The Sun. — London, England, 1840-01-09 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION. Imake construction greater than that left,by th e 25 t h Ed , .vard, cap. 3." Now, Gentlemen, hear the remarks of my Lord Hale i --" These resolutions being made and settled, ) we must acquiesce in them ; but in my opinion if new cases happen for the future that have not an express resolution 1 in point, or are not expressly within the words of the 25th of Edward 111., though they may seem to have a parity of I reason, it is the safest way, and most agreeable to the great Act 'of the :15th of Edw ar d 111., fi rs t t o consu l t t h e Parliam' ti t and have th e i r d ec l arat i on, an d to b e very wary in mut , iplying constructi ve an d i nterpretat i ve treasons, f or , we keiew not where it will end." That, Gentlemen, is 1 eie,t my langu age . I w i s h to G o d I cou ld speak so em phatically. It is the language of ono of the greatest Judges that ever adorn. d the bench of the country, nearly two hundred years before the time at which I now sneak. He says, " In whatever is made a d settled we must ac quiesce;" but he warns his successors, he warns juries, he warns the country, he warns the - cople, against ever coming to such decisions again, or going even one short point be yond the law, and "to be very wary in multiplying curl structive and interpretative treasons, for we know not where it will end." And these words, Gentlemen, apply emphatically to the case before you. If you magnify, if you extend, if you distort, if ,ou exaggerate a riot, how ever dangerous it may be in. its tendency or mischievous in 1 its consequences into hio n 'n treason, how do you know hut you yourselves may utenappily in a moment of excitement i _some of you pro'oably entertain strong political opi nions; I know not how that may be, but one may be i' easily drawn 'into acts which the law will not justify—and how do you, know but you may, in a moment of heat or 1 excitement, give utterance to intemperate expressions i which Inny excite the passions of a multitude? And if they teeeak into open violence, instead of you being sub ject 'to fine or imprisonment, or any punishment which the hie s awards as proportionate to your offence, you may, 1 1 'on the v er y precedent which you yourselves will have laid down this day, stand indicted by an Attor r ney-General for high treason, and the lives of your children: and children's children, their name, property, character, and welfare, be placed in danger and in jeo pardy for ever. Gentlemen, remember the emphatic lan , guage of Lord Hale " We know not where it will end," H e you not parties to carrying the law one hair's.-breadth • beyond the limits where you find it. We see, Gentle men, that in earlier times the great man was favoured be -1 yond the humble and the helpless; not before the trial by jury was known, but before it became the great shield of I the lives, liberty, and happiness of the people; and this i i 3 import a nt with regard to the levyi ng o f war, for I am going to show you that disturbances, marches of a much more palpable, dangerous, and destructive character than anything that has been attempted to be proved here, have ye: not been held to be treason, or a levy ing of war against th 3 Sovereign. lam about to read what stands recorded w :is regard to a serious disturbance which took place *rem after the passing of the statute, in which there was ranching in military array, and yet it was not held to b e high treason. Lord Hale. says_" In the Parliament of 10:h Edward I. now punted i n M r. Riley, page 77', it appears there arose a peivate quarrel between the Earls ' of Gloucester and Hereford, two great Lords Marchers, and divers of the Earl of Gloucester's party, with his consent :---• Corn tnultitudine, tarn equitum quam pedi turn exierunt de., tena ipsius comitis de Morgannon, cum vexillo de arrnts, ipsius comitis explicato versus terram Co. mitis lieref , ',e Brecknock, et ingressi fuerunt terram illam i per 3patihret duaram leucarum, et illam deprmdati fuerunt 1 et bona l',la dep rre d ata usque in tenam dicti comitis Gloces ; trine a':duxerunt,' and killed many, and burnt houses, and cownitted divers other outrages; and the like was done • by the Earl of Hereford and his party upon the Earl of r enoucester's. They endeavoured to excuse themselves by i certain customs between the Lords Marchers. By the judgment of the Lords in Parliament their Royal franchises were seized as forfeited during their lives, and they corn , mitred to prison till ransomed at the King's pleasure." Althoresgh here was a war levied between thes e two Earls, yet, inasmuch as it was upon a private c i varrel between ' tilt - m, it was a ereet riot and contempt, and no levying of Tear against the King ; and so neither ree common law, nor I within the statute of the 25th of Edward 111., if it had been then made, was it high treaso n , Gentlemen, I pray your attention to the expression, " That it was indeed an offence to raise an army 7eithout the King's commie- Rion," becawe in the only part of my Learned Friend's ' opening in which he professes to give a dir e ct o pi n i on t o t hi s tumultuous assemblar ne he talks of s u p erse di ng the au thority of the Crowe l _ a very vague and indefinite expres sion indeed, but ;. n the times of Henry I V., as well as of Edward 1., the authority of the Cr iwn was actually su perseded. l'i the latter reign we find the Earl of Nor thumbed tn raising a large and powerful army—marching, ' it ihre'4" . n the northern counties, and for which, having been tri.ed, he considered himself very leniently treated in being only compelled to pay a fine. It appears by Weis inaieam, sub anno 1403, a great rebellion was raised tar e'rist Henry the Fourth by Henry Percy, son of the l an; rl of Northumberland an d ot h ers. Th e Earl gathered great force, and actually took part with neither, but marched with his force, as some thought, towards his son, and as others thought towards the King —pro rerliente yrando pads negotio He was hindered in his march by the Earl of Westmoreland, and returned to his house at Warkworth ; the King had the victory; the Ea r l pets _ tioned the Ki ng; t h e whole fact Was examined in Parliame n t.—R ot , P er;, 5 Hen. n. 12. The King demanded t h e opinion of the Judi an d u hi ' Counsel to uc hi ng i t. The Lords protest the ' dg s merit belon gs i n t hi s case to them. The Lords, j by - the Kin g ' s comman d , "take The busin ess i nto examination , ao:.1 upon the view of the Statute of 25th of Edward the "i hird and the Statute of, Liveries, " Adjugerent ge coo, isle fiut fait par le couate, n'eat pas treason, ne felony, mes trespass tantsolement„ pui quel trespass le dit counte deust faire fine et ransom a volonte du Roy ;" but Henry 3, the son, was attaint ,- ,f treason. It appears not what the rea son of that jiedgment was, whether they thought it only a compassing ' to levy war, and no war actually levied by him, because o'ot actually joined with his son, or whether they thought. his intention was only to come to the King to medi-ate peace, and not to levy a war, nor to do him aan bodily harm ; that it was indeed an offence in him eo vaise an army without the King's commission, but not an offence of high treason, because it did not appear that he raise, arms to oppose the King, but posnbly to assist barn ; but, whatever was the reason of it, it was a veey mild and gentle judgment, for the Earl was doubtfed of a more severe judgment; note, he returns thar'es to the Lords and Commons, de leer bone et entyre . co ers a lii monstre, and thanks the King for his grace, , Gentlemen, I shall show you that here, in this very case, this riot was not so great as that in which the Earl of Hereford was implicated, and that, although not arising • out of a private quarrel, it weis for so limited a purpose that I it cannot, without a base overstraining of the law, be t pronounced high treason, or a loving of war. I know you will find it to be a grievous offence, but you will not , I be parties to overstraining that law which is the safeguard and the protection of the people, by pronouncing this to be a levying of war. There ) is another cas e , an d , perhaps, a still more important one—" If men levy war to break prisons, to deliver one or more particular persons out of prison wherein they are lawfully imprisoned, unless such as are imprisoned for treason, this, upon advice of the Judges upon a special verdict found at the Old Bailey, was ruled not to be high treason, but only a great riot (1668) ; but )if it were to break prisons, or d e li ver persons generally out of prison, this is treason.'—Coke, P. C., p. 9. Tbc Foreman of the J ury —I t was t h e son who was pre ; sent on that occasion, not the father. , Mr. Kelly—The son, the gallant Hotspur, as he was called, was certainly arrayed in arms against the most gal lant Monarch of the day, Henry the Fifth, then Prince of i Wales ; but what I was reading, Gentlemen, was done by the father, who raised in Northumberland a numerous and powerful army, and marched through Northumberlend and across the country, as every one thought, to assist his son. 1 There can be no doubt that this was a levying of war, although it, was not high treason, and if he h o ld joined his son and e.ttacked the King's forces it would have been 4 high treason. I only refer to it to show that the mere i leryie,g of war, unless it be against the Sovereign, does i not amount to high treason. If the gentleman who was i k;nd enough to suggest the question means that the son . 