The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-06-07 00:00:00

THE HALL, BUXTON, DERBYS --ATARI BATES returns her grateful tha to the Nobility and Gentry for the liberal encourage nt she has met with. and assures them that every a.ttentio to their comfort may be depended upon to merit a continuance of their favours. Neat Post Carriages, and Good Stabling. Baths attached to the house. TO THE INHABITANTS OF LIVERPOOL AND THE SURROUNDING COUNTRY. WE beg leave respectfully to call your attention to a brief outline of the arrangements we purpose in the conducting of our New Establishment, - which will have the care-and atten tionl of qualified persons.. The various Articles for Sale have been, and will continue to be, scrupulously pr ured from the first-rate Markets and Manufacturers upon he best terms, which, we trust, will meet the views of our Ff . nds, particularly individuals who have been in the habit g purchasing their Goods in London. The annexed List of Articles we submit for your perusal, which, .we !acipe, will gain for us an introduction to your es teemed patronage. We are respectfully, -- • HILL and COMPANY. 6, St. George 4-crescent North, June, ISM. HILL AND COMPANY, OF THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN FRUITAND ITALIAN WAREHOUSE, 6, Sr. GEORGE'S-CRESCENT NORTH, LORD-STREET, LIVERPOOL, Sell the undermentioned genuine Articles of the first quality : TEAS, &c., Pure as impqrted by the East India Company, Black Green. RAW AND REFINED SUGARS. COFFEE, &c., Mocha, raw and roasted White's Cocoa Plantation, ditto ditto Cocoa Nibs. Essence of Coffee Ditto Paste Fine soluble Chocolate Ditto Powder Churchman's Ditto, Broma Frv's Cocoa These sold Wholesale and Retail, at No. 3, the third door from the above- OILS. ESSENCE OF REAL ANCHOVIES. OYSTERS, CATSUP, &c. PICKLES and SAUCES of every description, PICALILLO and CHOW CHOW FISH and FLESH PICKLED, POTTED, and CURED British and Foreign HAMS. REINDEER and OX TONGUES. SPICES, &c., WET and DRIED FRUIT, &c., VINEGARS, British and Foreign; CONFECTIONARY. CHEESE, _ Parmesan Stilton l'ine North Wiltshire Berkley Dolphin Cheshire Double Glo'ster Single Ditto PORTAR CANDI SOUP. .ES, Sze. Wax Leaves Wax Tapers Wix Carriage Candles Spermaceti kensington Compositiou LIQLT SU N I RIES. Lentils Liquid Blacking Stone Blue Strialt Ditto Poland Starch Embden Groats Robinson's Patent Ditto Ditto Barley Shallots Garlic Pack Thread Kitchen Twine Ditto Paper Saltpetre Prunella Bay Salt Basket Salt Captain's Bread Crackers Portugal Onions Windsor Soap Essence of Peppermint Spanish Olives French Ditto Mushroom Powder Truffles Morells Corks Sealing Wax Patent Sago Seed Ditto Tapioca Arrowroot Vermecelii Maccaroui Hartshorn Shavings Isinglass Scotch Barley Pearl Ditto Rice, whole and ground - Patent Mustard, to keep in any climate, in jars French do de bor-din, jars Prepared Cream do. do. Mustard Seed Green Split Peas Lemon Syrup Preserved Ginger Ditto Limes Bitters _ _ Harico'd Beans J. MOIR'S PRESERVED' MEATS, SOUPS, and Fresh SALMON, warranted to keep for years in any climate. COOKE'S MULLIGATAWNk PASTE NIEAT, CURRY PASTE, FISH DITTO DITTO. IS:7. Cases of Pickles, Sauces, Mustard, and Sweetmeats, for Exportation. SHIPS' STORES. A quantity of SPICED BEEF, for Home Use or Esporta- tion. A constant and Fresh Supply of POTTED CHARR and TROT T, &c., during the Season. PRINTING AND STATION Y. IVHE Liverpool and Manchester Baal y Company. will I. Contract for the supply of Stationery onsisting of Printed Forma of Way-bills, Bill-heads, Invoices, icket Book s, 8: C., &C., for Twelve Months.—Tenders will be received till Saturday, the 22d June, and, in the mean time, specimens- of the different articles required, and further information, may be had on ap plication at the Railway Office, John-street. Liverpool, sth June, 1833. LIVERPOOL ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS, DERBY ROAD. MHE Inhabitants of Liverpool and its Vicinity are respect fully informed that the above Gardens are open from seven o'clock in the morning till dusk. £ s. d. 1 1 0 Annual Ticket for a Single Subscriber Ditto for a Family of four persons Ditto for every additional member of a 0 10 6 • family above 4 Subscribers have the exclusive privilege of Writio47 Tickets, with which Non-subscribers will be admittedr i Irsitors on pay ment of one shilling. Tickets not t r ansferable. Subscription Books are now lying at the Lyce News-room, Bold-street; -Willmer's News Rooms, and Ar. Grapel's, ChurCh-street, at the Newspaper Offices, d other places, where, or at the Gardens, Prospectuses, i further informa tion, May be had. 1410. Mr. ATKINS, anxious, if possible, to meet the wishes of all his Friends, and being aware that many opinions exist relative to opening the Gardens on Sundays, begs hereby to announce that Subscribers only will be admitted on Sunday, from Four in the Afternoon, until further arrangements can be made for the admission of Non-Subscribers, of which due No tice will be given. TO BREWERS, CARTERS, AND OTHERS. On SALE, by Private Contract, THIRTY fine WAGGON HOUSES, or the most approved breeds. Apply to Mr. ATKIrS, Zoological Gardens, Derby-road. ( One concern.) Mantrb. WANTED, 500 American FLOUR BAVRELS in good condition.—Apply to the Printer. -WANTED, an APPRENTICE in a Merchant's office.— A small progressive salary will be gkr en. Address Box B. 34, Post-office, post-paid. b i WANTED, in a Merchant's Office, aYO TH, who can write an excellent h an d an d h as h a d so e experience in Accounts.—None but those of u nexce ptiona character need apply.—Address, A. 8., care of the Printer. / WANTED immediately at Everton, ortfoxteth-park, a good genteelly FURNISHED" HO WE, for a small family, either for the summer months or longer, as may be suit able to both parties.—Direct, post paid, to T, 56, Post-office, Liverpool. RDICKINSON, Printer and Stationer, ti. -- . in immediate want of a respectable 1 u PRENTICE. Application from the country to be post paid. Pool-lane, is th as an AP- 3ook VabliObcb• Published this day, PART XXXVIII. Price Six Shillings, and VOL. VII. PART I. Price Eighteen Shillings, of the NCYCLOPIEDIA BRI'I'ANNIC.V ' SEVENTIT 11' EDITION. " This is. the really cheap that only is cheap whials- excellent. •• • ' • " Now that the country is • being deltiged with diluted stuff, compounded from G e rmany and America; what hope is ihore for the'science and the literature of England, that publishers.dare ever again Venture on such another work as this!' '--Atheaiewn, Feb.. 9th 1833 Adam and Charles Black, Edinburgh ; Simpkin and Mar shall; Whittaker, 'Preacher, and Co. and Hamilton, Adams, and Co., London; and John . Cumming, Dublin. Our old friend, Mr. Ralph Eden, has recently otained addi tional celebrity to that which has occasionally been bestowed upon him in the Journal ; for we find that in a recent Parlia mentary reiutn, the worthy doctor figures under the head " Privy Seal-Office," as "Keeper of the Records, Receiver of the Fees," &c., and that he also "acts as deputy to J. H. Fane, Esq., in the same office." We need not remind our readers that the " Ralph Eden" who thus puts his hands int o th e pockets of John Bull , to t he tune of some f.:3(X) a year, is do mestic apothecary to the Earl of Durham's family. his services being required in mixing bolusses and spreading blisters f or the denizens of Lambton Castle. How the learned apothecary contrives to effect that which Lawyer Downing panted to ac complish, viz. split himself in two, and attend to his important duties at the office of the Privy Seal, while he is dispensing politics and plasters to his patients. excites our special wonder; for are we enabled to divine by what hocus pocus his noble Vatron contrived that he should be "acting deputy for M r . ane in the same office," when we are assured that the said deputy " rece i ves no salary, fee, or emolument whatever," for that part of his appointment. Really, the Earl of Durham and his doctor are worthy of each other. —.Ve ivcaotle Journal. EXTRAORDINARY CONDUCT .OF A MAG'ISTRATR.7-011 Slln day week, a person who hokis the commission of the peace for the countie s of Antrim and Down, proceeded, with two police men, dressed in coloured clothes, to the houses of four or five publicans, in the latter county ; caused the two men to purchase whisky at each place; and, the next or following day, had all the persons thus entrapped, summoned before him, and fined in sums of from £2 to E. 5 each ! The visits of the magistrate and his two attendants were made so late at night, that, in some instances, the proprietors of the houses were awakened out of their beds: . and by th e urgency o f t h e party ( w h o app li e d f or w h i sky, as 4: requiring. refreshment in consequence of exhaustion from travelffing,) were induced, at considerable inconvenience, to supply the alleged travellers With the wished-for beverage. We are aware that a statement like this appears incredible, but we can assure our readers that we had the facts from undoubted authority; and,. .moreover, that appeals have been lodged against the decision of the magistrate. What shall we say of such a procedure as we have narrated? Is th e mag i s t ra t e ma d, or only a mean tyrant ?W e really cannot accoun t f or th e cir cumstance, and must look for farther explanation to a full and public examination of the case when the appeal comes to be de cided upon.