The Sun. — London, England, 1840-06-22 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION- BRITISH AND FOREIGN ANTI SLAVERY CONVENTION.-SATURDAY. James G. BIRNEY, Esq., in the Chair. The minutes of the last meeting having been read and coofir:ocd, the adjourned discus,.ion upon Mr. Turnbull's rider to the second resolution was resumed. JOIIN STURGE, Esq. thought the Convention could not possibly agree to the rider. If they did they would first of all have declared certain principles in the resolutions, and then deprecate giving sanction to these principles. At the close of the rider the 235. 6d. per cwt. which the pecple of Europe were paying for sugar was brought into comparison with the 475. per cwt. which the people of England were paying. Nothing eould have a more bane ful tendency than that with retest:nee to the important question before the meeting. If the markets of England n ere to be opened to slave-grown sugar he contemplated the consequences with horror.--( Hear, hear.) If there only two men of high authority on all colonial questions, they were the la'e James Stephenson and the late Zachary Macaulay.—( Hear, hear.) They had both bzen in the NVLst Indi,s, and had both devoted a long :ife to the study of colonial questions, and they were of opinion that slave cultivation, by the importation of slaves, invariably involved tho.e engaged in it in ruin. —(Cheers.) The moral laws of Ged had branded slavery as the most atrocious system the world ever saw. He begged to quote one extract from a pamphlet he held in his hand, entitled .‘ A short Review of the Slave Trade and Elavery, pith considera tions on the benefit which would arise from cultivation of tropical productions by free labour." It wasas follows : The late able and eminent Colonial agent, Mr. Marryat, in a speech in Parliament, observes :—'• There are few states in the West Indies that have not during the lest twenty years (i e., from 1793 to 1813). been sold or . ..iven up to creditors." The Tote Statistical Returns from le West [tidies furnish a remarkable confirmation to these eta s. -It appears by these Returns that the distress of n planter in general seems parallel with the fertility of n soil he cultivetes, and with the consequent high appre ration of his slaves. If we take the four colonies of De ncrara, Berbice, Trinidad, and Honduras, where the ave rage value of slaves is the highest, and the soil most fer. tile, we shall find the proportion of slaves taken and sold in execution, in five years, to be as high as one in twenty eig la of the slave population; whereas, in the other eight colonies for m which e c have returns of the sales in execu tion, St. Vincent's, Tortola, Bahamas, Nevis, St. Chris topher's, Barbadoes, Dominica, and Grenada, and in which the prices are low, the proportion of slaves so sold is only ore in sixty ; and, leaving out St. Vincent's and Tortola, which scem to involve some doubt, it is only one in eighty. lie begged to make one remark in conclusion, which was, that he could not avoid expressing his indignation and re gret that the son of the late Zachary Macaulay, the pre sent Secretary-at-War, should be the advocate of Hill transpc raition.—( Cheers.) Mr. TURNBULL replied. All lie wanted was, that they should be guarded in their expressions. It was true that a portion of the high price, 47a. per cwt., arose from the monepoly— ( S veral voices, " A great part")—but another portion arose from the fact that free labour was net yet in full operation, and until it was, he maintained that the principles of the resolutions could not be relied on. The CHAIRMAN then put the question, but there we_e only two hands held up in favour of Mr. Turnbull's rider, an; it was therefore negatived. Mr. WARDELI. PHILLIPS wished to make a few observa tions upon two of the resolutions, which related to the East Indies—the Gth and 7th. It appeared to him the meeting could not discuss a more important topic in regard to sla ve:), in general, than the success of the efforts now mak ing in this country to encourage free cotton in India, and to fill the markets of Great Britain with that article. He thought the most beneficial effects would follow such a scheme. Every arm ought to be stretched out, and the whole phalanx of veteran abolitionists ought to rally round that last hope of putting an end to slavery in the world. In regird to America, it was matter of history that the main prop of the slave system was cotton. When the revolution in America ceased, slave property fell very much in value. It was of very little consequence. The introduction of cotton had not then taken place for agricultural purposes. Slav_ry was inefficient, and the value of property was low. At that time, 1787, the States payed the celebrated Ordinance drawn up by Thomas Jefferson, that there should he no slavery in the new States to be carved out of that vast empire. In the course of a few years cotton was introduced ; it became successful ; the price of slaves rose, and the Northern States were not willing to concede any possible advantage they might derive from the circumstance of the new territories being added to their dominions. In the northern States, Virginia, Delaware, and what was called the slave-breeding States, after the year 1820, and down to the sitting of the Virginia Convention, the slaves again fell in value, cotton not being an article much cultivated in these States. Things got to such a state that the master was anxious to run away from his slave, and not the slave from his master.—( A laugh.) At that time there was an attempt made to put an end to slavery in Virginia, because slaves were not a good article in the market; hut now, the cotton-planting states were as firm as any other in assetting the divine importance and the excelleece of slave institutiens.—( Hear, hear, and laugh ter.) When the price of cotton was high in the Liverpool market, then it was said slavery was sanctioned by the Scii?tures ; but when the price was low, then the ears of the southern planters were open to argument.—( Laughter.) Some abolitionists in this country complained that they very seldom saw papers from the Union, and that they did net know the state of the anti-slavery enterprise. Let them step to Liverpool, and see the price of cotton, and they would then know how fierce the opposition was which the friends of the slave had to meet. It had been asserted by an intelligent writer, that the attachment of the State to slavery had been all along in proportion to the price of cotton in the market. The legitimate inference fom these facts was, that if they could put into the market an article that would drive American cotton out, they would uproot the firmest foundations of the slave system in Ame rica. —(Mr. O'Connell here entered the room and was re ceived with cordial cheers.) Another point he wished to press on the attention of the meeting was in regard to the connnection between the Northern and Southern States. The whole South was intimately bound by and connected with the South, and it was not till they severed the South from that dependence that they would be able to address the North and be heard with effect. It was his conviction that the success of the enterprise in regard to the East India Sceiety, had hound up with it the death-warrant of slavery, and that the death -warrant of that system would be signed is Liverpool.--( Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, after passing a very high encomium on Mr. George Thompson, concluded by saying he trusted the day was not far distant when the slave would be free, and when that philantho pist would hear in the shout of emancipated millions, that gratitude which every American abolitionist was now la bowing to express.—(Cheers.) M. Josren SANS said this subject appeared to him to be the most important that could possibly engage the at tention of the Assembly. Ile believed there were upwards of three millions of slaves in America, and he would sug gest a tangible mode of utterly destroying that dominion of slavery in America. In British India there were large tracts of land capable of producing excellent cotton in abundance, and furnishing an ample supply for the wants of this great commercial empire. In bringing those tracts into cultivation they would produce a double benefi', for a large number of their fellow-subjects in British India were at present greatly distressed for want of employment, end thus they might be enabled to obtain a comfort able subsistence for themselveeand their families, anti at the same time supply the markets at Manchester and Li v rpool with cotton of a good quality.—( Hear, hear.) IL! most earnestly hoped they would not separate without conieg to some resolution on this most important subject. Mr. HOWARD HINTON begged; to read an extract from the speech of Mr. Wm B Gladstone hi Parliament on the 30th of March, 1838. He said, "If the facts were tho roughly investigated, it could be shown that the British manufacturers were actually the most effectual encou ragers, not only of slavery, but of the slave-trade it self. By what means was the slave-trade with the Brazis curled on? By British manufactures, directly imported from this country. The British manufacturer sent his cotton goods to the Brazils; these were immediately shipped off from the Brazil; to the coast of Africa, and v. ere there exchanged for human ware, which the Brazilian trader brought back —( Hear, hear.) You (said the Hen. G ntleman) who are so sick with appren ticeship in the West Indies —you, who cannot wait for twenty-four months, when the apprentices will be free —are you aware what responsibilily lies upon every one of you at this moment, with reference to the cultiva tion of cotton in America? There are three millions of slaves in America. America does not talk of aboli tion, nor of the ame li orat i on o f s l avery. It is a do mestic institution which appears destined to descend to the posterity of that free people ; and who arc responsible for this enormous growth of what appears to be eternal slavery .? Is it not th e d emand that creates the supply ? and is it not the consumption of cotton from whence that demand arises ? You consume 318 000 0001o' s. of cotton wh eh proceed f rom slave labour' annually, i and only 45,000,0001b5. whi c h proceed from free labour ; and that too while you have the means in India,a very little ex per..tc, of obtaining all you require at froin free labour." They would be fools indeed if they did not take a lesson from that speech.—( Hear, hear.) The Rev. Mr. Coevtee, of Boston, begged to read an . extract from a South Carolina p a p er on subjectthe of' th 3 " Cotton Circular" of some of the planter politicians of 11:r2 south and west. The plan proposed by the circular cff.ct a combination between the bankin g i nterests of the south and the great commercial cities and the cotton planter, whereby the former shall advance to the latter, to nearly the value of his cotton, so as to enable him to hold: it until the market is favourable, the writer strongly e h_ jeets to, as based upon the assumption that the cotton planters as a class are debtors. He admits that such is the fact to a great extent in regard to the planters of the south-west, but maintains that there is also a large class in the south who are not in debt, and stand in no need of bank advances to enable them to anticipate their annual income of cotton. He inquires somewhat significantly whether a combination to keep up the price of cotton would not almost necessarily produce combinations to keep it dozen, and suggests whether it might not make it the interest of consumers in France and Great Britain to en ep ur of age and f os t er t h e production cotton out of the United States, and beyond the reach of such combinations of banks and bankers as are contemplated in the • Cotten Circular.' " The concluding portion of the article is worthy of attention, as h may furni s h t h e f r i en d s of emancipation with some hints as to the great obstacle now in the way of their object. s , The southern planter, if he confines himself to plant ing, without speculation, asks no aid from banks—.his cot. tonn t;),citgbe his passport th roug h the commercial world. stang.44 h eaven be is ena bl e d to raise the noblest wee at -7 4'A ti for the comfort of the human fa "ty - to make a new era i n modern ..1 roe ‘ utr..