'only, and not the father, was in arras, the matter is mis -1 taken. The father was at the, head of an army, and f marched to Shrewsbury, where, h e was met by the Earl of II Westmoreland. He guided area led the men on the march; l;ut a lenient construction was put, as it must be put, upon 1 every act connected with A c h arge of so grave a nature as , high treason. At the ',tittle of Shrewsbury Hotspur was present, and fell by ',pie hand of th e P r i nce of Wales ; but ' the father, being met, f ortunately, and stopped by the I Earl of ~, i 4 had lost his ': , ....te, and although the Earl of Northumberland J Lad marci - ,ed at the hoed of 10 or 12,000 men, he was not held gu'aty of treason. And why ? Because the Lords i of Pa'tiament, who were the Jury to try him, thought that be might not have intended to attack the King's forces. fhe Attorney - General—Possibly to assist the King. Mr. Kelly—Pressiblv to assist him. If there be a doubt. and you, Gentlomen deal as mercif u lly b y t h e pr i soner as 1 the L or d s of ' ,e' arliam'ent did by the Earl of Northumber ;t land, h e w ilt. go free from that bar. Here was Hotspur, p r ress , edibv. It. gallant and accomplished warrior, in danger re, that .ite which he afterwards lost. His father marches at t l '. , . bead of 10,000 or 12 000 men. And th e clues i Lion for the Jura, the Lords of P ar li ament, was, " Did i , ; .se march to assist the King or his son ? Why, Gen t tlemen, can there be a doubt that he marched to save his son's life, but came too late ? And when the question came before the Jury they decided it fa -,curably, although, I should have supposed, no man could have a doubt about the intentions of a father ha such a case. I only refer to it to show that where there is a doubt in a charge of treason, whether in the case of a peer or peasant, the Lords in Parliament, or you, Gentle men, sitting in that box, are bound to put the best con struction, and, if you can raise a doubt, to give the pri eoner the benefit of that doubt. Th ere i s , G ent l emen, a Astil l , later case—one of com p arat i ve l y mo d ern times —to wiaich I shall shortly call your attention ; and it is not i unimportant to repeat here that I was upon the question f of " intention," because I have admitted to you that Mr. ; Frost became a party to the marching of armed multi ! tudes through the country, and if a treasonable intent Icould be shown it might amount to a levying of war. The i cas e, Gentlemen, to which I am going to- allude is the 4 case of Lord George Gordon, a young nobleman of great ; power, great talents, great influence, and I believe no small ; powers of eloquence. He assembled no less than 20,000 men, in order to petition Parliament, and to made a l strong demonstration by force and numbers in sup port of their petition against an Act of Parlia ment which had been some little time before passed 1 for the relief of Roman Catholics, called S:r George Savile's Act. In that case 2,000 men marched from St. George2-6elds down to the House of Commons —not, Gentlemen, as at Newport, at a distance from the seat of Government, the Ministers, and the Parliament— but marched down to the House of Commons at a time when certain resolutions relative to the repeal of Sir George Savile's Act were debated in the House. This multitude, convened, prompted, and directed, and encou raged by Lord G. Gordon, appeared at the House eel Commons to present their petition, and almost filled the lobby; so that when the House was about to divide, eteordini to the arrangements of th at t i me, t h ey could tint died a MI 4CCOUtit of the presence of these strangers. 'thu question arose whether treason had been committed gallw00616•••••••••••••••••••---- by Lord George Gordon. This multitude having first proceeded to the House of Commons to iripe rnidate and overawe the Legislature while aliieussing public measures, they increesed in n'utribers, and such flagrant outrages were committed that during two or three days and nights All London was it a blaze. I believe that at one time there were '.ter, 'less than 36 tires raging in the metropolis, and stet Greet and avowed ehiect was to cause a repeal of tilt Act for the relief of the Roman Catholics. Lord George Gordon was indicted for high treason. It weee then clearly laid down by the Learned and etecellent Chief Justice who presided, and no doubt, as the law now stands, correctly laid down, that the acts charred did amount to a levying of war. The question then was whether the object and intent of Lord George Gordon, the prisoner at the bar, as proved by his acts to the satisfaction of the jury, were treasonable Or not. It is important to bear in mind that this Was ecknow. !edged to be a levying of war, and the question still re mained behind as to what was the intent or object in the mind of the prisoner, whether he did not intend to com pel the Legislature to alter the law or subvert the Con stitution. The evidence given in that case was incom parably stronger than any that has been offered against the prisoner at the bar; and yet, after being tried before Learned Judges, and by a bold and un compromising jury, Lord George Gorden was acquitted. There is no doubt that it was a high misdemeanour, for many were punished with miner penalties for their parti cipation in it; and if Lord G Gordon had been indicted for a riot and tumult he would have suffered the punish ment awarded by the law for that offence. But the ques tion having been raised of levying war to dethrone the Sovereign or to alter the laws or subvert the Constitution, the prisoner was acquitted. Gentlemen, I have troubled you with references to these cases in order that you may keep it quite clear and distinct in your own minds, that there may be a levying of war—that a party charged with treason may have levied war, may have ben present at acts of violence, may with his own hand have sacri ficed human lives, may have destroyed a whole regiment of her Majesty's troops, and still the question remained be hind,svith what intent was this done—whether it was a mere levying of men, or a levying of waragainat the Sovereignand to subvert the Constitution. Whatever may have been the mischief —.whatever may have been the riot—whatever may have been the bloodshed, if you will, the question, still is what was the intent and design on the mind of the pri soner at the time when he committed those acts. Be cause if we are to say that whenever a riot, a tumult, or bloodshed occurs, it is a levying of war against the So vereign, you know on every occasion when an outrage occurred, the individual would be indicted for high treason, and, instead of suffering the fine or imprison ment which would be appropriated to his offence, he would be consigned to the most awful of all deaths which the law can inflict upon a human creature. It is therefore of un speakable importance to observe the distinction between riot, tumult, and even bloodshed on one hand, and, on the other, that treason alone with which the prisoner now stands charged. The question, therefore, for you will be what was the real intention and design of the assembly of people who met on the 4th of November, and how far Mr. Frost was a party to any criminal intention. I shall now, Gentlemen, refer you to the charge of Lord Mansfield in the case to which I referred-the case of Lord George Gordon—because it extremely resembled in many of its principal features the case which you have now to consider. In both, multitudes of people assembled together—in both great outrages were committed. I have described to you those which occurred in Lord George Gordon's case—you but too well know those which are connected with the present. When the case was gone through, and Lord Mansfield had laid down the law as it was recognised by the most eminent lawyers, he said, " There were two questions for the consideration of the Jury. First, whether this multitude did assemble and commit acts of violence"—of that you know, Gentlemen, there could be no doubt—" with intent to terrify and compel the Legislature to repeal the Act called Sir George Savile's. If upon this point your opinion should be in the negative, that makes an end of the whole ; the prisoner ought to be acquitted. But if 3 our opinion should be that the intent of this multitude, and the vie_ I lence they committed, was to force a repeal, there arises a ' second point, whether the prisoner at the bar incited, encouraged, promoted, or assisted in raising this insur rection, and the terror they carried with them with the ii tent of forcing a repeal of this law ? This, Gentlemen, is the whole of the evidence on either side ; you will I weigh this evidence, and all the observations made at the bar or which occur to yourselves upon it—l avoid making any. The points for you to determine are, whether this multitude were assembled and acted with an intent to force a repeal of this so-called Sir George Saville's Act ; and if you think such was their intent, whether the share the prisoner had in getting together such a number of people to go down to the House of Commons —in meeting them in St George's-fields —in talking to them in the lobby—in wearing the cockade on Friday and Satur day—or in any other part of his conduct—had the same iintent, by the terror of an outrageous multitude and the violence they committed, and threatened,sto force a repeal of this Act. If there was no such intention either in the mob or the prisoner, he ought to be acquitted ; but if you think there was such an intent in the multitude, incited, promoted, or encouraged by the prisoner, then you ought to find him guilty. If the scale hang doubtful, and you are not fully satisfied that he is guilty, you ought to lean on the favourable side and acquit him." Lord Mansfield leaves two questions, the one as to the intent of the mul titude and the other as to the intent of the prisoner ; and his Lordship added, as my Lords will add to whatever in structions they may give you, Gentlemen, " If the scale hang doubtful, and you are not fully satisfied he is guilty, you ought to lean on the favourable side and acquit him." That is the charge of my Lord Mansfield in that case ; and although there a tumult occurred and outrages were com mitted—although a multitude came to the verge, ti the very door of the Legislature, twenty thousand in number, to overawe the Members in their debates—and although Lord George Gordon was so closely connected with them in their subsequent outrages that lie, like Mr. Frost, gave a protection to a person who applied to him for it --vet, although hie acts were wrong in deed, they were not held to be do ne w i th a treasonable intent, and he was acquitted. Before I l eave that part of the subject I may tell you what that othrehmig,hantdreyaesoto.how far Sh ort hi s acts may b e o f the guilt During the riots a mais• of e the name of Pond, who had heard that his house was next to be pulled down —for you know, Gentleman, they were pulling down, burning, and destroying —applied to the prisoner for a s- p h ro o t u e s c e t s ion in , whiimll,ini hope,these te p r r m o s te : whichevery direction h o gave protect and l el o true friends of Protestantism praetoran y true of thia Protestant, prop e no injury to the property of ignn ordere d ) George that e()r g it is a am well assured that the pre cause. protection property is Gordon." and true friend of the (Si them auoltditouoddeewr hitichtheweprreopaes mig o h n t . b i l ' i e a d ve an influence over The prisoner gave this property was saved ; and yet the for committing out rage,Jury held that although he might be guilty of riot,of dition, of unwarrantable, nay, even of criminal , tIZY . were not satisfied that he intended to subvert the Gore, •mn ment or dethrone the Soverei gn , and they acquitted hi m of hi g h treason. Gentlemen, my' object in alluing to all this is to guide your minds to this proposition, that what ever may have been the loss, whatever may have been the outrages, whatever may have been the painful and melan choly consequences attendant on the transaction of the 4th November, still the great question in the case—that upon which your verdict must depend—is what was the intent and design in the minds of the multitude —what was the intent and design in the mind of Mr. Frost, the prisoner. And their Lordships will tell you that, in order to come to any conclusion importing the guilt of the prisoner, it