The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-25 00:00:00

1 , !1.111, 1 ides of As n; THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. long oppressed, why should we endeavour to V' i a state of feverish agitation in order to obto , which the course of events is likely soot), kep t tr-- , ------------ .... ...._.,_.....__. • the virtue of Reformers consist in collectinit * carried on with a system of regularity, peace, and so t fanning the flame of an interminable excitemdt . er e that the people went to and from the poll as they did :ommercial people, do we not need some repo h se e t ( f iet Y • t the further want of it be destructive of our et 414 from their several places of worship (loud cheers) ; adverse at once to individual happiness and to de m e ile in., the slave states, as he emphatically denominated them, ere to viva voce system of voting was carried on, every spe of crime, bribery, strife, and even of bloodshed, and all e t, gentlemen, your faithful and - devoted servant; e, les " ROBERT WAlTHMAllo•h h auner of corruption, VMS most disgustingly prevalent. I will , F ir k . e that gentleman's character for veracity against that of :Ams said,—Brother electors and fellow-citize have Stanley or any other man. (Hear, hear.) Our opponents mists have intrusted me with the task of introd, e gone a e areat way for the purpose of invalidating the vote the first resolution. That resolution embrao -Y ballot; they have travelled 3,000 miles across the Atlantic teat important topics for the consideration fi ' -teen ; but why have they not crossed the straits of Dover, and T assembled here this day—namely, to petal ked at the population of France ? It was generally corn- Parliaments vote by ballot, and for a repeal eted that France had 32,000,000 of population, ant) only axes. Gentlemen, I and you, as well as the co expected there would have been no occasion ,000, till lately, of electors. If these hart not been protected iro riet of etitionin for the ballot and the Y the b a ll o t, wou ld th ey h ave returne d tho s e 222 members, the py p g Septemal Act, as it will be in the recollection t re ' l ebrated majority who, in the Chamber, led to the expulsion ford. John Rnssell, when he brought forward Charles from his thr on e and country? (Cheers.) Gentl e _ did promise not only to the House of Commoo . en, the Frenchmen of all parties regard the ballot as their nintry at large, that as soon as the Reform 1 3 r ered shield at elections. (Cheers.) There is no indi v id ua l rried, those two important questions should ' l s • 4 nY_Varty who thinks of doing away with that system of vot ird in a distinct manner. Those measures we I; None of the inhabitants of that country ever expressed a d to the last Parliament, because every one w l • ee e il'e 'of altering the ballot to open voting. (Cheers.) But "Ys ith much g gentl should travel into other countries? let us s' that they reater could certainty be intrduce of euccessd into the Refo ° °k our emen 0., at we bribe r y Look the scenes of and corruption . We the eat t have disgraced the proceedings at th e e l ec ti on a t B ris t o l, by Lord John Russell, of the reformed Par that one of the first acts, in conformity with it ; eferpool, and Norwich. They tell us that Salisbury one of aye been to introduce these two great measur . h ' at candidates actually gave the sum of £lO to an elector for a -all myrtle plant. Another gave 10 guineas for little pig at mishment several of his Majesty's ministers, p qildfoid. Look at the riots at Coventry, Walsall, Sheffield, Stanley, have declared it their determination I V Hertford. Look at all these scenes, and will any man tell ;pose them whenever brought into Parliame' that the ballot is not necessary ? Look at the tyrannical op ion of Mr. Stanley and the Ministers has caul' 1 e l 'asiort that has been exercised at Stamford and Newcastle, [arm, astouishment, and dismay in the minds Y k which freemen dare not exercise their rights. (" Shame.") Loud cheers.) That is the principal cause of h ee priuciple of the ballot is so self-evident that it requires no day. Gentlemen acquainted with the histor . know that it was the custom, from the ear ee to advocate it, or point out its good effects. I have never e htp elt y any argument urged against the ballot which does not • history, that the Parliaments were elected any with tenfold force in its favour. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, salutary custom continued for a series of y ea 'ti i r that I have too long trespassed on you, and as there are el of the Stuarts. One of Charles L's family : yeral gentlemen to follow me who will be anxious to t custom, and that led to that monarch's losi , f l yer their sentiments, I will not detain you much longer. the scaffold, and ultimately to the expulsion e next subject is the assessed taxes. On that subject nn the throne of this country. The successors Villiam and Mary, almost immediately on e ,ll Will make but one observation, because the lion. g e ntl e - :Ives upon the throne caused an act to pass to s , e who will follow me is so well conversant with th e important question, the preamble of which sta elect that he will be much better able to do it justi c e. kal, however, observe, that if the repeal will do nu more by ancient laws aud statutes, Parliaments w . °lei , than to enable the 10,U00 persons and upwards, in Lon theand that their frequency tended to a good agr e who were deprived of the franchise by not being able to King and the people, it was enacted that f , b e their taxes, to do sa it will effect a great geod. ((sheers.) ould siteonger than three years. Unhapn V pas s e a: i v l f z., wi _traker concluded by moving the firstresolution, to the fol :norations, shortly after this act qh ►n h effect :—" That it is expedient for this meeting to peti having only passed in 1691,—in the first year eorge 1., that most daring act of usurpation, e the Commons House of Parliament, praying that hon. t, was passed, which did away with the act, d, °llse will be pleased to repeal the statute of the first year of e . reig n of King George 1., commonly called the Septennial requent Parliaments produced a good egreera f e '• and also to pass an act to cause the votes for members the and the King. The reasons assigned ' serve in Parliament to be at all future elections taken by the Septennial Act, were, that frequent electio ilia ; and also to pass an act to repeal and wholly abolish the designs of the Papist faction, and lead to at branch of the taxes which is commonly denominated the se invasion of the country, and that they ( s i sessed taxes, and