The Sun. — London, England, 1840-01-30 00:00:00

EVENING EDITOOI`..r. the Ballot, had delivered a speech of great power and great force of reasoning against the Ballot. Such was the effect of it, that the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, in a letter to the peopl e o f Ireland, stated that after hearing that speech, he s had r e ti red to rest with a heavy and wounded heart, and So many a bitter tear.—(Much cheering and laughter.) powerful was the Noble Lord's speech, that it wrung tears from the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. But that sorrow only endured for a season. Joy returned with the Morning, because, although the system of open questions was not then introduced, the :Master-General of the Ordnance and the Noble Lord, the Member for Stirling, were not convinced by it, but voted in favour of the measure. Very good discipline had been up to that time preserved in the ranks o f the Government with regard to voting, and the Noble Lord would bear him out in his assertion, that one Hon, Member, for having voted in favour o f the abolition of slavery, had been deprived of his office.—(Hear, hear.) That showed that the Government was perfectly sincere and would not allow such a breach of discipline —( Hear, hear.) He held in his hand a document from which there could be no t tpeal. A speech in that House might be delivered hastily-- Newspaper reports might be imperfect—but when a Secre tary of State sat down with deliberation to address his consti tuents, and printed his letter, after carefully revising it, from that publication there could be no appeal. He held in his hand the letter of the Noble Lord addressed to the electors of Stroud sometime in the April of last year. The Right Hon. Gen-• tlemen, the Member for Devonport, had complained that they had given the Government no facts to grapple with, but if the JHouse would allow him, he would supply them with a few. he Ri ght Hon. Gentleman had made an appeal to him ( Sir s G.) with regard to the appeals made to popular feeling at the time when the Reform Bill was in its agonies and struggles for existence. He by no means denied that such appeals were made, and with the knowledge and concurrence of all the Members of the Government; and, adopting the phraseology of t he Noble Lord himself, that immense change was, in his opi nion, a revolution, but haply a bloodless one. He admitted distinctly that on that occasion appeals were made to popular support perhaps beyond the bounds of prudence, and certainly (for he was not there to conceal or dissemble anything), he would s t a te frankly that t h ey went to the very verge of law, and perhaps beyond it. While he made that admission, and he did so most frankly, he begged to warn the House of the danger of repeating any such appeals directly or indirectly, because after such an important change he would not sanction any such appeals to popular force or feeling. The Noble Lord, in his letter, said, " supposing a new enthusiasm could be awakened, he was not ready to stir •the cauldron by which it could be excited. The Reform Bill had been carried under the auspices of Earl Grey. It had been carried with the approbation of a large portion of the House of Lords, and of many dispassionate Reformers through out the country, but for any new Reform Bill they would be opposed by a majority of the House of Commons, by five-sixths of the House of Lords and a large portion of the intelligence of tihe count ry . I t would be the means of raising up a multi of unknown leaders, while it arrayed against it the intelli gence and property of the country, and the attempt would he sure to end in convulsion."—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") That was his opinion then, and he would go on. The Noble Lord thea went on to say, " resistance must commence some where, and whenever resistance does commence, those who call themselves Conservatives must vote with the party of re sistance." That was the declaration of the Noble Lord : he saw the great danger of favouring further changes in the Con stitution of that House • but on the subject of the Ballot, he said that it must absolutely, and of necessity, lead to Uni versal Suffrage ; he went on to say that it would give an ab "lute monarchy to the few, and it would give the middle classes of this country an absolute victory —nay, monarchy was his word, over all other classes, and it must lead to Uni versal Suffrage. That was the natural result.—(Cheers. ) They would try, said the Noble Lerd, to found a new Reform Bill upon Triennial Parliaments, the Ballot, and Universal Suffrage.—( Cheers. ) He could not impress upon the House too strongly the expressed opinion of the Noble Lord. The granting of the Ballot, must necessarily lead to the result of ,Universal S u ff rage. Th en h e came to t h ose changes of which he complained, and for which it was impossible for him to vote any confidence in the Ministry. Immediately after the Noble Lord returned to office, by a very questionable proceeding— (Cheers)—the Ballot was rendered an open question . for the first time.—( Hear. ) He would not venture to give his own Opinion of the nature of open questions—he would content himself with a most terse and eloquent definition of them given by Lord Brougham, and it entirely and fully expressed his opi nion. He said " Open questions are a cunning expedient for those who are more anxious to keep their places than to do their dutv."—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord had some time to consider as to the nature of the strength he would add to his G overnment—he had had the speech of the Hon. Member for Edinburgh, from which he (Sir J. G.) had quoted for five rmonths. The Hon Secretary of War was much respected by im (Sir J. G.) f or t a l ent , b ut not so more than for integ ty—( Hear, hear.) In that speech he had made most the M anly declaration s , an d, w hil e b a l anc i ng most nicely many, great and smell, li distinctions which did exist in the various shades of falsehood; eat last declared in favour of the Ballot—he leant to the falsehood of the Ballot.—( Hear, hear.) Observe, the Noble Lord declared that the Ballot involved the necessity of granting Universal Suffrage. The Hon. Secretary, at War was not prepared to go that length—he was not pre pared to go even the length of Household Suffrage, but he was quite prepared to do away the rating clauses—he was prepared to change the 10/. household franchise into county voting. Mr. MACAULAY—No, no. Sir J. GRAHAM said the reported words were, " I also believe that it might be proper to give the elective fran chise to every 101. householder, whether he resided within or without the limits of any borough."—( Cheers, anti cries of "No, no.") If it was consistent with the rules of the House he would be most happy to hear the explanation of the Honour able Secretary at that time.—(Cries of "Go on.") He be lieved he had made a mistake.—( Cheers.) It was almost as fine-drawn a distinction as that definition he had given of the distinctions of falsehood. The words did not pledge the Hon. Gentleman to it, but he believed the elective franchise might safely be given to every ten-pound householder whether he re sided within or s'ithout the limits of a borough. Rut it mat tered not to the Noble Lord, for he did not hold that the Ballot would lead to an extension of the Suffrage, but to Universal Suffrage. Upon the question of an extension of the Suffrage he would say that he could not fail to express his opinion, and it went fully with the Noble Lord, who said it was the most absurd and fallacious idea to imagine that by small additions to the franchise they could ever give satisfaction and peaceto the great masses of the people. In his opinion it was clear that the very reverse would be the case. Every man felt that from which he was . excluded to be of much more value than that to which he was admitted, and just as it was brought near to his hopes it rendered him the snore impatient of a refusal.—(Cheers.) Small additions to the franchise was not the way in which the question had been dealt with at the time of the Reform Bill.— ( Loud sheering.) At that time they gave a great and solid addition to the Suffrage, once and for all.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Noble Lord was not prepared to shorten the dura tion of Parliaments. His colleague, the Hon. Member for Edinburgh, was quite explicit upon the matter; he was not prepared to support Triennial Parliaments, but he thought Quadriennial Parliaments would be very proper—he was for a new Parliament every four years, which at once involved the repeal of the Septennial Act, of which the Noble Lord was an ardent supporter. Now, he would ask, how it was possible for the House, up en any one principle, to give its confidence to a Government, when, upon matters of such importance, such differences of opinion existed between the Noble Lord and those whom he had admitted into his Cabinet?—(Cheers.) There could be no mistake upon the matter, for the Govern ment had had five months to consider of the declared opinions of the Hon. Secretary, before he had the proposition made to him to enter the Cabinet, to which he had acceded. He re spected the talents of the Hon. Secretary at War—no one more so —but he also respected his integrity, and it was evinced from Windsor Castle.—(lmmense cheering.) From Windsor Castle, upon the very day on which he was sworn in as a Mem ber of the Council, fearful that it might be thought that he had compromised any one of his opinions, he sent his missive dated from Windsor-Castle, to his most influential constituents, with this express declaration, that he had compromised no one Principle which he had expressed upon the hustings. It was hardly generous, for he threw the whole weight of compromise upon the shoulders of the Noble Lord and his Government. The Hon. Secretary, in his letter, said " the change which has taken place in my situation, has produced no change in my opinions or feelings. I have accepted office, because I think that in office I can more adequately promote the success of those principles which recommended me to your favour."— (Loud cheers.) The Hon. Member for Kilkenny cheered in all joy, and well he might, for it was a most distinct triumph t the Radical party.—( Cheers.) He admitted that, and, in consequence, they might lose the Radical votes upon that oc casion, by the frank admission which he had made. But he cared not for that ; by it the public would arrive at the exact grounds upon whith they stood. The principles upon which the Government now stood, were the Ballot, the Extension of the Suffrage and a Repeal of the Septennial Act.—( Hear.) He could understand why the Hon. Secretary should rejoice, fo r he had obtained a signal triumph, but the Noble Lord near him had sustained a signal defeat.—( Cheers.) Such being the principles upon which the Government now stood, he would ask what in principle, at that moment, was the difference be tween the Chartists and the Ministers ?—( Loud cheers.) The Radicals not only gave them a triumph, but the Chartists also. He would refer to a high authority upon that point, who had spoken that night for the first time (Mr. Muntz), and he would ask him what in principle was the difference between the Ministry and the Chartists ?—( Immense cheering.) The first article in the Charter was the Ballot—he had proved that that was a principle sustained by the Ministry. The second article was Universal Suffrage. He had the authority of the Noble Lord for saying that if the first principle were granted the second must follow. Upon the second point of the Charter, then, they also agreed. The third article related to the quali fication of Membrs. Now be held in his hand the names of six Members of the Government who had voted for the aboli tion of all property qualifications.