—Nurthern Jr Emperial 13arlianuat. HOUSE OF LORDS, MoNDAy, JuNE .3. The Earl of DUR ti AM took the oaths and his seat. • The noble lord was introduced by the Earl of Albemarle and Earl Grey. PORTUGAL. The Duke of WELLINGTON said he was well aware how little interesting all topics relative to foreign affairs were at the pre sent time, when all men's minds were occupied with questions of paramount importance relating to the internal concerns of the country, and its commercial and colonial interests. But he was also aware, that if there was any nation for which more than another this country felt, and justly felt, an interest, it was Portugal (hear) • and particularly with respect to the question he was about' to submit to their lordships' consideration, and which, in his opinion, involved materially the interests and honour of this country. (Hear, hear.) He had on more than one occasion, since the formation of his Majesty's present ad ministration, ventured, in his place in Parliament, to suggest to the noble lords opposite the necessity of taking measures to prevent the existence of a civil contest in Portugal and the Pen insula between men of extreme political opinions. This advice he had frequently urged upon the ministers; but he was sorry to say, that from the commencement of the formation of their government—at any rate from the period when they felt them selves secure in office, they had proceeded in a course directly injurious to the government of Portugal; and he would prove, before he sat down, that they had done every thing in their power to bring on that contest now unfortunately existing in Portugal. On former occasions he had given the government full credit for not having been the cause of the invasion of Por tugal by the French' in the spring of 1831, which led to those unfortunate circumstances in which the country was now placed: but he then trusted to what he had heard stated in that house and elsewhere, and he had not had an o pp ortunit y of seein g the sinc t es s e u e r n es adopted them, and he was now po sitively papers; he, e, however, convinced th a hadt the measures government in April, 1831, aided and assisted the design _pre viously entertained by the French government of invading Por tugal. (Hear, • hear ) When the French arrived, they did not immediately take possession of the Portuguese fleet; indeed, before they were to -en possession of, the French Admiral sent a treaty of peace to the Portuguese government, in which he stated, that " France, always generous, makes no fresh de mands." The Portuguese fleet was not at that time included in his claims; though it hi'd since been discovered by some law officers of the Crown in this country, that because there had been a war (where it had existed he was at a loss to imagine,) and a subsequent treaty, the surrender of the Portuguese fleet was a matter of course, in consequence of ulterior demands made by France, and acceded to by Portugal because she had no means of resistance. This, then, was what his Majesty's ministers called "aiding an ally." (Hear, hear.) There was la very curious circumstance attending the capture of the Por. tuguese fleet to which he begged to call their lordships' atten tion, as tending to explain the whole nature of these transac tions. During the period of this expedition Don Pedro, the brother of Don Miguel (whom he would not call the King of Portugal because he was not recognised by this country, though he was unqueStionably King de facto,) was in Paris. After the arrival of the French squadron in Portugal a steam-vessel was sent out with despatches to the French admiral ; and it was not until after the reception of these despatches that any claim was made on the Portuguese fleet. \Vas there then no connexiou between the arrival of that steam-boat and the claim afterwards set up for the surrender of the fleet? (Hear.) After the arrival of Don Pedro iu Europe a course of transac tions commenced quite opposed to the law of nations, and con trary to the usual practice of Europe : he alluded to the equip ment in European ports of vessels destined for the Azores, to be employed against the de facto sovereign of Portugal. Be did not deny that these proceedings had taken place while he was in office; but he used every effort to prevent the British ports and arsenals being made the means of fitting out an ar mament against a country to which England was bound by so many treaties. In a short time afterwards greater activity was shown by the agents of Don Pedro; loans of money were at temted to be raised, and a very large body of men was assem ble Sat the island of Terceira. A squadron was also collected there, and commanded by officers who had been in his Majes ty's service. He must do the government the justice to say that they did remove from his Majesty's service the officer who at that time undertook the command of the naval force of Don Pedro, but he was very much surprised to hear the noble earl o pposite, in reply to a question put by hint (the Duke of Wel lington) the other night,—whether a certain officer who had proceeded to Portugal to assume the command of the forces at Oporto had been removed from his Majesty's service,—say, that all he knew of the circumstance was from what he had seen in the public newspapers. It was certainly true that in 1831 his Majesty's government did dismiss from the service the gen tleman who assumed the command of the naval forces of Don Pedro; bet how had they acted in the months of November and December of the same year? At that period considerable levies of troops were made, which were embarked in ships on the river; among which were the Asia. the Congress, the Fairy, and the Juno. Information was given to government of the existence of this armament, and of the intention of fitting out others in his Majesty's ports; but his Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Ailkirs refused to take any notice of the in formation. The gentleman who acted in this country for the Portuguese government then went and gave information to the commissioners of customs, they being the persons specially charged by the a c t of Parliament passed for the prevention of enlistments for foreign service with its execution. After taking the opinion of their law officer, they gave orders that the vessels should be detained; and if the matter had stopped there, no thing could have been more satisfactory ; but instructions after wards came from a superior authority—whether from the Trea sury or the Foreign-office he could not say--directing the vessels to be released. chose vessels were accordingly released, and sailed to Terceira , carrying with them the very men who after wards landed in Portugal. Was this the performance of trea ties? was this neutrality on the part of the British government ? He knew that his Majesty's ministers were strictly neutral; t h a t if, on the one side, Don Pedro had raised as many , men, as . be chose here, cavalry as well as infantry, and if he had fitted out ships and sent oht stores and ammunition, so also might Don Miguel, and he had only to send here and take them out. But he would beg to reminethe noble lords, in the first place, what was the law of the country, and, next, what was the law of nations. Upon this subject, Don Miguel, though not acknow ledged by us as a rightful sovereign, yet was not and could not be otherwise treated with by this government than as a king de facto. We enforced from him the performance of treaties. There could be no doubt that Dou Miguel was in possession of great advantages as a king de facto, and moreover there was the Portuguese nation, which was also interested, (hear, hear,) and as little doubt that she ought not to be deprived of what was due to her. Then,what was the law of nations? He would read the-opinion of .one who was .still alive, but it was the opi nion of a man whose name was never mentioeed without excit ing in every bosom sentiments of reverence and admiration. This individual had lived to see his admirable decisions adopted by the civilised world as their rule of conduct. Need he say he meant Sir William Scott, now Lord Stowell (hear, hear); and it was his opinion that he (the Duke of Wellington) was about to read respecting the rights of neutral nations, and t h e ueces sits there was on the part of every power to respect the rights of o thers. " Strict neutrality (said Sir `W'. Scott) was a neutra lity consisting of a complete abstinence, not only from interior in.. in war f a re, but from giving any kind of assistance to one aide or the other." The judge did . not say that a neutral might sive assistance to both, but that he should not give any to either. The very meaning of the word was to withhold succour from both • dies and that was the doctrine held by all the authorities on the p Sir W. Scott subject. added, "No country could be released from the operation of her neutrality unless she gave notice that she would change her line of conduct. M'hile nations remained in this situation they could not in practice act contrary to it, and if they interfered they must do so by giving an open notice, or by a declaration of war. No solecism (added th e ) e . i„a g s , could be more inns • c hievous than that the subjects of a country should assume th e right to act hostilely without of the state itse lf. It was the right of states, and they solely co uld assume a bel li g erent attitude. Th ey had the right and the power to prevent their subjects from doing so, and there was no doubt this country had the right t o u s 50.,, (Ilear, hear.) The Foreign Enlistment Act required and made it incumbent on the officers of government to perform these duties ? The officers of the government did perform their duty—they arrested the vessels when about to sail illegally, and they acted accordinly to their duty and to law. Then, however, the government came forward and said " No, this is not a case for interference, and you shall not do your duty." The question then was, had there been a breach of the law of nations and of the law of the laud, and if b oth had been observed, and that his Majesty's ministers had done their duty, all this would have been prevented, and then a country to which we were bound by alliance would not have been the seat of war for near 12 months, and exposed to uisasters which hail befallen it. Lastly came the fact of a few days' old, that of an officer, a