further praying that the House will be s) were burdensome, by reason of the great e o 'ased to pass these acts with as lithe delay as may be possible." ig them. Happily, none of these reasons . u hie Nienoesore stood forward to second the resolution. He ;eform Bill has done away with the necessity I ,,he—After what has fallen from the gentleman who has :etions, except merely the cost of the hustin addressed you, it would be bad taste in me to occupy late who possessed the confidence and esteem, - e ' t - or time by any argument to drove the necessity of repeal idaed be at any other expense. As to the Pop ' h i the Septennial Act. Mr. Williams, who has dwelt upon not now exist, because, happily, our breth e i .? , subject, has given you the history of how it originated. jests the Catholics are now admitted to eq at Parliament was elected for three years • they . voted them selves. Will any one now say that we are thr , mien from a foreign enemy: No, for we are ; y es to exist for seven years, and the only mistake that I link the - made was that they did not vote themselves for the world. When the act passed it well deter y and that their children should be legislators in given it by an eminent writer, Junius, , 'itation of the Lords, that we might be governed by an ever ) the members of the House of Commons . e eessing and one year for repentance. (Laughtel "at; House of Commons, in union with an everlasting :rated all the evils which this country has e I °l lse of Lords. (Loud laughter.) With respect to the vote Its first child, nursed with great fondness, ballot, it was left as a question for future discussion by ongering system, and that laid the founda. ' e r a John Russell, when he introduced the Reform Bill. I bloody wars which immediately ensued, le eat think you of what has taken place at Norwich, at Wal ainst the American colonies, which ended in , and at Stafford ? I happened to be at the last place at iolonies to this country; and that against ' thise of the election, and the first day men were bought at Ince, which lasted 20 years, and which cost us eh ' £1 to £lO each, but the last day they were bought at I such countless millions of money it made u t £lO to £2O. And by whom ?—by a German. (" Name, ; I 10,000, which was before but trifling; it prod , e.") It was a queer German name, and the owner's face ,-• Covered with hair. He offered a family iu which there intent of not less than 300 barracks, and a s 0,000 men in time of peace, to compel people e te sh e voters £lOO, but they demanded EPA (laughter), the h ground them to the earth. It laid the foulil, rket price having risen. 1 cannot tell you how disgusted the lmirals being appointed to each ship of the t ',The candidate was, who had received the promises air Generals to a regiment of horse. It led',,,ose bought voters, to see them coming up to the tof £6,000,000 for smecures t and pensions, • e to vote against him. They did so because they men pensioners who were living on the vitals " r e Poor men who had got wives and families to sup et!, and who therefore thought it the wises plan to take £l5 . led to the passing of the dungeon and gaggi t- 2 0 as the price of their votes. (Cries of t ' :Name, name.") : suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, bi t t, Dundas, Castlereagh, and Sidmouth. Auld that have been the case if we had the ballot ? (Cries No, no.) In some places, however, the corrupters has led to the misrule, misgovernment, and t e , i ' , and, till at length that country has been redo Oar No, served in a different manner. When I passed through which makes it impossible for the people aventry, on the top of a coach, I saw a crowd waiting the l'fitie,leof Mr..Ellice. I asked what was going on, and they them. To enumerate all the ills of the Septe ° m that the corporation was buying up voters, to turn be a great waste of y our ti me , an d i s perfef Ilt the old members. Well, said I, do you take your £l5 or utilis e ; I dare say you are sufficiently convinced . e ) If Ministers are determined to stick by Yes. Right ; but how do you vote? Their answer was, t"•-ilat. they voted honestly, according . to their consciences, and id not repeal the Septennial Act, it will pro at ; the favourites of corruption. (Cheers.) I shall not is to coerce •the people and make them to sub r° ' a ‘ l ' ist you farther (cries of " hear, hear,")—except with but how can Earl Grey instruct his fellow MI motion in favour of the ballot brought for ;. , et; and i t i s a curious thing, and you will be surp r i se d, p er h a p s , rr London ? (Cheers.) I find that, in a 1g hear it. The Times newspaper—mind, it is a dangerous thing t weaks of th at m i g h t y eng i ne ( a l aug h), an d if tie reporter o Pei' in 1823, by the noble Earl, e Times is here, I will not object to anything that the wn hand, there is a sentence runs thus—" Fie ' hie. , may please to put in, or anything they like, but I le duration of Parliaments, and to remove h e ei 'ues rather that they would confine themselves to the truth. infusion, litigation, and expense which now oft what is the case ? The Times newspaper has been r at elections, and render them what our an . siting against the ballot for the last five or six weeks, but to eution asserted them to be, the means of and et arrow morning (a laugh)--no, it may take a day or two to id a sl ippy uniou between the King et a letter from Berkshire (laughter)—but on Wednesday or if Ea Grey should act in direct oppositiou laarsday next, you will find the Times advocating the bel ow for ed condemnation of the Septennied Act, ,tt to the fullest extent. (Cheers and cries of " Bravo.") cry different position from what we used to TMCd Parliament, and are not dependent u , my reason. I have got the Times newspaper in hand. (Cries of " Read, read.") I will read it if you s Minister whatever. (Cheers.) I trust oft' y ll allow me. Observe that Mr. Walter, the member for erkshire, t will act in accordance with the desires t, ) The next important question founded upon ew to is the p ro p r i e t or o f the Times. That's nothing vote by ballot. You will find that all the . You, to be s ure. (" No, no.") What does he l,slants of places and the spoil of the nate e ! here ? This is his report, in his own paper ; and at does he say in this part of his address ? He says, Tory, with all their hireling press, are clam, ha' I „, ise of the ballot. They say that Englislud; li "adverting to the first Parliament under the new ; i ss lie could but express his regret that that measure had and desire to give their votes in an open 0 et 1 ••heen made as perfect as it might have been in the last ;nglishinen