%f .1 ' se it hav e sp i r i t and virtue 00, „aft the banking and sp ecu l at i ve iva kraf the yl i ty .... yho o idea that the slave-holding aace ahtld .114!)1, rty or independence for five cotton. s that which gi ves us our en ,out' enterPr.qn o r intelligence ! and com man d s 'tik r r, the respect of foreign powers. The Egyptian may look with devotion to his Nile as the name of the power an a wealth of Egypt ; the pilgrim and inhabitant of the Holy Land may bthe in the sacred Jordan, and take comfort from the belief that be has washed away bis sins; the Hindoo may worship the Lotus, under an idea that Vishnu created Brarrah from its unfolded flowers : but a genuine slave holder in South Carolina will ever look with reverence to the cotton plant, as the source of his POWER end his liberty. All the parchments upon earth could never pro tect him from the grasping avarice and financial fury of modern society. If be expects to preserve the PECULIAR INSTITUTIONS of his country, and transmit them to paste city, he must teach his children to hold the cotton plant in one hand and the sword in the other, ever ready to defend it. " A COTTON PLANTER." It appeared to him as far as human means was concerned, that the proposition of growing cotton in the East Indies was the only effectual remedy for slavery.—( Hear, hear.) As long as the cotton growers made their speculations profitable, they might as well talk to the idle wind as to talk to them of slavery and religion. But touch them in the pocket and they would touch the slave-holder's con science, for it had long since lost its lodgment in his heart. —( Hear, hear.) They ought not, therefore, as true abolitionists, cease to wield those instruments which God hid put into their hands. When he first read the lectures of George Thompson, whose name would ever be precious to the abolitionists of America—(Cheers)—for having come among them and encountered the fierce storm that broke upon their heads—( Hear, hear)—when he first read his lectures upon the East Indies, a dawn of light came upon him, and he said If Great Britain would turn her energies to the East ladies, and produce cotton, then the slaveholders of America must yield. He looked far more to the practical pinching results of that upon the slaveholders, than he did upon all their talk and speeches. That enterprise had his hearty co-operation, and let every Englishman recollect that while he purchased American cotton, be rendered ineffectual all their attempts to abolish slavery in the north.---( Cheers. ) The CHAIRMAN, before the discussion proceeded further, wished to state an opinion which he had gained from his residence in the cotton-crowing States. He was of opinion that the planter could not afford to raise cotton under 9 cents per pound, or sd. currency. He doubted not that there was a favourable opinion to their cause among the great mass of the small slaveholders; but they were prevented from giving free scope to their opinion, on account of the com bined influence of the lar E 4e slaveholders. Mr. KEEP, of the Oberlin Institution, rather regretted that this subject should be considered so much in a corn mercial point of view, because it was as a moral and religious question primarily that the cause of the abolition of sir very was taken up in the United States. Mr. STANFIELD, of Belfast, thought there was as much sin in purchasing cotton, the produce of labour by iniquitous means, as there was in purchasing goods from a man whom it was known had stolen them. Mr. JAMES PRICE, of Swansea, observed that as'several Americans had appeared to him to speak in favour of the advancement of British commerce with Itdia, it might be intepreted by some that they wished to do so to the dis advantage of American commerce. He thought these ob servations were only to be interpreted as a warning voice to the Americans to engage free labour, in order to deter the British from that course which was otherwise open to their outerprise.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. SETH SPRAGUE, of Maseachussetts, said— Standing there as an American citizen, he could not refrain from stating his opinion. If they interfered with the inte rests of the American people or the slaveholder, was it to be supposed they would sit idle and see their profits taken away without any attempt to counteract it ? The Chairman knew very well the contest that had been going on upon the subject of the Tariff and the protection to American in dustry. If it could be proved to demonstration to the Ame rican people that if free labour was cheaper than slave la bour the work would be done. Another view of the subject he took was that the American people would not give the English credit for philanthropy if they superseded them in raising cotton. There was a deep tone of religious feel ing in the' American States upon this subject, and no doubt the controversy would go on, for it was a principle of the abolitionists in America never to surrender or give up. Mr. STAUNTON—With regard to the observation of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down as to the very little credit Great Britain would get on the score of phi lanthrophy for encouraging the growth of cotton in her own possessions, to the exc'usion ultimately of American, he begged to observe that honesty was the best policy. It was politic for Great Britain to be honest, and she could not be :ionest so long as she paid thirteen millions sterling every year for slave cotton.—( Hear, hear.) His opinion was that the abolitiai of slavery in America was of vital im portance to the existence of the free institutions. If they did not abolish slavery, slavery would abolish the most splendid fabric of Government.—(Cheers.) The stream of slavery had been for some time washing the corner-stone of Republican liberty.—( Hear, hear. ) There was one way in which they would be able to touch America—that was by showing them that free labour was more valuable than slave labour.--( Hear, hear.) They also must touch America through the pockets of her slave owners. The main feature of their trade—the main corner stone of their prosperity, was not of granite or of Port land stone—it was a cotton bale ; that was the head corner stone of their pecuniary interests—that was the staple article of their commerce. England imported no less than 490 millions of tbs. annually, to the value of thirteen millions sterling. It was that trade that furnished the American alavcholder with the sine qua non for carrying on his projects. _ It was not, as in England, that the banker, the merchant, or the grower of the produce in America, looked at the price of stocks, or of the precious metals, to regulate him in his dealings; no, he looked at the price of cbtton—that regulated him in all his dealings. In 1832, when Nat. Turner, with a few misguided followers, over ran two or three States, and excited insurrection among the negrocs, the Legislature of Virginia took the slave trade ;nto their serious considcratior, ar.d sentiments were there expressed that would do honour to any one in that assembly. While they we•e in Session news arrived from Liverpool that cotton had risen 331 per cent., the conse quence was, that fields hitherto out of cultivation were suddenly brought into cotton plantations, and a mighty impetus was given to the internal slave trade ; and those in Virginia who had a week before been rampant aboli tionists, then found that a foul canal had been opened to drain off that population which had begun to cause them considerable uneasiness, in order to cultivate the Southern fields, and the internal slave trade became an important though disgusting feature in their trade between the Northern and the Southern States. Again, it was the Manchester ma nufacturers who drove George Thompson out of America, and nearly sacrificed his valuable life, by their demand for cotton in 1835, and its consequent rise in price. The slaveholder in America, however, was well aware that the public sentiment of the world was against him—that the literature, the religion of the world was against him— ( cbeers)—that the mighty genius of Reform was against bi/E—( Loud eheers)—but when he bad a full pocket and an empty conscience, he would defy any and every genius. —(Cheers and laughter.) Why in 1837 were the slave holders obliged to send their slaves to the fishing in order to obtain a living ?—it was because cotton suddenly fell in price. In that year he remembered a caricature in New York, giving a black preacher's sermon, and he was made to say, " Merchants are fla' ; Bankers are flat ; Cotton is flat; Negroes is flat." It should have been, " Cotton is flat," and then an American well knew that all the rest must fsilow. The internal slave-trade was of a most horrible nature; it was not exceeded it, atrocity by the African slave-trade in its palrniest dais. The fields of the South committed the most dreadful havoc in the ranks of the slaves—the victims did not fall short of 100 000 a-year. Ile did not wish to detain them long, but upon this point he would read one or two ex tracts from slave papers. The Virginia Times (a weekly newspaper, publ shed at Wneeling, Virginia, and one of good repute) estimates, in 1836, the number of slaves ex ported from that State alone, during " the twelve months preceding," at 40,000, the aggregate value ~f whom is computed at twenty-four millions of dollars. The Natchez ( Mississippi) Courier says, that the Sates of Louisiana, Nlissis=ippi, Alabama, and Arkansas, imported 250,000 slaves from the Northern States, in the year 1836. This seems absolutely incredible, but it probably includes all the slaves introduced by the immigration of their masters. The following, from the Virginia Times, confirms this supposition. In the same paragraph, which is referred to under the second query, it is said—" We have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves exported from Virginia within the last twelve months at 120,000, each slava averaging at least $6OO, making an aggregate of $72,000,000. Of the number of slaves exported not more than one-third have been sold, the others having _ been carried by their masters, who have removed." Per haps that might be a little exaggerated. The CHAIRMAN said, although the extract was from a slave-holding editor, still it was very much exaggerated— very much, and the Convention ought to be told so. Mr. STAUNTON thought himself that it was exagge rated, but it was data given them by their enemies, and they had no other. " The degree to which Virginia was implicated in this trade might be inferred from the open avowal of her own statesmen. In the Legislature of that State in 1832, Thomas Jefferson Ran dolph declared that Virginia had been converted into one grand menagerie, where men are reared for the market, like oxen for the shambles." Hon. Charles Fenton Mer cer (a member of Congress from Virginia since 1817) asserted in the Virginia Convention of 1829—" The tables of the natural growth of the slave population de monstrate, when compared with the increase of its num bers in the commonwealth for twenty years past, that an annual revenue of not less than a million and a half of dol gars is derived from the exportation of a part of this population." Mr. 1` 1101149 CAMPBELL, the author of " Wyoming," --- here entered th e room , an d . was received with tremendous give me shouting. The speaker at once gave way to him, and the Poet said— nPerteasiddeisnatg,reaenadbiferi,ebnudts a of g t r h e i a s t g d r e e a a l t e e f aus, it does • sur prise, to find that my humble presence can be consid e red ven.—(Chee rs .) I as an acc ess i on t o t his istake, but still, m ost respectable and glo r i ous Con theta,. cannot but express my surprise at a gentle way, for I need sc a rcely remind you th a t i t is in a ra t istake—a miscalcul a ti on o f m y ; ba humble consequ ence my friends, th ere i s a great charity in human nature re'siecting such errors w h en t h e y fall upon the credit sid e o f the account , —( Laughter.) more There is nothing we can c omplacently forgive than good qualities. why n hould I speak our neighbour's over - estimating But, my friends, in this sacred cfus n e ur of the importance or the non-im portanceof this or that If, man with regard to carrying out the cause? . to-morrow, the people were called upon to go out and fight in defence of our beloved country , what would it avail a man to say, I cannot go, for I am but a small and a weak man, let the tall and strong Grenadiers go out and fight the battle 0 Would it not at once be said to him, .. If your ar m weak, let your greater zeal nerve you ?"—( Loud chees.l : I feel myself as sacredly bound to devote myself to the cause as if, Americans, I had been your Dr. Ciaannin,e, or, Englishmen, I were gifted with the eloquence of our O'Connell.