—( Ch eers .) Mr. FOX MA . ULE—There is no property qualification in Scotland. Sir J. GRAHAM—The Under Secretary of State was very anxious to set them right upon that point, but he was per fectly aware of the fact ; he lived close upon the border:, and he hid seen the great good arising from it on the one side, and the harm that had accrued from the want of it on the other. He now returned to the point, and he would read to them the names of the Members of whom he had spoken. The first was the Gallant Admiral the Member for Clackmannan ; the rzcond the Hon. Memberf or R oss - s hi re; t h e next was the Hon. Member for the Tower H am l e t s , w h o h a d b een recently ad mitted into her Majesty's Councils., The third Member Was Lord Ebrineton, the present Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Then there was the Honourable Member for the Jedburgh Burghs, and that was the same Hon. Gentleman who had run riot on the Ballot question.— (Laughter on the Opposition benches.) He was sure t he. Chartists would now be completely satisfied when he informed the House who was the sixth Member— it was her Majesty's Attorney- General.—( Loud cheers and laughter on the Opposition benches.) He would now return to the fifth point on which the Chartists in sisted —be meant the payment of Members. If that, however, were the only matter of dispute, he believed the question might, without much difficulty, be concluded. He had al rea d y gone th roug h t h e ma i n o pinions of the Chartists, and he had given three principles on which the Chartists and her Majesty's Ministers did not differ; and if they did not differ h e appea l ed to the H ouse if t h at were an Administration by winch the country should be governed. —(Loud cheers from the Opposi tion ben c h es .) B ut t h e d oc t r i ne o f Ministers on the Ballot had not been unproductive, and those open questions had led to dangerous fruits. It was not a barren one—and th e Honour a bl e Member might well feel overjoyed that the happy day was approaching which he desired should soon some, when the Ballot would not be merel y an open question._( Hear, hear.) The last Member of the Government introduced into the House was so anxious to give effect to the theories o f the Administration under which he was serving, that he consent e d to su b m i t to the test of the Ba l lot not on l y his claim to represent the borough, but even his right to out himself forward as a candidate.—(Loud cheers from the Op position benches.) He would now say that it was the duty of all Member s on his side of the House who were bound to the principles which the Noble Lord opposite had so p ,werfully professed, to vote against an Administration thus constituted; It was the duty o f a l l who were anxious to preserve the esta blished institutions of the country, and the properties of indi viduals. He really thought that the Judge Advocate was not Justified when he hail complained of the statements and charges against the Government. He (Sir James Graham) had at prese n t by no means exhausted the catalogue, though he might have exhausted the patience of the House.—(Cries of "No no.") H e c harg e d th e Government withhaving both di rec tly' and indirectly given encouragement to the Chartists. —(Che r THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 30, 1940. from the Opposition benches.) He would deal first with the. ' strike at the root and destroy the main-spring of the service, if charge of direct encouragement, and he would say, in the officers were given to understand that services on the quarter first place that a more indiscreet admission was never made by deck were secondary to services on the hustings. The Right a great officer of the Government than was made Hon. Judge Advocate had stated that he delighted in facts. by the Marquis of Normanby, when Lord Lieutenant of Ire- He would state a fact to the House : eight offica - s above the land, on the subject of simultaneous meetings. A case had rank of Lieutenant stood candidates at the last general election been brought under discussion in the House of Lords, of a and were defeated. He should make no comment oa their meeting in the county of Waterford, where 50,000 men had names, but just read the list. Every one of those officers, assembled for the purpose of offering a passive resistance to the without exception, had since the election received commands— payment of tithes. The Marquis of Normanby, in his place in Adm. Omnsaney, Hampshire, Lisbon. Parliament, had defended that meeting, assembled for such a Lord John Churchill, Woodstock, Druid. purpose, on the abstract point of law, that if there was no Casit. Plumridge, Falmouth, Astrea. direct inclination manifested to a breach of the peace, such a Lord Clarence Paget, Southampton, Earl Howe. meeting was not illegal, and ought not to have been suppressed. Capt. Napier, Greenwich, Powerful. He (Sir J. Graham) asserted that such a declaration, in the Capt. Houston Stewart, Renfrewshire, Benbow. present temper of affairs, when persons had assembled for the , Lord James Townshend. most violent purposes, afforded them of itself a direct encou ragement. Th e case, however, did not stop there. He held The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said that Capt. Plum ridge in his hand a var i ety o f reports of speeches of the most violent, had been appointed before toe Falmouth election. He would seditious, and t reasona bl e character, wh i ch had been de. tell the House a short narrative of that, and with that as a ge livered at a vari e ty o f pu bli c meet i ngs, i mme di ate l y after the neral sample he would leave it to the House and the country. adoption of the Charter in August last, in the town of When he had the honour of being at the Admiralty Board he Birmingham. V ery s h ort l y after t h e a d opt i on of the had the satisfaction of placing in command of the Dock-yard at Charter, a ' public mee ti ng o f th e mem b ers was h e ld , Chatham, Sir James Gordon, who was an ornament to his pro for the purpose of fraternising, as they called it, fession, and had lost a leg in a celebrated action in the ic, and almpd for service with the Nationalional Guards at Paris. They had sent, thro ug h Adriat their Memb ers , an a d dress of conesratulation to that National Guard, but, with an was ardour ost inca and energy peculiar toactive himself, and in fa v o ur o f their° intentions of extenextendingi was unwilling to submit to a life of idleness ; he commanded the dock-yard to the admiration of all who the franchi se i n F rance. At . a meeting subsequently held, doctrines o f a f ar mere d angerous nature were witnessed it ; he was most anxious not to retire on the Pen put forward ; and it h a d b ee 1 re f erre d t o i n the sion List, but to remain in the discharge of those active duties. Lord Auckland had appointed to a lucrative situation at Fald course of the debates, th a t a ft er s i x wee k s h a d p asse d , a f ter mouth an officer of great distinction, without any friends, , an . This meetings of this descripti on h a d b een open l y h e ld— a f ter. lan of humble means, but of great worth—Captain Flavel. flu guage of the mos t i n fl ammatory ki n d h a d b een use d —an d t h e most violent opinions had been advanced unchecked and arrangement was made immediately previously to the election uncontrolled, the Noblel.ord had made a speech at Liverpool of 1837. What was the conduct of the Admiralty? They the dangerou s consequences o f w hi c h h e hi mse l f, h e b el i eved, compelled Sir James Gordon to vacate his appointment, and go upon the Pension List, and removed Captain Flavel from would see.—( Her e L or d J. R usse ll ma d e some remark, which did not reach us.) Sir J. Graham proceeded to say that though ' Falmouth to Chatham, and Capt. Plumridge, against he held the report o f th a t speec h i n hi s h an d s, yet as the Noble whom he made no complaint whatever, who was a Lord denied the a ccuracy o f th a t report, h e wou ld not make use meritorious officer, but a relation of the First Lord of it. fie would show however, the use which had been ma d e of the Admiralty, was appointed. The election was in August of the langua ge spoken, by the Noble Lord under such i n fl am - and he was sent there in April previous. Now they had heard a great deal about officers in full pay taking part in politics.— matory circumstances ; and h e was b oun d t o say t h at w h atever the Noble Lord m i g ht h ave sa id on t h e occas i on, it was most (Hear, hear.) If the rule applied to the army it ought to ap unfortunate, and it could not be denied, a ft er w h at h e was go i ng ply to the navy also. Captain Plumridge commanded at Fal mouth where he was placed before the election, and at the to read to the House, th a t th e report h a d been viewed as on elec curateae- one by many of the Chartists.--(Cheers from the Oppo- tion he stood for Falmouth, and ever since that election he had sition benches.) taken an active part in giving the Government every assistance. There was one other circumstance that was almost amusing. Lord J. RUSSELL was here roceeding to observe that as the In the month of August, the inhabitents of Southampton, who Right Hon. Baronet ref erre d to a s ped said on a former ocech of his, he begg edca hadnot seen a ship of war for many years, saw one of her Majesty's sion on the subject. Th e N o bl e L ord, however, was immedi leave to state to the Hou se w h at he ha brigs sail up the river and anchor there; and it soon trans ately interrupted by cri es o f "Order order !" spired that it was the Pearl frigate, commanded by Lord . C. Paget , who soon after stood at the election, the inhabitants hay- Sir J. GRAHAM continued to observe that he had never ing previously, not only enjoyed the frigate, but also his seen a correct edition of the report, which he had merely sees hospita l ity.—( Hear, hear.) There was another point which and read in the newspapers. He would at all events observe that whatever might have f a ll en f rom th e N o bl e L ord was most un- showed the conduct of the Government with respect to Ca fortunate, because it had b een assume d b y t h e Chartists them- nada. The Noble Lord referred to Canada, andhe (Sir J. G.) selves.—( Hear, hear, from the Opp os iti on b enc h es. ) He should thought he could substantiate his claim for the vote he then say that considerin g th e no t or i ety, w hi c h then prevailed as asked from their conduct on that question. On the 9th of August - the Bill was read a second time in the House of Lords to those doctrines, and considering the nature of the speech, the rescinding the orders passed by Lord Durham—and Lord Mel circumstance of a correct copy not having been immediately borne declared, that " to pass that Bill involved the connection published, was much to be regretted. There was a report in the Northern St ar . —( L aug h ter f rom the Ministerial benches.) of one part of the empire with the other, and the peace of the w The Hon. Gentleman pr ocee d e d to say t h at i f there was any world. When he saw that it was nothing less than a strong particular effect to be obt a i ne d , h e cou ld understand the mean- condemnation of the policy pursued in that county, he could ing of denying the acc urac y o f t h e report. He would give not consent to the second reading." He said it was "the the date of it. It a pp eare d i n t h e Northern Star, on the 20th highest injustice to Lord Durham, of whose conduct he ap of October, 1839. Th ere cou ld b e no o bj ection made in that proved." He said that on the 9th, and took the division in the case to the want of accuracy i n t h at report. He found from House of Lords. In a few days he took up the Bill, which was ' passed ; and it was passed through the House of Commons, at it that a Mr. Crabb e a dd resse d t h e meet i ng as follows ; 'r We have hitherto held t oge th er ; an d w i ll we new when Lord the instance of the Noble Lord. Was it possible to place con- John Russell says we h ave th e r i g h t to meet, give up doing so? fidence in a Government, under such circumstances as those? No, my boys, you will tell him y ou w ill e i t h er have y ' our And so far from thinking it a question merely of mea- rights, or die." He found that a Mr. C o lli s h a d addressed the sures, he said.it was a question of a change of men. Lord Ba conhallobserved, "It is vain for princes to consult about mat meeting on the same o ccas i on, an d sa id , " L ord John Russell has told you that there are some who would advise putting tars, unless they are willing to consult about persons—matter down meetings of th e p eop l e, b ut h e would not adept such a is but as dead images, but life and execution consist in the course, and he admitted th e r i g ht o f the people to meet."