are courageous, but they are t ;1411lament, so that it might have enabled every honest man id feel for the miseries they inflict upon , „ 0) k give his vote without coercion, and freely, according to on know there are some Englishmen who ' • wish without the risk of being ruined by s tie ii I conscience. In that case, his two hon. friends near - him e a es ' 41 have secured their election with much less trouble power over them. How many men have s'c '' inconvenience ; but that defect in the bill (mark, it is ad, how many thrown into the workhouse, o i e. - Times that speaks, not me ;—laughter) might vet be re ems and houses, for not obeying the dictate as , edi _ ~ i power over them! It is said that theb v. e( - 1 • He had once thought that the Reform Bill would Jut what a droll charge is this, when there' l e , l a final measure ; but when he found the threats and me m, not a club-house, not a district in the co le" as „, 1 I ees held out against honest poor men, to deter thorn from ,th y wished, he owned he could not but admit leetions are not conducted by b a ll o t. (Chee tat somethin g more remained to be done to complete the iefit societies of the artisans, for labouring no t asure of refor ne (Cheers and cries of " Yes, the ballot.")* d them all carried on by the ballot. Loa : ie l'a I know from several gentlemen, members of Mr. Wal eit the west end of the town, whichcount for t , -Is f ' ' S committee, that if lie had had the ballot he would have great and rich nobility of the country,-- 1 N ed of the church,—all those who hold cominiss r i! I 600 vote ' s more than he did. Lords and gentlemen h k ill every part of the world—from Italy, France, liome, and I navy,—and there all the elections are ca ~f ;ter nieces, wrote to their £5O tenants, that if they voted for lot -even a Royal Duke can be admitted IP,/ At. alter they mustquit their land. (Cries of " Hear, hear" e use of the ballot. At all our great charit! ha e Shame ', a 1 which this country abounds—the hospioh pl ug , W ould not that be sufficient, without ,i , -g else, to callr the ballotnecessary for me io any hospitals, which are munifi ce ntly endewe e ,eer to the case of Essex in support of my argument ? It was St. Bartholomew's, and St. Thomas's Hospi Pi era Chandos t P .. - ~ who moved the 150 tenants-at-will clause, and all carried on by ballot. Look, again, at 4 i t i7a-s th a t clause which had turned out 'Western, and if there stitutions, such as the Royal Society, the Rd:. d r 6- bee urged. by ballot Western and many more would have iciety, the Society of Arts, and a 100 list , t , k- -n re (Cheersa.l Now for the subject of the assessed use the elections are carried on by bat cit. i" i, te a, and I am persuaded I shall have no difficulty in that. iversity the elections are also carried on by e I h ,t - ead time I could lay -a statement before you that would - :ceding then un-English ? (Hear, hear.) La i A or i Most distinctly its terrible and monstrous injustice. (Cries England—the directors of that immensee hef- . 4, ' hear, hear.") I have been au advocate for the repeal of shment, who exercise more power over th th 3 s assessed taxes for above twelve years, and I will tell you ntry and its wealth than any other body in i o . v . I v It does not require argument, but there are a few facts parliament itself, are all elected by b 3 ,, iL t ice ought to be laid before you. Those taxes are most e East India Company, and you will find_t o P s , he Y partial, and consequently terribly unjust in their io exercise a monarchical sway over 80 millithPh leation. 1 took the trouble this morning to put a few cases s, are elected by ballot. Yet it is said that t.o . , l t ` t h and from the petition which I hold in my hand (the i proceeding ! by and laughter.) In fey" the ~ - u 3 le about to be adopted by this meeting,) 1 shall be fur hament itself, there is no institution whe States heti with abundant illustration of my argument. I believe Ise. We are told to look at the United iitl9, . e are 52 counties in England and Wales, and iu 20 of those ant of 22 of which adopt the ballot. And t aliot i ties there are only 66 houses rated to the house tax at more e Tact, that those states in which the their Alit e £llO a-year. In six counties there is not one house rated a slave states, which elect men to sell stit'illi ltit e than £9O a-year, and in those counties there are man e a beast at open market. In the con e _ oetts that have cost £lOO,OOO, and £200,000 in building. i n a American states there is a provision to purpose u A_ ties in Wales there are only two houses assessed at. i, a convention of the people, for the tor. s e than £lOO, and there are only six houses in those cows ending those parts which may befoh n nd no on e rated at £BO. In one of those counties the Marquis of i conventions meet frequently, but i th • ballot tPeel resides in a mansion and garden,—for they assess aver dreamt of to abolish the use of• e , d , v ey. - subject, do you think that 26 counties, with 300 or 400 man sions, palaces, and castles, would not pay so much in assessed taxes as the smallest street in the city of London ? (Cries of " Shame.") Is not this good cause for you to petition ? (Cheers, and cries of " Yes, yes.") Besides, it is - a great mistake to suppose that we, in so doing, are opposing his Majesty's Ministers—we feel grateful for what they have done, and we come here to-day to support them; we come here that they may be supported by fhe public against the Conservatives, and that they may have power to give full effect to the provi sions of the bill. (Cheers.) I was going into a statement, but as it would detain you to do so, I will sum up all 1 was going to say. The average of 200 houses—Bishops, Lords, and the whose of the aristocracy living in those 200 houses, pay—what think you they pay? The Titles even cannot com prehend what they pay. Upon the average for these 200 houses, Lords, Bishops, and all,—what do you think of the immense sum of £5 81 9d., which is what they pay .to the house-tax ? But Me Times says that the peisple who would be here to-day are nobody, and wont you take the authority of The Times, that calls itself the instructor and great engine of the whole world ? What will the Times say to this statement ? Mind the assessors, for the assessing houses to the house-tax have been all appointed by the borougbmongering Parliament, and they have sworn, "so help them God," that they made a true and faithful assessment when they assessed those 200 pa laces, mansions, &c., at an average of £5 Bs. 9d. each. Now I could go into the history of all the counties in England, and I believe