmore, to Louisa Lenox Prendergast, daugu: Council, Bombay. ter of the late Guy Lenox Prendergast, Esq Member of E D. On the 12th inst., at 2, Camden-street north, Gonda' town, James Fell, Esq.,of the M lb Police Cour t ' aged 65. On the 12th inst., at 14, Devonport-street, Hyde - W . l l f' Edward Aitken the infant son of Edward James Dan au' Esq. On the 11th inst., at Granville-square, Mr. T. Burbe94 formerly of Portsmouth, aged 73. a On the 11 t h bast at Tor Lodge, Lower Tulse-hill, ton, Charl es Robert. s, Esq., aged 68. On the 11th inst., at Brighton, Ch ar l es W a ll r oth, Esq" of M anor Cott age,Lee, Kent, aged 59. wife of On the 12th inst., at Starch-green, Margaret, wi of T. J. Kay, Esq.of Corbet-court, ur n L On the 9th inst., at 76, Margaret-street, Cave square, Major Scrope Reynett Berdmore, late 20th Regi ment. He served during the Crimean campaign. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG► of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, Na 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the cone $1 of ➢iiddlesex, Friday, Febru 18157. THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVKNING, FEBRUARY 13, 1857.