— choice of persons." Now, he charged distinctly that the con (Hear, hear, from th e Op pos i t i on benches.) The attempt to duct of the Noble Lord, and his colleagues, had been such as put down one meeti ng wou ld ra i se up two."—(Hear, hear, encouraged the disturbers of the peace ; and a change in her from the Ministerial benches.) He was now about to read to Majesty's advisers appeared to him indispensible to the mainte the House what was most unfortunate in the speech at Liver- nance of property and order in this country.—( Cheers. ) pool, as misrepresented, it would appear. It had been pleaded Mr. MACAULAY next rose, and was received with loud cheer by a party recently conv i cte d at Monmouth, as having been ing from the Ministerial side of the House—he commenced by say. ing—Sir, it is possible that this House may imagine that I now r i se present at a tre asona bl e an d sed i t i ous meeting—he meant Alr. Welling—it had been pleaded by that individual, under some little feelings of irritation consequent upon the repeated in his examination before the Magistrates of New- attacks which have been made en me by the Honourable Gentleman port previous to his committal,—that he did not consider who has just sat down. Ido not, Sir, for I think it will be easy that meetings of the kind were illegal. No one had ever told to reply to the arguments he has brought forward —(Cheers from him that the were so the Ministerial benches) But were I alone personally c oncerne d , Y ; and besides , not two months ago, Lord John Russell, as Secretary of State, had said, at a dinner I should not be guilty of anything so unworthy of me. Egotism at Liverpool, that p u bli c meet i ngs were not only lawful, but is at all times an unpopular subject to enter upon, but on thi s oc commendable.—( Cries of " H ear , h ear. ") P u bli c discussion, reason I think it would be singularly insensible of me t o as the Noble Lord said, was the best means of eliciting truth. indulge it when the subject matter does not concern my -(Cheers from the Ministerial Benches.) Mr. Hughes, on self alone, but it is an occasion when the dearest in the same occasion, relied on the authority of the Noble Lord. terests of tile country are now staked upon the question. That individual had said that be thought such meetings per- Sir, I address you sunder feelings of the deepest anxiety—of fectly legal, and that ha believed he was that wherfect ly atever might right in at- anxiety in which, if I know my own heart, there is no mixture tending them. He s h ou ld aga i n repeat, t of selfishness—(Cheers, and cries of "Oh i'') Si r, Ido feel, with . have fallen from the Noble Lord on the occasion, it was an alarming fact that hi s l anguage cou ld h ave been so understood. to the w most hlob I i n b t e a t v o see theco n h v o i n c o t i n o r n t , o that 0 n in di g , jo l l e a a m p n l g e a f d o i r n t g h f e o , G t o h v o e r d n o m a r e e n s t t He had now shown the House that Government had given indirect encou ragement t o t h e C hart i sts.—(Hear, hear.) f interests r o e f , e t h r v e a C t i o n m n m o fo nallw e n a n l trhb—o best to and r t he m reformation b o l o f i a a ls s u t s i t e u s --- t i o a n n s d . Considering the position of an unfortunate individual at the —(" Oh" and laughter f r om the Opposition benches.) I, Sir, do present moment, he mean t F rost, w h ose fate was now trem- believe that the very foundations—(Renewed laughter, and cries of !sling in the balance of J us ti ce , h e wou ld not say one word con- "Oh !" from the Opposition benches, followed by cheers and cries cerning him, lest what he mi g ht say s h ou ld h ave any effect in of "Order" from the Ministerial side of the House.) I trust, Mr. influencing the fate of that un f or t unate man—( C heers)— b ut Speaker, that the first Cabinet Minister who, in a debate in which he would refer to a case whi c h appeare d to hi m to be still the question raised is whether the Government be or be not wog_ stronger even than that of Frost, a n d f or w hi c h h e had not yet thy of the confidence of the House of Commons—l trust, Sir, that heard any apology, and whi c h was a case l ous il y ca l l i ng for ex the first Cabinet Minister who offers himself in such a debate, may planation. It was proposed at the time of the passing of the claim some portion of the generosity and good feeling which once Municipal Reform Act, that M ag i s t ra t es i n th e B oroug h s s h ould distinguished English gentlemen of every political party.—(Vehe ment cheers.) But, be that as it may, my voice shall be heard.— cease to be nominated by the C rown , as h a d b een t h e ease here tofore, but that they should be elected by the people. This (Cheers, and cries of "Oh I") I say that lam pleading net only preposition had been distinctly submitted to the consideration for the preservation of abuses—(Much laughter, and cheering)—for of Parliament, and had been rejected. It had been considered the reformation of abnses—(Cheers)—but that I am pleading a dangerous innovation, as changing the character of the for liberty and for order—for justice administered in mercy—for Magistrates altogether, depriving the Parliament of its just equal laws—for the rights of conscience, and for a real union be authority, and cor.ceding too much to the popular power.--- tween Great Britain and Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, I wish first Now what had the Noble Lord done—he had endeavoured to to address myself not to any matter relating to myself, but Ido effect this change through the mediumof Parliament ; Parlia- naturally wish to speak to those parts of the subject in which my ment had rejected the proposition—had declared they had no name is bound up, in some degree, with the character of the Go confidence in the proposal, yet the Noble Lord said that al- . vernment to which I belong. My opinions are favourable to secret though defeated in this attempt he would exercise the preroga- voting—the opinions of my Noble Friend near me are in favour tive of the Crown on his own responsibility, and do that indi- of open voting, and yet the Noble Lord and myself sit as Members rectly which he could not do directly. He said to the Town of one Government.—(Cheers.) This has leen the grand topic—the Council, send me up the names of persons for Magistrates who great tharge against the Government, brought by every Gentleman are the objects of popular choice, and in compliance with the who has addressed the House in the course of the debate, from the popular recommendation I will appoint them.—( Cheers from Hon. Baronet who commenced it, down to the Right Hon. Gentle_ the Opposition.) He would ask, had not the Noble Lord, in man who last add eased the House. Now, Sir, I say, its the first consequence, appointed Mr. Muntz, the present Member for place, that if this difference of opinion be a reason why the House Birmingham ? should declare that the Government was unworthy its confidence, Mr. MUNTZ—I never was appointed a Magistrate, then no Government which has existed in this country for many Sir J. GRAHAM begged pardon. It was • the bro- years has been worthy of the confidence of the House of Com ther of the Hon. Member for Birmingham, the present May or mons—Meer, hear, hear)—for I say that i n . quest i ons of Birmingha m , to w h om h e alluded. Had not the Noble not less important than the question of the Ballot, former Lord appointed Mr. Muntz a Magistrate, and had not that gen. Governments have been at variance. The Government of Mr. Pitt, tleman been at one time Vice-President of the Political Union, a mc be D nart e t l oi e sn g t atFtie,nanttodfa?t fact--it e_ ....( I:town das Nationalcheers.) so oConventi on, notoriousr a. He e as wouldatnh d e sn T uon r t u m s a t ta e kn e eooatno-cdotarnhye- the Government of Mr. Fox, the Government of Lord Liverpool, of Mr. Canning, and of the Duke of Wellington, ,differed upon questions of the greatest moment, and importance. Sir, I say and he charged the Noble Lord by this appointment as that the question of Parliamentary Reform was an open one in the . . rig , Government of Mr. Pitt. I say that Mr. Pitt, holding opinions the most open encouragement of the Government to Chagrtlivsim- favourable to Parliamentary Reform, took into his Cabinet Mr. He would now p ass f rom the Chartists, for the purpose of Grenville, who was of o pp osite o p inions on tha t subjeet. — (Cheers.) glancing at the R epea l ers—( Loud cheers)—and he wouldsa, I say that. Mr. Pitt, wise was strongly opposed to the Slave t ra d e, that the Gover nment , not satisfied with giving direct enco u - ragement to the Ch ar ti sts i n England, had also given direct fbarvoouugrh of f i i n t t s a a h h i o s u C t l a o h n i nit ( ( lk :i f i r e . , r n s . u ) n a Sir,as , w i I n l o t h w e a G s 0 1 . s .. t . r m e n e o n sly7 of m i r n . ncouragement to the Repealers in Ireland.—( Loud cheers ) Fox in 1792 there was an equal diversity of opinion, and from The Hen, and L earne d M em b er for Dublin gloried in tbe 1 1 106, ih the Governments of Lord Liverpool, of Mr. Canning, and title of Repealer ; he had said he should be a Repealer to the last hour of his lif e ; h e h a d announced that he was prepared to die in the fi e ld ra th er th an acce d e to the imposition of a atinieollpeunkqeucefstW question, which, on altlns account ugh Catholic of its E close mancipatio connection Emancipation w a i s ti, mode ex. erosive administration, Tory Government ; a n d h e was per f ect l y consistent in his de- havebeen w left openas perhaps b yany the very last Government. question I never which found should clarations of his intention to force repeal from the Government. He remembered that th e H on. an d L earned Gentleman had that such difference of opinion bad been made the ground once said that there was a v as t s i m il ar i ty b etween the case of t i o t a r a at v a o n t d e s o t f il w l • n an ea t r o e f r c u o s n t fi . de c n on ce s . ide ß r u . twe Suppose hav e the c a p s r e e se n still t G m o o v r e e r i a l ' en r - t Mr. Papineau in Canada and his own in Ireland. What was was dismissed, and that a Government was constructed from the their relative position now ? Papineau, without a trial, not Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite benches, on what principle did having taken any direct part in any attempt to dismember the Hon. Gentleman opposite propose to construct a Government P the Empire, was now an outcast and an exile, and —(Hear, hear.) Was it proposed to construct a Government suffering, with the , greatest severity, all the miseries which would leave the privileges of the House an open ques log I> incident to such a life. While the Hon. and Learned (Cries of " Oh," and cheers.) Sir, Ido ask, is it intended that a Gentleman who had declared he was bent on dismembering the Government constituted from Hon. Members on the opposite empire, and wresting her right arm from this country, was benches should be composed exclusively of persons who, on the caressed by the Government, and offered one of the highe s t gseat question of the privileges of this House, entertained the same judicial appointments in the country.—(lmmense cheering,) opinion as the majority of the House of Commons.—(Cries of Nor was this all—but before stating what he was about to state, " Oh," from the Opposition benches.) Sir, will it be said that he begged distinctly, to disclaim the idea that he entertained the question of privilege, as connected with the independence and any objection to any gentleman on account of his religion. He utility of this House, is less important than the question of the absolutely disclaimed such an idea—(Cheers)—and since the Ballot.—(Loud and continued cheering.) Sir, I contend Emancipation Bill had passed, he thought religion could form that from the privileges of this House and their indepeudent e xer no just ground of objection to any gentleman filling any of the else, the Ballot and all similar questions derive their importance, offices of the State.