—(Cheers.) My friends, your time is too precious for me to intrude upon 3 ou long ; I shall, there fore, studiously abbreviate what I have to say. I am re joiced to see so many men here from America—it does my heart good to see you. I have also a sort of message for you to carry across the water. I consider myself bound, not only n. a apt . hti. poclol Irl:- istmrd qo to be a friend to the Anti-Slavk.•y Association.—(Ctwers.) Freedom !—I know not whether to call it the parent or the child of the Press, but certain it is that blissful free dom lives, and moves, and has its being, in the liberty of the Press.—(Cheers.) I have to say respecting the Press of this country that it is a very good Press in many respects, but it has not done its full duty with respect to this question ; but, Americans, I tell you frankly, if we are defective in that respect, you are much more so.— (Cheers.) I must, of course, be understood to make some splendid exceptions, and meiotic can hear me without having his recollection called to Channing—( Cheers) — but, generally speaking, tire literary men of America have shirked the question. I wish to avoid anything like personal allusions, otherwise I could name those to whom I allude, and with whom I am displeased. If there be a diversity of opinion upon the sub ject of slavery among the literary men of America, if any of them will come forward and prove the blessings of slavery, in the devil's name let him do so, but do not let him shirk the question.—( Cheers and laughter.) I, there fore, beg of you Atneriesn gentlemen to give my compli. ments to my friends on the other side of the Atlantic, and tell them that though I seo!d them a little, yet I like them very well. Tell them from me to write upon the question, and, as a corollary to that, tell them they could benefit the cause very much ; but tell them not to let it be in verse.— ( Laughter.) The Americans have noble heads for press ; among them they have the very fi:st writers in the world, in prose ; but in verse—Ah, I will say nothing ; it may do very well to run upon all fours, but it cannot rise.— ( Laughter.) It puts me in mind of the old story of the dying man. A friend was preaching to him and painting all the joys of Paradise, when the poor man said, " Oh, say no moro i bout the joys of Paradise ; your bad style makes them disgusting." I will say no more, only let me return my fervent thanks to my kind friends for the honour of belonging to this noble Association. It goes to my heart when I think of the number of my fellow.men who are labouring under all the horrors of slavery ; but when I look around me now I see the germs of liberty for them budding forth.—( Cheers.) Mr. STAUNTON resumed, after paying a high cern. pliment to Mr. Campbell, whose writings had struck terror into the hearts of the slave-owners, he said, on his side of the water. They had often looked to the land of Shaks peare, Byron, Thompson, Campbell, and Scott, for burn iog poetry upon the subject of slavery; and although the American muse might crawl, still she bad not degraded herself by ever going on all-fours in defence of slavery. They bad some good names among them too—they had Dana, and Pierrepoint, and Bryant. Mr. CAMPBELL—He is a great poet. Mr. STAUNTON—He was an American though. They had also Halbeck and Sigourney. and they had Whittier, who upon this very question had produced apiece of poetry which he would give to the meeting if he remembered it : Shall our New England stand erect no longer, But stoop in chains upon her downward way, Thicker to gather on her limbs and stronger Day after day ? Oh no ! methinks from all our wild green mountains, From yanks where our slumbering fathers lie, From our blue rivers and our welling fountains, And clear cold sky From our rough coast and isles, which hungry ocean Gnaws with his surges; where the fisher's skiff With white sail swaying to the billow's motion, Round rock and cliff. From the free fireside of our unbought farmer, From the free labourer at his loom and wheel, From the brown-smith's shop where 'neath the hammer, Rings the red steel ! From each and all, if God bath not forsaken Our land, and left us to an evil choice, Loud as the summer's tbunder.bolt shall waken, A people's voice ! Mr. O'Connell was about to address the American pecple in prose—why should not their talented friend Mr. Campbell put it in rhythm ? His name and character was so well known in America that his pen would do much for the cause of upwards of three millions of men groaninc , in slavery. He had two verses by that gentleman, he wished they had been 200, and although not very complimentary to his country, he would quote them. They were addressed TO THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA, ON THEIR STRIPED AND STARRED BANNER. BY THOMAS CAMPBELL. United States, your banner wears Two emblems, one of fame ; Alas ! the other that it bears Reminds us of your shame. The white man's liberty in types Stands blazoned by your stars, But what's the meaning of the stripes ? _ T hey mean your negroe's scars. To descend from the sublime to the ridiculous—from poetry to cotton—( A laugh)—as he had before stated, the North was dependent on the South for taking their pro duce, and therefore did not like to stir for fear of offending a good customer, but cotton being the staple article of produce, when George Thompson took up the question of East India cotton, be put his finger upon the very sore and tender part of slavery. He thought the resolutions of the Convention regarding slave• holders, would do much good; but the English must protect the system of free dom in the West Indies and make it as a mirror in which the Americans might see their faces and be ashamad.—{Chears.) Mr. O'CoNnum..--Yesterday ha4t press:4 upon the meeting , the necessity of having some explanation I with Lord John Russell respecting the Jamaica laws. it was a question intimately connected with the resolutions under discussion, and he trated he might be allowed to state how the matter now stood. The Gentleman who were present yesterday, had not thought it necessary to ask any questions, but as he liked to do as well as talk he asked Lord J. Russell in his place whether the Jamaica laws. had been approved of, and whether the Royal assent had been given or withheld. Tne answer to the first ques tion was, that the Government had not assented to several of them ; but in answer to a further question he said that the Government had not refused to sanction them altoge ther, but had referred back certain clauses to Sir C. Metcalfe, with instructions to disallow them.—( Oh, oh. ) Now that was their exact position—the laws were in full force, and required great exertion on their part to put them down. He thought they could not conscientiously leave the matter where it was—(Cheers)—they were bound to go on and demand a definite explanation, and he would propose that that should be done by two, three, or four gentlemen waiting upon Lord J. Russell Immediately, and then know what was the real sta'e of the laws in Jamaica. Labour could never be cheap in Jamaica while penal laws hung over the negro ; they would deter the free negro from emigrating, for he would fear them. In Jamaica there were two millions of acres uncultivated, and they ought to make provisions for allowing and helping the black population to attain land. He fully believed not one shilling would be lost by them, for their honesty ass inherent. Lord J. Russell had also, in answer to Sir R. Peel, said that be approved of the proceedings of the Legislature of Jamaica last session. They were discuss ing the question of cotton-growing in the East•lndies ; but they ought to bear in mind that slavery existed there also, and R 3 they had kept aloof from the C vilization of Africa Society, so in this case be thought they ought to rceafine their at' ention to the abolition of slavery. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman recommended the formation of Fast India Improvement Societies in the chief provincial tov,ns, that would keep the question distinct from sinister me tropolitan influences —(Cheers.) Whether or not Parliament gave them credit for disinterestedness of views in respect to this great question they cared not, for their object was not human applause.—( Hear, hear.) The greatest agency, how ever, for the abolitiou of slavery, must be the moral influence of public opinion.—(Hear, hear.) Against this even Ameri cans could not hold out long • they could not' bear to be detested and despised. No persons ever suffered to be con temned.—( Hear, hear.) Let every man, therefore, who sacrificed his fellow-creatures to the Moloch of his avarice be excluded from the courtesies of social life in this country ; and the effact must soon tell upon American slavery.—(Cheers ) Mr. BAINES said he had asked Lord John Rus s ell whether , it were true that the Jamaica Legislature had passed Acts re imposing on negroes—particularly of females —many of the old slavery degradations.—( Hear, hear.) His Lordship said he did not know. He (Mr. Baines) gave the Noble Lord notice, that when sufficient time had been afforded the Noble Lord to read the Acts, he (Mr. Baines) would put a question to him on the subject.—( Hear.) He thought there was wisdom in the advice to wait upon the Noble Lord to inquire into the subject. As to the Hill Coolies, he knew it was represented to the Government that it was against humanity to prevent the Hill Coolies going to Mauritius, for that whereas in India they were badly paid, in the Mauritius they were piid four times as _much. This should be inquired into, and if proved f a l se , th e Government should be disabused.—( bear. Mr. JOSEPH STURGE said he was one of those who were charitably disposed to think that a great deal was done in Lord John Russell's name, of which he was ignorant. He (Mr. Sturgc) wished to inform the Convention of the exact positfon :n which the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society stood with the Colonial-office on this question. The Committee of that Society had for some time been anxious to have an inter view with the Colonial Secretary on the subject of the new laws of Jamaica ; but they had not been able to procure one. A let ter had been written in Lord Juhn Russell's name, stating in substance, that if the British anti Foreign Anti-Slavery Com mittee would send their memorial to Lord John Russell, they should be informed whether they could have the desired inter view. Another letter was written by the Secretary of the So ciety, to ascertain if passible explic.tly whether they could or could not obtain an interview on presenting the memorial. After several days further delay a second evasive answer was received. A third letter had been written to the almostnecessarilyColonial- pressure of b usine i ss gn i n or his at d oef part men t,. office, but as ye: remained unacknowledged. He rep ea t e d t h at he (Mr. Sturge) was one of those who were charitably dis posed to think that m uch was done in Lord John Russ e ll' s name, While he (Mr. Sturge) was on this subject, h e could not but express his regret that th e son of a Macaul a y h a d e i ther directly o or, indirectly sanctioned th e ex p ortation of the Hill Coolies ; owingLo Lordship h ti g wasreat and he did not think, Whilst the Colonial-office was controlled by the son of a Stephen, that either civil or religi ous lib erty would be fully established in t he West Indies. Mr. MoottE dwelt strongly on th e advanta ges of encouraging the growth of cotton in India. Mr. GEO. Turoatrsotv also forcibly and eloquently demon strated the great effect this would have in putting down Arne. rican slavery ; and he said it was an error not to think this really a moral measure, —discontinuing to cor,cume slave-pro duce. Was not that a great and influential moral measure, —(Cheers)—founded on the Scriptural principle, " Cease to do evil,—learn to do well ?"—(Cheers. ) On the suggestion of Messrs. Smilax and ALEXANDER, the resolutions were so far altered as not to attach to India exclusively ; and also, instead of expressing a certainty that the measure set forth would utterly abolish—that it would tend greatly to the abolition—of slavery. On the suggestion of Mr. O'CONNLLL, the question of a deputation to the Colonial Office was not proceeded with, he Undertaking to make representations and inquiries. 