distinguished officer of his Majctsty's navy, going with steam boats and transpo rts, and this . offic e r was to invade the Tagus. Ile (the Duke of Wellington) had heard this, and fot the honour of the country I n ie d _ had asked the noble earl (Grey) whether he kn ew of it, a his answer was that he had only read it in the newspapers. (Hear, and a laugh.) If this system should unfortunately succeed, what would be the result? A civil war in Portugal, and that would not be the smallest mischief, for he defied any one acquainted with the state of th e peninsula to say that thi s would not also be fol low ed by a civil war in Spain. Setting aside, then, the breach of engagements with Spain, who relied on our neutrality, and so relying supposed w e would not allow this invasion, sure he was that neither the interests of the country nor the honour of the sovereign could he safe while such conduct was pursued. The sking had frista , that- tli,rone. pleated his royal weird that this country should be neutral, and his Majesty's ministers had repeated that pledge: If they were so, aim that thi s were th e ir policy, let them, in the name of God, recall from both sides every subject of Great Britain, and let us be really and truly neutral, and then we should soon see the happiness of a country with which the interests of England were so intimately bound up. Ile would .conclude by snoring —"'Th a t an humble ad dress be presented to his Majesty, to entreat him that he would be graciously pleased to give such direction s as were necessary to enforce the observance by his subjects of his Majesty's de clared n eutrality in the contest now going on in Portugal." Earl GREY defended the conduct of government, and con cluded his speech by saying that if Donna Maria were not sup ported a large portion of the Portuguese p opu l a ti on , it w as impossible that her empire could ever be established or state that the a tm - main tained. It was incorrect to of Don Pedro was entirely composed of foreigners. ~„ no most exaggerated account of the num ber o f foreigners in Don P e d r '• army that he had seen state d it at not More than 3000 ° s men. This cer tainly was not one third of his army , independently of the popu halms of the second cityiii the Portuguese emp ire . In conclusion, he call e d upon the house to reje c t th e mo tion which he would meet with a decided negative. (Cheers.) :Marquis of Latasdown, Lord After the Earl of Aberdeen, the a tisdown, Wyntord, and the Lord Chancellor, had dressed the house, lOn a division the numbers the Doke of Wellington replied. were : For the motion ............... Against it ................ . . so .. . . Gs We understood I S t l h a a j r t i i ,r t x a i e g s a i w n e s r t e m n i o n t i s c t a e . z On re-entering the gallery we found The Duke of CUMBERLAN D o n his legs, s Faking to some p motion which he had, proposed during the exclusion of - strangers, and which he concluded by moving for leave to withdraw. After a few words from the Duke of Richmond and Lord Kenyon, which were perfectly unintelligible in the gallery, the motion was withdrawn. Lord KENYON then, moved that a committee be appointed to draw up the address to his Majesty. Earl GREY was understood to sac that the motion was un hecessary, as the address was already prepared: Lord KEr4voN then moved that "the' Lords with white staves carry up the address to his Majesty." The motion was put and carried, and the house adjourned. _ - lIOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY. JUNE 3. The SPEAKER took the chair at a few minutes past 12. Sir H. Vivian took the oaths and his seat. Sir S. WHALLEY presented a petition from a person calling herself the Princess Olive, praying to be admitted to the rights and privileges of .a Princess of the blood Royal ; and also a petition from an individual named Charles Wheeler, complain ing of the conduct of the police at the late affray in Coldbath fields. . Sir T. FREMANTLS said he had given notice of the presen THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. Cation of a petition from Mr. C. Beamish that day , respecting the removal of that gentleman from the Navy Pay-office. At the request of the lreasurer of the Navy, however, he would postpone it till to-morrow. Sir R. 'INGLIS presented a petition from the clergy of the arehdeaconry of Rochester, against the Irish Church Tempo ralities Bill. Petitions were presented for the abolition of negro slavery from Wickham, Marlow, Stratford, Hythe, and other places, by Mr. Shawe ; from two places in the county of Hants, by Lord Palmerston : from parishes in Oxfordshire, by Lord Nor reys ; from Netherton, Granby, and Sutton, by Major Hanley; from several places in the county of Dumfries, by General Sharpe ; from Devonshire and Lincolnshire, by Mr. Wilks; from the county of Fife, 'by Sir R. Ferguson; from several places in Lincolnshire, by Mr. A. ,Pelham; and from New Ross, by Mr. Lambert. Tb:e S'peaker retired at a quarter-past two. INHABITED HOUSE DULY. Mr. HUME gave notice, that in consequence of a request made to him by a numerous body of his constituents, he should move, before going into a committee of supply on Friday, the 13th of June, that the whole of the inhabited house duty be repealed. Mr. GOULBURN presented a petition from the clergy of the archdeaconry orWiltshire against any diminution in the number of the Irish 'bishops. COLONIAL SLAVERY. On the motion that the order of the day be now read for the louse resolving itself into a committee on this subject, PORTUGAL. Colonel Evs Ns availed himself of the opportunity to put a question to Lord Palmerston upon the state of our relations with Portugal. The arrangement which had happily been com pleted by toe government as to Belgium relieved him from the embarrassment which he had previously felt, and he thought that the time was now come which required that our connexions with Portugal should be restored, and that the recognition of Donna -Maria should immediately take place. He now asked the noble lord whether there was any prospect of that recogni tion being made by the King of England, and his ally, the King of the French ? Lord PALMERSTON, in reply, said that the house must be aware that Donna Maria had been acknowledged Queen of Portugal de jure r not only by the present administration, but also by that which preceded it in office. In the correspondence which had taken place between the Marquis de Barbacena, the Mat quis de Palmella, and the British government, there was a complete recognition of Donna Maria as the de jure Queen of Portugal. The question of the hon. and gallant officer applied, not to whether we should continue to recognise the right of Donna Maria, which we had already recognised,—not to whether we should assist her in acknowledging her title to the throne of Portugal, but to whether she had at present succeeded in esta blishing herself in possession of the dominions belonging of right to her crown. His Majesty's government had not seen any reason to depart from the line of neutrality which they had adopted, and which they had rigidly and strictly observed, with respect to the contest now raging in Portugal. As to the other part of the question which the lion. and gallant officer had raised, the house would see, that although the authority of Donna Maria was acknowledged iu the Azores, and in Oporto, and in a small district around that town, it could not be said that that circumstance made her the actual and reigning So vereign of Portugal. Whenever events should place her in that situation, it must be evident that those who had willingly ac knowledged her right would not be reluctant to acknowledge the fact. He trusted that the fact would follow the right.= (Hear, hear.) FACTORY COMMISSION. Lord ASHLEY asked the noble lord (Althorp) whether the commissioners, who were to institute a full, free, and open ex amination, had any right given them in their instruct►ons to exclude from their sittings a short-hand writer specially sworn to confidence ? Lord ALTUORP'S answer was, as usual, nearly inaudible. We understood him to say, that the commission having been im partially appointed, he had no doubt that the evidence would be taken correctly by the commissioners, and would be ,by. them fairly laid before - the house. The only reason why any objec tion had been made to the admission of a short hand writer at the examination of the witnesses was a conviction that it would be injurious to let the evidence come out piecemeal. The com missioners, in his opinion, ought to be left free from all exter nal pressure ; and in the present excitement upon this subject, if publicity were given to the evidence, it would he difficult for them to obtain any insight into the real situation of the children. COLONIAL SLAVERY. The house then resolved itself into the proposed committee, In the committee, Mr. O'CONNELL opened the debate, and concluded his speech by saying that the British legislature, by putting an end to slavery in the colonies, would not only do good to their own country, but would prove themselves to be the benefactors of the human race over the whole world. (Hear, hear.) Let the freedom of the negro be proclaimed in the first instance, and let the ques tion of compensation be afterwards considered, when a proper case was made out for Parliament to legislate upon. He called on the house at once to give liberty to their fellow-creatures-- he called on them to throw aside all interested, all selfish feel ings—he called on them to take this step firmly and boldly— he called on them "to be just and fear not." (Hear, hear.) Lord DALMENY said that, much as he admired the eloquence of the learned member for Dublin, he could not agree in the propriety of his conclusions. The learned mewber called . for immediate emancipation. Now, he contended that the slaves were at present unfit for such a change. That alteration could