that out of 20 counties there are only 66 nouses that are assessed above £llO a-year to the house-tax. In those counties, out of 26 Bishops, you have, of course 26 palaces. Now the Bishop of Hereford is assessed for his palace £6O a year. You wilt calculate when vou go home how much by that he pays to the house-tax. In Dorsetshire Lord Eldon lives, I think, and, if an accurate report. is wanted by any of the papers, I will give them the exact sum that he pays in house duty. In Buckinghamshire that great man, whom we should never forget—l mean Lord Grenville—lives. He has received £4,000 a-year as auditor of his own accounts, for 40 years. If, when you go home and have leisure, you make a calculation, I thick you will find that that will amount to more than half a million of money. Now his mansion—a mansion that has been visited by the King and the Royal Family, is assessed for not more, I believe, than £3lO a-year. (Cries of " Shame.") I believe that Lord Eldon has received a great deal, too; but then his great services! (Laughter.) I think I could show that he has received in one way or another more than £2,000,000 of our money. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, how is it that, in these 26 counties, the commissioners of taxes, the assessors, the surveyors, and all those under them, should all be able to swear, in the manner they have done, that out of those 200 houses there is not one of them that is worth more than the assess ment? But our assessors in the city, in Westminster, in the borough, and in all the towns of England, have charged the middling and poor classes, who live in houses worth only £2OOO and less, three times, nay ten times, the amount that these great and privileged (omnipotent, I might almost say, for they have hitherto been so) boroughmongers pay, who, by a skill which I, as a tradesman, am not up to, have taken great care not to assess themselves, but to put it all on the working and indus trious classes. (Cries of " Shame.") We have heard, and the statement is in the petition, that in collecting the assessed taxes £250,000 is charged for informers (" Oh !") and £60,000 for the lawyers, who are the partners of the informers. More than £300,000 is charged by those machines for overtaxing the peo ple, and if we have a representative for the city in the House of Commons who has the courage—and I believe we have one— we will have a return moved for and produced showing who have received that £300,000, and how that money has been dis posed of. (Cheers.) I am at this moment in the Exchequer Court for giving a receipt for £lBlos. without a stamp. I got but ss. out of' the £lB, and £lO is paid to the King; therefore, when I pay the Attorney-General he ought at least to put a penny to the account of the King. I will not detain you longer on this subject, but if I were to speak until to-morrow night I could go into such a history of plunder and robbery as you never before heard. (" Go on.") But I cannot help telling you that when a deputation waited upon Sir John Cans Hob house, to state their grievances, he asked them if they we re n ot content with the repeal of' one fax ? with one out of the five mil lions! They said no, they would not. (Cheers.) But how do those taxes go? I have only to refer you to the pension list for an answer,. there von will find that Lord Grenville, Lord Arden, and hundreds of others, receive about half a million o the public money. We have ladies on the list, too. I have got the names of two ladies that we have been keeping. (Laughter and some cries of "Off, off.") We have been keeping those ladies for 36 years, and it will be a singular thing to learn, as we no doubt shall, when the return I allude to is made, what the ages of those ladies were when we ,commenced keeping them. (Cries of "Off, off," and "Go on.") Will you have their names? There are the six Misses Hays, Dorothy, Mary, Elizabeth, Jane, Anne, and so on, the sisters-in-law of Sir John Hohhouse; and they receive £ BOO a year from the pension list. There is one of them that we have been keeping for 27 years, and I leave you to calculate how much she has received in that time. For the keeping of these six sisters-in-law of Sir John Hobbouse it is necessary that 400 £lO houses should be assessed to the house-tax. (Cries of "Shame," and "Off, off.") Is it right that 400 poor persons should be taxed to keep those six ladies? I could go through a long history of grievances of this kind—l will furnish it to the Times if they will use it; and I say that the Times, if it will look into that statement, will be come the advocate for its brother citizens who are thus cruelly and unjustly taxed for such purposes. (Cheers.) You will be told by Lord Althorp that the tax cannot be repealed, because the money cannot be spared; (Hear, hear,) but there are ten or twelve . public departments which may well be cut down to enable ministers to meet our wishes. There is the diplomatic department, for instance, which is most shamefully paid. Will you believe that our Ambassador to America receives £9OOO, just double what the President receives? (Cries of "Enough.") I could mention to you upwards of 400 names of persons who are deeply interested in keeping up the expenses of the govern ment, because they know that otherwise they will not be paid. I beg to second the resolution.—[The resolution, expressive of the opinions of the meeting, that a petition should be presented to the House of Commons, praying for triennial Parliaments, vote by ballot, and repeal of the assessed taxes, all as soon as possible, was then read.] The LORD MAYOR said, that when he stat e d t o th em th a t a majority ought patiently to hear a minority they applauded him. Now, Sir Gregory would detain th e m o nly for a few minutes, and, in fair courtesy, they ought to h e a r him. If he should say anything disagreeable to them they could express their disapprobation of it afterwards. - _ _ Sir GitiGORY LEWIN again came forward, but he was assailed by a general storm of hisses, groans, &c. He de manded as a right to be heard. He only asked for fair play. (Several voices—" We have had enough of you, go home to your dinner.") After - several ineffectual attempts to obtain a hearing he finally withdrew. Mr. IL Iltuvr then came forward, amidsts mingled cheers and hisses. He said that when the hon. baronet who had just retired intimated to the Lord Mayor that he was about to move an adjournment of this meeting, the Lord Mayor asked him (Mr. Hunt) whether he would answer him? lie said no, the Hall would answer him. They had answered him before they knew what he was going to say. No; he let the cat