111 r. TAYLOR, of Woodbridge, having expressed his strong sense that neither Lord John Russell nor his colleagues would stir much in this or any great Liberal question till they were urged on to it ; and that further, he considered they were rather unfavourable to than attached to their cause.—( Hear, hear.) The Convention then adjourned till Four o'clock. • The Convention re-assembled at Four o'Clock, when Mr. 13111.1 , 1EY took the Chair. Dr. liowniNG informed the Meeting that he had been charged by the Committee to propose to the Convention two Addresses relating to slavery in the Mohammedan States. He THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 22; lB4O. I.believed that the publication of the princiules set forth in the Addrei,es wrthd be attended 'with great and mar%nitierAlt re sults, on which he would say a few words before he i ca.. ,he Ad ! dresses. It was known that the cultivation and manufacture of cotton had only lately been introduced into Egypt, although it was-well-known that the cotton-plant was indigenous in that country, and the manufacture was practised there many age.; ago. He himself took once from the mummy of a child, with his own hands, a piece of cotton cloth in which it was swathed; and it was the fact, that when the Viceroy was lately making a journey up the Blue Nile, he found in the forests vast quantities of the cotton-plant growing wild.—( Hear.) Now, in Egypt, the wrges of agricultural labourers were not more than 2.101. per day; and (as we understood the Learned Gentleman) the cul tivation of the cotton plant might be made to give abundant employment to that population, and to supply snfficient for the demands of Europe, without recoutse being had to the produce of slave labour. If there were in the districts of the slave hunts in Africa, confusion and disquiet, misery and desolation, slavery was the cause.—( Hear, hear.) It was delightful to him to see in that Convention the interest which was manifested for the dif ferent races of mankind, and to observe that every -member of that body had some portion of his fel'ow-creatures com mitted to his charge.—(Hear, hear.) For his part, he felt himself impelled to look with some degree of interest upon the races of Eastern Africa, amongst whom i t had been his- lot to dwell.—( Hear, hear.) He could not forget their bright eyes, their dancing hearts, and musical voices ; nor ectul f he help feeling that the meeting which he was addressing could dimi nish what portion of misery those people were subjected to. He was sure that if the Convention could effect what he aimed at, and could prove to the Eastern Princes (a 3 it was capable of being proved) that they had a deep interest in the overthrow of slavery—if it could assure them that their own prosperity was closely connected with the liberty of the negro—a vast deal would be effected towards the complete attainment of the grand object of the Society.—( Hear.) He would with these views move two resolutions, upon which the addresses—one to Lord Palmerston, and the ether to the Pacha of Fp pt—were to be founded. Thefirst resolution was to this effect 6, Th at th e present moment, when the European Powers are exercising so great an influence in the affairs of the Ortri. man empire, is peculiarly favourable to their intervention fur the suppression of slavery in the re!ooris of the E as t, an d t h at a memorial be pi esented to Lord Viscount Palmerston, en treating his Lord6hip's assistance in obtaining such declara tions fr ins the Sultan as are likely to lead to the entire sup pression of slavery in the countries subject to the Sultan's Go vernment." He bel i eved that it would not be difficult to show to the satis faction of the Grand Seignior, who was the representative of the Caliphat, that slavery was at varance with the law of the Koran. To some extent it was expressly forbidden in that book. He then read the following address to Lord Palmer stun, as the one to be founded on the resolution which he had just read : "My Lord—l have the honour to communicate to your Lord ship a resolution unanimously passed at a meeting of the Ge neral Anti-Slavery Convention, held at Freemason's Hall, on the 17th of the present month. " Associated for the great object of abolishing slavery by means solely of a moral, religious, and pacific character, they have not been inattentive to the course of events in the Oriental world, and while they breathe an earnest prayer that the crimes and calamitieg of war may be prevented by the friendly inter vention of the powers of Europe, they would humbly and earnestly implore your Lordship to use your high authority for connecting the overthrow of slavery with the consolidation of peace. In considering the situation filled by the Grand Seignior as the representave of the ('aliphat, the Convention feel a strong conviction that if a declaration could be obtained from his Imperial Highness condemn , tort' of slavery in any or all its forms, encouraging the manumission of slaves, and calling the attention of the .‘lussulman world to the state of opir.ion among civilised nations and governments, ow h a declaration could not but produce a happy influence throughout the Otto toman empire, and the Convention respectfully suggest to your Lordship that the friendly interposition of Great. Britain could be employed for no nobler purpose, and that its success would reflect high honour on the Governor of the Turkish empire, so eminently instrumental in strengthening the foundations of the Turkish - Gov,rnment, and in diminishing the fearful amount of degradation, wickedness, and misery which everywhere ac company slavery. " I have the honour to be, my Lord, "Your Lordship's obedient servant." He believed that the interference of the itish Government, in the way suggested in that address, was not only practicable; but would be attended .ith the happiest. results. In reference to the address to the Pacha of Egyyt, he should have to move the following resolution : " That this meeting has learnt with deep interest the mea sures adopted by the Viceroy of Egypt for the suppression of the abominable slave-hunts by his Royal Highness's troops, and especially the declaration of his wish to aid in bringing about the extinction of slavery. That the thanks of this meeting be communicated to him, with the assurance that the friends of civilization throughout the world hail with delight every step taken by the Viceroy in furtherance of his just and gene rous purposes, whether by impeding the importation of and the traffic in slaves—by the encouragement of agricultural produc tions in Central and Eastern Africa, by the abolition of the slave market in his dominions—or by any other. legitimate and pacific measures which may facilitate the manumission - of slaves and the entire overthrow of slavery:: Upon that resolution, which he hoped the moeting would find no difficully in cordially approving—( Applau;ej—the fol lowing address to the PacLa would be founded : HIGHNEss "An assembly of men gathered from various parts of the world are now met in this Capital to discuss the best means of putting an end to slavery and the slave-trade. " It has come to their knowledge that when a representation was made to your Highness that the Egyptian troops had been engaged in hunting slaves, and had received slaves in payment of their wages, your Highness was pleased to communicate your dissatisfaction, and to express your wish 'to abolish a disbo mumble traffic, even though its abolition should be attended with some sacrifices.' . " Your Highness's declaration has been laid before the Par liament of Great Britain, and has thus come• to the 'knowledge, not only of the British people, but of the civilized w or ld; and I any inslructed by this Convention to -convey to your - Highness -the expression of sheir gratitude for the sieps,,fyou,haveltil7, ready taken, and their most earnests hvipen thkellnsul "!titil.t" deign to give complete effect to your just and-? ee nerifitiii intentions. They wil hail with delight every pacific mea sure which your Highness ma- , adopt, in otder to pre vent the importation of and the trade in slaws. They have witnessed with much satisfaction all that has been done to encourage and protect the blacks -in their peaceful pur suits of agriculture, and are persuaded not only that the tran quillity but the p •osperity both of Government and people are intimately connected with the unmolested industry which can never exist while the persons and the properties of the negrees are exposed to unchecked violence. They would trust that your Highness might also consent to abolish the slave markets in Egypt ; and if they thus urge on your Highness these their most respectful solicitation!, it is that they have been encou raged by past evidences of your humane purposes to appeal to you for giving them their full development. " I have the honour to be " Your Highness's most devoted humble servant," &c. A e i r r e . stn ßlC HAßDand WEas thought the d ocuments exceedingly interesting, he was ranch pleased with them. But he thought it was inconsistent to point to the practices of civilized nations in this respect, when so large a portion of th e c i v ili ze d world as America comp o sed was guilty of slavery._( Hear. ) l‘f could r.GERG4reSertAoc E Y expressed so me d ou b t t h at the Con vention such words as that th ey l oo k e d to strength ening the foundation of th e 6 ttoman empire. 13traxErr could no t see any ob j ection to l °explained that the wo r d s h a d no re f erence to re ligion.—( Hear, hear. ) anyD The question of J. ev. strengthening the foundation of the Ottoman empire. —( Hear. ) That Convention had no objects which could be attained by the overthrow of any empire.—( Hear, hear.) On the contrary, they could never be friendly to such revolution which could only be effected by bloodshed and other evils.—( Hear, hear.) The address expressed a desire only to see the empire strength ened in its foundation b y the amelioration of its civil institu vtioounrs'o—fLiilaeinisEn a institu tions.—(Hear, a hear.) The resolutions were n o t a t a ll i n ft religion ; but as that word occurred in them, and was liable to be misunderstood, it might be altered. Mr. FULLER knew that he had fearful odds against him when he measured logic with Dr. Bow ring. —( Laughter.) s ay that it was inconsistent to state in the ad dressesthis was a Convention of the world, when it had Still he t h w a o t ul d been declared to be only a Committee of the Anti-Slavery Society.—(oh, oh!) It it was a Convention of the world, w h y were so me of those who were delegated to it obliged to sit ?—( Oh, oh ! and a l aug h.) H e did no t t hi n k the e t h d e ,n g:e m il e rY nt came from the betty it was de.;cribed to come from. It was also stated to convey tha unanimous opinion 6of h y :t n ereei a g e r odn e ini the body—for he did not know that he should vote for it; indeed, he did not know that he should vote at all.—( A laugh. ) The resolutions and the addresses were then put, and carried protracted d to . loudly ndguhloa,lrvh(e) hi oifchto :ho emancipation rtl had al to called nl following coisa f iilmea o nipcoud r a:::: , ,tu. oieiinoi came gsndmb iscnri ce: f imt o tseia hei r :hiv(t n ,ru ; a:e a lts: and eiaish:s_t without dissent, and amidst applause. ad h ions strictly tlrialeiarouieeivdmientetetti Captain chineytiooaraenritkaoecosittllnihefui g S veedt r sae dhs,np U e tam, c possible.cromof tte constrained . titatir b . heaee t letr : il " That this Association earnestly recommend• to the friends of humanity and religion, everywhere, to disuse slave-labour pro duce, and, instead of it, to use free-labour produce as far as practicable." In the first place, they ought to disuse slave labour produce, because, by using it, they more directly and effectually, than by any other means, supported slavery, anti mingled with their superfluities the blood of the slave.--( Ap plause. ) They should use free-labour produce instead of it, as far as practicable, because, thereby, whilst they honestly pleased themselves, they administered, in the most beneficial manner to the - wants of the industrious poor; and he said that those two recommendations should be acted on as far as practicable, because he was persuaded that duty, in this matter, required only what was practicable, without sacrilic:ng either life or health. The Rev. Mr. JAMES seconded the resolution. The Rev. Mr. Bu RS ET thought that the words " as far as practicable" gave too great a latitude to per , ons of easy con science in this matter. He believed that few of the slave owners themselves could be found that would not say that they were desirous of discountenancing slavery "as far as prac ticable." But if the matter was left to them, their imprac ticabilities would be very numerous.