only be safely made by degrees, education and instruction hav ing been first disseminated amongst the negroes. They ought to take into consideration the mental inferiority of the negroes, and to adopt ouch measures as would best suit their situation. Were men who had long been debased by slavery fitted; on the moment, to enjoy unrestricted liberty? He thought not; and, in his opinion, they ought to beware of legislating rashly on such an important subject. He should support the amendment. Lord SANDON said he had never defended the system of slavery, but still he was of opinion that, in dealing with this subject, they ought to proceed cautiously. (Hear, hear.) In his view of the case slavery wherever it existed was a great scourge; it demoralized the owner more than it did the slave. (Hear, hear.) He believed, with respect to the physical question, namely, the decrease of the black population in con sequence of over-labour, that much exaggeration had been sent forth. Now, mark the inconsistency of those who advanced this argument as a reason for granting emancipation. They said. " If you grant wages to the slaves, they will give you one third more labour." If that were true, how could it be asserted that the slave population were now over worked, and that the co sequence was a rapid decrease of numbers ? That the slaves were generally well treated was clear from the evidence. Mr. Tay lor stated that-he had in Jamaica seen them dressed in as good broad-cloth as he wore himself, which was provided by the master • and he further expressed his belief that they were fully and abundantly fed over the whole island. Even those who most strenuously argued on the decrease of the black popula tion in the West Indies were obliged to admit that, in a consi derable degree, it arose from the inequality of the numbers of the two sexes. Considering this subject, first, with reference to the planters, next, as it respected our own manufactures, then, with a view to the shipping interest, and to all the industrious classes of this country, and, finally, with reference to the fi nances of the country, since it involved a revenue of £8,000,000, —looking at it in that manner, could they conceive a more important question, or one that more loudly called for calm consideration ? The exportable produce raised in the British plantations last year—viz., sugar, rum, cotton, molasses, &c. — amounted to £7:857,000. There was exported from Great Bri tain to the colonies goods to the amount of £2,500,000. There were freight and freight charges to the amount of £1,600,000; leaving a clear difference of about £3,800,000 to be spent in this country for the benefit of various descriptions of industry. He stated this because it nearly affected the manufactures of this country, and formed a strong ground for giving the whole subject mature consideration. There were employed in this trade 330,000 tons of the best shipping—namely, 250,000 tons employed between Great Britain and the colonies, and 80,000 tons employed between the West Indies and other territories. Now, it was evident that it was a very serious matter to take any step which could, by possibility, throw 330,000 tons of shipping into the general market. (Hear, hear.) Such an event must unavoidably lower in a very great degree the prices of shipping. There were besides many incidental circum stances to 'he taken into consideration. They were to look to the effect which the proposed measure was likely to have with respect to their docks and warehouses. On that point the town of Liverpool would be deeply affected. Looking at all these interests, and taking into consideration the general commercial transactions of the country, it did appear to him that gentle men would see reason to pause before they came to a final de cision. It was not the mere abstract question,—that of getting rid of slavery, that they had alone to entertain; no, they were bound to consider how they could get rid of the system without injuring others. ( Hear, hear.) It was very right that they should entertain feelings of humanity for some hundreds of thousands of their fellow-creatures; but they ought not to forget the millions in this country whose interests would be affected by any measure which they might think proper to adopt. That a great experiment must be now made he admitted ; but he thought a great deal might be said as to the mode in which that experiment should be carried inte effect. It was easy for them to abolish the system, nothing was more easy; but how to create a wholesome state of society amongst men who at once stepped from a state of bondage, not only to a state of personal freedom, but to the freedom of the British constitu tion—that was a problem which it was not easy to solve. They had been told of what had taken place in Mexico. The tran sactions in Venezuela, 'and in the Crown colonies, had also ,been particularly referred to. But had any one instance beers adduced, in cases Where. the negroei had been emancipated, in which it appeared that the black population bore the same pro portion to the white population that it did in our colonies. In Venezuela what was the proportion? The slaves didnotamount to one-tenth of the population, and they were scattered over an immense eountry. T he free population consisted of 800,000, the slave population 80,000. it was a most hazardous thing, at a single stroke, to set free an immense black population, and no instance could be adduced where such a tr a n s ition had been safely effected. Whose assistance, then ; he would ask, was the most necessary for carrying into effect a safe and judicious plan of emancipation ? They. ought to have the assistance of the proprietors themselves; and, without their acquiescence and co-operation, he feard that nothing at once safe and effectual would he done. He knew that it was denied that the proprietors had any property_ in the slaves. That was arguing on the abstract principle. But unquestionably the legislature and the government had recognized such property. It should be observed that questions of abstract property were often de bateable. Some individuals argued that the country was net now bound to pay the national debt, because the present gener ation ought not to suffer for the follies of their ancestors ; but surely Parliament, which had sanctioned that. debt, were called on in the eye of justice to provide for it. The right of property in man, odious and vicious as it was, had been from- the earliest times recognized both by heathens and Christians—by barba rous and civilized states. The noble lord proceeded to say that, within the last 24 hours, a proposition had been made which, as far as could be conjectured without consulting the colonies, would be likely to give satisfaction to the West India interest. Several members of the house who took an interest in the question had met at his house that morning, and agreed to pro pose certain modifications upon the resolutions of the right hon. Secretary for the Colonies. They had obtained the concurrence of the West India committee and the deputies from the colonies in the plan, which, he trusted, would be found generally ac ceptable. They began by adopting the right hon. secretary's first resolution. (Cheers.) The grant proposed by way of coin pensation to the West India interest was £20,000,(X5). Fur ther, a loan of £10,000,000 was proposed to be secured on colo nial property, on the condition that the colonies agreed to act on the spirit of the resolutions. He would briefly state a few of the grounds on which the propositions rested. And, first, with regard to the grant of £2O, yposyligthh6t full i pe w c a t g io e t s i 0K000; the justice of such a ocompensattheionlul• o e u p l a I n ) e t e i e . s v i w d e e rnet calledfrom a o o v t e o r of their negroes as heretofore, (the wages consisting iu food, clothing, lodging, and certain allowances), although one fourth part of the labourer's time was to be given up. Al the end yearsof I 2 of t h t e h e r colonists w in e r t e he t.o lose labour wh of f t h the e ti m e i g g r h o t term the es.x owt.etehe simple entire annual produce of the West India colonies was about £6,100,000; a fourth of this, £1,500,000, was taken away, and to this extent the planters would be out of pocket by the change. The gross amount of loss in 12 years would be £18,000,000, at the end of which period the greaternumber of the planters who were dependent on the property which they possessed in the labour of their negroes would, have lost everything. Under these circumstances, with a view to compensate the losses in question, £2,000,000 in addition to the £18,000,000, would scarcely be considered too much. This was the calculation on which the claim for a grant of £20,000,000 proceeded,—he thought it was only a fair sum, and such as would ensure the co-operation of the colonists in the proposed emancipa tion,—a most important matter, for without their cordial co-operation the measure could not be satisfactorily effected. With respect to the loan, it should be recollected that a great proportion of the planters were embarrassed by mortgages and other encumbrances on their property, which the proposed loan would enable them to lighten. It was necessary to consult the interests of the poor as well as the more wealthy colonist. He was of opinion that the security for the loan would be found sufficient, if the experiment now about to be made did not to tally fail; and if it did, surely an additional sum of £10,000,000 would not be thought too much in the way of compensation to those who were deprived of everything by the act of the legisla ture. (Bear.) It was not his intention to put the house to the trouble of a division on any proposition connected with this subject. The friends of the West India interest were merely a fraction of that house ; if they could make an impression on the fairness and justice of