must be proved to your perfect conviction that he en tertained the intent and design stated in the indictment. I propose now, Gentlemen, shortly to call your attention to that intent and design as stated in that indictment. Because, if upon the evidence you should find no proof or proof insufficient to satisfy you that the prisoner intended to do that which has been stated to be his intention in the indictment, then there is an end to the case and the prisoner will be entitled to a verdict of acquittal. The indictment contains several counts. I shall not complain of the number of those counts, but I do think that the Attorney-General would have afforded a better opportu nity for the accomplishment of justice, and would have exhibited a more indulgent spirit towards the accused, if he had said that the count which he meant to sustain by evidence was that charging the prisoner with intent, by force, to subvert the Constitution and the Government, or to force an alteration in the law. That, in my judg ment, would have been the better and the more indulgent course. For, my Lords, when we look to the indictment I think it will be found that the parts of it charging the prisoner with, by force, endeavouring to subvert the Con stitution and Government of the country, to change by force the law, and to compel her Majesty to alter her mea sures—l think that this is all contained in the indictment, which has been endeavoured to be sustained by evidence, or which it was the intention of my Learned Friend to sustain. The Attorney-Gencral—There is nothing about intent in this. Mr. Kelly_My Learned Friend is mistaken. The first count states that the prisoner and others did levy war against the Queen, and further, that, with arms in their hands, " with intent, by and with the said last-mentioned arms, to arm themselves, and the false traitors, in order to attack, fight with, kill, and destroy the soldiers, troops, and forces of our said Lady the Queen, and other liege and faithful subjects, and to raise, make, and levy insurrec tion, rebellion, and war, against our said Lady the Queen, in this realm, and thereby to subvert and destroy the Con stitution and Government of this realm as by law esta blished, an d to altar and change the laws of this realm by force." Then there is a count for levying war, and then for compassing to depos e the Queen. With regard to this lastwer were o l ti t n o t ,it wastew o a u w l rd upon doubtless it a b n e d esteemed c a n t o o o ss i purpose of re f erence when I come o deal with th e over t acts alleged agai ns t t h e prisoner Then t o f f or ti t m e e h there is a count charging the p r i soner an d others with c ir:ng to seize upon Newport, an d upon t h e Post-otlice there count is for levyin g p u bli c war against thc e, and the last seems to me, Gentle men , t h at without goin Queen. the indictment, it w ill b e su ffi c i ent for m y p i °u o r gh all ur to it generally. It is said i n the indictment posethtefer prisoner, with others c h arge d w i t h l evying war andatoththe overt acts, with intent t o su b vert t h e Government er Constitution of the country, an d to compe l the Queen to alter her measures, or, in other words, the charge may b e reduced to this—that acts were done by them with the intention of compelling the Queen to alter her measur es , and, by force, to compel an alte ra ti on o f t h e l aw. Gen- 1 tlemen, this is the question in this case, upon which the life of the prisoner hangs. His life depends upon these averments in the indictment being made out; and, being so, it became the Counsel for the Crown--it wes the duty of the Attorney-General, to you, Gentlemen, to public justice, and, above all, his duty to the unhappy prisoner—to state the charge which he was about to sup port by evidence. I conceive that my Learned F r i en d _ . felt this to be his bounden duty to do ; for, although it is their privilege, yet it is not the custom for the other law officers of the Crown to address the Co ur t be- fore the Counsel for the prisoner. We, therefore, t whose advocacy the life of the accused is entrusted, hay to deal with . the case, can only deal with it; ae it lie; been opened, sustained, and placed. before us by my Friend the Attorney-Generel. We Cannot anticipate the arguments which rney ocfered by the Solicitor-General when he eettes to make his reply, but can only grapple with the case as it stands at the close of the evidence which has been produced for your consideration ; and we therefore naturally look to the Statement of the Attorney-General for the intent ) the object, and declarations which he set forth in it, and which can be the only guides by which the Counsel for the prisoner can be governed. My Learned Friend, in the statement he made--and let us see how he looks at the case-._l observe, after elaborately referring to the law of treason, and adverting to the bearing of the law upon some of the facts, proceeds, and this is the first indication or "purpose" we find in his opening speech. My Learned Friend said, " It appears that there has been an ermed insurrection of a public nature in this realm for the purpose of superseding and destroying the law and the authority of the Crown." Now, Gentlemen, I certainly looked for something more explicit than this in reference to the charge against the prisoner. I know of eu statute, Gentlemen, in which it is made high treason to supersede or destroy the authority of the Crown. Why, you supersede the authority of the Crown by laying hands upon a constable, and obstructing hirn in the performance of his duty, and if you subvert the au thority of the Crown, which you may do many acts of themselv e s i nnocent , you superse d e t h e aut h or i t y o f t h e Crown. I notice this, Gentlemen, as it is the declaration of the Attorney_General, but still it leaves the case exactly as it we; before ; and for the purpose of saying that my Learned Friend needed not to have reverted to a decla ration so vague, so unsatisfactory, and undefined. Further on in his speech my Learned Friend, with respect to the intent of the prisoner, states, and, Gentlemen, I entreat your attention to this definition of the Attorney-General, affecting, as it does, the life of the prisoner at the bar ; and I hope not only that I shall satisfy you, but their Lordships, when the time comes when they will address you, will also inform you, that the Crown has no right to prove the commission of a number of illegal acts, and then to leave the Counsel for the prisoner to show that the pur pose, object, and the intent with which they were committed is short of treason. Gentlemen, the Crown has no right to leave the case in that position. The law is, not that they may prove the levying of war, the collecting of a number c 1 armed persons, nay, the assembling an overpowering re, ee and then say to the Counsel for the prisoner, It is :s e , you to show that these acts do not amount to tress No, they are bound by the indictment—they are bound by the law—they are bound by mural duty in a ease where a human life—where many lives are at stake—they are hound, I repeat, to state explicitly, plainly, and without leaving over them the shadow of a doubt, the purpose and the object which the prisoner had in view when he com mitted the illegal act charged against him. I protest, there fore, against the right of the Attorney or the Solicitor- General, more especially the last—l protest against his right to bring forward proof of' the commission of five, six, seven, or eight illegal acts, and then to say to the Counsel for the prisoner, " It is for you to show that the purpose with which those acts were committed falls short of trea son." No, Gentlemen, it is he who must show the pur and and shall a as l indubitably now tell yo that h a w t ha t it thus the pose, the o bj ec t, an d t h e intent, clearly, palpably, and distinctly, w hi c h t h e pr i soner bad in view, and he must clearlyy e on tre a a s son; a p rn ro o v u e nt t s o t Attorney-General has said in reference to this After consultations observing th at meetings and consul * had taken place, he eays—" There was particularly a meeting held at a place called Blackwood, en the Friday before of November; various deputies thatattended ore the 3d There was a return made of the armed force meeting. bewhich could mustered, and it would appear that there the plan or scheme was laid down which was afterwards to be carried into effect." This, G entlemen, was the statement of my Learned F r i en d , and I appeal to you if it has been sup ported with one particle of proof. It i s prove d , certainl that the prisoners Mr. Frost, William Jones,and 7epha niah Willi ams, h ad met at a üblic-houseen t heFriday before th e 3 d of November, ar i d that ther e were several other persons there But has it been proved with what purpose they met ? Has it been proved that any re solutions were passed by them ? Has it been shown that any deputies were there, or whether a return of the numbers or the armed force which could be mus tered was made ? In reference to these points, Gentle men, I ask you if there has been a single iota of proof? Why, the only evidence at all upon the matter is that of the landlord of the house, who states that a number of persons assembled there, but that he neither knew them nor what had taken place amongst them. But now, again, with regard to the purpose of the prisoner. This, Gen tlemen, is the object which the Attorney-General states the prisoner had in view, and on which he calls upon you to consign the deceased to death. This is his case, and if in this he fails, you are bound to pronounce a verdict of acquittal; but if he succeeds in proving it, the law is, as I must acknowledge it to be, the prisoner must suffer the death which it decrees. With regard to this, the object of the prisoner, the Attorney-General said, " Arriving at Newport they were to attack the troops who were there ; to take possession of the town ; to break down the bridge which is there across the Usk ; to stop her Majesty's mails ; and then by signal rockets, which were to be thrown up, the success of the scheme was to be an nounced. The mail not arriving in Birmingham in an hour and a half aft e r it s usua l ti me , th ose w h o were i n concert with them in that town were to know by that circumstance that the plan had succeeded, and there was to be a rising there ; and generally in the north of Eng land, and the Charter was to be proclaimed as the law of the land." That, Gentlemen, is the treasonable purpose with which the prisoner is accused--the Charter was to be proclaimed the law of the land; and I hope I shall not prejudice the case of the prisoner by what I am now about to say. I admit that if Mr. Frost intended to attack the troops, to stop hezMajesty's mail, to seize upon the Post-office, to make a signal of the success of his plans to his confederates at Birmingham and elsewhere, on which they were to rise in rebellion, in order to proclaim the Charter