—(llear, hear.) He suggested that the words "as far as practicable" be omitted. Captain STUART said he would support the retention of the words. Mr. G. BENNET supported the resolution as it stood. He thought.it should be left to every person's conscience to decide how far it was practicable to act upon the recommendation. Colonel MILLER thought it was his duty to state to the Com mittee that there were thousands in America who used not, handled not, touched not, anything produced by slave labour.— ( Applause.) His family had for many years used maple sugar at ten cents. per lb. when they could purchase New Orleans sugar at five cents.—( Applause.) He was talking to a slave owner the othe r d ay , and told him that the a bolitionists would starve the slave-owners out.—(Much applause. ) Mr. FULLER said he believed there were hundreds mire in America who abstained from the produce of slave-labour than in pinch of snuff. —( England.—( Hear.) He looked upon the receiver as quite as bad as the thief ; and it was on that principle he expressed his regret the other day at seeing an excellent a bolitionist, wha pro .hoped the on .13efore fessed to abstain from using the produce of slave labour, taking a port the omission of the words objected to. Mr. Jost A n FOSTER and Mr. CREwnsoN supported the reso lution as it stood. haVr.STuaoe had felt a deep interest on this question, and fora considerable time looked at it pretty , ac and t thoughhip he was one of those guilty parties who had never wiped handst - he slave-drawn resolutton reduce, it would be allowed to pass. He thought that they ought to strengthen the hands of the faithful. lie had been with their be well dear and venerated friend, Mr. Clarkson, that morning, and he sure they all knew. He would read to the meeting cl a o n se e l i , had put into his hands a letter by Samuel Webb, whom he was from that worthy . . stand the Abolitionists have the majority in England--nay, some say all E ngland is abolition i se d. If anything like that be the case, l et not this appeal to you f o r help evaporate i n wordy Sympathy for us or for the poor slaves. We ask not for pecuniary nor for i) hY deal aid; but if you p eo p le are Aboli tionists ( which - Ido not doubt), them say to the let slave-holder, " Keep your cotton at home , it is stained with blood! You r sugar is moistened with the tears of suffering humanity ; we will have none of them. We can procure a supply of such articles free from the taint of slavery." He was fully aware that the question was surrounded with eiffi etiltirs, but he thought the .y coutl do n Mr, G. THoNtessti gad zeceived a communication a few days before he left S.:otland from the Secretary of the Free Produce Association of Philadelphia ; they had already possessed themselves of free•grown produce and were offering a premium for it. They were also willing to take, from this country manufactured goods, provided it could be clearly shown to them that they were manufactured from free-grown produce. There was great intere4 exclted in the United States on this subject, and he thought it would strengthen their hands very much if the resolution, instead of being passed in its present shape was modified.--( Cheers. ) Bottt.risEE of Birmingham, considered the resolution to be very well drawn up, and hoped it would be adopted. The Rev. Mr. SCALES was convinced of the difficulties that surrounded the present question, but he thought all must admit that great advantage was to be derived from the encou ragement. of free labour. The CHAIRMAN thought without the present resolution the public mind would be left asleep on this subject. Mr. W. DAWE, of Ohio, was satisfied that the American slaVe owner would never give up his slaves until he saw the greatest willingness in the party who called upon him to do so, to give up es en himself and any comforts he might derive from it, to the cause of the abolition of slavery. He thought they would act v.. ry inconsistently, if, when they asked the mi nisters of Ameri,a to avoid assisting the slave trade, they did not practice what they preached. Mr. PRICE would concur with Captain Stewart, in nromoting the adoption of the resolution, if he could be persuaded that the members of the Convention were themselves consistent, and would carry out in prac tice that. which they recommended. The reso ution could not be brought forward by a more consistent man than Capt. Stuart, and believing in that consistency he look it for granted that lie was not clothed in cotton, the produce of slave la'6our, and that when he had his coffee, he took care that it was not sweetened with sugar, the produce of slave labour. He thought if they were' consistent, they might, with great propriety. send forth the present. recommendation, but, if they did not act us, the attempt would only lecod upon th,m,elves. He cid n t regret the conversation Ilya had taken place. but he thought the wisest course would be to withdraw the proposition fur the present. Mr. CA IlLISLE—After a:I that he had heard against the resolution, was in favour of their own principles. Aft,r having studied some years ago the duty of abstaining from slave pro duce, he tht.ught he was acting with p:•rfect consistency if he voted for the resolution. Of course. his personal consistency afterwards was a matter for which he held himself responsible to God. • Mr. ALLEN thought the words " as far as practicable," should he added to the resolution. Mr. Mooar., of Dublin, moved as an amendment to the re solution the addition of the following words—" that this meet ing adopts and earnestly recommends." He thought they could not act consistently without they added those words. Mr. BA REIT of Salisbury thought the question ought not to be disposed of hastily. He would suggest whether, upon the whole, it would not be better to defer the passing of the pre sent resolution until the Committee should have brought beforo the Convention the different produce of slave labour and free labour, so that they might be in possession of the knowledge of that which they could fairly abstain from. The CHAIRMAN said, the Committee to which:reference had been made would not be able to report during the present session of the amount. Mr. BRAbeoem, from America, would be glad if the Com mittee to which this matter was submitted should be able to throw over this imperfect subject some new light, for he was very much afraid there was but very little clearness on the subject. He had known many who had abstained from using the produce of slave labour. This gave him great pleasure, as he considered it a noble testimony against the monstrous crime of slavery, yet he was afraid there was little consistency in his friends on the subject. He thought the present resolution was extremely indefinite ; one man would form one opinion as to w!lat was objectionable, and another a very different one : he hal known men who had flattered themselves that they were acting upon this principle, when they abstained from using cotton and sugar, and :set allowed themselves to purchase of articles of merchandise from those who encouraged slave labour. It the principle contained in the resolution was to be acted upon, the consequence would be, that it would starve more th,in half the inhabitants of the island.--( Hear, hear.) And was any person prepared to say that those indivi duals ought to give up their lives for the cause they were met to advocate. He considered the whole matter beset with diffi culty. If they were to cultivate their own cotton in the East and West Indies, they would accomplish more towards the ex tinction of slavery, than if they were to go on, as they were now doing, for fi:ty yews to come. The Rev. Mr. COLVER objected most seriously to the reso lution, on the ground of expediency. It did not touch the point in dispute. If they were anxious to do anything, let them do that which would meet the case. Wherever and when ever he could see that abstinence would do the work, he would abstain, but when he was placed in circumstances in which it would be wrong to do so, he should refrain from it, and not Mind the consequences. He was sure that there was no rule in the resolution now under consideration. Mr. BAcKnousx thought the resolution, if passed, would be a dead letter; and it would be almost. impossible to carry it Out. He thought they would weaken what they had already done, if they went too minutely into these things. Mr. NV. D. CREWDSON was convinced that they would only weaken their case by adopting the resolution, whir h, as it ap peared to him, spreid over too wide a field. He would, there fore, be very glad that the mover and seconder of it should con sent to its withdraWal.--,(Hear. hear.) Mr. F. RA tocEll, diit not wish to recommend anything to the Convent on which they would not be ready to adopt. The ques tion was certainly one which deserved their grave consideration. Mr. Q. Si ACE Would presion the mover of the amendment the propriety of Withdrawing it. The Convention was not then prepared to adopt so important a prepositLin with the unanimity which should be desired.--( Hear, hear. ) .The Rev. J. Ican4:4Enir wished to stigkest anew proposition, which he bought would meet all the difficulties of the case. He siou:1(1 '‘`. That in order fo facilitate the ute_of free labour produce. this Convention,i'equests . the Comniittee of the Eritish and Fo- . reigii,Anti,daverr_Socieq to instittit.a careful inquiry into it, rprOdlina and au to peep - aid "and circulate in cola t4t-a a list as - they of thrise Cornmodities wh . eh are thus produc ! 'd, furry hing at the same time a statement of simi lar articles which are obtained by free labour " The Rev. J. fhltrIELP seconded the amendment. Captain , :TtiaitT was opposed to all amendments, approving, as he did, of the original resolution. He would leave that reso lution in their hands and abide by their decision. Mr. CII.6vDSON was perSuaded that the adoption of the ori ginal resolntion woul I be attended with great inconvenience. It wou'd involve a degree of distress on many irfnabitants of the Island which no one present could conceive. Colonel MILLEit supported the original resolution. The Bible was on their table, and the Bible told them not to be partakers in other men's sins. The amendment of the Rev. Mr. Kennedy was then put and carried almost unanimously. SLAVERY IN BRITISH INDIA. Professor ADAM brought up and read the resolutions of the Committee appointed to consider the subject of East India sla very. (Owing to the great length of the discussions, we cannot find room for the report at present, but will publish it on some future occasion.) The Learned Professor then said, that be fore they adopted the resolution, he wished to say a few words on the subject of slivery in British India. The first point to which he was desirous of directing their attention was a state ment male that morning in cannexion with the question then under discussion. Some doubts were entertained with respect to the cotton brought from India; but the 'acts of the case were made apparent by the report of the Committee. He should add, however, that as far as his information went, there was but one district in the south of India, that of Finnavaly, in which slavery existed. He thought it important that this cir cumstance should be borne in mind, in reference to a previous discussion on that morning. Another remark he was desirous of making was with reference to allusions which had been made to the Society denominated the British India Society. He was himself a member of that Society, and he was proud of his connexion with it, but he did not appear before them in that capacity, and the proceedings of those around him stood wholly unconnected with those of any other body. lie was not there as a member of the British India Soeiety, or of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society; but as a member of their Convention, and as such only he wished to address them. He would tell them to raise their voices as a Convention for the abolition of slavery in India, and to call on the British people and the British Government no longer to - tolerate a system in the East which they had dslared illegal in the West Indies. It appeared that under the Government of the East India Comeany, there exists almost altogether unknown to the people of England two distinct kinds of slavery legalised and enforced by the Company. But. was that the only stigma on their national character ? No; the English people were flattering themselves that all their colonial possessions were free from a similar stain, but in that they were mistaken. Ceylon was a Crown colony not adminis tered by the East India Company, and which ought to have been included in the Emancipation Act wrung from the Govern ment of this country, and yet that colony included among its population 30,000 slaves at the present moment.