—( Loud cheers.) But he did say that:the and what does it matter in what manner the Members of this House elevation of the Hon. Member for Tipperary, to the councils of are elected if, when they do assemble, they cannot preserve those her Majesty, considering that he had been been a professed Re privileges as one branch of the Legislature?—(Great cheering.) Sir, peeler—considering that he had been the teller on the division, is there anything more clear than that an addr ess may be presented when the question of repeal had been brought forward by the by this House to the Crown, on the subject of the discussions which Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, in that House—he have lately taken place in this House, and I ask in what manner is would repeat that he considered his elevation into the councils an Administration divided on the question of privilege, to shape of her Majesty as most dangerous, as it showed that as direct that address P—(Cheers ) Can any question be more important encouragement had been given by the Government to the than this ? In what relation does the House of Commons stand to Chartists in England, so had direct encouragement been given the whsle State—to its constituents—to the Courts of Judicature, to the Repealers in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) He had already and to the other branches of the Legislature; and on the other expressed his opinion of open questions when speaking on the land, what could be more monstrous than that we who support the subject of the Ballot. But the Noble Lord, in admitti ng t o hi s question of privilege, shout. be charged with attacking the Waerty councils the Right Hon. Member for Edinburgh, ought to of the subject, with interfering with the functions of tl:e Courts have recollected that the Right Hon. Gentleman was a pledged of Law, and with having committed to custody the ministerial advocate for a perfect treedom in trade generally, and for a officers of the Law and other parties who had been guilty of no free trade in corn particularly. —( Cheers. ) The Right Hon. crime but that of appealing for redress to the laws of their country Gentleman was art advocate, not for a fixed duty, not for ex- Sir, nothing can be more mischievous than a division of opinion in tending the smallest protection to the agricultural interest, but any Government on so important a question. I say, Sir, that Ido for a free and open trade.—( Cheers.) Would the House allow certainly believe that the difference .f opinion which exists en the him to read the opinion of Lord Melbourne on this subject ? other side of the House wills respect to the question of our privi_ ( Cheers and laughter.) On the 14th of May Lord Melbourne had thus expressed hims e lf, an d h e wou ld say that the declare- leges would be, if a new Ministry were formed, pr o d uc ti ve o f more practical incouvenience in a week than leaving the question of the tion of Lord Melbourne did not at all preclude him from advo- Ballot an open one is likely to produce in ten years.—(Cries of eating a fixed duty. Lord Melbourne had said that, " assumin., "Oh," and loud cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet asks, in what for the sake of argument, that there was no interest in does the present Government differ from the Chartists, one mem this country requiring protection—assuming this to be ber of the Cabinet having declared himself favourable wholly a great manufacturing country, he should doubt to the Ballot !—(Cheers.) Sir, 1 object to the word the wisdom of establishing laws making a lame " pledged" in the Right Hon. Baronet's statement, for I have never manufacturing population dependent ,aolely upon foreigners for given any pledge to any constituent bodyi and I have, on the con. their supply of food.—( Cheers from the Oppositiou. ) But trary, invariably refused to de so. But one member of the Cabi. when he considered the situation in which this country stood— net has given an opinion that as Parliament has considered a 101. the vast complication of its interests and its financial state— house as a sufficient proof that the man has that stake in the when he found a proposal made for leaving the agricultural country which admits him to be a voter, it is not desirable that population entirely without protection, he must say he con- the locality of that 101. house should determine whether the sidered it the wildest and maddest scheme that it had ever man ought to have a vote er not. Sir, am Ito be told that for entered into the mind of man to conceive."—(Loud cheers.) putting forth such an opinion I stand exactly in the same Such was the declaration of Lord Melbourne. Note let them condition as if I would abolish the 101.. qualification hear the declaration of the Right Hon. Secretary-at -War. altogether ? The Right Honourable Gentleman asks where That Hon. Gentleman had said th at h e had been always averse is the qualification, and in my opinion pecun'ary qualifies. to any restrictions on trade, an d , a b ove all, on the trade in food. firm is peculiarly necessary for the safety of the Members of the These opinions w or e on record, and yet Lord Melbourne had con- House. In my opinion the 101. qualification was never proved to vented to sit in the same Cabinet with the Right Hon. Gentleman. be too high. By that qualification the state of society conti- If ever there was a question in the world on which it was the nuing What it is, the distinction of classes continuing what imperative duty of a Cabinet to take a decided line of conduct, they are, the distribution of property and the value of it was this, a question which was fatal to the best interests of money continuing what they are, so far as I can see, no inconve. the country while it was in suspense, and what was the use of silence or disadvantage could result from its adoption. Sir, if a Government if it was not between conflicting parties to hold this does not constitute a distinction sufficiently clear between the balance with a firm and steady hand ?—( Loud cheers.) myself and the Chartists, the Right Hon. Gentleman's description What, he would ask, was the opinion of her Majesty's Govern- must be very wide of the mark indeed. But, Sir, to come ment on this subject?—( Cheers.) He blamed the Vice-Pre- to that, which throughout the whole of this debate, silent of the Board of T ra d e as a R epealer, but he believed he appears to me to be a great charge against the Government, for al had the satisf a cti on , on f ormer occasions, of voting with th at Right Hon. Gentlem an aga i nst any alteration in the Corn- though one Hon. Gentleman has talked of Commi ss i oner Lin and , the bills drawn by Mr. Elliot on the Treasury fo r th e op i um that was laws. The P res id en t t , f the Board of Trade as he gathe re d speech at Man c h ester, was i n favour of a fixed duty, given up, and although another lion. Gentlem an h as alluded to the from his recent occurrences in the river Plate, an d although r S hn e c e r e N t. a l i r n y i s t a e t r dNeVcalarrewas such for ten opinion to be absolut e The no restriction at all, whil e many oth er c i rcu mstances had be en t ouched upon, the feel that it is not on this the result of the d e b ate will tuts the P 1. madness. Some allusion had Been made to the opinion The whole argument will turn on that complaint brou g h t f orward of Members on hi s s i de the House on this question; for by the Hon. Baronet, and again relocated by the lion. Alderman, himself he had no hesitation in declaring w h at his and itwas thatwhich constituted the were House, i. substance of almost opinions. He was in favour ofparty protection to agriculture, every speech addressed to the am it amounted to this : and he thought this Principle multi best be • carried out by that the country was not in a satisfactory state—that there was a adopting a graduated scale le duty ' falling as prices rose. To these two rising as prices fell, and great disposition among the people for extensive political changes ; two principles di s- and at thehottom of all this lie the agitating prospects of the Whigs. tinetly pledged, and he believed he spokealso he was is- , those who surrounded . power—by this they had been him.—(Cheers from the 0 • • re-established in power. They had carried the Reform Bill by benches.) He would pass by a variety pposition 1 of on th• • means of this, and we are now reaping the fruits ts im- of what they mense subject—he would not relate facts • topicsbut the e but innumerable, facts then did. Al Chart is m is nothing I this ... ffect of what was sufficient to satisfy the Judge Advocate, which would take then done, and it is evident that these two causes of evil boars in relating, and only allude to the other branch of this I call on Honourable Members of th e other side immense subject, and this was a question of fret. He ad- 'of the House to come forward, and apply a remed (Cheers.) mitted distinctly the doctrine laid down by the -Judge Advocate i Ido not know whether I state this argument correc I that every Government was fully justified in (siving a decided ' believe it to be the substance of what has been stated byttyt:e bu t i t , o I r preference to the their friends and supporters ;' - 'but this doctrine ' side. I might follow the example set me by the Jud ID ge-Advocate was to be received with vast and important exceptions, and th e General, in his able and eloquent speech, and content myself with t two great services, the Army and Navy, constituted the most simply saying that the agitation principally belonged to the Govern important of these exceptions, and he should think th at t hi s ment of Lord Grey—(Hear. hear) —and of that Government - the was d.tubly important as regarded the Navy, because it would Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, and the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke, were Members, and I will leave it to them to define what agitation is. I will leave it to them to say to what extent a Government ought to agitate.—(Hear, hear.) What is it that the Right Hon. Baronet has stated ? Why ice said that he agitated because he liked the Reform Bill.—( Hear, hear, hear.) That lie went just upon the• very eerge, of the law, and no farther. Now the first question with me is, are the principles which the Right Honourable Gentleman agitated right, and proper--no one can doubt that they are. The Right Hon. Baronet admits agitation to be the proper mode of carrying through important measures.—(Hear, hear.) When the Right Hon. Baronet comes forward and charges the present Go vern:vent with agitation, and directs his charge against no Member of the Government more than myself, I really think that he may be justly charged with some little want of generosity. My interest in this case is small compared with his, because I was not interested in the question till after the Reform Bill was passed, and I was not one of those Ministers who told their Sovereign they could serve him no longer sinless he created a sufficient number of Peers to carry their measure.—(Cheering.) I was merely one among hun. dreds in this House and millions in the country that was convinced that the Reform Bill was a great and salutary measure, and that the greatest confidence ought to be placed in the Ministry who brought it forward. Now if there were two individuals at any time who ought to have looked to the public peace during the agitation of that measure, it was the Noble Lord who was Secretary for Ireland and the Right Hon.' Baronet was then at the head of the Admiralty. The greatest confiderce was placed in them by the Members of the present Government, and it was rather extraordinary that they should now be taxed with the confidence that they then refused to those Gentlemen. —(Hear, hear.) If the agitation, therefore, of the Reform Bill was the cause of Chartism, then must the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Baronet plead guilty to that charge --(Hear, hear.) If men were to be disqualified from holding place in the councils of the Sovereign because they had exerted themselves in carrying the Reform Bill, and because they had employed means within the verge of the law for that purpose, than no men in this empire lay under an equal disqualification for office than the Right Hon. Baro net and the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire.— (Hear, hear.) Let those two Gentlemen vindicate themselves. The Right Hon. Baronet has already spoken, but there remains the Noble Lord, who is perfectly competent to defend himself, and, if he does not, there still remains the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth. But if I thought that that Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Baronet would admit of my defence, I would offer some consid erat i ons i n extenuat i on o f their conduct.— (Laughter.) I would sa y y ou con d em n a gitation—do you mean that abuses sh ou ld never b e remove d .— (Hear, hear.) Is it possible that any great and deeply rooted abuse can be removed until the public feeling is found to be against it? Is it possible that the public feeling can be roused against abuse without argu. meats and statements by speeches, or by writing; and what else, I would ask, is agitation ?—( Hear, hear.) I deny the doctrine that I heard over and over again to.day and last night, that a Govern ment who countenanced insurrection precluded itself from punish. ing insurrection.—( Hear, hear.) Insurrection is, no doubt, one of the greatest crimes known to the law—but there were certain de grees of it. I hold agitation to be necessary to the existence of free government.—(Hear, hear.) They might, if they chose, adopt the principle of Bishop Horsley, that the people had nothing to do with the law but to obey it. That might be all very well ; but they must recollect that they did not live in Russia, and that, in this country, the popular voice was allowed to have effect—(Hear, hear)—and it is childish to say that the people were to have a voice in the law, and that those were agitators who gave them advice as to what they ought to do. In saying this, I am defending both parties; for I would ask, has there been no agitation against the Catholic claims? Has there been no agitation with respect to the Poor-law and Agitation measures ?—(Hear, hear.) Has there been no agitation against Catholic Privy Councillors s— (Great cheering.) But, to pass to measures in which all are agreed. Can we not make out a long list of measures, the passing of which have added to the glory and renown of this great country, which never would have been passed but for agitation ? What abolished slavery ? Agitation.—(Great cheering.) What ame liorated our prison discipline, and mitigated our criminal law? Agitation.--(Great cheering.) Ido not mean to say that agitation may not be abused, so might the freedom of speech in that House, and the freedom of the Press. But what was agitation but the mode in which the people dtbated their rights ?—(Great cheering.) I know that agitation may be carried to too great an extent—l know that agitators may make use of language that is highly im proper and inflammatory ; but I deny that such has been the agitation of the present Government or the Government of Lord Grey. Bad men might pervert the language of others to the worst of purposes, and that which to an ingenuous man would convey no. thing but the best feelings might be perverted and twisted by the mischievous man to the worst of purposes. Even the words of the Right Hon, Baronet himself had been perverted by bad men for the purpose of deluding the multitude.—(Hear, hear.) I ad_ vest to a speech made by the Right Hon. Baronet, in 1830, on the subject of the emoluments to be divided among the Privy Council. I admit most freely that the Right Hon. Baronet said nothing that was not strictly within the line of his duty ; but then 1 say that it is impossible for any one so to guard his expressions as to prevent them being twisted to bad purposes I do not blame the Right Hon. Baronet for this, but I think it ought to be a warning to him to pause before he brings such charges as he has done against her Majesty's present Ministry. Now to omit very many topics which I should have wished to address the House upon, but for the late hour of the night, I will hasten to the real point in this case. We must consider this question not merely as a positive, but as a comparative question. The question is, whether the l House will be of opinion that a better Government could be formed than the one that at present exists. All Governments areim. perfect ; but some Government there must be, and if abetter could be found than the present, it would be the duty of every Member in that House to support it. I take it to be clear, that in the event of the resignation of the present Ministers, an Administration must be formed, of which the first place would be tilled by the Wielit Hon. Baronet opposite, the Member for Tamworth. To wards that Hon. Baronet, and the gentlemen who would be then associated with trim, I entertain nothing but kind and respectful feelings. lam far from being one of those who can see merit in no party but my own. I think that the Right Hon. Baronet is an honour to any situation that he may fill ; and when I have said this, I am sure he will be too just to find fault with those remarks which, in my public duty, I feel compelled to make with respect to him. It has been, I will not say the fault of the Right Hen, Baronet, but Iris misfortune, to be at the head of a party who have had less sympathy with him than with any other individual. I speak of that which is matter of history. The Right Hon. Baronet declared himself favourable to those measures of free trade which made Mr. Huskisson odious to the community, and in that declaration he met with no sympathy froth his party. The Right Hon. Baronet also gave every facility to the removal of the disabilities of the Protestant Dissenters, and in that he met with no sympathy from his party. The Right Hon. Baronet brought in a Bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics, and there the sympathy of his party equally deserted him. The Right Hon. Baronet had declared himself favourable to the principles of the Poor-law Bill, yet in every Whig Bastile he: met with no sympathy. Even upon the question of privilege, and I will say that the course taken by the Right Hon. Baronet upon that question, ought to render his name honourable in this House to the end of time, still, Sir, upon that question the Right Hon. Baronet is at variance with the great body of his supporters. I might say something more, I might say that where he and the great body of his sup porters did agree lie very seldom arrived at the conclusion, which both had done, by the same system of reasoning by which they had arrived at it. The Right Honourable Baronet considered great questions as mere questions of expediency while they upon the other side considered them mere questions of bigotry. Not one speech had the Right Hon. Baronet made upon any of the great measures:introduced by Lord Melbourne's Govern. ment that would ever prevent him from producing the very same measure with some very slight variations —(Cheers.) Sir, I listened with pleasure, as 1 always do, to the speeches of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but I listened with particular pleasure to the speech of the Right lion. Baronet of last year on the subject of education, and I could not but be amused when he at. tempted to give the reasons which induced him to support a system— to take a course that was dic tated by bigotry alone. He convinced me of nothing but this, that he thought exactly as I did with respect to the cry— the insane cry—with respect to the Douay Version and the Nor. mat Schools. From the position which the Right Hon. Baronet now holds it does not appear to me that it is possible for him to conduct the administration of affairs in this country with honour to himself or satisfaction to the party which he now leads. I will not say that I think that he would act the part of tyrant—that he would give up the dominion of this country to that party which formed a large portion of his forces, who were so intensely anxious for the repeal of the Emancipation Bill. —(Cheers.) What I am afraid of is, that lie would try so to trim with his own party —that he would try to keep sueli terms with that portion of them, as must naturally give offence to a large portion of the empire. His Administration wou'd be discredited, and it would fall from causes purely internal.—(Loud cheers.) It is not mere conjecture, Sir, for we have seen the same piece performed on the same scene, and by very nearly the same actors. In 1827 the Right Hon. Baronet was at the head of a powerful Opposition ; lie had then a strong mi. nority to support him in this House, while his views were sup ported by a large majority in the other House. He was the idol of the Church and of the Tory Gently. The Ministry of the day was distracted within, and it was most closely pressed from with out ; its Members were called Papists, Socinians, and all manner of abuse was heaped upon them. That Ministry fell, and the Right Hon. Baronet rose to the principal place in that House. He was then freed from all those difficulties which pressed upon him, Mr. Canning was no more—the most accomplished states man of the nineteenth century had been laid at rest in Westminster Abbey. Tire Right Hon. Gentleman was seated on the Treasury Bench, and those who had set him there hailed him with acclamation, hoping that all their wishes were now to be ac complished. He was raised to power by prejudices and passions, for which he had no regard—his followers were bigots—lie was a statesman.—(Loud cheers.) IJe was calmly balancing convenience against inconvenience, while they Were ready to prefer penal laws, premunire in preference to giving away any part of their prejudices. Agitation in Ireland, which had slumbered, became more formidable than ever—the Catholic Association became so formidable as to frighteu the Government. The Pcnenden Heath meeting on one side of the Channel, and the election of the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin for the county of Clare, announced that a crisis had arrived when the Government must either take one part or the other. A plaits and simple issue presented itself to the mind of the Right Hon. Baronet, whether he would disgust his own party or ruin his country.—(Cheers.) He chose the good part, he per formed a painful, and in some sense, a humiliating but most honourable part, and proposed the great measure of ie p h re lv ju a d s i r c a e i s se an i d b passions. Catholic Emancipation. Among the followers of the Right Hon. d eßaronetncytheren aall thingsw e r were some was g o who od. thought Tthheeee :vies along ry o estc g hhs eowa othersmi tgehe changed reproachhi eo l bn Universitywu, t t e rt i t cal leaningr: that e ntu e ggh xii great by matters of personal interest — n a out the of " Question Hight Hon. Baronet's ears—( of ." and "Order!") all whole Clergy of upon him. He was counsellcal to follow tire example of the deserted is for r st out. The t E )o : l e y r y o f o h n must folio remember y ers eld t b h y e c tempest t r e s ir w w n h wherec h he s e t o l r m y d h b a c d c been Dido, and he was likened unto Judas Iscariot ; in the University the Established Church hurried in from parts of England, in N o w, Sir, what I want to know is, order to vote against the in in whose presence a few weeks previ. ransacked c ck w ed as c adored ran s h the friends of the Church and it fell, attacked by the whole body of . .o r u h s e l y m ,wouldtraystry draggedset otnh support on the Whigs, and sometimes on the Tories, but at length what reason the Right Hon. Baronet has to believe that from an Administration formed by him from the same materials he the Tory gentry of England. can anticipate better things. The Right Hon. Baronet is still f e o r w a l :Te l teller tells the same —he is still the statesman, moderate in his opinions, calm in his temper, free from prejudice and passion ; but what are his followers ? (Cheers.) I will not say that tire party which follows the Right Hon. Baronet is the same ; it has undergone a change. His followers have become more fierce and snore intolerable. I judge by their proceedings at public meetings, and tire lan. ' gunge uttered in their pulpits--(Loud and continued cheers) —pulpits which every week are ringing with envenomed slander which would disgrace a hustings.