ministers, well and good ; but he was aware that unless the house co-operated with them, 40 or 50 members could do nothing:, especially when they had to fight not only against great majorities within doors, but against the humane feeling and respect for religion which he freely admitted had excited throughout the country the geniral cry for an ex tinction of slavery. (Hear.) The friends of the West India interest were not there to fight a party battle,—they would do the best they could; but if they failed' in obtaining what they conceived to be due to the colonies, the house and the govern ment must take the responsibility' upon thetnselves,'he (Lord Sandon) and his friends would have discharged their duty to their constituents, to the colonies, to the country, and to their own consciences. • _ _ _ Mr. FITZGERALD observed that the question at the outset was whether there could or could not be property in slaves. If there was no such thing as property in man, there could be no doubt that the house was bound at once to go the length of the right hon. secretary's resolutions. The hon. member proceeded to argue that it was clear from the statute law, from the time of Elizabeth downwards, that the slave-trade and the right of pro perty in slaves were recognized by various acts of Parliament. Such being the case, it was impossible, with any pretence of justice, to take away a species of property recognized by the le gislature, unless we consented to compensate the owners. Lord SANDON said that he had forgot at the conclusion of his speech to read the resolutions which he intended to propose as an amendment for the adoption of the committee, and he would now take the opportunity of doing so. The noble lord here read his resolutions, which were to the effect that it was the opinion of the committee that immediate and effectual mea sures should be taken for the entire abolition of slavery in our colonies, which should, while they promoted the welfare of the negroes, not injure the interests of the planters; that a sum of £20,000,000 sterling be granted as compensation to the pro prietors of slaves ; that further, for the purpose of accomplish ing more speedily the objects in view, a sum of £10,000,000 sterling be paid to the colonial legislatures, in order to secure their co-operatiou. The CHAIRMAN intimated to the noble lord, that as there was another amendment already before the committee, the noble lord could not move his amendment until it was first disposed of. Lord SANDON said that after that amendment was disposed of, he should move his resolutions, for the purpose of having them inserted on the journals. _ _ _ Mr. W. E. CLADSTO;E said he had to complain of the reference which the noble lord opposite had made to an estate of his (Mr. Gladstone's) father in Demerara, in proof of a position laid' down by that noble lord, that the increase in sugar cultiva tion was in direct ratio with overworking and loss of life on the part of the slave population. He thought he had a right to complain of the noble lord's bringing forward a charge of that description without any previous communication with two members of the family to which it referred, who had seats in that house. It was a charge affecting moral character, for what man's character would not be affected if he should see, from the reports from his estate, that while the sugar cultiva tion was increasing his slaves were dying off in equal propor tion ; and if, under such circumstances, he should continue the same system of management? But he denied that the noble lord's statement, with regard to his father's estate, was correct. The noble lord stated that the mortality on it amongst the slaves had been 14 per cent. Now, he could mention an estate where, with a decrease in the slave population, there' had been a small, almost amounting to nothing, increase in the sugar cultivation. The estate - to which he referred was that called Montrepot. The estate which his (Mr. Gladstone's) father had, • came into his possession about five years ago. There were 560 slaves on it then, 140 of whom were ailing and infirm per sons. Perhaps the noble lord would say tha that fact only proved that their previous treatment had been harsh and severe, and that his position, that the increase in the cultivation of sugar was attended by the overworking and mortality of the slave population, remained untouched. Now, what was the fact ?—that in 1825 this estate produced only 1,2(01b. of sugar for every person employed in it, which was, according to the noble lord's oven admission, the lowest average for any estate. In fact, on the purchase of the estate, from the necessary decrease that was apprehended in the number of the slaves, owing to the infirm state of some of them, 250 were immediately .added to the gang. As to the punishment inflicted on this estate, he would just mention that he had a letter in his pocket from the estate, dated the 20th of April • and it appeased from it that the number of punishments inflicted there from the Ist of January up to that date amounted exactly to one. (Hear.) The hon. member proceeded to controvert the argument of the hon. member for Weymouth, that an increase in sugar culti vation was in a direct ratio with an increase in punishment and a decrease in life of the slave population, and he read a variety of tables to show that such was the fact. There might be something, he said, in the manufacture of sugar deleterious, to a certain extent, to human life; but it was not fair to adduce a mortality thus produced as a proof of the cruel conduct of the West India planter. If the manufacture of sugar was so dele terious, the only way to remedy that evil was to prohibit the importation of sugar altogether. The manufacture of sugar was by no means as destructive of life as various trades in this country were,—for instance ; grinders, white-lead manufacturers, &c. That fact was demonstrated in Mr. Thackrah's work on the subject. There was nothing better established than the fact that manufacturing processes were more injurious to life than agricultural pursuits. Now, - the cultivation of sugar was in part a manufacturing process, and it was not fair, thetefcrre, to com pare it, as the hon. member for Wevmouth hal done, with the cultivation of coffee and cotton, wfiich- were merely agricul tural. Following the rule already stated, the cultivation of sugar was more destructive of human life. -He was ready to admit that cases. of wanton cruelty . had occurred in the West Indies, and they, would always occur as long as slavery existed, and that was one great reason why the house should set about in good earnest s to put an end to that system.- s - These were isolated cases, which were not the. general rule, but exceptions from the rule. 1t could hardly be said of any of our colonial possessions that the tone of morals was not much lower than in this country. ,We had not discharged our obligation to impart the Christian religion to the colonies. He admitted that in the West Indies there had been an extreme backwardness in )this respect, arising from a notion that the moment a slave be came a Christian he ceased to be a slave, which led to the na tural conclusion that they, ought not to make slaves Christians. • But it seemed cruel to hold up the example of the West Indies as an isolated case. If the plan of emancipation now proposed proceeded upon any other principle than the industry of the slave, it would fail. A great deal had been said respecting the term "property." He viewed property as the creature of so ciety; and the question was, whether slaves were not property within the limits of the constitution. We were not to go into the wide sea of abstract speculation. The legislature had done all in its power to snake them property (hear), it had legalized them as property, and was bound by its own acts. This was the ground upon which the grant was to be given to the West In dians, from whom this measure would take a certain portion of labour; but, besides this, they incurred a risk, in the transition to a new and untried plan, of losing the sugar cultivation alto gether. Supposing the plan did not work well, the country would lose X 10,000,000, but the colonists £60,000,000 or £70,000,000. Was that reasonable? (Hear.) He had no doubt of the omnipotence of Parliament, and that it could crush the local governments of the colonies;_ but with respect to the working of the plan, if it were carried into'execution with sul lenness and indifference, it would be absolutely fatal to it as a satisfactory measure. Looking to the commercial value of the colonies to England, their power was great, and unless we had the co-operation of the Colonists abroad, the plan of emancipa tion would be fruitless. (Hear.) He would put it to hon. members whether interference with the• colonial legislature would not be extremely awkward nnder•present circumstances? The house had commenced an inquiry, the committee had de clared that inquiry unfinished, and the Governor of Jamaica had pledged himself that till the inquiry was completed nothing should be done. He trusted that whatever plan was adopted, there would be as broad a distinction as possible between the in dustrious and the indolent slave. No mechanism could be too rapid in favour of the .industrious slave ; but he almost feared that the very prospect of emancipation, at.. any period, would prove an obstacle to the valification of the indolent slaves for that boon. In this case, if a system which. began in crime and sin, and had been continued under the responsibility of Parlia ment, was brought to a satisfactory issue, it would be delightful to all the various interests connected with it, and most of all to the West India planters, who always felt that.to hold an interest in the labour and persons of their fellow-men, thorigh it did not involve a sin, involved a serious responsibility. If this great