the law of the land —I admit that if these were the intentions of Mr. Frost, then has he committed the treason with which he has been charged, and that he must go to an untimely grave for that offence. But, Gentleman, as I said when I began, I will go through it step by step, sentence by sentence, and word by word e and I will shave-that ,the evidence proves positively, -convince ingly, end beyond a shadow of elbubt, that it was impos sible he could hrive entertained such a design, and that the Attorney-General might as soon take a knife and stab the prisoner to the heart as ask you to believe, from the evidence, this was the intent of the prisoner, and upon that belief to convict him. Then, as to the rest—the ac.s by which this object of the prisoner was to be carried ' out, although some of the evidence proves these to be in credible—impossible—yet I shall address a few words to you now in reference to this, as I do not wish at another stage of my observations to perplex myself, or to harass your attention. You will remember that, according to the statement of the Attorney_General the prisoner was to have seized Newport, by attacking the military there, to seize the post-office, to blow up the bridge in order to stop the mails, in order to make a signal to his confederates in Birmingham to rise —nay, to congregate in open rebellion —but all these acts were merely conducive to an ulterior end. They did not want to destroy the mail-coaches ; of what utility could this be ? They could derive no advan tage from the mere. destruction of the bridge or by the seizure of a few letters, or by the people of Birmingham occupying the highway. These matters could have been of no benefit to the Chartists, and the acts alleged, there fore all come down to this--that the Charter shall be at once proclaimed the law of the land, That, Gentlemen, is th e only statement of the Attorney-general as to the ulterior treasonable object with which the other acts were to be committed ; and if, Gentlemen, I show to you and to their Lordships that this end, this object, has no existence but in the statement of the Attorney-General, on this ground alon e I shall be entitled to ask that my client shall be acquitted ; and, Gentlemen, we have been now here for a week occupied with this trial—the evidence took up more than three days—and, I ask you, have we been afforded a particle, a tittle of testimony, or a single declaration in it to shew what this Charter was, or what that law was which was to be proclaimed throughout the land ? Gentlemen, there has not been any evidence what ever to show this. Certainly my Learned Friend, Sir F. Pollock, conscious of the innocence of his client, and be lieving that he could not be injured by what he stated, blundered a little—l may be allowed to say—for there was nothing whatever in our briefs to lead to it--in his address to you, and told you something of the first four or five articles of the Charter, and that gave us the first in sight into what this Charter was. But, Gentlemen, before the Crown can call upon you to send fifteen fellow-erea tures—fifteen human beings to an untimely tomb, must they not show you, not by statements speculative or imagi nary or presumptive, but upon evidence clear, palpable, uncontradieted, and upon oath, what the nature of the alteration of the law of the land which that Charter would effect, and also that this was the object of those who arc alleged to contemplate the alteration ; and, Gentlemen, having attended to the evidence produced during the three days I do believe that not a single point was elicited in reference to the position which the opening of the Attorney-General rendered so essential to be proved—not the remotest point was proved as to this proclamation of the Charter as the law of the land. Nay, Gentlemen—and if lam wrong I hope I may he corrected—l do not believe that the word " Charter" was once introduced or mentioned, and yet men are to be tried and sent to a bloody grave for conspiracy, to make the Charter the law of the land, whilst by the 39 witnesses who were examined out of the 70 who should have been called, not one word concerningthe Charter was mentioned, and yet this is an accusation of a conspiracy to establish it. This is not the way in which the predecessors of my Learned Friends dealt with men who were placed on trial for their lives. In the case of Lord George Gor don he was distinctly charged by the law officer of that day with the design by force to compass an altera tion of the law ; and were the Jury left in doubt as to what that alteration was ? No. The case 19113 opened by the Attorney-General of the day, and it was proved that an illegal meeting had been assembled to compel the repeal of Sir George Savile's Act in favour of the Roman Catholics, and thus the Counsel for the prisoner, the illustrious Erskine, k new w h at h e h ad to deal with—the charge of levying war with intent to com pel the repeal of Sevile's Act. He knave that this was a palpable and a tangible object to grapple with. Again, in the cases of Watson, Horne Tooke, and Hardy, the charges were plain and substantial. They were charged one after the other with the intent to subvert the law of the country, to set aside the Parliament, and to establish a esonventio n in its place. Here there was something to m eet—something to grapple with—and the same was the mode of proceeding in the cases of Watson and Thistle s wood, wherea s in this case the only object stated by the Attorney-General in his opening speech to be that of the prisoner, was the establishment of the Charter as the kw of the land, whereas there hes not been the slightest approach to proof or any attempt or design of this kind, or even of a declaration to that effect from one of the ten thousand per sons who are said to have assembled in order that this Cha rter law should be proclaimed. Well, then, if I have thus got rid of the " object" of the prisoner, I hove now only to deal with the means, and I trust I shall be able to show, although as to the means there has not been the same failure as regards the evidence adduced to prove them—yet that there is a failure in substantiating any of the purposes said to be entertained with a view to accomplish the ultimate object of the prisoner; and I shall now go to show that it was impossible those purposes could have been entertained, and I shall first come to the important question of the at tack upon the soldiers. If the prisoner had the intention of overturning the Government, and of dethroning our youthful and beloved Sovereign, there can be no doubt but that one of the first means that would be adopted for attaining such lawless objects would be the disarming of some of her Majesty's troops. According to my Learned Friend's opening the case they were to have attacked the troops. The first observation I have to make upon this part of the case is this, that it is exceedingly remarkable that in that which is laid as an overt act in the indictment that those persons intended to attack the troops, that the case rests upon the evidence of some witness as to some state ment supposed to have been made by Mr. Frost, or by some one else, as to attacking the troops ; and yet it is exceed. ingly remarkable that, having, as it is said, this hostile intention, that they should have passed by the poor-house in which the troops were assembled, and yet that it never entered into the contemplation of Mr. Frost, nor of any one else, to attack, no, nor to mark them, nor to keep watch upon them, nor to see whether they were likely to come down and mingle in the affray ? Is it not, then, wonder. ful that when you have, as you do here, to try men for their lives upon a charge, the very essence of which is that they intended to. do a certain thing, and vet, when you conic to look at the things which they actually have dose, you do not find that that particular thing with which they were charged was even attempted. Upon looking at the map you will see the poorhouse where the soldiers were, excepting the few that had gone down to the Westgate. There, then, you see these men passing by that which was said to be their object. You see them passing it by, and taking no notice of it. The Chief Justice remarked that the poorhouse was about 100 yards from where the mab were. Mr. Kelly—A n d y e t di sa - m i ng t h e military was said to others. u toh r u n er r , be one of th e i r first objects, an d a t t h e very f i rst opportu tunity th e y p ass by th a t o bj ect. The jurors he r e reti re d f or a s h art time; upon their re turn, t h e a n d ti at tention d t ta t t h e e d a an question, att attach u a p s on it t the e t a m n i s i t u a p ry o . n t e is v i a Mr. Kelly con ti nue d by saying -_I was about to direct Jt I,,,,N t ar e , i l s:v i e lav a e g a a t in ta s c t ke t d he th p e r m is ,onseord 'fence, wh e th er t h e pr i soner at the bar, in concert with i d f es p tr r o o ; ; important quest i on i n this case, although it would not „a hav e i nten d e d to attack the milita ry , lie might af eeCdl;every tunaen h e t e t the whole company, or in the whole regiment, still the question would have remained between us, did he do all ihat f or th e treasonable purposs stated in this indictment ? If, therefore, the fact were proved, as I think I shall show you it is distinctl y disproved, that they either meditated an attack upon the soldiery, or knowingly made an attack on them, still you would have to consider what was the object and the ultimate purpose and object of the at tack. Ido deny upon the evidence that there is any proof that either the prisoner at the bar, or any one of that nu merous multitude that came down troon Newport on the 4th November, for one moment of time ever had the se rious intention of making an attack upon the soldiers. I deny it totally, wholly, and confidently, on the evidence. My Learned Friend says that one of the objects of the pri soner was to attack the military, and I will show you by and by how it is that his witnesses sustain the charge. These men come down to the number of &ON or 10,000, their first purpose being, as it is said, to attack the military. Observe that Mr. Frost is an inhabitant of Newport, and that is the place where the military were stationed ; and yet, having such an intent upon his mind, he passes within 100 yards of the place, and pays no attention to it ; he and the multitude march away from it ! The whole of them intending to attack the military 1 Why did he and they do this ? Do you believe the part of the evidence upon this risk ? Why, even, if it were true that one of the boys told Mr. Frost that a portion of the soldiers were gone to the Westgate, was not that an additional induce ment to him to attack them, at a moment when their forces were divided? Yeti will be told by the Solicitor- General that you are to judge the intentions of the prisoner from his acts. If you are to do so, then are you to infer, from this large body of men passing within one