—( Hear, hew-.) That. was a subject which should not escape the atten tion of the Convention. Neither slavery in the East Indies, nor slavery in Ceylon should be allowed to continue. Let the people of England speak on those subjects wi•h the authority which became them as a frse people, and they would soon compel their goverment to do its duty, and to carry into effect its past engagements.—(Cheess. ) The 11ev. JAMES ACKWOUTH moved that the resolutions of the Committee should be adopted by the Convention. He thought that the British Government should be called on to fulfil its pledges ; and, while they were addressing themselves to the Frcnch, the American, and other powers, for the sup pression of slavery, they should not forget that it existed under their own rule.-_( Hear, hear. ) The Rev. JAMES PECOS seconded the motion. The sub ject then under their consideration was one to which his attention had been directed for several years, and on which a very great want of accurate information prevailed. When it was proposed that slavery should be aboli•hed in India on or bi-fore the 12th of April, 1837, and when a clause to that effect had passed the House of Commons, and had been brought up for the adoption of the House of Lords, the Duke of Wellington obsei ved, that " there was no necessity for framing any law or regulation with regard to slavery in the East Inches. He hail," he maid, " served in that country. and lived among its inhabitants, and he had never known an in stant e of cruelty practised towards slaves there, if slaves they could be called." The consequence of that declaration of the Noble Duke was, that the original resolution was rescinded. But the statement merely proved that great men were not always exempt from great mistakes.—( Hear, hear.) The fact was that slavery prevailed in our Eastern possessions to a great extent. From all the data he could collect on that subject, is appeared that there were in the Southern Caucan 2,000 slaves, in Surat 2,000, in Ceylon 27,397, in Assam, 11,000, and 3,000 in Penang. The total number amounted, according to the most accurate statement, to 800,297. The condition of a por tion, at least, of these slaves was most lamentable. Accord ing to a high authority, that of Grreme Campbell, Esq., " Nothing could be more d ep l ora bl e t h an the con di t i on o f the slaves crMalabar, whose huts were little better than mere baskets, and whose - diminutive' stature and squalid appearance evidently showed the want of adequate nourishment. They were distinguished from the rest of the human race by their dropsical pot-bellies; they were half-starved, hardly clothed, and scarcely superior to toe cattle which they followed at the plough.—({dear, hear.) Th.. Reverend Gentleman said he would not then proceed any further with that subject, a s lie was pseparing a paper with regard to it,-which he should be most happy to lay before the Convention. He hoped that th e faits he he had just adduced would be sufficient to awaken their atta,ntion to the matter and he should be ready to supply any additional information he might possess to a ny gentleman who should wish to receive it.—( Hear.) He most cordially seconded the resolution. The Rev. Mr. CALVER said that. England should interfere in the case. It would go forth to the world that after all that Great Bistain had done she hail not yet cleansed herself of the stain of slavery ; and while she addressed her lessons to other people she would be answered with the words " Physician cure thyself.'—( Hear, bear. )- They should purify themselves from the con'tamination of slavery while they were endeavouring to purify other nations --(Cheers.) Mr. R. R. MOOSE said that the matter should be fairly stated. It was not the British Government which held any par-: ties in slavery, but the East India Company—a body which it was exceedingly difficult to reach. Mr.PRICE said the subject should be taken up by the whole British public, and he doubted not but by that means the evil would be removed in a very short time. He lias persuaded MORNING EDR-101st• that the appointment of a Commi.dou which would press the ;ad. . %vial last ten years tray have quail led me to form some ce..ir:',tart4if , t e f r, leo,. ; s iia GT advaiireges of shyers in a .pangs ., coioelyss .. .c , : first proposition—" That slavery has alwas had with the'SOarae 1 . a peculiar character of mildness,' is one that Itieeesaciittataa in nts books so often, and heard laid down so frequent'yll tillt ea ge a who have resided in Cuba, by naval officers who bait. efsited the . , _ shores and harbours of that island, and by transient visitors s Wa . " have made tours of pleasure or winter journey, in pursuit of . 11 er n: from one large town on the coast to another ; and seen theiht i r economy of one or two estates of opulent proprietors, what 'in ino ur our colonies would be called " crack plantatioes," that I really fee l _. astonished at the amount of error that prevails on tale itilij ,ar _ error so great, and held by men entitled to credit, thed:l l a l . sometimes felt absolutely doubtful of the eva lence of my own aim l e and when the irresistible conviction of the excessive' rigotaC t slavery in Cuba has been fore-'d on my mini, end whenal have a__ i dwelt on the appalling scenes I have witn e ssed, it ofteu'aee o t u eu _ hopeless to me, and even imprudent for me, to attempt to disabuse s o c f the public mind, and to set my experience against the op,nto, ora many people whose sentiments on any other subjeet I Coetisi 7 °. entitled to respect. But on a question of such vastimPortan . e and where erroneous 'sentiments are calculate. to do so much ~ In jury to the objects of the solicitude of - anti-slavery exertion, it would be an act o leowardice to suppress the truth, - or at least P ..... strong persuasion of it, in defererce 'to error, however .generaolitja. diffused or honestly adhered to, it may be . , Teese trroheotis e.er. elusions, that Spanish alavary is of a p cularly mild. ch4l.:cr, be are arrived at by four ways of viewing this question ; , they le Y briefly stated as . follows :--alst. It Is concluded, that 'becatrae t h e a, laws for the government of slaves in the Spanish colorriesailta. mild' s that these laws are executed, and the slaves are happy. r 2d s . t it . " e considered by some who visit the large seaport.toe tis, at' t" istic condition of the predial slaves is similar - to that of the tiSn" ',,,., servants, and that because the latter are lszy, w. 11 red. andeleeet '7 . e witt. clad, and lightly worked negroes, ti.e poor field slats are . 14 ~,,, idle and indulged, kindly treated and centente I slaVeis a': 1 4. 0u ' e. ,.. condition of the slaves is judged s of by men who e si vasin7 u ::: ,. diate interest in slavery, bur. who have long resided la Shi*.:4o,_ tries, or been on stations where opeeroiiiities of ~ iA•fo . : g , o c f colonies have made them - acquainted wails The l e rigtfielo t T .,,,, 'estates, and in course of time fainiltar see Jr "thaia eieil ti ` ,., favourable to their int: rests and at - leileth - eccustateed.l." ..,.. evils of slavery, and insensible to the sutforeigs - of I'6 iqct ei b t 7 4,11. The tr atment of sese; in general in Cotes and . esew o e f. is inquired into by transient visitors and sou ists at thiatiblo u ._ the planters, over the wine of the slaveholdere-aatel sehre etsr, ofo is drowned in hospitality, and the legitimate itiquisitiyen ceo _ . ! a stranger's curiosity is merged in a courteous aagities 7 with the sentiment., or at least the statements of . a liberal crenter tainer, and a gentlemanlike host . Now, Sit, of thiae tkifo, the w ,ys of coming towards - conclusions, it is evident that it le t n ` first the signal error of your Repent' is to be attriauted e 'I fart,s you admit that your opinion of the mildness . of Spanish' Slaveruy: derived from the royal ordinances eird laws tion of it. I freely grant that th) apirit . of • these' layi a:eels! e u nances is humane, but the great question is, are sisal laws cote' lo pat ible wit Is the . interests of the slave-o - wrors ? Are I ii'aY.P s u e . t es , execution ? Negro slavery, as it ever has eiciateillln *. Nest India India Colonies, has been a condition in which - Ole 'profi , toen, to the master of unpaid labour, for the time la• lng, has, alas made fo t ._ :the rcg or : 1. rendered the happiness of the labourer a question of coMpar tl r ` o. unimportance. What you, Sir, would call humanity to tir . n e . if ire there is not a proprietor in Cuba who would not"deem' t . .i 1 0 1 " ....d to the planter. You =list legislate pattially; IMMairey, on a .... _" yet efficiently, for any slave colony" in a prosperous conti..,o° you may pass measures of general effect' for the total ett? i ll :. roe orectu n , n l of slavery, but you can carry none into execution modifying its nature, and leaving unpaid labour to be ' , Virg . 1.. of Its victims, while a show is made of surrounding it! cr l .P cee sion with humane arrangements, duly detailed in the fta'Ya_ l of dulas, and set forth in legal books with all the solemn ma,a,laer,l in Spanish law. Sir, your Reports state as a curious annP , a_l sser e the history of Spanish slaves, that while the Indiana were a f . _e: v ` ea by the Spaniards with such terrible cruelty, the neg,roeS,.ite': new known, have always been trea•ed with p ecc li ar mildness,," i 'rithiof hardly remind you, that while the poor Indiana Wete a !!. ; e co under the lash of the most unmitigated cruelty the worlel . 't e r ...L. that period ever saw, while the Spanish colonies were eat rigour of of . Hating the whole race of their victims by the astounding ai b li r e . r e ' lsa their slavery, the Kings of Spain were dictating benevolent . p u ees, and humane ordinances for the treatment of the unfortunate a T fee while the Council of the Indies were continually framinglaws . 'butioa the better regulation of the " repartimientos," or distil . ae , of the natives—while the heads of the Spanish Church, theri,ero. politicians of the day—half statesmen hall churchmen—Wer e e _.,,,e, sterol)/ sending out missions and commissions to co-operat.s.7lo the Illustrious Apostle of the Indies, the protector of the that was —in fact, while all tire machinery of the goVeenment t e h t t ion w et fiur thousand miles off' was brought t r bear on this tin f _i n , the amelioration of slavery in the Si apish colonies, yet Oa eder Clans perished in the mines, they died under the lash,.. stalt u e " roee famine in caves, or scught in voluntary death a finalreftle n ' er e e Spanish cruelty. Yes, the whole race perished, while the h i ee s aus , Spain and its Ministers were framing lass imprecticable,,l!„ 0 they were partial, measures of eclief, for the ' oreservatt7 ole their Indian subjects. Let me tell . you, Sir, the same, r rf,,,,,ies system of cruelty is going on this . day in. the Spanish.. eet7 the —the same terrible evils are silently In operation. Ch ang e,, end term Indians for Negroes, the word mines for ,pfantatione over in every other respect the same bloodY. "tragedy 0- aCting crae t again —the same frightful work of extermination, the, sant . , oo , mockery of staying the evil by laws without enforeenv t c ?n ee ; into without a hope being entertained of tilde being carried effect, is now practising in New Spain, and the awful waste ag,' ie u p lifo that in the time of the Indians was fora liMited petied . nr eiew . by the ravages of the man-robbers on the aso - ests 'of cite by World, has now for three centuries been ailed - upin - Claha a lone . unt a an annual importation that has now reeched to. tlaa.aF e r oi ,, s , 25,000 stolen men from the shores of Africa. _lf;it 6El,l7S triate d as your Report states, that negro slaves have aiwoys treA kat tbe wi:h peculiar mildness in the Spanish colortieaoit,ol°%v, rare' slaves of the island of Cuba, for example, are O-C,osl.tet'a"..,l eta that, therefore, they are not over-worked, nor. ttPat4lffq? • n u, a nd clad ; that the st x a ere equalized, that the imoeteli, tyl.'