out of the bag, and they very soon hunted poor puss down. (A laugh.) He felt great pleasure in thus coming before the assembled constituency of the city of London. Although he had no hand in cabin' the meeting, he perfectly concurred in its ob ject; and, not being now a member of Parliament, he thought when he saw it advertised, that he should best do his duty by attending it and stating his opinions in support of the mo tion. They had been told how the Parliaments became septen nial, and nothing more need be said on the subject but that it was the Whigs who did so. lie thought ha heard some new elector saying—" Oh, you are not a Whig now," and he would answer him by saying—" I am as much a Whig now as I ever was, because I never was anything of the sort." He was old enough to remember when the 'Whigs were in power in 1806 and 1807. They had for many years been promising to reform the grievances of the state; but when they came into power they adopted all the measures of the men whom they had for '2O years before been denouncing. He was old enough to re collect those things; and, therefore, since that period he never was a wing. lie had been accused of being a 'Tory—he had been accused in the House of Commons of joining the Tories. Why, because he did not approve of all the measures of the \Vhigs ; and his answer was, " Call me Tory—call use devil if you please; but don't call me Whig,, or I shall be sick." Ile had always said the Whigs were hypocritical Tories out of place. (Cries of " Question.") With regard to the second proposition—the vote by ballot—on that subject it would be quite enough for him to remind the members present, that in 1815 he was the last person in England who proposed the ballot at a public meeting ? which was held for the relief of the Duke of Richmond brought in a bill to establish annual parlia ments and universal suffrage, but not the vote by ballot, and it was such a measure as that that Major Cartwright and others supported. Ile repeated, that he was the first person in En gland to propose the ballot, which he did at the meeting he mentioned, in 1815. He was quite convinced, from what he had that day seen, that the people would send up their petition 1,. to the House of Lords and the House of Commons, demanding, that in future the election should be by ballot. When last he had the honour of addressing the Livery within that hall, he then suggested the propriety, when they were praying for par liamentary reform, of praying also for the ballot, and this an swer was made to him—" No, the Bill, the whole Bill, and no thing but the Bill,—when we have got that, we shall get every thing else." ("Bravo.") He hopd those who prognosticated that, prognosticated truly. H e was qu i te conv i nce d, th a t if the people of England had put their shoulders to the Wheel then, ' and acted unanimously in demanding the ballot and triennial parliaments, he was quite convinced that neither King, Lords, nor Commons could have resisted it, and if that had been the case, they would not have been assembled together that day to petition for it. However, it was better late than never. - He joined heart and hand for the demand that was now made. If the ballot had been in operation at Preston, he should not have been there that day, as he would in that case have been a mem ber of parliament. (Cries of "No, no," and "Yes.") Yes, he would have been elected in that case by a majority of five to one. If he was a member of parliament he would not be there, as he should have another stage upon which to declare his sen timents. (A voice, "You'll never get there again.") Allu sion had been made to what Lord John Russell had said, and very properly said, when he brought forward the reform bill, namely, that his Majesty's ministers were for passing the bill, and leaving the question of the ballot, and the question of shortening the duration of parliament, to be brought forward by some other persons hereafter. Lord John Russell said that, but never upon any one occasion did Lord John Russell ever say, or any of his Majesty's ministers, that when that time did arrive any of them would support such a proposition. There was a great cry against Lord Althorp, and also against Mr. Stanley, for having avowed at public meetings during the elections that the measure should be a final measure, and that they would oppose it going any further; now, they never made use of any one expression, or threw out any one hint on that point, that they did not state during the whole time of paSsing the Bill. In fact, they always said it would be a final measure, and if it was to be so, he, for one, would say it would be worth nothing,. (Cheers.) lie, for one, would never cease his exer tions to pievent the Reform Bill from being a final measure, but at the time the Ministers certainly said it would be fi nal, he, (Mr. Hunt) then -told them what would happen the moment it was passed ; when he did so, and when he brought forward such measures as he thought should be passed, it was said—" Oh, vou only propose these measures to embarrass Mi nisters." When he proposed the extension of the franchise to household suffrage, the only person in the house that voted With him on that occasion was the worthy alderman near him, Alderman Wood. Mr.. Hunt. then went into a history of his Parliamentary career,—of *hat he had done,—of what he had attempted to do,—and of what lie bad been prevented from ef fecting—the sum and substance of which was, that with one or two exceptions, he was the purest patriot and the most valua ble representative ever seen within the walls. of St. Stephen's. He regretted that the measure of reform had not been carried on far enough to give the suffrage to every man paying taxes. He had always said that the bill did not go far enough, and it was now admitted that it did not. He knew the people felt that it would not be a final measure. Let the people persevere, and they would obtain what they now sought, and a great dealmore. (Applause.) Mr. MANSELL then presented himself, and spoke in eulogy of the ballot, and in reprobation of the assessed taxes. The resolution was then put and carried with only one or two dissentients. Mr. WlLLlAMS.