—(Loud cheers.) A change has come over tire spirit of the party ; I sincerely trust not over a majority of it. The Tory party used to boast of being possessed of all the loyalty in the country. To exemplify it, I w ill only quote one single verse—the language of a great Tory poet— " Loyalty is still the same, Whether it won or lost the game ; True as die dial to the sun, Although it is trot shone upon." We have lived to see very different tinies.—(Loud cheering.) We have lived to see a party made u p of the wors, parts of the Cavalier, joined with the very worst parts of the Roundhead.—(Hear, hear.) We have lived to see Toryism take the same line as in former times—when , b ecause it was not suffered to grind the people after the example of Strafford, abused the Queen after the manner of Hume.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, it is my firm belief that the largest portion of the party in the country, supporting the Hon. Gentleman at the present moment, ardently desire the repeal of the Emancipation Act.—(Cries of " Oh, o h, In what other way, then, are we to understand—in what way can we possibly explain, the great outcry which has been raised against the appointment of three Popish Councillors P (Hear, hear.) Is the Emancipation Act to be maintained ? If so, then act upon its principles. If it is to be repealed, then openly avow it. Why set up a cry as if the Church were really in danger because of such appointments ? I could see a reason—a meaning —a pernicious meaning in such a cry, if you would honestly tell us that your intentions are to repeal the Emancipation Act ; but I can see no meaning in pretending to keep that Act upon the Statute Book unless its provisions are carried out. But no, you say if you venture to put it in force, instantly our agitation—for we too have our agitation—we too have our associations—our orders shall declare that if it is carried out, we shall have rebellion, we will talk of resistance,—nay, we will even give you hints of the fate of James ll.—(Loud cheers.) That is your loyalty. Talk to a Sovereign who merely executes the law ; she is to be threatened with the fate of one who had grossly violated the law. What is the proportion of Catholics to Protestants in the land ?-1 to 4, nay nearly Ito 3. What is the proportion of Catholics to Protestants in the Privy Council ? Why 3to 200.—(Loud cheers.) And, after all, what were the duties of a Councillor ? No power attached to the office, yet a Catholic was eligible to be made Commander-in-Chief with all the patronage of the Army. He may be First Lord of the Admiralty, with all the patronage of the Navy. Ile might be Colonial Secretary, with the whole patronage of that office: Nay, he might fill the office of Premier itself with, all the patronage attaching to that high office. Yet he must not be a Privy Councillor without any patronage whatever. Unless I am to suppose that that portion of the Opposition is more childish— more imbecile than . I hope any large portion of my countrymen can be, I must suppose that the repeal of the Emancipation Act is the object of that party. The Right Honourable Baronet is the same as in 1529. His party is the same, or was.—(Cheers.) The difficulty of governing Ireland against a vast majo rity of the people is the same. The impossibility is as great as before. What then would be the fate of an Administra tion got up by the Right Hon. Baronet ? Suppose he was in power for three years, I will pi ophesy that at the end of that period he would be snore assailed, more vituperated by the Tory party than ever the present Government is. That press which is now holding him up as one of the first statesmen of the day, would brand himwith all the vile'language of which they were such perfect masters. I have seen the representatives of the Church and the Tory gentle. men go out into the lobby in order to drive Peel from the position he held. For the truth of this I could refer to the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke, with whom I have gone out in company with the representatives of the Church and the Tory gentry, in order to bring in the Government of Lord Grey. They might not know all that was going to happen, but they were de. termined to have their revenge, and they were ready to thrown in the rotten boroughs after it. 1 believe that in the whole country at that time, or before, the Right Hon. Baronet was the most dis. graced by his own party of any man that has ever been at the head of a party. His abilities are necessary to them, but they never can forget—they never can forgive—that greatest glory of his public life. He is not the object of their attachment, but he is their necessary instrument. It is im possible to hope that that party will ever forget their prejudices, or be led away by a few of their chiefs. They might get office, but that would not be enough for them. The great body of the sup. porters of the Right Hon. Bart. have no dislike to the Govern ment of Lord Normanby or Lord Ebrington, their dislike is to justice and mercy. They 'do not want the Government of Lord Haddington, or any other Noble Lord that the Right Hon. Gen tleman might send over to Ireland. What they wanted was the tyranny of race over race, and creed over creed.—(Hear, hear.) Give them that and they will be satisfied ; withhold It and the whole party is broken tip. Before he was a month in office the Right Honourable Baronet would again have the dilemma of 1829 before him. With the highest opinion of the Right Honourable Gentleman's abilities, I believe that at the present moment it is impossible for him to undertake the Govern ment of the country without producing in Ireland the greatest cala mity ; of that I am perfectly aware. The Chartists were up and creating great disturbances in this country. Canada was nearly in a state of rebellion. The West India Colonies were in a state of great excitement ; but in the midst of all these troubles the Right Hon. Baronet said, "My difficulty is Ireland."—(Loud cheers.) I believe, Sir, at the present moment the present Ministry possess the confidence of the great body of the people of Ireland—(Cheers) — and that were a change in the Ministry to take place, the fears of the Right Hon. Baronet would be found to be valid. It would cause great irritation in Ireland. If he were to take the Government of the country he would find it very easy to lose the confidence ,of the party which had brought him in, but he would find great difficulty in gaining the confidence of the Irish people.—(Cheers.) Ireland is the principal foundation upon which the Ministers rest their case. I know-well how little chance there is of finding an unprejudiced audience on that subject. I* wish we could find an audience in thr.t country to judge of that question as it was judged in foreign nations, and as it will be judged of in after ages. The passions which now deluded the great body of the Bight Hon. Baronet's followers would not last for ever. The parcxysm of bigotry and fervour of fanaticism must have an end. The history of these latter years will often be looked upon with regret. It will be seen that there is a part of this empire, which from the remotest period has been struggling against the grossest tyranny —(Hear, hear.) The country itself, which ought to be granary of the world, because its soil is good and well watered, was barren.' Its ports, which ought to have been the emporium of the wealth of the world, were nearly empty. The decree of ! Nature had been rendered unavailing from the tyranny of man.— ( Loud cheers.) In the:l2th century it was a conquered province, and in the 19th century it was a conquered province still.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") During the interval many great changes had taken place, which had been of great benefit to ether portions of the empire, but to Ireland there was no relaxation of its iron rule. The revolution came, and brought with it to England and Scotland civil and religious freedom, but to Ireland it brought nothing but religious animosity and the despicable tyranny of one religious party ruling over another. In 1782 Ireland received nominal in fluence ; in 1800 it received a nominal Union ; in 18 0 9 caine the Emancipation Bill, not as a cure for the evils pressing on that country, but as a necessary preliminary to all the cures that were necessary for the peace of that country. But it came too late—the conse quence was disap pointinent, and then came agitation that produced errors on both sides. Agitation produced coercion—,eoercion again produced agitation, until the eyes of the humane, the enlightened, and the philan thropic were turned from that unhappy part of the empire with disgust and despair. At length arose a Government deter. mined to try the only means that had never yet been fully and fairly tried in Ireland—humanity and justice.—(lmmense cheering.) The State, which had so long been the cruel stepmother to the many, and the mother only to the few, became time just and affectionate parent of all the great family.—(Tremendous cheering.) The people, for the first time, looked to the Government with confidece as a benificent protector. Battalion after batta. lion, squadron after squadron, has been withdrawn, and yet every day has property become more and more secure and order more and fixed.—( Reiterated cheering.) Signs of prosperity, such as cannot ' be counterfeited, such as cannot be denied, have at length appeared, and those who have hitherto despaired of her regeneration, at length hone that the time is not far didant when Ireland may assume that station among the States of Europe to which her great natural ad. vantages fully entitle her. Such is the manner in which history will one day speak of the exertions of this Government. 'What is to be its fate I know not. Whether it is now to be smitten, and to fall is a question for this House to decide. Whether the result is to be victory or defeat I know not ; but I know that there are some defeats to the full as glorious as the greatest victories, and yet I have seen and shared in many glorious victories. Ah, those were great and happy days, as the Right Hon. Baronet well remembered, when, amidst the prayers and blessings of millions, the Noble Lord led us on in the great struggle for the Reform Bill.—(Loud cheers.) When hundreds nighty waited in anxious expectation around our doors until sunrise to hear tidings of our success,—when all the great cities of the empire sent forth their thousands to meet the mails coming from the metropolis to learn whether the battle of the people was lost or won.—(Loud cheers.) Those days the Noble Lord cannot hope to see again, —two such triumphs are too much for any man.—(Hear, hear.) He may be driven from the Government. But perhaps there still remains to him the less pleasing, the less exhilarating, but not the less honourable task, of maintaining against superior numbers, for a series of years, those civil liberties, and those rights of con. science, which ever have been so dear to his illustrious house— ammense cheering)—and in that case there will not be wanting at his side men who, amidst evil days, and with unab sled spirit, will assist him in upholding the noble principles of Milton and of Locke.—(Vociferous cheering) He may be driven from office— he may be doomed to opposition for a series of years, and be made the mark for the sectarian rancour of extreme parties—attacked by the Lauds on the one side, and by the Praise-God-Barebones on the other—(Loud cheering)—but he will be regarded by future ages as the champions of freedom have ever been regarded. Justice will not be refused to him by posterity, and this Government will be looked upon one day as a Government which has endeavoured to bind in union sects and races too long hostile to each other, and to heal by a mild and paternal Government the fearful traces that Lave been left by the misrule of ages.