/Vl a ro e u ee time increase by brtes. considerable; that the antiOn„K ' 1 1? Ithan it At the Wednesday meeting of the Anti-Slavery Cdnvention the brained by the labour of a given number Or . slaveasifae , ..s o ,i, , e is subject of the extraordinary error - generally prevaleht in France has been in f ricer years in the British c olonies ; thaelattr ,eeettant en, England on the question of slavery in Cuba, arid the treatment considerable number o:aged slaves on the p.tats:S; fliat . ti!,.q'7 ;,:-., s of slaves in Seanish colonies, was taken op by Dr. R. R. 31adden, e warners are allowed exeniptin from hard fleet labsoe. in tlaa " ily gentleman holding during tie last four years the situation of super. r usua cr eight weeks of their pregnency, that the actualise a rt not - f . i s,e iiitendent of liberated negroes at _the Havana ; an d o n th is most flogged; that the children are instructed its the eastala t ntta o se or important sueject Dr. Madden addressed the meeting in the follow. Christian faith; that the negrues. on the t“2;rs:ate matt? la , 4 Mg words4—Sir— lam so fully aware that ms isah7tiOdo not qualify ministers of religion s that thcy are S ti ff r e d to aetend et :pea ce me for the task that has been assignea me, and my state of health worship on the Sabba belay; that it is not lawful ,to. _:tr Itt th e 0 „ renders me so unequal to it, Abet nothing but .a strong sense of the down by dogs when tie); arc fugitives frem the estates at :tofuwile mst...see or the question I have been retitle:red to afford some they are scouiged 'to de . ith or killed by aaoleisee, the WI e In a : mation on could surmount the rattaame I feel at preseistins, who is their murderer may be brought to justice, and punished w it ' myself before a pubic meeting, and especially beaire s nib an essem. toy as this, where, if I felt a m nnentary satisfaction in being tecoe_ tee utmost rigour of Ilse law—Lot hot one of I heie: niers' lre° of justice, or me a ns o f . p ro t ect i on f or the predi a l slaves sillknecr" sized here as one who at !east w a s k no w n t a b e w i ll i ng to serve to exist in Cubs—not a single one of th ese I h ave pointed - ea i* to this cause—who had wa;ked sifter th e h earse o f s l avery i n Juna:ea— be looked for to the law, a nd y e t th e l aw. al l ows thes e t hil4s, a'r , assisted likewise in that country at th e o b sequ i es o f the am - voice. . selemilly co !demos every withdrawal of them. But die law ' vs ,: ship system, and employed a practis e d e y e f or acme years past ill never trainee with soy reasonable pro s p ec t o f itsbelng etif e i e ced, it. taking the measure of the grain of slavery in Cuba it se lf ;— if i n rever has been enforced, and, what is more, it never can. he ee anything I have encountered us toil or peril in this cause, in whose forced, against the planters woo are the transgresSors ; of- it , be ,... service 1 have spent the last sever years, I may say, not in the cause, in fact, these ere.the men who are entrusted with the el a a s peaceful closets of philanthropy, but in the field of slavery itself,: nut cution of it. In the towns and cities the case is, anetee, 4 , P itrer s e .,, as a mercenary, if you will, bat as a soldier ;at all events, if any with the domestic slaves—but - what a smaltpurtion do .theae for'' such feeling of pride was excited, the foolishness of it would be of the number of slaves in Cuba ? Thee domestic "slaves, condition surely rebuked by the presence and the learning of those men who cially those of the opulent proprietors, 'comparing theite Otann e ' ° "; have long toiled in. this -cause, but most especially of those men with that of the predial slaves, may be said to berintinatO irc e r from America who have come as one great cloud of witnesses across. state. d. They have the power, in the large towns . and cities. l c the Atlantic. and made you acquainted, not only with the wrongs of ' availing themselves of the privileges the.law accords tlatan: e. _ their black brethren, but likewise personally so with the hero c courage and untiring energies which they have devoted to this they have a harsh owner, they may demand • permission to,eeittb!.: other master, and it is compulscry en that question. It has been my fortune to have visited America three either for the sum he paid for them, or at such a ritc as the times during the last six years, and to have been afforded an ample Sindico, or the special protector of the slaves and the Jude! m a t ._, opportunity of observing these truly noble men in the sphere of determine, in consideration of any reasonable ipereasee its til e r: their own duties and dangers—for these are never separated in tstrad or s P laste r ..t9 nu theta America ; and if I had reason to rejoice for no other cause to have eta., or in con s equence of their having iicen teeght . taken a part in these proceedings than to have been permitted to calling. v But how is the predial stave to availhianeel agal privileges ? The officers cf justice in the country towns e ra bear my feeble test mony to th • constancy of the courage of these I usually slave-hoiders theinsclves; the estate' . May be. ten,, idneee brave, bold men, the most virtuous and amiable withal I ever knew twenty miles distant from a town, the Sindichs, ,the . 4l , ca o , isit engaged in public strife, the most strongly actuated by high and time Capitanos de partidos, all are p'anters. The idea or a Pre" . 0 generous motives, and the least influenced by anything vain or he Want slave going to the mayoral or ovtrseer, and telling hilt} another selfish—l would rejoice to have this occasion of recording my hum. " a paper" —a permission for two or three dais to :siceit anc;" t ; ble opinion of their worth. And yet I have heard these men court. master (buscaramo), would be laughed at in Cuba ; the. ~.e . celled here to be more moderate in their language and more men- l' e ef theft: nate more who would make so daring an . attempt to obtain no n.; sured in their rebukes. Why this is the counsel that ever has been rights, - would, in all probability, be flozge:l on the spot ;.liVlar e given to persecuted men ; they are told they should " let the sweat leave the estate to seek the Sindic3 in any adjoining tow n s !, of agony flow more decorously down their foreheads—they should we re he _w ° a el, no matter what injustice may be done him, groan in melody ," and murmur their complaints in softer whispers. pass hia master's gate, he would be subjected to punishment.. " b° 3 c l.. Were these the accents which your own reformers spoke in, In far teiajo," without appeal as a fugitive, and if he still presumed to talk met times ? Are these the accents which great complaints, real or or the law, and to insist on being taken before a Magistrate tocelatteda" imaginary, have ever been proffered in, or in which those who ut. the privileges which that law gave him, he would then be tr , , tered them have made them to be redressed ? We are told that in o ith a degree of rigour "beyond the law," as an insolent and re " the early ages of Christianity slavery was known to exist, and slaves to ‘",. I ellious slave. But granting that he succeeded in getting have been heal by„Christians, even in the times of the Apostles.. It S lel co, tire Alealde, or the Cepitano de partidos , whii chance 0 . 1 is some consolation to know, however, that although there were justice hasan unfortunate slave in Cuba against the .itraverfui ' n ee slaves in the early ages of Christianity, there have been martyrs in flueilce of a rich, and. perhaps a tit csl, owner ? The-planter is t" the latter ages of slavery ; and one of those noble soldiers friend of the authorities of his district, they dare not.diaoblige him,i of the cross wire sealed the covenant of truth with his blood in and if they dared, they are at last to be. gained over by a bribe, ° r those early times has declared that there were two kinds of mar_ and t rid of by a remonstrance to the Governor, and a suitable P a _ tyrdom—one that gained the crown by the exercise of a sudden seat to the assessor of the Governor, who is one of the great! ' act of Christian fortitude,—the other, that was a perpetual mar- b e oa:cers of the Crown. How in th e name o f common sense i s the tyrdom that lasted during life, and on ly en d e d w ith it . And this law to be looked to in a Spani s h co l ony f or t h e m i t i ga tion at' t 7" was the highest martyrdom of a ll. Thi s i s th e ki n d of sufferieg evils of slavery, or the protection of the sieve ? The. excellence 0 7 , arid of sacrifice our friends in America have underg one, and are the Spanish civil law is admitt e d b y every one, yet the iniqui t Y .. daily undergoing there. As for the a sserti on th a t th ere h ave-been Spanish tributi ls, the corrupti on o f S pan i s h J u d ges ,_ and was the case ; but for what purpose are the s mou ld er i ng as h es of the*he 1 .I_l slaves in the early ages of Christianity, 1 for on e a d m it t h at such comparable v.llany of Spanish l awyers, i s prover bi a l I n allthe cola -1 i s of Spain . Justice is bought and sold in Cuba with as scanda la : • Hebrew customs and usages, that were suffered to exist i n th ose publicity as the bozal slav es are b ought and sold in the barracc h e l s early times of Christianity, to be raked up ? Surely if t h ere :b e any Is there a man in Cuba wh o h a d suf f ered wrong i n pro peetY or thing more evident than another in the whole history of religion, pee son who would be mad enough to go for redress into a centres; it is this, that whatever revelation has been made to us from on - law, end expect to obtain it by t i usting solely to the merits of 4isca se . high, the whole course of God's teaching and communication has How then are we to expect from any code for the regutation of rte been been of a progressive character ; and that from the beginning of gr r shivery justice for the creole who has not the means to buY tr . ' s,. that teaching to the period of the greatest revelation of all, that or to e 0",.. Judge 1 How are we to expect to restrain the cruelty, progressive character has been seen in the course of the develop_ tro: the cupidity of men who have the means to bribe the bench . o'• merit or the higher truths arid mete exalted doctrines that were every tribunal in the land, to make " inatireeno . '' • s these.eolictalle taught, and that no violent disruption from what had gone before s, a _ • ~ the Cons are called, with the sons, and ser va nts, the fo ll 4 s k an ' n a was permitted ; but, in the words of Augustin, th a t it was oppa . familiars of the Judges in th e i r cause? is i t t h en to seiP t A s a- t 0 rently the inscrutab'e pleasure of Providence " that th e synagogue laws, to parchment justic e , or to stet ute-book henocilence,z./e are .. should be buried with horror." And with it was i ri f er r e d th ose look for that peculi a r c h arac t er o f mildness .which your. ,fleWt as' of which were tolerated, perhaps, on account o f th e h ar d ness of heart, which hail given a temporary sanction to oth e r usages no sures us is the char a cteri s ti c o f siavery iniiipanish colts elm? Stu' l ; what we know afslavery in every country where it has existed shot' longer in existence. But the subject I have to speak to you on is - be sufficient to satisfy every enlightened person that bondage is 50 te , man to deal with — namely , the state of sl ave ry i n C u b a, an d on t hi s of somewhat a more practical kttiii, and such as befits a practical evil ti. at cannot be mitigated by an y p art i a l measures o f relo7o g°,b-e subject I have encountered so much error, b o th a t h ouse an d ahroed ( essentially to serve the s l ave , t o i mprove t h esystem , to humanis e • , i master, rind the. to benefit s oci e ty at, arge. But in Cuba it is It°l that I have fen it my duty t o g i ve ver y part i cu l ar talent oil to it. 1 that I have heard or read of the atrocities of Spanish slavery, but of the report presented by Mons A. de Tocquevirle to the Chamber saw them with my own eyes. I lived for a whole year at the I"' of Deputies on the 23d of duly, 1839, in the name of the Commie _ saw before I rould s i far disembarrass myself of the merch ant .," planter influenee of that place (tha deadening influence of a . l a le Ll sion charged with the examinatiou of the proposition relative to the slaves of the French colonies, I find a very important error, and , ~ " one not only prevalent in France, but in this country also, on the war.) steals so imperceptibly over the feelings of atrangers in t° , subjectof the treatment of negroes held in bondage in the alienist) West Indies), as to form an opinion for myself, and to trust r e 7: l colonies, which, if allowed to pass uncontradicted, might hereafter, own senses alone for a knowledge of the condition of the P r. he slaves. It was only wnen I visited estates not as a, guest ca `',"-, expose that valuable report to censure, and lead to the adoption of proprietors, seeing through the eyes of my hospitable hosts, Win k " measure., for the nominal amelioration of slavery in the French colo nies, which would prove abortive. At page 17 of the published ing as they thought, ane believing as they saw tit to ad P mi ° f report, I find it state;! that "itis of public n ,toriety in the New my credulity the customary after-dinner dose of the feli ci ty_ ex , World that slavery has always had with the Spmiards a peculiar slaves—it was only when I went alone, and unknown ape 01 ? ..