—Gentlemen, I beg to read another resolu tion, which is the second—" . That three petitions be presented to the House of Commons in conformity with the foregoing resolutions." The LOUD MAYOR put it to the show of hands, and it was carried unanimously. Mr. NEWELL is a source of great gratification to me to have the opportunity this day, in this hall, to address you as say felloW-citizens. By the Reform Bill you are recognized as the citizens of London-. (Cheers.) The ancient title that qua lified the inhabitants of London to become citizens is a title by which you are qualified to be electors of the city—viz., the resi dence of twelve months and a day, of scot and lot in the city of London. This privilege has been wrested out of the hands of the freemen, not by the Iteform Bill; as regards one point, it has been restored to you, and I am sure that we shall live to see that right also granted to you to elect the chief magistrate, as you ought to do, presiding over you. If that was the case, we should this day have the gratification of seeing that our chief magistrate presided in his corporate capacity over this proud meeting in common hall. (Hear, hear.) By th e r ecor d s o f hi s t ory, I find the citizens used to meet with swords in hand and shields on arm, and they used to carry their measures by means of phy sical force, but civilization has taught us that we can do without physical force by resorting to moral force. By the exercise of that moral force we hava . obtained the Reform Bill, and it is only to exercise the same „moral force to bring into action the good consequences of that•bill. One of those consequences is the shortening the duration of Parliaments. From history we find that the worst Kings and the most despotic governments had always infringed on the rights of the people, by snaking Parliaments longer than they ought b constitutionally to, be. than Richard 111. made them longer an a year; Edward Vassed two acts to make their duration only a y ear . H enry 111. infringed on those laws, and Charles 11. did so too: When William and Mary came, the liberal men of that day found it necessary to pass an act of Parliament to limit their duration to three years, and that was the commencement of triennial Parliaments. (Loud cheers.) At the commence ment of George I. we had a Whig Administration, but not like that we have now. That Whig Administration was ever ready to infringe on the rights and . lib er ti es o f t h e peop l e. Si r Robert Walpole was the Minister of that day, and there was never a man—saving he whose statute (Pitt's) is now in the hall—that exercised more power to crush the rising liberties of the people than Sir Robert Walpole. (Cheers.) But what have been the consequences of the Septennial Act? We have had bribery and corruption to a much greater extent than was ever known previously. (Cheers.) We have had a violation of the rights of the people, and the liberty of the sub ject has been destroyed. We have had gagging tills, a sus pension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the destruction of nearly all the rights of the people; such deeds have been com mitted by Ministers - that it was always necessary for them just before the termination of each Parliament to go down to the corrupt House of Commons a nd as k bill s o f indemnity for their corrupt deeds. (Cheers) Those hills of indemnity were the best proofs of the bad deeds done through septennial Parlia ments. The pretences for passing the Septennial Act were the Pope, the Pretender, and the Devil. (Loud laughter) But as the Pretender has been dead long since, there is nothing now to fear from him, for he has carried his pretensions along with him. As to the Pope, he has long been politically an old wo man,. and nothing was to he feared from that quarter. If you call into account the large sums of money you pay to the clergy for laying the devil (laughter), what fear is there for anything from his Satanic Majesty? (Laughter.) All the pretences for passing the Septennial Act are th ere f ore now d one away . M r . Newell then proceeded to read a protest signed by thirty peers, against the passing of the Septennial Act, and afterwards read the petition proposed for adoption by the present meeting which, amongst other things, noticed the petition presented to the House of Commons in 1793 by the lion. Charles (now Earl) Grey, praying for reform, and, as part of that reform, for short Parliaments, in these words :—" 1. hat the duration of Parlia ments might he shortened, because such shortening tended to produce a-happ union-and good agreement b e t ween th e Ki ng and the people."—Mr. N. in conclusion, expressed a hope that Earl Grey who had ever adhered consistently to the politics of his early life, would not desert those principles with reference to this important question of the repeal of the Septennial Act. (Applause.) Mr. SALL seconded the petition. Mr. SCALES next addressed the meeting, and observed that the cry which had been raised not to embarrass the 'Ministers by prematurely praying for the measures now before them, showed the 'conviction in the minds of those who raised it, that embarrassed a • they must succeed, for if the peopl e h a d th e p ower . Let the people, then, b exert the power they had, and it mattered little whether they emi a ministry or changed it altn e ,e , one ministry did not comply with the wishes of the country, r. S w c h a e l e t s e then a an active d p t a o rt tii in e ona a t u t f a it e l k ie s r w w i o ii ii el l i d. wereide those endeavouring to get rid of any grievance, and instanced his (Applause.) own case. Ile had_ been an object of such attacks for thirty " Every man his•own." meeting to-dav is ill-timed—that any discu ss i on on th e b a ll ot i s ( premature. Why, the Times has been arguing; against the bal lot for weeks. It is only ill-timed when we decide against them, and ask for the ballot. (Hear, hear.) He then read and moved the petition for the vote by ballot, which was seconded by Mr. FRANKS, and carried. Mr. WILKINSON . read the petition for the repeal of the as sessed taxes, which was seconded, and unanimously adopted: Mr. WILKINSON next proposed— " That George Grote„Esq.,_ be.requested to present the peti tion for the ballot; Sir John Key, the petition for the repeal of the assessed taxes; and Mr. Alderman Wood, the petition tor the repeal of the Septennial Act, and that each of them be also requested to bring:in a bill forthwith to accomplish the object of the petition intrusted to his care, and that all the members for the city be requested to support each of the petitions, and the bills to be introduced - arising out of them." Mr. HUNT suggested the alteration of one word. It Was not now necessary to " request" their representatives to advocate their rights, and he would therefore propose that the word " instruct" be substituted for request. 'f he amendment being approved of— Mr. Alderman WOOD then presented himself to the meeting. With regard to the request or instruction, it is immaterial to me which you call it, I believe it will be found impossible to find any old reformer, like myself, who will object to such a measure. (Loud cheers.) 