—(The Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst most vociferous cheering, which lasted some minutes.) Lord PONVERSCOURT moved the adjournment of the debate. The remaining Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'Clock. SPORTING INTELLIGENT;, MANCHESTER, TUESDAY EVENING. THE CHESTER CUP, P.P. 100 to 11 agst Sir Thomas Stanley's Cowboy—off 100 to 8 agst Lord Miltown's Cruiskeen—taken 14 to 1 agst Mr. 0. Fairlie's Abraham Newland 100 to 7 agst Mr. Copeland's King Cole 8)0 to 46 agst Mr. Fowler's Gurney—taken and repeated 20 to 1 agst Mr. F. R. Price's Captain Pops—taken 100 to 1 agst Major Hay's Retriever—take 20 The field against any ten, bar Sir Thomas's Cowboy; 12 to 1 against Colonel Peel's lot; take 500 to 5 on Melbourne ; 500 to 10 against Stansty (offered). It is said 5,000 to 50 was laid against Aimwell yesterday. We give this engagement as re ported to us. His owner did not back him except in a fancy bet or two this morning. MISS SI ItICKL AND ' S " LIVES OF THE QuEeNs or ENGLAND."—We are requested to state. that Mr. Colburn, of Great Alarlborough•street, has this day pub lished, Vol. 1., price B'. 6d. bound, of the " Lives of the Queens of England, from the Norman Conquest, with Anec dotes of their Courts ;" now first published from Official Re cords and other authentic documents, private as well as public. By Miss Agnes Strickland. Dedicated, by permission, to her Majesty. To be completed in four or five Monthly Volumes, beautifully embellished with Portraits, Vignettes, &c. Agents for Scotland, Messrs. Bell and Bradfute, Edinburgh ; f or Ire land, Mr. John C umm i ng , Dublin. Orders received by all Booksellers. 39, Albemarle -street, Piccadilly, and 96, Cheap side, corner of Lawrence-lane.—We, the undersigned, have been for some time making use of the Messrs. S. and B. Solo mons' newly-invented Spectacle Lenses, and in justice to the inventors we consider ourselves bound to state that they cer tainly do afford most astonishing relief to imperfect vision, by candle-light as well as by day ; they agree with our vision much preferable than any other lens we have tried .—James Blundell, M.D., 1, Great George -street, NVestminster ; George G. Sigmond, 24, Dover-street ; T. J. Petti grew, M. D. ,F. R. S., Saville-row ;J. Ramsbotham, M.D , Broad-street-building; H. Colbourn, 28, Harleyford place, Kennington ; John Hooper, surgeon, 29, Newington place, Kennington ; F. Daldy; surgeon, 33, New Broad-street; Messrs. Griffiths and Duncan, surgeons, 3. Leadenhall-street ; W. Day, surgeon, Isleworth ; R. Noble Elwyn, surgeon, 36, Albemarle -street; E. Stodd ar t, surgeon , 32, dolden-square, &c., &c. The Messrs. Solomon, state that their Invisible Voice Conductor, by which thousands of deaf persons have been greatly benefited, is the size of a seven shilling piece, and when fixed into the cavity of the ear is soft and easy, and not more perceptible than having a piece of wool in its place, by which t . ..e faintest whisper at a public assembly is heard with distinctness. 39, Albemarle-street, and 96, Cheapside, corner of Lawrence-lane. No agents or travellers employed. THE SPORTING TAILOR.—This hero of a shopboard in Cheltenham is, or was, so passionately fond of the hounds, that he was in the habit of constantly starting on foot, from the kennel to cover, with Lord Segrave's hounds, quite regardless to distance ; but what is still more extraordi nary, from his fine wind and speed, as well as perfect know ledge of the country and the line which the foxes usually take, he has very seldom been known to be many minutes in making his appearance at the conclusion of the best run'. He h as hunted thus five das s a week on foot with Lord Segrave, an d has met the Duke of Beaufort's hounds on the sixth On one occasion he walked from Cheltenham to Berkeley (twenty-six miles) and found the hounds gone to Haywood, ten m il es fur ther, to which he proceeded : he was rather late, but saw a good run nevertheless ! It appears, however, that the sporting tailor is not at home on horseback; otherwise opportunities must have occurred of enlisting himself in the service of the field. Indeed, we are told that Lord Seagrave; more }pia retha a n ns o w ne e e r offered him a good situation as e arth- stopper b ut was in true unison with the actual love of the chase, that, he could not stop earths a-nights and hunt a-days too, he must decline the offer." A SHARP LOOK OUT FOR THE SPARROWS. —FLA MSTEAD SPA !MOW CLUB.—We have been favoured with a copy of the rules of this club, which we insert for the in formation of our readers :—" Every person in this club to send twelve sparrows' heads to the clerk at Flamstead, on the last Wednesday in every calendar month, to 3farch inclusive, or forfeit one shilling. If sparrows are short, two other heads for one sparrow. No heads allowed that have not been shot or caught in the parish of Flamstead, nor any heads that hare not been eying. There shall be two feasts in the year; the first on the last Wednesday in March, at the •house known as the Bird-in-Hand, Flamstead; the second, on the last Wednesday in October, at the house known as the Chequers, Flamstead; dinner at two o'clock each day. Every member to attend the feasts, or forfeit one shilling. Club hours on the feast days are from twelve to two o'clock, when all forfeits are to be paid; and at which times any new article can be made tending to improve the club. Any person swearing in club hours to forfeit two pence for every oath."—Hereford Times. ADULTERATION OF COFFEE.--In consequence of the great extent to which some shopkeepers have been in the habit of adulterating Coffee, we understand, the Board of Excise have given orders to their officers to present all parties found practising the fraud. The penalty in all convictions of this sort is 100/. and we trust this fact, and the warnings which w e have thought it our duty to give, will havethe effect of deterring all parties found attempting the imposition so justly corn_ plained of COMMISSION OF LUNACY.—On Tuesday Corn-' missioners Winslow, Murray, and West assembled, fur the fifth time, at the Sheriff's Court, to inquire int o th e state of mind of Mr. Henry Bryan, formerly of Shirland Park, Derbyshire, and now a prisoner in Whitecross-street. It appeared that the sub ject of the Commission had entered into various trades, and conducted himself in a very extraordinat y manner. A t t i mes he would go into the street attired in fantastic - dresses, carry pistols about him, and use a l arm i ng threats to persons whom he met. He had also accused his wife of infidelity without the slightest ground for so doing. He entertained an ext ravagan t idea of his own prowess, and d imagined that the Irish had conspired together to murder him and his family, and that the Lord Chancellor was an Irishman, and was likewise opposed to him. He fancied that a seal which he possessed displayed his unbounded loyalty and attachment to her Majesty and the Royal Family, and so long as he he retained it no h arm cou ld come to him. H e i mag i ned should become a grea t genera l, an d the that he wou ld havehonour of instructing Lord Hill in laws far th e government of the country. Other acts of delusion usion of his ware givenmn inof evidence,Mr. _ and the Ju . Two ry dated ßryan'sinsanity frtithe sth December, 1835 o young men are now in custody on the charge of obtaining a large quantity of goods under false pre tences. They have hitherto filled very important and confi dential situations in the city, one of them having acted as a traveller for a house, and the depredation charged upon is very extensive.— Glasgow Herald. STATE OF TRADE. --.There was an exceed ingly flat market, yesterday, both for yarn aid for goods of all descriptions ; very little business was done, but we are not aware that the"e was any material alterati<n of prices. The unfavourable change in the demand for yarn was ascribed, in some degree, to the non-arrival of the continental mails, several of which from Hamburgh and Holland have been delayed by the late stormy weather ; and it is se; posed that there w ill be little buying for the German market until their arrival.— Manchester Guardian. A WINTER IN ICELAND. 2 r6zs. Celburn, London, 1840. A Winter in Iceland It makes one's teeth chatter, and one's blood freeze to think of it. Yet Mr. Dillon, the author of the present volumes, no ; , c ASTROLOGICAL" DEATH. . - -g- On Saturd ly forenoon an inquest was held before Mr. Waklcy, M. P., at the Crown, Cloudesley-square, Isling ton, on 01,2 body of Susannah Harvey, aged 6'), who died on the day predicted by a caster of nativities. Sarah Naylor—l have known deceased for upwards of seven years. She was possessed of a small income, which she augmented by following the occupation of a h undress. , She %%as a widow, and I used to come to her residence every day to perform the rough part of the household work. The whole of Monday last she complained of headache; and when I went to her house on the following morning, I found her in bed rather poorly, but I did not think there was anything serious the matter with her. However, she grew rapidly worse, and though a surgeon was called in, she died at noon on the 221 inst. In answer to the jury—On the Saturday and Monday previous to h er d eat h, s h e w as o cc u pied in dividing th e chief part o f h er propert y am o ng h er relations, friends, and neighbours. On the morning of the 21st she went out for a short time, and on her return she took off her bonnet and shawl, and forced thq acceptance of them on a neighbour, saying, " I shall not need them any lo . nger ; I shall be dead and buried on the 26th of January." As she was on the point of death, she requested me to call on Mr. Barnes, the undertaker, to whom, she said, she had given directions relative to her funeral. Mr. Barnes—On Monday night last deceased called on me, and gave me 30s. towards the expenses of her funeral. I then remarked to her that she appeared in better health and more likely to live long than I did. She said she felt convinced that the day of her death was at hand, and made me take the money. Charlotte Mason —Deceased told me that she had had her nativity cast about seven years ago, when the " astro nomer" predicted that the term of her existence would be " filled up?' by the 23d of January, 1840. The CORONER —These singular statements make me suspect something wrong, and with your concurrence I shall now order the body to be opened. The effects of arsenic arc far more decisive and precise than astrological predictions. Mr. Leslie, a surgeon, then opened - the body, and said that he had not found any remains of poison in the stomach, the contents of which he bad not, however, submitted to the tests of strict analysis. He found considerable effu sion of blood on the brain, which, be thought, might have caused death. The CORONER-1 shall cause the contents of the stomach to be rigidly analysed, and I think, therefore, you had better return an open verdict. The Jury, acting upon this suggestion, recorded that " Deceased died of effusion of blood upon the brain, but what was the cause of that effusion there was at present no evidence to show." CORN AVERAGES. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN, For the Week ended Jan. 24, 1840, made up from the Returns of the Inspectors in the different Cities and Towns in England and Wales, per Imperial Quarter. Wheat Clls . 4d. Oats IL,rley 395. 71 I Rye IMPERIAL AGGREGATE AVERAGES OF THE ..7.:1C WEEKS PRECEDING. Wheat Ms. Id. Oats I Barley 395. 10d. Rye DUTIIS ON FOREIGN CORN. Wheat 2ls. Sd. Oats Barley :?s. 4d. I Rye THE MA RIVETS. COAL I, s, d Adair's Hebburn Main 21 6 Holywell Main 2l 6 Leazes Main l7 3 Original ‘Vindsor's Pontop '. - .0 f. Ord's Itedhugh Pontop Windsor . 115 1) Smith's Pontop l6 6 West Hartley 2O 6 Wylam. Walls End Brown's 2O fi Walls,End Clennell 26 0 Walls End Gosforth ... Walls lend Heaton ,. 21 6 Walls End Hilda 'ZO 9 Per Quarter Briton Brandt ee ighton Cambridge , Chichester Dunmow Grantham Grimsby Haltslimn Filichin Ipswich Lewes Lynn Maidstone Norwich Petworth Romford Sandwich Thetford Wisbech Witham Yarmouth LI WH FAT, Engli :ARKET. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. Wheat. Barley, S. to S. .. 58 63 64 71 64 76 . 66 . 65 72 . 60 70 . 68 70 . 5i 70 . 60 72 Fl, 70 . 