measure was not conducted on a fair basis, or was conducted by violence, he should.lament it, as it stfoulds be a Signal for the ruin of the colonies, and the downfall of the empire. Sir R. PEEL, in the whole course of his parliamentary ex perience, never apprOached the discussion of any question in which the interests involved aeared of equal magnitude with that now before the hOuse. (hear.) Ire never recollected one in which the difficulties were so appalling ; he never•recollected one in which a false step incurred the hazard .of consequences so lamentable and irreparable: Ile admitted the just claims of the West Indians to compensation, on fair and equal terms, for the loss of their property in consequence of the measure be fore the house ; but he did not rise to discuss this question on West India interests or any interests. The least part of the question was the compensation to the \Vest Indians. The value of West India property had been estimated at £30,000,000, and that was the extent of the claims of the West Indians. The country could find adequate means to meet them. What ever might "be the amount, £15,0000,000, or £20,000,000, or £30,000,000, that sum would not exceed the means of the country of providing a pecuniary compensation. He as sumed that he was addrssing himself to a House of Commons which was prepared to run the hazard of every sacrifice to en sure the emancipation of the negroes. He was confident that in the decision to which the committee was now about to come, honourable members would not look to the mere redemption of any hasty or inconsiderate pledges which thy might have given to their constituents upon the hustings. He was confident that they would not look to the achievement of any triumph over the West Indian assemblies. Their objectwoulcl not be to punish the colonial legislatures, but to • lay the foundation of future prosperity and tranquillity in those countries of which they formed a constituent and important part. ThCir object would not be to pass a hasty vote recognizing the expediency and justice of negro emancipation, but to alter safely and pru dently the state of society in a hemisphere different from that in which they themselves lived. He considered that the mere cir cumstance of the King's government having recommended emancipation constituted a new era in the history of this ques tion. That recommendation essentially affected the interests of all West India proprietors, and ought to make them sensible of the danger likely to accrue from further delay, and, indeed, from any- part taken by the house of CoMmons which looked like shrinking from the difficulties by which they were sur rounded. Then, too, in the West Indies von had to deal with a country in which the climate, the difficulty of labour, and facility of obtaining subsistence were perpetually obstructing all your efforts—you were seeking to substitute a stimulus for force' labour in a country where all labour must be forced. In other countries the stimulus to labour arose from the necessity of procuring the articles necessary to subsistence. In the West Indies, after you abolish the necessity of labour from coercion, you cannot substitute the stimulus to labour from the necessity of procuring subsistence. The labour of a few days is'all that is necessary in those countries to procure not merely .the articles of subsistence but also the articles of luxury. The evi dence is conclusive, that so fertile is the land in most of the West Indies, that a slave, by a very small portion of corporal exertion indeed, can obtain all that is sufficient to maintain existene. •N He thought that the step recently taken by his Majesty's goe vernment in compliance with the almost unanimous wish of th people precluded us from staying where we now were, for to leave the slaves under the guidance of zealots, who would be daily dunning into their ears i that for a certain number of years emancipation was not to take place in deference to the wishes of their white proprietors, to add that new subject of 'agitation to those which they had already, would, in his opinion, be to expose ourselves to dangers more aggravated than any of those in which we were involved at present. (Hear.) Did he deny the competency of Parliament to deal with this question? if he did, that would at once be a fatal objection to these resolu tions. &it he, who had voted for the resolutions of 1823, and that too upon due deliberation, was not prepared to dispute the , constitutioual right of the Imperial Legislature to deal with this question,—" Shall the negro population of the West Indies remain longer in a state of slavery, or not ?" He readily ad mitted that there was a difference between the question of abo lishing the slave trade, and that of abolishing the existence of slavery. The slave trade was carried on upon the open sea, — the slaves were the inhabitants of the main land;, and yet the course taken by Parliament on the slave trade did certainly affect Ihe interests of the proprietors of the 'slaves quite as much as the present resolutions. He therefore admitted the right and the competency of the Imperial Legislature to dispose. of this question; but still no man could feel more strongly than he did the indispensible necessity for our success that we should dispose of it with the assistance of the colonial legisla tures, and with the concurrence of. the great body of the West India proprietors. Now the first resolution of the right hon. Secretary opposite was, " that it is the opinion of this commit tee that immediate and effectual measures be taken for the en tire abolition of slavery throughout the colonies, under such provisions for regulating the condition of the negroes as may combine their welfare with the interests of the proprietors.' Now, upon the practical course necessary to carry this resolu tion into effect, he should express his opinions fairly, as he was the partisan of no party. Two plans were proposed to the com mittee as the consequences of this first resolution. One. was proposed by the present right hon. Secretary for the Colonies; the other by a noble lord, who, though he held a subordinate office, had much greater experience, as to colonial affairs than the right hon. Secretary. One of them advised immediate emancipa tion; the other proposed ultimate emancipation, with a system of coerced labour for the next twelve years. He (Sir H. Peel) doubted the policy of using the words " immediate and effectual measures shall be taken for the entire abolition of slavery throughout the colonies." Those words were calculated to raise expectations which the plan of the right hon. Secretary by no means warranted, and that was a great evil in establish ing a preliminary resolution. He admitted that this objection was an objection of terms rather than of substance; but still he contended that the first impression of 'any man upon reading this resolution, and especially the first impression of an illi terate and ignorant man, would be this—" You never meant to subject me to coerced labour for twelve -yeal.s." (Hear, hear.) He thought that measures must be taken on this subject without delay, and that slavery must be abolished throughout the King's dominions; but if he were inclined to accede to the plan of the right hon. Selnetary, which he was not, (hear), he should say that the terms in which he had couched his resolution were impolitic. He had looked through the evidence which had been. collected upon this subject, and he waspeculiarly struck with the evidence of Captain .Elliott, the protector of slaves at _Demerara, who wrote with singular terseness and ability. (Hear, hear.) The leaning of his mind was decidedly against immediate emancipa tion. He would not ,detain the house by looking for that gen tleman's evidence ; but his opinion was that the slave was not in a condition to_be trusted with the power of labouring for his own subsistence. Instances had been mentioned in which free dom had been conferred upon the slave without any danger to the society in which he lived. No safe deduction could be drawn from what happened in the Caraccas as to what would happen in the \Vest Indies. In Venezuela the physical dis tinctions were not so great as in our colonies, and, as was well observed by the noble member for Livernool, the slaves did not constitute more than an eighth of the whole population. Now it might be safe to confer freedom on the slaves where they formed only a small minority of the community, and yet there might be no safety in conferring it upon them where they constituted the great majority. He would now come to the plan of the right hon. gentleman. He (Mr. Stanley) proposed that the slave should be apprenticed 12 years to his master, but that the slave should be entitled to demand his freedom at any intermediate time on tendering a certain fixed value • but suppose that some slaves should not wish to demand their freedom at any time, but should prefer remaining as they were, what would follow ? Why, that there would still be two classes—one of slaves and one of apprentices, and for the one the whole slave code would have still to be continued : would not that be a great and inconvenient anomaly ? But it was proposed that they in the present session should, by an act of the imperial legislature, make a law which was to apply equally to all the colonies, dif fering, as they did, in 'so many things in their internal govern ment, - some of them being peopled by English, some by Dutch, and others. by. French or Spaniards. Was this law to be equally applicable to the Mauritius, to Demerara, and to Jamaica? and were they to pass this general act, applying thus equally to all the colonies, without further inquiry as to whether this plan should be adopted in preference teeny other ? See how different was the system with respect to the mode of supporting the slave in some of the colonies. In Barbadoes the