1 have always, whenever an opportunity offered, designated the Sep tennial Act as one of the most infamous acts that was ever passed in the House of Commons. I will not detain you more on that point, but slightly advert to the subject of the other petition. With feprd to the ballot, I have long considered that subject, and more especially during the late election, and I have had so many opportunities of ob serving the workings at the elections, that I believe I should he able to produce considerable .evidence on that point, which would go a great way in inclinin g me to adopt such a measure, and f rom whichl think the House of Commons itself will be convinced of the neces sity of it. (Cheers.) With regard to the assessed taxes I have always opposed them, but I think it probable that there might be some mode of dividing them, if we could, at the same time, get other taxes re pealed which bear most heavily. (Cries of " No, no.") Well, only hear me, and I think you will say " Yes, yes." With respect to the window duty, I think . that was as obnoxious a tax as ever was thought of, and ought never to have existed. But, with regard to those taxes which fall more peculiarly upon the rich, I think a modification of them would be enough. Such, for instance, as the tax on carriages. I think people who are able to keep a carriage are cannily able t o p a y the tax upon it ; hut I would not include, under that modification, the taxes on clerks and porters, or warehousemen. I thick that an ex ceedingly improper tax, and should, therefore, vote for its immediate abolition. As far, therefore, as the abolition of all oppressive taxes are concerned, I shall go gong with you. NoW, as one of the inde pendents, I should propose the taking the duty off soon, (eli eers ,) which bears so much more heavy on the poor than the rial classes of society. The tax - also on malt ought fO be none away with. But, to • make short of it, the better way, and indeed the only way, to lessen the burdens of the lower and middling classes is to do away with the assessed taxes altogether, and have a property tax. (Cheers.) Taxa tion would then be on the shoulders of those who could bear it. (Con tinued cheers.) Mr. GM/TH.—Gentlemen, 1 shall have the greatest pleasure and pride in executing, to the best of my ability,.the mighty and impor tant duty which you have confided to me this day. This is the first meeting I have had the honour of attending of those whom I am now proud to call my constituents ; and it is billy gratifying to me, that the business which they isstrusted to me is one which I - should, of all other things, be glad to unabria.ke, even without such an extraordinary stimulus. (Loud cheers.) Attached as I am, and have -long been to the representative system, as the only certainty of good- government, • 1 think that all arrangements which conduce to the purity of the elec tive system rank among the foremost of all conceivable improve ments; and I say that both the ballot and a shorter duration of Par liaments are Most essentially requisite to give to the people of Eng land that security and that controul which they ought to possess over their representatives. (Obeers.) However, our representation has been peculiarly and materially amended by the reform bill, and I shall never speak ot that measure without the approbation it deserves ; but, at the same: time, I sin perfectly sensible it has not done everything, - for there yet remain important evils to redress, and additional security to be provided ; and while I refer to the speech of Lord John Russell in introducing the reform measure, I find - these two questions were specially set apart for the'consideration of the reformed Parliament. And I do contend, that, amongst the grave and mighty 'natters that *ill come before them, there are none to exceed, in importance, the - ballot and triennial Parliaments. (Hear.) . I will consider it one of my first duties to site notice of a motion m the Horse of Commons" - to bring in a bill to provide for taking votes by ballot (ch eers ;) an d I Shall do so, not less from my solemn and serious conviciton of its ne cessity, than from the confidence which you have this day reposed in me by requesting me to do it. I shall arse support the bill which will • be introdueed for the repeal of the assessed taxes, though, on that point, I am disposed to concur with my hon. friend and colleague, Mr. Alderman Wood, that we ought to be cautious, and not too has tily remove those taxes which press exclusively on the rich, lest we should be obliged to retain others which bear h ar dly on th e poor. It is to these that we should, in a more particular manner, direct our at tention, and endeavour to procure their repeal. (Applause.) GOD.. demon, I shall only,add, that I feel great pleasure in attending here to-day, and that it will be to me a source of umnixed satisfaction to express your wishes to the letter. (Applause.) Sir JON Kay came forward amidst - loud cheering, and - addressed the meeting as follcws :—My Lord Mayor, and Gentlemen, it afros& me the greatest gratification to attend your meeting, for the purpose of consulting your wishes, of ascertaining your opinions, and of re ceiving your instructibps. (Loud cheers.) On tho se su bj ects on Which you have this day deliberated, and upon which I may say you • have determined, my opinions are perfectly well known to all of you ; therefore, I may be excused from trespassing at any length on your time by discussing those points. I beg to assure you, that your wishes shall receive, in the House of Commons, my honest and determined support on every point to which you have this day referred. (Chews.) I perfectly concur with Mr. Alderman Wood in what he has said with respect to the expediency of abolishing all taxes—all the present taxes, (cheers,) and substituting for them a property-tax (loud cheer ing;) the effect of which would be to cast the burdens of the state in due proportions on those best able to bear them. (Cheering.) I con cur also with Mr. Aldennan Wood in the peculiar justice of taking off the tax on soap, but still snore do I feel the necessity of taking off the oppressive tax laid upon the buyers of food by its sellers. (Loud cheers.) The repeal of the corn laws is one of those measures which I hold to be one of our first duties. (Continued and loud cheering.) But I have already so fully declared my opinion upon these and other subjects—opinions which I believe to be in perfect un i son w i t h- your • own—(cheers;---that I will only further trespass