hundred yards of them, and yet not attacking them, that they intended to attack them ? Recol lect, that if the contradictory evidence given upon this point is sufficient to raise a doubt on your minds, you are compelled to acquit the prisoner. If it is true that in all insurrections, in all rebellions, in all revolutions, one of the first acts done or compassed by those who take such things into their meditation is, first to seize upon the military in the neighbourhood of the spot in which the revolution or rebellion is to break out, it is naturally then that the first thing to be done would be to call witnesses who would at tempt to prove this. But, in the outset, I ask you, can it be true? If the whole of the ten thousand persons intended to attack the military, why did they pass the poorhouse, in which were the military with diminished forces? Now, isi • m is the first witness who spoke of attacking the military? I t is Harford, and he makes Frost declare that the first thing he- intended to do 'was to go to the Law poorhouse, and there take the soldiers and their arms. This was said on the night of the 3d of November. This is used as evidence of a guilty intent on the part of Frost, and you see him pass the new poorhouse the next day and not attack the military. In God's name, if he intended it, why did he not do it? It is • a.so said that h e declared his intention to at tack powder-houses, and yet no pewees-houses are attacked. The only evidence we have upon this point is the Attorney-General. From the testimony which liar ford has given respectin g himself, and from hs manifest perjury, I ask you if you would find a verdict in a civil case upon the evidence of a man like that ? You have next the evidence of the man Hodges to show the same intent on the part of Frost to attack the military, and while he tells that story he introduces the story of a man with a glazed hat saying that all the soldiers were Chartists, and had their arms ready and were only waiting for the rioters to come down. You find, then, in this case, that instead of treason being made out by plain and distinct acts, it is at tempted to be proved against the prisoner, by a combination of minute circumstances which are brought together, in order that by the mass, the prisoner may be over whelmed. And now let me remind you, that' among the witnesses Which the Crown has thought proper, in 'the.dis charge of its duty, and that the Government has sent for ward as worthy of being adopted by a Jury of Englishmen, there are those to be found, those who have either sworn falsely now, or who have sworn falsely on a former occasion. You have had before you one of those admitting he swore falsely, and yet that man is one of the witnesses, upon fora whom the Atto rney -G enera l re liesverdict, and re lying too upon whom, he calls upon you to take the life of a fellow•creature. I think that my Learned Friends would better have consulted their own character, and the character of the Government they represented, if they had abstained from calling upon such witnesses. What lis their case so weak, so feeble, and so meagre, that they must rest it upon the testimony of an avowedly perjure.: witness? Is their case to stand or to fall ? Is it to turn upon a witness that it is a shame to the Government they could have produced him, and yet hoped by his means to endanger the life of any Englishman upon such a charge as this ? But I leave to my Learned Friend to deal with his own witness and his own witness's testimony as best becomes his own honour and character. I tell it to you fearlessly, and careless what remark my observation may call forth, that it is not to the honour and it cannot be to the credit of the Government that they should, on such an occasion, have brought forward such a witness as Hodges, even admitting that the charges of treason would not be complete without him. They knew before-hand all that this man ( Hodges) had sworn; they knew how contradictory was that swearing, and then they brought forward the witness before you, obliged to admit that he is a perjurer. Let my Learned Friend an swer that as he thinks proper. The man admitted that be had sworn falsely on a former day. Supposing, then, that the prisoner had been tried for his life on the evidence that the prisoner gave, not to-day, but formerly —suppos ing that there had been a conviction, and that the prisoner had thus been sent to his bloody grave by you. Suppos ing that this wretch afterwards admitted that he had de luded you by his perjuries, what must:not be the agonies and the remorse you would have endured ? And yet this is one of their choice witnesses 1 He is one of the seventy on the back of the bill ; he is in the list of 230 delivered to us ; he is amongst the thirty-nine examined ; yes, this monster is one of these selected by them to hang the un fortunate man at the bar. But I cannot trust myself with observations further on this part of the case. I now come to the attack on the military at the West gate. It is plain that once the military were un masked, and that the mob were sure they were in the Westgate, that not a shot was fired at them. The Mayor and Sergeant Daly were wounded when the shut ters were taken down. They were the only persons wounded. None of the military receivod any injury once they fired on the mob. The mob fled once they saw the soldiers arrayed against them. And this is in accordance with the evidence of Sergeant Daly and of all the wit nesses. What did the Attorney-General say, in opening his case, upon this point ? He said the soldiers were then ordered to fire. "At this time the insurgents had gained the various advances to the hou-e. fhey were in the passage leading to the room in which the military were as sembled, and if the order to file had not then been given there is no reason to doubt that the military would have all been massacred. The order, however, was speedily and effectually discharged. The insurgents in the pass age were fired on, and several of them fell and were killed. The shutters being all removed from the windows the men directed their pieces through it, and thus had command of the space in which the insurgents were drawn up. They accordingly fired into the street, and several of the insurgents were wounded and fell, and the others were speedily dispersed." Does my Learned Friend attempt to say that that mob returned the fire, or that the mob offered the slightest resistance to the soldiers after they were unmasked ? No ; he says " Mr. Frost had not been seen after the firing first began, and they it'd in every direction." This was the whole case before him, and it was not till Lieutenant Gray was examined that any wit ness ever suggested that the mob might have fired on the military in return, and be without knowledge of the fact, but merely becausejle seems not to have thought it pos sible that an armed body of Englishmen would have re ceived the fire of troops without returning - it. Now then, Gentlemen, let us consider on w hat evidence rests the _ _ statement that Mr. Frost was aware that there were sol diers at the Westgate at all ; simply upon the testimony of the two boys, a couple of idle lads, upon whose evidence and whose intelligence, even if they meant to speak to the best of their recollection the truth, no reliance is to be placed. For I will show you, by referring to the uncon tradicted evidence, that it was impossible Mr. Frost could be aware there were sole bcrs in the town at all. He knew there were soldiers in the barracks, but he could not know there were soldiers in the• town, since the soldiers were not marched down to the Nestgate until the very period when he is represented as m aking the inquiry if there were soldiers there, and the ix gives him the information which I will show you it was impossible that he could have given. I shall not dwell up m this part of the evidence, because it was the duty of the Crown to bring it home clearly against the prisoner, , and it is sufficient for me to show you that the evidence ,'a such as ought to raise a reasonable doubt on your mind to entitle me to call on you , Tlll-4 1 SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 9. 1 40, to give the I:visor:el- the benefit of that doubt. Mr. Frost could not know there were soldiers in the Westgate, so as to induce him to meditate an attack on them, for the rea ,-on I have given; nor could the boy Coles, who says he gave him the information have known it either. for it was between a quarter to nine and nine that the soldiers marched to the Westgate, where they were masked, so that many of the special constables even did not know they were there; and if you examine the evidence, it was about the same period, as near as possible, that Coles tells Frost there were a dozen soldiers there, instead of 30, the real number; so that he could not have seen them, nor could h even have been told by any one in the town, for he did not come horn the town, but from Pilgvventiy, whither he went to breakfast, but returned without his breakfast, in consequence, doubtless, of meeting the mob advancing. And the other boy, Rees, is flatly con tradicted by a most respectable witness on one point (which, without attributing perjury to these boys, the only witnesses out of the forty examined by the Crown, shows how little reliance is to be placed on information thus picked up), namely, that of the mob dividing, and going one part up Commercial -street, and one up the Friars. As for any intention to attack the military it is clearly negatived by the circumstance that they directed no attack on the only post where they knew them to be ; and the only inference that can be raised is that they went to the Westgate for the purpose of obtaining these prisoners ; their object in appearing in such force in Newport being to make a display of their numbers, and endeavour to show how large and powerful a party took a deep interest in the liberation of Vincent from prison, or in his amelioration in the prison. The Learned Counsel here, in a most eloquent manner (and we regret the necessity, in consequence of the protracted length of the proceedings, and the distance from London, of abridging his speech) proceeded to remark upon the exceeding improbability that Mr. Frost, whose wife and five helpless female children were living in Newport, who would be the first to suffer, to whom he never sent any warning to absent them selves—who had received an excellent character for hu maaity—who were in the warmest state of political excite ment—not only had deprecated, and, when in his power, as had been proved in evidence, prevented, not bloodshed, for that he never contemplated, but the infliction of per. sonal violence, or even perspnal detention, on his most determined political opponents. The Learned Counsel then dwelt on the insufficiency of the evidence as to all points of treasonable intention, which rested only en de clarations alleged to have been made by witnesses, them selves giving evidence