62 70 64 71 60 63 76 (6 76 63 74 54 74 56 77 67 69 54 72 64 '75 62 70 I V ERPOO oh, White, a. to r. 33 38 36 48 44 47 38 44 38 51 28 35 35 39 26 32 34 46 36 32 38 46 36 3t) 35 43 98 36 38 48 34 43 39 4 36 4 2 34 47 33 35 , L CORN , per 701 b. :h, Welch, , White , • Red and Manx s. d. Walls End Hotspur Walls End Killingworth Walls End Walker 2l t) lWalls EndßraddylrsHetton 23 3 Walls End Hetton Wz!‘s End Lambton .. Walls End Russell's Hetton 24 0 Walls End Stewart's 24 6 Walls End Kelloe 24 6 W..lts End Adelaide• '3 0 Walls End Harrington Tees :.0 U Walls End Clavering Te•s .0 3 Walls End Clarence Hettoa SI 0 Walls End Tees Helton :3U r Blythe. IL 6 Beans. Pease. s. to s. 19 26 28 34 26 29 to s. 35 40 33 44 44 46 S 39 43 40 44 - 40 - 40 41 42 42. 45 1 28 29 2G .33 20 30 22 26 22 20 24 32 24 28 22 20 25 31 2 11 32 28 30 20 24 24 32 27 34 24 31) 28 30 28 34 28 32 MARKET. 43 44 36 44 42 44 - 40 125 30 33 40 34 40 34 4 L 40 50 42 44 f.'S 42 42 44 34 42 33 45 40 42 44 45 38 46 38 40 .—Jan. 10s St to 11±.4d. 10 4 11 0 9 0 9 10 80 9 8 60 7 8 Foreign OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch , per 451 b 3 5 a 0 Irish - Foreign 0 0 0 0 &max, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 4l 0 4S 0 - Scotch and Irish, pet 601bs. Feeding 4 0 4 6 Beans, English, per Imperial quarter 4fi 0 51 0 Irish, &c. - Foreign Plain, English, per Imperial quarter 44 0 45 0 Foreign FLOUR, English, per 28018. SR 0 F. 2 Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 24mb. 33 6 35 6 INDIAN CORN, pct . 4801 h. Etra, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter 33 45 33 40 33 40 44 4ti 40 44 Scotcl Irish, .. HULL CORN MARKET Wheat, White (per Quarter)..... 6.35. (I's. 72i. Red sl)s. fles. 64.5. Foreign ;As. 61s. 71s. Barley. Malting Grinding 108. :I:lg.:31s. Oats, British Beans Foreign (in bond) 8. P. .....i. 40s 435. 46s Pease, Grey... . .. —s . Blue and White linseed ti 435. Flour (per nat... —. l' 555, 555, Rapeseed (per W quartcts) ..... . CHELTENHAM MARKETS. Per Bushel. s. d. to a. d. Per lb. Wheat 7 3 9 0 Beef garley. Oats 3 6 5 6 Veal t Beans . Pease ... 5 0 0 0 Lamb d. to d, 6 8 6 7 7 8 7 8 • ( - . Hay '3/. l OA. to 5/. 04. od. per ton. CANTERBURY MARKET. Wheat, white............. 648. to 7 (5.....,. 01d............... —s. to —s. red—......... 565. to t. Bs. ...—.. Old 635. to —s Barley, Malting ........ 355. to 455...... Grinding.. —s. to —s. Oats --.................. 255. to 305....... Old.-- —s. to --s. Beans ...------. 42s to 445...,..,. 01d............ 4:1, to —s. Pease ---... 38s. to —s. Grey.-- 90s. to 425. CHELMSFORD MARKET. Wheat, White 7O to 75 Oats 25 to 32 Red Barley Chevalier ....... 41 44 Beans, Tick • 3 39 Grinding '3o 33 Mazagan 32 36 Mr. Middleton Biddulpli has been appointed Lord Lieutenant of Denbigh, in the room of Sir W. W. Wynn. THE NEW POLICE ACT AND TdE COM mos isroamEas. —Saturday Mr. Grcgorie, of Queen square Police Court, after much discussion, refused to " hear and determine" certain charges preferred by Stowell, the common informer, on the ground that the new Police Act, which created thuffences, did not giv e a common i u f ormer a right to sue. StoWell expressed his determination to have the point decided by the Court of Queen's Bench. • MYSTERIOUS DEATH.--An inquest was held Monday at Ealing on the body of a young woman, name un known, which was found in a pond near that place, with marks of violence on it. Deceased had been seen in the village on a day previous, when she complained of having been robbed and ill-treated by a strange man. She was respectably dressed, and her linen was marked "A. H., No. 6." A verdict of " Found dead" was returned. Oats. E NT L'artov . LITERATURE. LOITERIIVGS OF TRAVEL. 3 VOIS. L 012,1011, 1.071 . 9111 a nt 1840. Speaking incidentally in his preface of the pre sent volumes, Tilr. Willis, the author, says, " I have trusted things to Time which I hoped would not wear out in his pocket ; but this is not one of them." He is right. " Loiterings of Travel" are unquestionably not destined to survive theirseason. They may have—indeed most probably will have— a certain degree of popularity ; but the fall of the leaf will assuredly find them as much forgotten, as -if they had never existed. The book, indeed, is of the lightest and most ephemeral character possible. Short, sketchy tales, wherein there is little or no attempt at graphic portraiture of character; per sonal recollections of certain fashionable and literary lions of the metropolis ; details of visits ,so great men's houses in town and country, which, by time bye, Mr. Willis notwithstanding his republicanism—i s very fond of chronicling; small poems, which have no other recommendation than smoothness of versification ; details of a visit to the late Tournament at Lord Eglinton's, which will not bear reading after the clever amid pictu resque account of, the same visit in " Tait's Maga zine ;''—such are the h e t erogeneous materials of which these volumes are composed. Yet though, as a literary production, we think indifferently of " Loiterings of Travel," inasmuch as a very limited portion of intellect indeed will enable any prac tised literateur to manufacture just such a work, yet we cannot deny that it is entertaining. Its perusal demands not the slightest good-humoured exercise of ; thought ; its gossip is lively and and it handles a common-place with such adroit ness, as almost to give it an air of novelty. Above all, the style is easy, flowing, and unclogged by epithets ; and one may travel over the pages at railway speed, and vet miss nothing that is worth remembering. Occasionally, we perceive, - Mr. 'Willis, not content with short and sprightly de scription, in which his chief excellence lies, essays a sentimental view of reflection ; and then nothing can be more lamentable than his failure. Here is a specimen. He is 'speaking of London at early dawn. " Hyde Park at daylight seen from Piccadilly through fog and rain, is perhaps of all contrasts, to one who has frequented it in its bright hours, the most dispiriting and dreary. To remember that behind the baricaded and wet windows of Apsley House sleeps the hero of Waterloo— that under these crowded and fog-wrapped houses lie, in their dim chambers breathing of perfume and luxury, the high-born and nobly-moulded creatures who preserve for the aristocracy of England the palm of the world's beauty; to remember this, and a thousand other associations linked with the spot, is not at all to diminish, but rather to deepen the melancholy of the picture.'" Why so ? Why should the fact that the Duke of Wellington is lying fast asleep, snug and com fortable, in Apsley House, and that all the " high born and nobly-moulded" inhabitants of Hamilton Place are in the same pleasant predicament, make Mr. Willis Melancholy ? His mind must be strangely constituted to be able to find the materials of pathos in such a reflection. Had he bestowed his kindness on the poor houseless wretches who may be frequently seen at day-break creeping and shivering along the broad pavement of Hamilton Place, there would have been some propriety in it; but as it is, the passage is mere maudlin sentimen tality, without rhyme or reason. DIARY OF A NUN, 2 VoLs. album, _London, 1840. When a young married gentleman of a romantic and susceptible temperament addresses his wife's favourite female friend as " dearest," we may be pretty sure that mischief will follow ; and so ac cordingly it proves in this tale. Arthur de Vere, a young Englishman, handsome, enthusiastic, ac complished, and all that, falls in love, at the earliest possible age, with Miss Edith Fitzgerald, a g entle, artless girl, wh o returns h i s affection, and, as a necessary consequence, is converted, by the in terposition of the parson, into " one flesh" with him. Unfortunately, just after their marriage, the amiable couple go to Italy, when they meet with Miss Gertrude Aylmer, a school friend of Edith, who is travelling with a Mr. and Mrs. Temple on the Continent. Delighted with this unexpected rencontre, Edith persuades her friend to quit the Temples, who are about to return t 3 En gland, and come and reside with her ; which she does, and, being remarkably beautiful, and of the most seductive manners, with, in addi tion, a fine eye for the witcheries of Italian art and landscape scenery, she forms an ardent attach ment for Edith's husband, which he—nOt having the fear of Doctors' Commons before his eyes — returns with compound interest. Thus they go on, billing and cooing in the most romantic man ner imaginable, among the ruins of the Coliseum and Pompeii, and even on the steep sides of Vesu vius ; when suddenly their pleasant pastime is put a stop to, by the alarming indisposition of Edith, who having discovered her friend's treachery, show' , unequivocal symptoms of a determination to (lie hastily of a broken heart. This, in some degree, recalls her husband's estranged affections; and has such an effect on the ardent, but well meaning Gertrude, that she resolves' to go into a convent, by way of punishing her self for her indiscreet flirtation with a married man. No sooner, however, has she come to this virtuous determination, than Edith dies of grief , and her mother, an elderly gentlewoman, —say sixty years old or thereabouts—rushes over from England, and reaches Italy just in time to die upon her daughter's grave. Thus two of the dramatis persona are disposed of : with respect to the third, De Vere, all we learn of him at the close of the second volume is, that he bolts abruptly from Rome in a state of inconceivable distraction, with a letter from Gertrude in his pocket, enclosing " a long shining braid of raven hair," which she had sent him from the convent, as a sort of fare well love-token ! Such are the chief incidents of this tale, which in the namby-pamby style of its sentiment, reminds us of some of the sickly, barley-sugat productions, of the Minerva library school. 'Yet it has its redeeming points. The descriptions of Italy, as they are given in " Gertrude's Diary"—whence the story derives its name—are vivid and circumstantial ; and the sketch of Naples and its environs, in particular, hacknied as is the theme, display something of the fancy of the poet combined with the graceful knowledge of the scholar. MA RIAN. Three Vol.v, Colburn—London, 18 40. Marian is the story of a foundling, who is Icft, when an infant not more than five weeks old, on the area steps of a Mrs. Cavendish Jones, a resi dent in Hans-place, Chelsea ; and is there found by the took, an Irishwoman, rejoicing in the Cu phonious cognomen of Mackane. This cook— , whose character, by the way, is well sustained throughout, indeed, the best in the novel—takes andcon t t o riv g es e , t a violent extempore fancy to the, foundling, adoptedextraordinary by i\ s i t r r s e . t c inge nuity,byhearn . a n y f etyl . Jones, • with whom she continues to reside. for . some years, alternately petted and scolded, until, at length, she is d compe e to quit in consequence of ill-usage, and takes up her abode with her kind-hearted, humble friend, Mackane, whence—by one of those singular vicissitudes of , fortune, which ate seldom heard of out of novels in three volumes—she is transfer red to the domicile of an aristocratic lady, Isabella Gascoigne, who takes an early op portunity of introducing her to her brother, Lord , Bingham, an amiable and unsophisticated Dean of the Established Church. By this excm plan, couple she is most affectionately treated ; and in the fullness of time finds out the mother who had deserted her, marries: a remarkably handsome young man whom :e meets with about the middle of the second vciume ; and, as the old nursery tale says, " lives very happy ever afterwards." The main incitlin is of this tale, as will be seen by the a*.ove hasty sketch, possess no great novelty ; bia they arc wrought up with much tact ; and some of the characters—those, for instance, of Mrs. Cavendish Jones, and Lady Bab Hesketch—display genuine comic humour, and a quickness of observation which we do not often find in the. •.)7.gc`' Of our modern novelists. In passages of sedans re flection, founded on an,attentive observation of the sayings and doings of this ,bustling world about u., the author exhibits to great advantage ; and 011 • such occasions her style is worthy of the subject. I