upon your time to assure you, that you will iways find me at the post you have allotted to me, performing my duties to the utmost of my Allay, and doing everything in my power to fulfil your wishest, and to promote your prosperity. (Loud and continued cheers.) Mr. WILLIAMS moved that the thanks of the meeting be given to the Lord Mayor for his readiness in convening the meeting in the hall, and for his impartial and dignified conduct in the chair. Mr. NienoLsosi seconded the resolution, and took the opportunity of explaining that the extract from " The Times" of Thursday, which he quoted in his speech as having been uttered by Mr. Walter in his Speech to the electors of Berkshire, at Newbury, was, in fact, uttered by Mr. Palmer, (laughter and cheers,;—but he should he ashamed of himself if he had not the manliness to acknowledge his error, in spite. of what might be said upon it. (Loud cheers.) Mr. HUNT begged to express his entire concurrence in this resolu tion. Three hearty cheers then accompanied the resolution, and The Loan MAYOR said,—l thank you for this expression of sour. feelings. I did not hesitate an instant in calling a meeting, though I felt that in doing so that 1 was establishing a precedent, because this ip the first meeting of the kind that has taken place, and I sincerely hope that the precedent will be followed by all succeeding Chief Ma gistrates. (Loud cheers.) I trust they will always - be foend ready to give you the opportunity of expressing your sentiments; and I am not a little proud of this, that I am the first individual who has had a vote of thanks from the united constituency of Lontlini. (-Loud cheers.) I therefore prize it. I said my task would be easy ; it has been so • but I am afraid the new constituency has follhwed a little the bad ' habits of the old one, in refusing to hear both sides ; but, however, that was cli in perfect good humour. You have been happy gra amo it ng de yourselves; 1 have been happy with y ou, an d I return you my tu. The meeting then separated in great good humour and order. POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE CONSERVATIVES. 1. To maintain inviolate the rights and privileges of the three estates of the realm—of the Bing, the Lords, and the Commons. power, political unions, and socie ties To vindicate the liberty of the subject against every at temptedr violence.k* 3. To maintain every inhabitant of the kings dominions iu the lawful possession of his property, and the unshackled en joyment of it. Church of England 4. To suppoit the as by law established. 5. To advocate and promote alteration and reform in every tiesaon v g io st la t t h io e n p b eo y p u le le ,7or in popu a national institution, wherever a reasonable prospect shall pre sent itself of removing existing defects, without hazarding the violation of vested rights, or the introduction of new and num:- certained evils. 6. To maintain and augment the wholesome influence of re ligion and morality, sound knowledge and education, over irre ligion and immorality, false learning and ignorance. 7. To vindicate the integrity of the empire to consolidate the legislative un i on b etween Great Britain and Ireland, and repel every attempt to bring about a repeal of it.' 8. To promote, after a just and full compensation shall have been secured to the _proprietor of each slave, the abolition of slavery throughout the British dominions, at such time, iu each colony, as it can be effected with advantage to the slaves, safety, to the col o ni es , an d secur i ty to t h e sh i pping an d commercial in t he P- • ULM oda ., as a i.0.,.`"." " - b - h" -- lU K unny terests of the empire. • • Dyer dreamt of to abolish tne use •t/ geF it e l iG n g u a Neli also to . the extent of an acre, —and noble distressed weavers of Spltaltields, and he carried the petition years, but he would eat is opponents at last. 9. To discountenance and oppose the introduction of "the - is in conversation some time ago with a nt merchant f rom N ew York—and h e told ut, who receives £2O 000 a-year as Viceroy of Ireland, up to the King on the subject the next day. Ile took pride to The Loun MArott begged to observe that, as he made no vote by ballot" in contested elections of representatives to serve contract to give the meeting candles, be hoped that while it was in the Commons House of Parliament ; a m o d e o f voting, ou In met about two years ago, when must ituPor 4. au average of £6 to £7 a-year for his house : what a himself when he declared that he was the author of the propo- was made, for ; as the quatifieatioasewaos a le tri f? Vac. (Hear, hear.) Assembled as we are this day to com- sitiou f or vote b y b a ll ot in t hi s country. (C r i es o f. Oh, oh.") daylight the proceedings . would terminate. the one hand, alien to the manly feelings of Englishineni•and, I 1.1,! 1 of these grievances, Mr. Alderman Waithman tells us Mr. WILL IAJ es._The Duke of Richmond, Major Cartwright, Mr; S•rAc>:Y came forw ar d t o prop ose the petition relative to . on the other, pregnant with hypocrisy and corruption. they extended the elective franchi t staf f th ' 4o ll on the books of the Ilots r e . ation (cheers) ; but on that oceasionitihere til ,` we ar e premature. Why. M Alderman Wlithman had a and others, "t before yon. the' ballot, as follows :—Gentlemen w ithout the ballot all we 10. To discourage universal suffrage, or the extension of ti l e :o do away the ballot. (Cheers.) wealthy sl4 if h d b of Commons and k. Mr. HUNT.--I appeal to the Lord Mayor, ask vatic- have hitherto obtained will be e tr • t" 'l valueless. qbant franchipe to persons whose condition in life exhibits no ostensi- ompara c, y as in that great, populous, and k eha rought ferward and if he understood the then interruptedwhen he was• illy. `Williams l lams the " H e we, after experience we have had of the conduct of inch ble guaranteef judicious. exercise that • or eir of important *lt will be seen from what afterwardsshould observe the same courtmq towards me,—at least: when ' for two years, proposed that this is a mistake exercising irresponsible power, do as the leading journal wishes' trust. T _ _ occurs, 4 1• 4 4 1 ' . ...Part of the sr, _eal:er, the extract, in question hal n a us, and leave Ministers to do as theyplease? Another m should tell the truth, and not the re- most 11. o discountenance a free trade, unaccompanied by re- be does interrupt me, he t ken Lae speecil of kir. F. Palmer, at the lute dinner at Newbury f 1.1 1 d Mr. Hetet went on to say that the modest observation of the -leading join nap to-t ay is, that our is, ci —From a CorrePpundent. I, ewe , as e has . .