slave was paid by a sort of truck system—ln Jamaica he had a certain allowance of provi sions,but in each of the colonies there was some peculiar difference. How, he would ask, could they during the present session ar range all the details necessary for the application of the princi ple of this resolution to all these colonies? But how was it possible they could do so without the co-operation of the colo nies? They had no interest in creating angry feelings amongst those colonies. Were they not to consider the relations in which the slave would stand to the master hereafter? It was of the ut most consequence that as much as possible kindly feelings should be encouraged between them. But, would it not tend to de stroy such feelings if the imperial legislature were by one act— which was to apply to all the colonies, however different their in ternal regulations—to show a total disregard for those regula tions? Would it not be a wiser and a safer course to take the prin ciple of abolitien now, and regulate its application afterwards ? They were now almost all agreed as to the principle, and there was no great difference among them as to the amount of com pensation. Let them, then, take that on which they were agreed, and then go on with die instruments of negptiation, and they must, in a short time, fully secure the co-operation of the coloniSt. tu fact, it -would be his interest to agree with them. Would it not he better to borrow a part of the plan of the noble lord,. and to give to -the colonists themselves the power of doing this? The right honourable baronet here enu merated several.of the details of the measure as it was intended to apply to the slaves, and contended that, to pass a measure of this extensive' kind at once, would be a wanton risk of the safety of 80),000iuman beings. Were they, he asked, to take no preparatory measures for a change of this immense importance? It had been said' by the lion. and learned member for Dublin, that no pecnniary consideration should prevent their adoption of the principle of emancipation. The same argument was used in the National Assembly of France. • The right hon. baronet here read adescription of the discussion which took place on that occasion,. when, after a discussion, for the close of which the assembly had manifested great impatience, the vote for the emancipation of the negro was carried by acclamation. The coloured deputies from St. Domingo were- introduced, and re ceived the fraternal kiss, first from the president, and afterwards front the other members, and at the close Denton made a speech, in which he predicted the universal spread of freedom, and the downhill of England. (Hear, hear.) How had all the results that had been anticipated from that vote of the assembly been realized? He would not go to St. Domingo, and lie wished that others had abstained from any allusion to it; but he would take the island of Guadeloupe. The right hon. baronet here gave an affecting description of ruin and devastation brought upou the white owners of property in that island by the horri ble excesses of the liberated negroes, which not all the efforts of General de Fourneau could prevent; nor were they wholly abolished until slavery was again restored, which continued to the present day. (Hear.) He implored the house to consider the awful responsibility of what they were about to do, and not to omit from their consideration that, in the attempt to ame liorate the condition of the slaves in our own colonies, they might greatly aggravate the miseries of those of other countries. (Cheers.) Lord Aurlione said that in great part of what fell from the right honourable baronet he fully concurred. He admitted the great responsibility they incurred in what they were about to do, but he thought that the danger of remaining as they were would be greater than any other which they could incur. He admitted the danger of emancipating the Slave without some previous preparation, but their's was not a sudden plan. As to the compensation, he thought that giving £15,000,000 to the colonists, which was one-third of their own estimate of the va-. lue of the slaves, and only taking from them one-fourth of their labour, was a fair term of compensation. As to the argument of the hon. and learned member for Dublin, that no probation ary time should be allowed, he would only observe that it was' admitted that nothing had been done since 1823 to prepare the slave for emancipation, and as we were now in the same condi tion as then, we were bound to adopt the course then agreed upon, of having some probationary measure previous to final emancipation. Mr. STANLEY'S first resolution :—"That it is the opinion of this committee that immediate and effectual measures be taken for the entire abolition of slaVery throughout the colonies, un der such provisions for regulating the condition of the negroes as may combine their welfare with the interests of the proprie tors," was then put and carried unanimously. (Cheers.) In answer to a question from Lord Sandell, Mr. STANLEY said that he intended to proceed with the other resolutions. to-morrow (this day.) The CHAIRMAN reported.progressi and-obtained leave to sit again to-morrow (this day.) PORTUGAL.—CONFIDENCE IN MINISTERS. Colonel DAVIES gave notice that he would, on Thursday next, submit a motion to the house, expressive of confidence in his Majesty's ministers in reference to their policy touching the Affairs or Portugal. (Hear, hear.). Adjourned at a quarter to two o'clock. TUESDAY OF LORDS, TUESDAY, JUNE 4. At a quarter to five, the Earl of SHAFTESBURY having, as Deputy Speaker of the House of Lords, taken his seat on the woolsack, several Bills were brought up from the Commons and read a first time. _ A message from the Commons likewise brought up the Staf ford Bribery Witnesses Indemnity Bill, with the amendments of their lordships agreed to. The Loan CHANCELLOR now took his seat on the woolsack. SLAVERY. ViSeOnnl, ST. VINCENT, On rising to present the petition of the merchants, traders, landed proprietors, and others interested in the West India colonies, praying compensation in the mea sure for the extinction of slavery, said that their lordships, he doubted not, would give the petition, coming, as it did, from such a body of m e n , due consideration. Lord SUFFIEI 1) and the- Lunn CHANCELLOR presented peti tions for the abolition of slavery, which having been laid on the table, their lordships adjourned. . . HOUSE OF COMMONS, TuBSDAY, MAX 4. This day was fixed for the ballot to try the trerits of the Staf ford election petition. The agents and Varties Were called, but did not answer, so that no ballot took pltle. • , Mr. LEECH presented a petition from fallantn, its the county of Surrey, on the subject of a comntutatiou Urtithc , CASE OF MR. Sir T. FREEMANTIX took this '9pporttinity of presenting a petition, of which he had given notice, froM Mr. Chas. Beamish, lately a clerk in the Navy Pay-office, who complained of being removed from his office. BOROUGH OF CARRkKFERGUS. Mr. O'CONNELL brought in a bill, pursuant to the report of the Carrickfergus Election Conimittee, for excluding the town and borough of Carrickfergus from returning in future a bur gess to serve for that place in Parliament. The bill was lead a first time, and ordered to be read a second time. on that day week, and to be printed. Mr. ABERCROMBY .brought up the report of. the Select Com mittee up . o . n Corporations, which was ordered to be printed. Lord Viscount EBRINGTON, seeing his noble friend, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in his place, wished, in reference to what had occurred in another place last night, to put a question to him as to whether it was the intention of his Majesty's advisers, in consequence of that occurrence, to adopt any change of conduct in .our foreign relations towards Por tugal: Although he was aware this question would be made the subject of a distinct and substantive motion by the gallant member fur Worcester, pursuant to an express notice by that clq allant member, he yet thought it essential that the house should now receive souse assurance that no steps should be" taken to change the present line of conduct pursued by his Majesty's government towards that country, without affording to that house an opportunity of debating this subject. 10 cer-, tainly had as good a right as the other house to such an oppor-, tunity, and he was particularly desirous that it should hav,e it 'before any such steps were taken by his Majesty's government. The opinion pronounced by that vote last night, he believed, was an opinion diametrically in opposition to that of the verY great majority in the'Commons' House of Parliamen as well as in opposition to the feelings of the people of this •ountry. (Loud Cheers.) He repeated, that he thought it esse 'al t hat his noble friend should be called on to give if it Ivo; in his power, an assurance to the house and the public, that no c hange should be resolved on in respect to our foreign relations With that country, until an opportunity was afforded of expressing the sense of the house, which he did not hesitate to assume would be in that instance, as well as in others, involving the most important interests of the people of this country, com pletely in accordance with the opinion entertained out of doors, and in direct opposition to that of the other House of Parlia ment. (Cheering.) Lord PALMERSTON rose and observed, that during the period that he and his colleagues had been called on to act as the official advisers of the Crown, they had, both with respect to the question of our relations with Portugal, as well as with other foreign States, followed that line of conduct which they conceived would be most conducive to the honour and dignity of the Crown. — (Hean) Whilst they continued the task of advising his Ma jesty, the house might rely omit that he and his colleagues would