„, l'ected on their estates that the terrible trocities of Spanish slave', character . of mildness ; one can convince himself of this in reading astounded my senses. I have already said, and I repeat,the w t t , i , s ; over the ordinances matte by the Kings of Spain, at an epoch when, so terrible were these atrocities,- so murderous the sY.' - ;, amongst the other nations of Euro p e, the laws for the government of slavery, so transcendent the evils I witnessed. 'c— ol' slaves were so strongly tinctured with barbarity. The Spaniards all I had ever heard or seen of the rigour of slivery elselaW": 4 ' who allowed themselves so cruel towards the Indians, have always that at first I could hardly believe the evidence of my set; ruled their slaves with a singular humanity. Li their colonies the Nay, I have known men of great intelligence, one in partiv i. ";; distinction between blacks and whites was less than in all the others, whom it was of great consequence to have well informed, . ° e ; and the authority of the owner resembled more that of a father of a this subject, and whom I myself accompanied over several ca t..-- ,.. family than ofd master. The slave, better treated in these colonies, in various parts of the country,. and here in Cuba, so terrible sree, sighed less after liberty, which ought to be preceded by arduous ex- I the admissions made by the maaora:s or overseers on the estates W re ,.. ertion ; hence the legislator accorded him a right which he very set- visqed, ti b et he could not believe he heard correctly the aceoun ; dons wished to avail himself of." Now, in the above statement, there I that were given to us, even by the managers themselves, of ' t ot are six distinct propositions, and five of them are entirely erroneous, friglitful rigour of the treatment they descritsed. Till this gen.; namely these: Ist. That negro slavery has always had in the Spanish man (who, I have some reason to believe, is known to you, o n e ; dominions' a peculiar character of mildness." 2d. That any sufficient I conclude, esteemed) and myself, made partially known s t ' t ". - o proof of such a character could be fairly drawn from the ordinances Havana the evils that had come to our knowledge, on the Ing - , - , of the Kings of Spain for the government of their distinct colonies. ' estates especially, there were British and Other foreign mereha r '', 3d. That the Spaniards, who heti. been _such cruel masters to the in that city, who had resided there for years, who said they weir Indians, " had always treated their slaves with singular humanity." utterly Ignorant of these evils, but, like the fram ers ,of Y e 'l 4th. That the authority of the master resembles that of a father of Report , having read certain laws fur the protection of slaves.'all— a family. - sth. That in consequence of good :tad humane treat- I seen certain cedulas for the nominal mitigations of Of crue lties ment the slaves seldom desired to avail themselves of the privi lfge of claiming 'their freedom by purchase; and the only atate_ of slavery, they actually imagined that the laws were of , 50 , 4 1 the negroes happy and humanely treated. With respect to 01, meat that is really correct in the whole passage, is contained in these , own ex p er i ence , it is not by particular instances of' cruelty or words---"•In these colonies the distinction between blacks and oppression the fact is to be established that slavery ins Cuba is n a°r : whites was less than in all the others," presuming the meaning of de,tructive to human life, more pernicious to society, delar adi ,t the observation to be thateimongst the Spaniards the prejudice I ito the slave, and debasing to the master, re fatal to he a ' against the stolen people of Africa, on account of their complexion, and happiness, than in any other staeesootei ng p eti ntrY on •• th e ; is' less than amongst the colonists of other European Slates. ! face of the habitable globe. Instances of cruelty enough n 0 dotal ) * Such unquestionably is the fact, and there is too much Moorish have come to my knowledge of the murder of negroes, perpetritett blood, In the veins of the descendants of the old "Conquestadora th " With impunity, of men literally scourged to death, of women torn „ for the feeling to be o th erw i se . Tolerably welt aeouainetend bothwi from their children, and separated from them; of estates where 5.-• some of the British West India islands, with one of tlnadihaying aged negro is not to be seen —where the females do not tprm a thir d ' previously and subsequently to the act of emanciatinn, a t brought part of the slave population, nay, of estates where there is not a" seen something of slavery in many eastern countries, n held in Seigle female; of labour in the time of crop on the sugar proper tie°' perhaps some little knowledge of the condition of me 1 g twenty continued ho a of sin- anxious inquiry frequently for upwards slavery to the subject which has been the object of . months 'n the year, seldom or u", with. me' during a residence of upwards of three years in a Spanish der fire and of the gene-- never un , _the gene-' m e nearly four hundred ral imp ession prevailing on this subject, and generally acted „, colony where slavery flourishes, and where . Perhaps thousand human beings, exist in that condition . tits ex- 1 y the proprietors, that four hours' sleep •sufficient generally a sia v '" hese cases, Sir, were I to bring them before li su e without el. a shad , tensive acquaintance with s lavery in varioue countries during the sou . _ _ cf co'ourlng to he hthe g ten effect of the raked eunine Of 5" i , :~ .. of the Convention perfectly pmettcable. Colonel AIILLER said, that alter all the reproaches addressed to America for the sanction which she gave to slavery, the same system existed under British rule.' The English people should not permit such a state of things. The resolutions were then put, and unanimously adopted. SLAVERY IN TEXAS. Mr. J. G. BIRNEY read a report of the Committee ap pointed to consider the state of slavery in Texas, which con cluded with a recommendation that the Government of Texas should not be recognised by any other State until they had re scinded the resolution they had passed on the subject of slave holding. That resolution was to the effect that no master conk', liberate his slaves without the permission of the local Gover:ment, and that the Government could not pass an Act of liberation without the permission of the masters. They hid thus taken the most effectual step for the perpetuation , :f slavery which human ingenuity could devise. By another en actment in force its Texas. no man of black colour was allowed to remain there and retain his freedom, and he should imme diately retire from the province, or become a slave.—(Hear, hear.) He was glad to have heard a statement from Mr. O'Connell, that while such acts were enforced no Ministry in this country could date to aeknowledga the independence of Texas.—(Hear, hear.) He submitted the resolutions to the meeting, with a hope that they would be adopted without any discussion. Mr. FOSTER. moved lhat the resolutions should be adopted. Mr. STAUNTON, of New York. seconded the motion. The motion was put and carried unanimously. comrENsATioN. The Rev. Mr. BURNET moved a resolution to the effeet . that " as it was essentially unjust on th e p ar t of man t o c l a i m a right of property in his fellow-man that Conventiot: was of opinion that the sl ye-holder, in ceasing from his wrong was entitled to no compens ilium either from the slave himiell, or front t e Government under which he lived, for any 10-s he might sustain by an Emancipation Act." Ihe ltev. Gentle. mail proceeded to say that no of jei_tititi could, in hi s opt ni.4ii, be made to that. resolution. li contained precis , ely the views which he had always held with regard to emancipation, which he regretted that the anti-slavery advocates in th s coun try had not pressed ti,l hey had sthteeeded to catt , ying them. —( Hear, hear.) His regret did not arise merely from the loss of a certain sum of money, bid. becaute a great principle had not been asserted, namely, that those engaged in a ,trade of robbery were not to receive a compensation when they were compelled to give up their stolen goods.—(Hear, hear.) He would submit the resolution, ho l ing that it would be imme diately adopted. Mr. JAMES G. BlitisiElt seconded the resolution. He be lieved that the abolitionists of the United States agreed almrist unanimously in adopting its principle—all with whom he was acquainted were the opponents of compensation. He felt that their power would be greatly impaired by sanctioning the doc trine of compensation, not merely for the reasons assigned by the last speaker, but because it would draw them away from tha main question, namely, the essential guilt and heinou,ness of slavery. —( Hear, hear. ) Mr. BILADRURNE Thought that the principle of the resolu tion was a most important one, but it appeared to him to be advisable to connect another with it,.which he was told would be recognised by the British abolitionists. He believed that those abolitionists had never been in favour of the principle of compensation, and if that were the case he thought it right that it should be made known to the whole civilised world.— The question constantly put to them in America was—Why did they not fellow the example of England, and offer some compensation for the value of the slaves, which amounted to twelve millions of dollars. To that question, such an amend ment as he hadsuggested would afford the best answer. Mr. STuank said that the British Abolitionists had nut sanctioned the principle of compensation, and 339 Delegates had gone to Lord Grey and protested against it. Mr. J. C. FULLER suggested that the resolution should con tain an allusion to this circumstance. The suggestion was agreed to, and the resolution, as amended, began by stating " that the British Abolitionists bad solemnly protested against the compensation granted to the planters while the question was before Parliament, and a conviction being entertained by this Convention of the injustice of man holding a right of property in his fellow man," &c. The Rev. J. CARLYLE thought the statement with which the amended resolution commenced went too far. The British Abolitionists had not all rejected the principle of compensation, and that principle had been yielded by the Anti-Slavery Com mittee, The Rev. Mr. BURNET said that 339 Delegates from all parts of the kingdom had protested against any compensation. The Anti-Slavery Committee had gone with them, and it was one of their body who had put the question. Mr. ROBINSON, a Baptist Minister, wished to make an ob servation. Those who held slaves were - induced to do so b - Cause they were encouraged by the law ; and might it not be said that the Members of the State, from whom that law emanated, should share in the loss that might be incurred by emancipation ? The Rev. Mr. I3uINET said that there could be no right de rived from injustice. _ The resolaion, as amended, was then put, and carried with out a distentient. Resolutions were then put at d adopted, without any discus sion, to the effect that a.mmnoiial should be presented to Lord Palmerton, praying his . Lordsh p to enforce the Act of Parlia ment with regard to slavery in tna British colonies and that certain members of the Convention should. hold an interview with the Members of the government on the subject. Arrangements having then bang made for the business of Monday, the Convention adjourned till that ti:iy,'With an under, derstanding that they should . then assemble at the Friends' Meeting-house, in White Hart -court, Gracechurch-street. nei 1114 Ws* I -'614 I',r a:: ~. i ♦.: 'i 7 'i ~ti