against the prisoner through fear of being involved in the same charge themselves, and contra dicting themselves and each ether most materially in the most important facts of their evidence, and the complete negative which every act of the prisoner and h's companions gave to the intention thus imputed to them, for, instead of attacking the military, they passed them by at the only place, the workhouse, where they knew the military to be stationed. -Instead of blowing up the bridge, if such had been their object, :hey never attempted it, though possessed of powder, arms, and in numbers to have made any at tack. Instead of stopping the post, which six men could have done, for the Post-offiee was only kept by a woman, they never went near it; and as for stopping the mail from Newport to Birmingham, the fact was there was leo such mail. The mail only went to Bristol, and no stop page of the mail at Newport could delay the Bristol mail to Birmingham, which, moreover, did not arrive there till just two o'clock in the morning; nor was there the slight est evidence given or attempted to be given that any per sons were at Birmingham to inquire if the Newport letters were brought by that mail ; and as for proclaiming the Charter to be the law of the land, which was to be the grand treasonable result of overturning the law and over throwing the Constitution, not one single witness had said a word upon that point. The evidence of those de clarations rested on the evidence of the witnesses Berford and Hodge , . On the witness Harford, and the credibi lity to be attached to him, he had already observed, and would not repeat his observations, save one that applied also to Hodges, namely, that he volunteered this in order to save himself from sharing the portion of Frost ; and as to Hodges, he swore distinctly that he it was at Pie-corner at daybreak that heard Mr. Frost make this statement, whereas he, Mr. Frost, was dis tinctly proved by other witness, and witnesses for the Crown, to have been in another place at the time, and the witness himself who says he went home to bed twelve miles off before ten o'clock, whereas he was seen by others with in two miles of Pie-corner some two hours or two hours and a half afterwards. Watkins, a witness for the Crown, said he saw Hodges at the Welsh Oak, only two miles from Pie-corner, at half-past eight, halfepast six being the time of daybreak, where he said he saw Frost at Pie-corner, and afterwards he hurried home on foot to Blackwood, so as to be in bed shortly after nine o'clock. Why, at half past eight o'clock the witness called to support his testi. mony swore he met him at the Welsh Oak, ten miles dis tant from Blackwood; and Brough and Watkins prove Frost to have been seen at the Welsh Oak at the time Hodges swears he was present at Pie-corner; and Antony also proved that he saw him in Tredegar Park, at a time utterly incon sistent with the date assigned by Hodges, Thus, by the witraesses for the Crown, was the story of the only wit. nesses who spoke to this declaration of Frost utterly de stroyed. Thus he considered he had destroyed the last shred and remnant of the case for the Crown. It might be ex pected that he should say something of the object of Mr. Frost and of the multitude coming down to Newport, but though he protested when pleading for life against being required to do any such thing, he thought it admitted of the most obvious solution. The evidence which had been given there must convince' them that these men, whose intentions he implored them to construe by that which could alone expound them, viz., their acts, had no other object in view than that of showing their numbers, of proving how much mischief they could commit if mis chievously inclined, and thus inducing, by a peaceable demonstration, the Magistrates to pay regard to their often repeated requests for the liberation of Vincent and the amelioration of his condition. It had been proved by Saunders that when his house and his bat n were full of people on the morning in question he was told that they were going forward to liberate Vincent and the prisoners from gaol. If that was their design, and if in endeavour ing to compass it they had masacred a whole body of her Majesty's troops, and if they produced confusion, anarchy, and bloodshed, although that would be a high mnisde ..meipour;•and although the very attempt would be heaiely, severely, and grievously punished, it would not be high treason, for that must be for some general object—the subversion of the Government or to compel either House of Parliament to alter its iaeatures. But even that design was negatived by some of the witnesses called on the part of the Crown, for it was stated by them that when Ze phaniah Williams was asked whether that was the object of the march, he said, " Oh no, we are not going to en. danger life or property by an attempt to liberate Vincent, we are only going to take a throw as far as Newport;" and this at a time, when, if there were to be this mighty rebellion, we need have no fear of disclosing what his ulti mate projects were. What was proved against Mr. Frost was, quite consistent with this peaceable design, be cause he was found, in addressing the mob, not to say, " Fire upon the inn I Fire upon the people ! Blow up the bridge 1 Attack the military I Confront and assail the sol diers !" but, when he came to the Westgate, he said, " Turn round and show your appearance in front." What did this show but that they were desi.ous to show the extent of the :ympathy felt for Vincent and the others? He appealed to the jury as men, as English men, as fathers of families, as husbands, as brothers, to show themselves, like their predecessors, the eternal safe guard and protection of the liberties of their country, by putting a mild construction upon the acts and the words of the parties accused, and considering that the demonstration of force was made only in order to back the application on behalf of their friends. Had the Minister who now sent his Learned Friends here to work against the lives of these hapless men indicted any of the one huh dred thousand men who had prepared to march from Bir mingham, or those who assembled at White Conduit House? No; they felt in times of excitement agitation will prevail, and that the best way of checking it was by lenity and mercy. If men had committed a breach of the law—if they had sacrificed human lives—let them receive the punishment they deserved, but let them not be made traitors against their will ; on the contrary, let their loyalty be fostered and cherished as long as it existed in their hearts. The Learned Gentleman then proceeded to point out some inconsistencies and contradictions in the evidence of several of, the witnesses for the prosecution, and re marked upon the keeping back of H. Williams, whose evi dence, when he was produ s ced for the defence, went so far to do away with the charge of treason, by making it appear that the demand made by the mob at the Westgate was only for the surrender of the prisoners. After some further observations the Learned Gentleman continued— I have no more to say, Gentlemen. The prisoner at the bar stands, I hope, not in danger of a dreadful and bloody death, for I believe the law would deny him a grave. It is not necessary for him to appeal to your ' mercy, but to appeal to your justice. I know that when when you have considered the whole case, if you find the whole of the evidence to prove a treasonable intent, utterly and totally fails by law, he may demand your acquitt a l. But I go farther, and says that the events of this case have taught me a lesson which I shall never forget; but which, if I were a Juryman, I should treasure as my heart's blood, that a witness without intending to deceive may commit a mistake,, upon which the Jury may art ; and when a fellow-creature has been sacrificed—when it is too late to repair the error, it may be discovered—what, Gentlemen, would be your reflections, if, after having consigned the prisoner, not to the grave, but to a dreadful death, with scarcely time for repentance for his sins, you should meet the wife and children, then made widow and orphans, and discover that you had forgotten some part of the evidence—some shadow of a shade—some frail and fragile doubt which would aff•ct the intentions of the pri soner and the character of his acts—think what would then be your reflections. Gentlemen, I have spent the time and the strength that I possess. I have only to thank you for the kindness arid att ent i on I h ave exper i enced. and you Almighty guide you to a just and Christian verdict. Chief Justice Tindal--John Frost, now is the time if you wish to add anything to what these gentlemen have said on your behalf. You cannot he permitted to say any thing after the Solieittr- General has addressed the Cowl. The prisoner, who was now somewhat affected, said, " My Lord, I am so well satisfied with what my Counsel have said, that I decline saying anything in addition. It was now past four o'clock, and the A it , rney- General said it would be a great convenience if the Court could state how late they were likely to sit this evening, as the Solicitor-General would not be able to compress his obser vations within the usual time of adjournment. The Chief Justice said be could not well answer the question. Great inconvenience would arise if it should be late tomorrow before he was able to begin his sum ming up. The 'Solicitor-General here rose and said—Gentlemen, the duty which you have to discharge, the duty which the Learned Judges have to perform, and that which falls to me, cannot be otherwise than a very painful one. It is one which, to consult the public safety, to do justice to the country, to yourselves, and to the prisoner, requires, not that you should be driven to the discharge of that duty by appeals calculated to shake your understanding, by ad. dresses which, instead of being directed to the sound parts of your minds, so as to enable you to perform your duty with satisfaction to yourselves, usefulness to the country, MORNING 14'41)1 TIONr, sHIPPENG ELLIGENCE. (LLOYD'S.) DEAL, JAN. 7.--Wind 6.S.E.—Sailed the Sophi,, M'Nair. for Madras; Isabella Anna, Thompson, Yelp,. raiso ; Forester, M'Arthur, Tobago. LIVERPOOL, JAN. 7.—Wind S.S.W. —Sailed tit, Sydney, Ellis, for Batavia ; Charles Eyes, Moss, Valpa raiso; Barbara, Webb, Bombay ; Euro, Rio Janeiro ; Warrior, Karnes, Tampico ; Rival, Barbadoes ; Agnes, Bainbridge, Mobile; Fanny Charleston; New York, Barstow, New York ; Fl o r a , C ann i ng , S t . J o h n ' s , N . B . Off port—the Florence, from Charleston. FALMOUTII, JAN. 6..—Wind E.N. E. t.') E. S.E., strong breezes.—Sailed the Jacoba Maria, Kramer, New York. SALCOMBE, JAN. 6--Sailed the Victoria, Osborne, for Terceira. BRIXTOL, JAN. 6.—Sailed the William Miles, Pike, for Jamaica; Thomas Daniel, Cherry, Antigua. KINGSTOWN, JAN. 6.—Arrived the Reindeer, Kempt, from Monte Video ; Constitution, Shoull, Quebec. DARTMOUTZI, JAN. 6.