not depart from the course they had hitherto pursued, or swerve from maintaining those principles which had actuated them, so long as they felt themselves, as in this instance they did, sill ) " ported by the confidence of that house, and the public at l a rge. (Hear.) CHINA TRADE. Sir GEORGE STAUNTON rose to -draw the attention of tbo • house to this subject, but was interrupted by Mr. Sheriff HuMPHERY, who moved that tte house be counted. The gallery was accordingly cleared, and, forty members not being.present, the house adjourned. ~. C.NE 7, 1833, CONTEMPORARY PRESS. We are glad to find that the . Coroner's Inquest co Simon Byrne, the unfortunate prize-fighter, who was beaten to death, on Friday last, at a place called No Man's Land, in Hertfordshire, have done their dutv, by bringing in a verdict of Manslaughter against the parties concerned. The verdict is Manslaughter against ,the survivor and seconds, as principals in the first de gree, and against the umpires, referees, &c. as pi inci pals in the second degree. This is as it should be. The profound reasoners who trace the bravery of the national character to the dis graceful and sordid butchery, of the prize ring may complain of it; but those who regard bravery as a vir tue, and trace it to moral and intellectual sources, and to feelings creditable to human nature, will rejoice at' a verdict by which the patrons and disciples of the Fancy, as it is called, are classed amongst offenders and subjected to the penalties of the law. If those who believe that courage is of the same kin dred with mercy and humanity, and with the highest at • tributes that ennoble the character of man, find any fault with the verdict, it will be that it does not go far enough—that it ought to have attached the name of murder, not of manslaughter, to the worse than brutal act. However, as the consequences of manslaughter may reach even to transportation, it is possible that justice may be done, the feelings of the country satis fied, and its reputation somewhat redeemed by the result of the present verdict, should another jury, in the last resort, concur, with that which has pronounced on the preliminary investigation. Another circumstance worthy of remark, and only to be remarked with applause, is the censure passed upon the local Magistracy for allow ing such an outrage to take place. The fight was well proclaimed; the scene of action was well known; indeed, to the disgrace of the county, it is the favourite theatre of such exhibitions. The Magistrates, therefore, should have been aware of the design, and being aware, should have prevented it. But the remonstrance of the Jury will not be without its effect. It is ludicrous, and at the same time satisfactory, to observe the consternation into which the different game of prize-fighters and their abettors were throWn by the verdict, which, the account states, a noble lord rode ex press to convey to London. What a dignified undertak ing for a lord But the middle and lower classes do not, even between them, - monepolise all the meanness that is to be found in society. The unfortunate wretch wholost ibis life had, it seems, killed his man also. M'Kay, the Scottish champion, as he was called, fell by the hand of Byrne. What a sport for civilised people—for Christian people—to see two fellow-creatures, without any provo cation but that which the spirit of gambling - and robbery mparts, beating each other to death, amidst the applaud ing yells of gentlemen amateurs, whO look to pocket something by the science, besides the mere gtatification of a refined taste. We hope that the result - of a proceeding swell begiin as the inquest above alluded to will give the science itself a death-blow.—Morning Herald. Of all the cases which have yet come to our knowledge , as to the unconstitutional proceedings of ministers, with regard to t.l4a_late elections, the case of Liverpool out herods Her Cd. A wretched faction of that town thinks proper to propose for its representative a man, whose strongest recommendations are, that he is an Unitarian in his religion—ahhost, if not altogether, a republican in his politics—and that he has resided for a great portion of his life in the United States, identifying himself with their interests and habits, much more than with those of his own country ; Lord Sandon and Mr. Ewart being the, other candidates. The loyal portion of that most lova' and most important town, indignant at the attempt t°,.. foist upon them a man in every respect' so unworthy 0 ` their support; give that support to Lord Sandon, and the republican candidate is rejected by a large majority! Galled by their defeat, a certain clique, well known for their clamour and cabal on every occasion, think fit t" petition against the return; but when the time arrives for entering into the usual recognizances, they fail to do so; conscious that, before any impartial tribunal, the, petition must be declared " frivolous and vexatious," an d themselves be saddled with the costs. So far the ease was in accordance with the usages of Parliament and th: constitution. But a heinous crime was committed. man who would have gone the whole length of minister s ' in their sweeping measures for the destruction of tile, country, was rejected ; and, instead of him, the people 0' Liverpool thought proper to return as their represent a : tive a man whose character is without blemish—again s ; whom no one has dared to raise the voice of accusation (3 ` reproach—a man whose only offence is, that he is a sci ol3 of a noble stcck,know'n for its attachment to the truest terests of the country, and that the son does not disgra ce the sire. The petition contained an allegation that a sum fifty pounds was expe •ed irsbri • . among 11,000 vote r ', of .whom 8,000 voted . that •ccasion ! . This was t h ` charge—but it failed in and neither fifty, nor fice sjt pounds could be shown b .• y evidence that could be a' duced, to have been s . xp• ded. s o `4 Member of th • ouse Commons was found r o 1' fit an instrument of the wretched party, as to move till; notwithstanding the parties had not dared to give t'a, usual recognizances, a committee should be appoint' at a great expense to the country, to investigate t 0 matter in the petition; and a minister of the Crown s's l , found, so lost to every sense of what .is due to the 0 0 , stitution, as to support this audacious demand. A C e .,. mittee was granted, and waded through a mass of as, l e s famous perjury as ever disgraced the Old Bailey, "ts;', l , s s was as thoroughly rebutted as was ever a grouna"o., charge overthrown in the world.. A clause was, 11°10, ever, smuggled into the resolution appointing the 0960 mittee, authorising them, in the event of a syste ol3 , 4 ,• course of bribery and corruption being proved, to haler the power of examining into the proceedings of fo ro 4 elections. We defy the ministers and their revolut io ";s , friends. of Liverpool to show that five pounds was t it pended among the whole 8,000 who voted, (exel t i l io might be on their own side,)—and yet in the face (f t l I fact, the same parties now come forward, to demall" breaking up of the frame of society in Liverpool, bY disfranchisement of three or foUr thousand freemen, cfn , i think the institutions of the country worth presercl,"pl and who prefer to be represented by a ma n who wihoo. in maintaining those institutions against the revolatl,,, ary faction which-is assaulting them. It is precisely t r o e cause this is the feeling and the course of action of t.,!,,ag' freemen that they are deemed by the ministers of Ps/ land unworthy of holding those rights and privileg e o d rights inherited by birthright •or apprenticeship, er never derived by purchase ; nor at any time by gif t ! ' cep for some essential public service rendered by t" dividual. ' F et e Charges are made against the Corporation of , pool. Well would it be for England if all her co r ,r e jo g tions—(and we will not invidio us ly name anY)- - a c ` t , ' that of Liverpool does. They publish their acceoni joit nually, and distribute them gratuitously to the in. ants. The whole of their large income— w ith th 011 ception of about £2,000 per annum expended in i l te t o ,l entertainments and for the support of the mag i ,' 5 0 , office—is employed in the construction of doe public works and improvements in the town of escr`e'vert, scription ;. and, to render those works mor e and advantageous, they have borrowed half ayl'i s sterling on the security of their revenues. This Corporation of Liverpool • lati The spirit of persecution--the infamous visa f 1 the soundest maxims of the cons tit u ti on --whie ri P t fc the proceedings of ministers against the anei, e s pig,e men of Liverpool, about to be exhibited again ti li k i s talli is without a parallel in the worst periods of our Ptioas;i: and we cannot doubt that, if there be any .t be ci o rem aining in the popular branch of the I egislat bre W tempt will be stigmatized as one of the most (la' t ile attacks that a wicked ministry could make 11 P ° se. berties of their fellow-countrymen. w ea With one and the same breath almost, these, well,yd their tools decry two places which have returne_utoti°io, opposition to their views. In 'one case they d' d o gsl i 'immense extension of the franchise—to 'ea r 0 0:0 1 _ corruption. In the other case they demand . ai l eel ii - contraction of th6.frapchise from 1.1,00 0 to be.t%:_diais• 8,000,—t0 guard against corruption ! Guar' 1.1, 'hi s • blit ITIi 4141 1 d c orisid t° Ina ?1)t lil ItUre c Mr. ti on d Peopi E Pl'eten * ard, it is u 4go. - Ali n '' i cql, a an d in °T ens , C ornm their s e k r t l Plo ] il ot , se,. Put on hi e, an s o ~ /la ces bid w 4 t th e afri face ut ter most I . stl PE -Zi] o c ti At la st ha t , ()Id o' e l o fir e , Ike _ re 'loop Capt .4 - i Reh o( th e A wh en th e r " ( th ey 1)0, 41 t eed Alive 4 4 ; 4 ' b g e de Wect th