—The Expedite, from Marseilles to Hull, has put into this port with loss of bowsprit, cut_ water, headsails, &c., having been in contact, on the 3d inst., with a barque off the Wight. LIVERPOOL, JAN. 7.—The Farmer, Wi seman, from hence to Portsav, wag wrecked at Cromarty, on the 3d inst.—one man only saved. VESSELS SPOKEN Wm-I.—The Telumab, London to New Orleans, short of bread, 14th ult., lat. 19, long. 34 ; John and Robert, Liverpool to New °Ream 2d inst., lat. 46, long. 17, and Culumbo, of Cherbourg, same day, by the Congo, arrived at Bristol. Concord, _Martin, Gi Plymouth, lat. 49, long. 9, by the Emerald, arrived at Bristol. Dalmarnoek, Clyde to Trinidad, 25th utt., lat. 49, long. 12, by the Hannab, arrived in the River. THE MARKETS-(YESTEADAY.) CORN EXCHANGE. The fresh supplies of Grain and Flour since Wednesday hare been small. The Wheat trade is firm, with hate doing. Barley maintains its value. In Beans, Pease, and (Oats, no variation. The Flour trade slack, at last quotations. NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL. A good supply of both town arid country killed meat ; the demand was good, and prices much as before. Beef, 21.. 4d. to 3s. &l. ; Mutton, 2s 8(1. to 35. 10(1.; Veal, 3s. 4d. to 45. 10d. ; Pork, 3s. Bd. to 45. Bd. ; Irish, 3s. to 3s. 6d. per stone of 81bs. Poultry and Game were in large supply• ; the demand moderate, and prices have undergone no man aan. BILLING4GATE MARKET. • The supplies were limited. Trade lively, and prices rather high. Turbot 55. to 21s. Salmon 45. per lb. Lobster a 10d. to 3s. 6d. Cod 2s. 6d. to 17s. Soles BM. to Si. Id. pe r pair. Whitings 4d. to Bd. Haddocks &1. to 2s. Oysters I ss. to 48s. per bushel. SPIRIT MARKET. Not much done in any description of Spirits. The p vices asked for proof Leeward Rum, was 31. 40. Good Jaya aica, 4s. 10.1. to ss. 2d. The kinds of Brandy going fetch to ss. ; Geneva, 2s. per g,dlon ; and British Corn Spirit, JO M. 2d. ;TALLOW MARKET. Still very little done in this market, and tho pri, se of P. Y. C. is 48s. 6d. to 495. 6d. COLONIAL MARIIIT. Business very limited, and quotations of most de;cript4nt Is of produce stationary. British Plantation Sugir sold stead yat the prices last quoted. 50 casks British Plantation Coffee fetched about 113 s. to 115 s. ; 140 barrels Trinidad, awl 130 bags Grenada Cocoa sold but in part at rather easier pi ices; 5,000 bags Bengal Rice sold in part at 12s. to 12s. 6d. kir fair quality ; 3,250 bags Saltpetre fetched, for what was sold, about 225. 6d. to 235. The imports continue light. TEA SALE—(THIRD DAY.) The continued absence of news from Canton keeps the trade in a state of g reat perplexity. The holders are firni, and very Fttle was sold; we should say that about one-fifteenth of :what is put up sells, prices continue much as they were. Corn:mon Congous have fetched 2s. 34c1. to 2s. 4d. No Bohea has yet been sold. Gunpowder sorts fetch 4s. 6d. to Is. 5d ; Twan kays about 2s. 61d., and Imperials 3s. 9tl. There was a very good attendance of the trade, and the attention of the whole mercantile world continues to be drawn towards this recently excited but now dull market. COAL MARKET. _ s, d . s. cf. Adair's Buddies' West Hartley 2O 0 Walls End Helton .... ..... ... :151 10 BA, Hobson & Co. Hartley 10 , Weis End Lambton .. ...... •13 0 Holywell Main 2l 0 Walls End Pemberton Smith', Pontop lB 6 ' ' ~ 3 End Stewart's ... ...... "15 0 West H.trfley Willington '3 3 v'v airs End Kelloe ' , 5 0 Wylarn. . . 21 0 W.lis End Adelaide; ;A 0 Walls End Bell a n d B rown 23 3 w lls End Coundon 2.3 6 Walls End Brown's .,..... 3 I.V tlis End Cornforth 23 6 Ditt, unscreened IR 6 Walls End Clarence Hetton 22' 6 Walls End Claric , ,, and Co 2l 3 W,l s Endßichardson's Tees 22 6 Walls End Oosforth ... Walls End Hilda '3 t, 'valis End South Durham... 23 6 Walls End Hotspur .., 22 9 Walls End St. Helen's Tees 23 3 Walls Ena Percy Bensham 23 0 Walls End Tees 24 0 walls End Riddell's .... ...... 23 9 Walls End Tennant! 25 0 Walls End Belmont Walls Endßraddvlt'sHetton 24 9 Ships arrived sinec last market-day, 37. 61.4 iostice to the prisoner, are addressed in such a man ner as to harem your feelings, distract and embarrass you, and to deprive yen of your understanding. What is the task which is thus thfown upon me? iam here net as the enemy of that man, or with any angry or unkind feel ing towards him. God forbid that I should hurt a hair of his head beyond what the law requires, hut I have a serious and important duty to perform, which I would perform zealously and forbearingly but from which I dare not shrink. I owe a duty to the country--I owe a duty to my Lords—l owe a duty to you, Gentiemen, and I owe a duty to the prisoner at the bar. What the Learned Gentleman has just addressed to you has not only made that duty most distrcssin r, but almost incapacitated me from performing it. Why should Ibe driven to appeals which ought never be made ; which are inconsistent with justice and irreconcilable with public safety ? Wby should you be asked what would be your feelings if you were to meet the widows or orphans of the men murdered on the 4th of November? Are there no widows or orphans but those whom the Learned Gentleman has presented to your notice ? Nay, Gentlemen, will not yourselves leave widows and• orphans, if ycu have not the manliness to perform your duty in the great hour of peril ? Mercy is a delightful attribute, but God forbid we should forget justice, for if we abandon justice mercy must soon flee. I little expected that my Learned Friend the Attorney-General and myself should be represented as doing what would be little else than putting a knife in that man's heart, and sacrificing his life with the lives of fifteen others. Gentlemen, it has been said that this is a Crown prosecution. My old and valued friend (Sir F. Pollock) made some observation which ex cited my surprise. But I know that it was only a passing shade, and the heat of expression excited by the sense of the deep and responsible duty he had to perform ; and in a subsequent part of his address he satisfied me of the cor rectness of that expression, for he admitted that the Crown had a duty to perform from which it could not be absolved. A great deal bad been said about this being a Crown prose cution for high treason; but the nature of such a prosecution gave the prison e r te n f o ld advantages over those he would have under any other form—as regarded lists of witnesses, theprivileges of Counsel, and other matters which the Jury must have observed—and the prosecution could never have been adopted with a wish to deal with severity towards the prisoner, but because the character of the transaction will' which they had to deal brought the case under the descrip tion of charge with which he was indicted ; and, besides this, the issue of the proceedings, be it what it might, would tend as well to excite the vigilance of the deluded as to warn the deluders that the crimes of which they were accused went to the destruction of the constitution, the peace and safety of England, and came within the descrip tion of the charge which tbey had now to try. They had heard much of the power of the Crown in those cases; but he knew of none which it had which were not possessed by every private prosecutor, and it merely represented the public peace and public safety, and the feelings of any faction would be put down long ere the Crown could be affected. He would not indulge in expressions of " bloody this and bloody teat," as the Learned Gentleman on the part of the prisoner had done; but he would say that this was a prosecution arising out of an insurrection and tumult, which had been attended with great danger. On his own and his Learned Friend's part he desired. to put the ease before them in a proper manner, and when they had done their duty they would feel as much sympathy for the prisoner as any other individuals, and they would rejoice if, consistent, with their duty, the 'Jury could acquit him. He trusted that they would not allow the prisoner to suffer because of the course which had been adopted by the Counsel for the defence, and the weakness' which such a course generally showed. They had seen the delusion which had been practised by these transactions upon mon so ignorant that the object of it had to be trans lated into Welsh, and into whose hands arms had been put, although they knew not for what purpose they were to use them. This inquiry would teach them the risk they ran in permitting themselves to be made blindly the tools of their leaders, and would teach their leaders the lesson that, despite their demonstrations, .the law still remained in its vigour, and able to protect the peace of the community. He agreed with Sir Frederick Pollock—he had no ob jection that they should keep before them the conse quences of a verdict of guilty upon the prisoner; but, whilst they did not forget those that were near and dear to him, they ought not to forget—they ought also to regard those who were dear to them. He asked them to consider the circumstances of the case calmly, and to do their duty, unshaken by any feelings which were calcu lated to swerve them from it. He did not know that there were any material points in the law of the case whereon his Learned Friends and himself differed. The law, as laid down by the Attorney-General, had not been excepted to, and it had only been slightly qualified by Mr. Kelly. The Jury. however, would take their dircctir ns as to this from the Judges on the bench ; but it was necessary that he should state his view of the case under the correction of their Lordships, and of the law of it, and how it applied itself to the facts. The charge against the prisoner was that he prior to the 4th of November believed that a large body of men in different parts of • the country were prepared to rise in rebellion throughout the country, and that one of the purposes for which they were so to rise was for the purpose of seizing on the.town of Newport, to prevent resistance if they could by terror, and to overcome by force if it were necessary. It was at Newport that the rebellion was to be begun. What was done, in legal language, amounted to a levying of war within the realm against the Queen. The Solici tor-General then proceeded to say that no man deplored more than he did that which had happened in the front of the Westgate, or the number of lives that had been lost; but then he considered that what had happened had saved hundreds of lives from being lost, for he was satis fied that if Captain Grey and the Mayor bad tampered but for a few moments with that mob the consequence would have been awful; it was the well-exercised appli cation of military power that he was sure had saved the town and its inhabitants from more widows than now. Had the mob gained but possession of the town, as Mr. Frost hoped, they would have seen, what would have h-come of the wives and clauglit , rs of the town ? If Mr. Frost now called upon the Jury to look to his wife and his daughters, he (the Solicitor-General) asked the Jury what regard Mr. Frost should have for the wives and daughters of others ? He indeed sought his own safety and flight, and left the town abandoned to a lawless mob, who " showed themselves in front." Mr. Frost left even his own fttsh and blood to suffr from that snob, What be carne, of the town—what of his wife, and what of his fa mily, he knew not. The Solicitor, General then proceeded to contend in very powerful language that if the meetLg, which was convened for de scending on Newport, had not been for a treasonable purpose, the prisoner would have found no difficulty in calling witnesses to have proved it ; and that, notwith standing the protest of his counsel, the case raised against him was such as to render it necessary to prove his inno cence, if he could do so And after referring: to the doubts thrown on the evidence of the witness who spoke to the declaration of Davis in the presence of Frost, and to the doubt whether the insurgents denianded the special constables to surrender themselves prisoners, or whether they merely asked for their own prisoners, he said, as there was a doubt, he should on the part of the Crown abandon both points, and then asked permission of the ,Court, as he was entering on a new part of the case, to conclude his reply to-morrow. The Court accordingly rose at twenty minuts past six. • By the usual official return published by the Cus toms, the exportation of the precious metals from the port of London to foreign and colonial ports for the week ending the 2d of January is as under:— Ounces. Silver coin to Singapore p0re....... 3, 700 3,700 British W es t I n di es ........ ... 800 Bars to Madras and Calcutta... ......... 19,209 ROBBERIES. -•.-13y a Monsieur Dufore, from his lodgings, in Liverpool, the sum of 70/., viz.—two 201. Bank of England notes and 30 sovereigns ; also a silver watch, maker's name Massey, London. He is about forty-or forty-five years of age, and five feet seven inches high ; has bushy whiskers and light eyes.--By Allain de Drummond, late of Alfred place, Old Kent road, twelve or fourteen drawings, drawing-boards, pen cils, &c., value .51., the property of Thomas Cole, 5, Alfred-place.—On Friday, from the house, 17, Lisle street, Leicester-square, twelve silver table forks, marked A. G. ; a gravy spoon, two table spoons, two salt spoons, a milk ewer, and an old-fashioned milk ewer, all silver, and marked A. M. G. ; two pairs of plated candlesticks, sil ver edges ; a pair of plated snuffers, and tray to match ; a lady's gold neck chain, cable pattern ? a square filli gree gold ornament, set with garnets and pearls, and other property.—On Tuesday, from the house of Mr. Dixon, No. 31, Mornington-crescent, Hampstead-road, a tea- pot, a coffee-pot, a cream -ewer, twenty-four table-s3oons, twelve mounted table-knives, two soup-ladles, thirteen tea-spoons, an asparagus nipper, two salts, a fish-knife, a mustard-pot, a butter-knife, four salt-spoons, two kni fe rests, two skewers, twenty-four table-forks, and a rose water bowl—all silver, with crest a lien rampant ; a pair of white cornelian earrings, a pair 'of gold earrings, a gold ring, with hands across ; a gold ring, marked G.S.M. ; a bracelet, with blue stone ; an amethyst brooch, an amethyst pin, two gravy spoons, four sauce ladles, four salt-spoons, and a mustard-spoon—all silver, with crest a demi-lion rampant ; three chased gold rings, a chased gold ring, with single diamond ; a mourning ring, marked M.A.D. ; a pair of gold earrings, harp pattern ; a pair of bracelets, set with emeralds and rubies ; a pair of bracelets, turquoise ; and a mosaic jewel, engraved on the back, " Brother Thomas Dixon, Grand Steward."—On Thursday night, between eight and nine, from 45, Frith street, Soho, a diamond ring, large stone, set in plain gold ; a diamond ring, sin ll stone, set in'enamel ; diamond ring, doub.e nalf-hoop, opens in the centre ; a diamond rind, half-hoop, with three stones ; a diamond ring, half-hoop, with three large stones ; a diamond or nament for the head, in the shape of a half moon, and it large diamond drop att tched (can be used as a brooch) ; a brooch in the shape of a &at, set with a quantity of small diamonds ; a gold Geneva watch, silver dial, chased on the back, and a flo.ver basket, with several nall di !mond, set in it, and having also small rubif's set round the edge of the case, and a gold guard-chain at tached, the property of David Gideon. Few persons are aware that 100.000/. was left to the University of Oxford by Alichael Angelo Taylor, to build a picture gallery and lecture rooms cot- r nected with science and arts. A dispute havin g arisen between his relatives and the trustees respecting the will, the latter, rather than ri-k a suit in Chancery, have agreed to take 75,0001., and have begun clearing the foundation for the building. 9 „ :hey have removed the old house s a t th e corner of DeaUMOnt-str ee t, St. Giles's, nearly opposite St. John's College, which is the most central they could meet with. The Shah of Persia, according to a letter from St. P e t ers b urg h, h as offered to the Russian Govern ment escorts for all convoys of stores, &e., crossing his territories, fo r th e expedition against the Khan of Chive. IRISH MARKETS. DUBLIN MARKET NUAE for the WEEK ending JAN 4 3 t 4r) zo '9 .6 I@ 1 17 4 r roro I. 576 Wheat, per barrel 5 5tuue...,...1 23 0 42 0 U here 450 Barley le2 Oats '4 stClie .l C 16 6 o Flour, per cwt. .• 6 atc.lie - U - 0 6 . 20 Oatmeal 8 atque l5 ii Ils 0 Sold to Bakers only. ~, . r I is 4 6,261 Cwt. Flour .................... Average price di . % heat and •our 655. 4d. per sack. .. I . i 3 , ji. ..... ..... ~ at. od to 20$ rd. Receipts of Flour. 11.743 1 5 c ; c0 ,.......... ernm 15 %. a.. 25 , , 0. Sales of Do. 3 2,Trind. ....... (tom ha. ild to 13s •U. pit. !vs OF BRZATI. Quarterr. L0a:..•......11d. j Hall Quarterti ...alio. Ct .Ith M kith . 6 :15.-- lAN 4 Wheat (per ~)Its`2o3 RI. to 4 is. +Ai Oats (pet 1 sat../ ~.., 73.34. to 14s, 3tl Barley (per 16st )76 2 1 0 Flo".r i t , cwt.). JO 6 J Oatmeal (per cwt.)..... . ....r.s. !... to 16. 5. +'•• Peet, 4d. to 7 il.—Aluttoit. bd. to 6.1........V:;a:. 4,1 to "•.d. Pork.. 4ld to 5d.--Fresh Buttet, :00. to ild . r---. .o. Pelee oe istrripit_ 1- • alf d.as.ts. 1r the Cuurtry rust Quality... , econd ... l. .. • •...................-...... 8 Third Fourth 7) Fifth AI 53 Sixth CLON 51E1 I ki .4 Ith b.:4.....- Jae 4 • . Pe. ( Wt. • d. d. s„ . New Butter , :e• oto PO tf.dee ti •24 +1 0 ttinea' ...... 0 1Z 3 1 bacon: C Belitlerea lard 'kf cad s er' i. lour, Second , 44 It lour, Trt.rtit 0 011 k‘ 42 9 .-- 0 • Rapeaced 01 Barley 0 14 0 Here 'S 4 10 0 1 1.7 , 413 KILKENNY AIARKEIS ve eat ,per barrel)3oa (kt. to 375. Oel. I Beef 'Aer lt ..e .od. to Os. 15ar'ey ............... 022 0 , 4 ' ioatg . ................ 1i ti 14 e lour (per bag)....;) , 0 40 2 es' . 0 ! Pork ........ 4 0 4 Butter (perewt.)...9o 0 9: r rest! Butter ..., 0 0 1 0 Bacon Pigs 0 0 ) .33 0 36 0 'Sad Ditrp ..„ n Coals 1 0 1 2 totatoes (per at.) t, 2 to 3 HAMBUR 3 MARKETS. A I N. GR. Wheat. Marks 438 to 45V Magdeburg Anima, white 429 to 1.86 red -- Brunswick 426 to 162 -- , lletkleidxirg , 396 to 46 Polls)] I lolutein l7B to 4tB Rye, Mecklenburg .... 22R to 2? . : -- Dantzic ........... 240 to 216 Elbing • ~ n d nigsburg ........ 23; to .9•76 ITWand ............ 231 to --- Riga Barley, Mecklenburgh 204 to 240 Magdeburgh to - - Holstein 204 to 240 Summer 196 to KR . fats, Elder ... . Mecklenburg I— Holstein 132 to 165 Eist Friesland ll5 to Pease, Meckl,nburg leans 25.i to 312 Buck Wheat 174 to 192 Rapeseed, Hanover Malt Cares roN. Carolina and Te nnessee 7 to cur] Georgia, Ist sort Sik 9 1 4 1= 1 ,4 3d and 4th 6 • 7t.i, Maranham ''lN to 84, Madras sv,, Cli Surats 5% P' Domingo ........ 'EE. COE Mocha 13 to 134 Batavia Sumatra • , Rio 4% SU Bahia SUGAR. —(Wit Havannah, White tiNto s-14 Brown 54 6% Rio, W hite 54 654 Brown 4% 54 Manilla, Brost Domingo La Guavra - SNI 6 % Porto Rico 6 6% Havannah....... i 8% Discount.) Bahia, White ...............SV; to 714 Brown sW bc Pernambuco, White s ii 7% Brown 5 5% 'n, 53 t 6‘. SUICIDE THROUGH DRUNKENNESS.—Tues day afternoon an inquest was held at the Cock and Bottle, Bedfordbury, on the body of Isaac Sayer, a tailor. His wife, younger by 30 years than deceased, said that on last Friday he completed his 70th year, and on the whole, of that day appeared very melancholy, in which state he retired to rest. He rose at six next morning, and in an hour - after she found him dead, hang ing by a rope from a shelf near the front door of the shop. They lived happily together, though deceased attempted to drown himself five years ado. A nephew of deceased, who cut him down, and two aged and re, speetable tradesmen, deceased's brothers, spoke in se vere terms of the misconduct of deceased's wife. Drink has been his ruin, as it has been, and will be, the ruin of thousands. Verdict—" Temporary insanity." SHIPWRECK.—We regret to announce that tne Falmouth packet, of this port, a beautiful clipper schooner, belonging to W. Glasson, Esq., merchant, Green Bank., and regularly employed in the fruit trade, has been totally lost at St. Michael s, with all her crew, except the mister. Several other vessels were lost at the same time.—Falmoutis Paaet. FIDE.--Tuesday evening, between six and seven o'clock, a fire broke out on the premises of Messrs. Hemsworth and Hebble, wholesale l eather-sellers, St. Martin',.-lane, adjoining that of Slaughter's Coffee house. Engines from Chandos-street, with the County. and others, were promptly on the spot, and the flames were extinguished before gaining an ascendancy. It is not known how the fire originated. The stock and premises are insured. PRIZE CUPS.—New and Second-hand SIL VCR PRIZE CUPS are offered at Vey REDUCED PRICES, and Patty n 3 may be made from a great variety, both of Sizes and Pattorn3, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Goldsmith and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill ( Seven Doors from Gracechurch. , treet), London. Drawings of Cups will be forwarded in answer to a post paid application. It im desirable Letters for Drawings should ention either the size or about the price of the Cu? or Cups m that may be required. B/h Tfi r On the sth inst.. in Henrietta-street, Cevent-garden, Mrs. W. Wardell, of a daughter. On the sth inst., at the Rectory, Whitchurch, Salop, the lady of the Rev. C. Dl. Long, of a ,on. 414 A I 1 RTET). On the 7th inst., at St. James's Church, Westminster, Alfred Robert Hole, Esq., 13th Light Dragoons, to ElizabAh, eldest daughter of John Mercer, Esq., Maidstone, Kent. DUN). On the 3d inst., in Sackville-street, Colonel William Gordon Macgregor, Inspecting Field-efficer of the Londan district. On the 6th inst., Henry, the youngest son of Richard Jack son, Esq., of Charles-street, St. James's -square, aged 24. London: Printed and Panhshed by MURDO YOUNGof No. 112. Strand, at The Sun Office, No, 112, Stiand, in the county of Afiddlesez.—Tl,ur4day, January 9, 1840. l ,- e C