The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-06-21 00:00:00

Manta, V ANTED, by a respectable Gentlema , a Loan of £ I V upon an unexceptionable Security, n• which Interest at the rate of live per cent. will be paid, the orrower to have the liberty of repaying the principal by instalments of £l3O per annutn.—Apply (if by letter, post paid) to Mr.. Cort, Solicitor, Qacen-square, Liverpool. EDINBCRGH CABINET LIBRARY, NO. XI,I. With abeautiful Map and 12 Engravin , , 55." - "TUDIA and ABYSSINIA ; corn ehending their Civil History, Antiquities, Arts, Reli Literature, and Na tural history. By the Rev. MICHAEL, RUSSELL, LL.D., author of " View of Ancient and Modern Egypt," " Palestine, or the Holy Land," &e. Printed for Oliver and Boyd, Edinburgh; and Simpkin and Marshall, London. THE MASTER TRADESMEN of LIVERPOOL beg leave to lay the following Letters before the Public, being a few of the many that have been received:— " SIR,—We, the Operative Plasterers, view with just indigna tion your non-cornpliani_ , e with Mir Rules, , n allowing your Son to look after your Menaud•Time, whic is contrary to our 4th, Resolution; if you do not immediately iscontinue him in that capacity, we will suspend your Men typm your Labour until you send to our Society a note specifying your compliance. O. L. P. "Hay 30th, 1833. "Garrick Tavern, Great Charlotte-street. "To Mr. Richard Taylor, Renshaw-street." Mr. Taylor, jun. sends the following explanation : "My Father was (at the time this note was sent) out of town, being very ill, and having no one else, I was obliged either to turn the men off or look after them myself; but they after wards gave me leave to look after them until the first of July. "JAMES TAYLOR." "June sth, 1833. " SIR,—In consequence of your non-compliance with our Rules, and the great disrespect with which you have treated our So ciety, we have come to the resolution chat we are determined to have our Rules strictly and punctually obeyed; and if you do not comply with our ltules, and treat them with that respect which we are entitled to, we will suspend your Men for an un limited time, and that time shall lie to the option of our Com mittee, as we are resolved not to be treated by you in that disrespectful manner in which you have hitherto done, as I assure you we will not bend to you or any other Master in Li verpool. By order of the Committee. " Secretary of the Committee, 0-L. P. "To Mr. Thomas Darsey, No. 81. Burlington-street." SlR,—Wre, the Operative Plasterers, view with just indig nation your non-tompEance with our 2d, 4th, 6th, and Bth Resolutions, you having been furnished with a copy of the same ; therefore,. if you do not immediately comply with our re quest, your name shall be publicly exposed through the Town. We, the Committee, therefore wish you to settle the matter, and give your Men a decisive answer, or they shall be suspended until you send to our Society a note specifying your com P pliace. " Garrick Tavern, Great Charlotte-street. " June lit, 18.33, Committee, Half-past Ten. "Tu Mr. Thos. Darsey, No. Burlington-street." " Liverpool. June 11th, 1833, " Garrick's flead, Great Charlotte-street. " Sta,—ln consequence of an unprovoked and unwarranted attack on the Operative Masons in general, and your Masons in particular, that is, in discharging them without a minute's no tice, because they were Unionists, the Society require of you, Sir, to re-employ them, and to pay or remunerate them for their toss of time, at the rate of -Is. per day per man • your answer to this, in a direct form , an d to be ready to ratify it when called upon to do so, will prevent stronger measures, though legal, to be re sorted to. in your case the Society hope you have been led in to this rash and inconsiderate act,- but to err is human ;. to forgive, divine.' As to those who have given you, as you say, a knowledge of our officers and transactions, Sir, we envy not their place in society nor covet their reward. Sir, you should answer this on the 12th, at half-past seven o'clock in the even ing, and to be ready to ratify (Aker matters on the 13th that will be reasonable. Yours, Sir, " The OPERATIVE MASONS of LIVERPOOL. " To Mr. John Tomkinson, Mason, 17, R u pert-street, Liverpool." Mr. Tomkinson having sent for 4ne of his Workmen to ask him whether the plans, Sec. of the work he was superintending was safe, the following answer was received " Garrick l Head, Great Charlotte-street Sir, —The Society beg to inform you, that you can have no communication with any individual during the time the men are off work, therefore John Dunlop will not be allowed to wait upon you, as all communications must be by letter, directed to the Operative Masons, Garrick's Head, Great Charlotte-street. • Y our' s, "THE OPERATIVE MASONS. "June 11th, 1833. " To Mr. John Tomkinson, Mason." " Committee 9 o'clo c k, M a y 31 s t, 1833. sin,—We, the Committee of the Operative Plasterers, having been informed that you have had a conference with Messrs. Jackson and Burn, relative to our claim, in accordance with the 6th Resolution, and that you request further time to consider the propriety of conforming to it; we consider that such conference has been for the purpose of evading our laws, which we are determined to have strictly obeyed. " Therefore, we consider that you have not'treated our Rules with that deference you ought to ha ve d one ; we cons id er y ou hi g hly culpable, and deserving of being severely chastised; look ing over your past aggressions, and without turther notice, if gu do not comply in paying all arre ars d ue t o y our M en f or ush-money this evening, we will suspend all your Plasterers on Monday morning, until such ti me you think proper to comply. " Secretary to the Committee, 0. L. P. " Liverpool, June lst, 183.3. " To Mr. - Robert M'Kee, Q ueen - square ." " Liverpool, June 17th. " Slll 2 —lt has been represented to our committee that you have taken into Mrs. fairclough's employment some men who are not members of our society, and we consider such conduct very prejudicial to our interest, and if you continue to employ such characters we will be obliged to compel you to join our s ociety, as a security against f ur th er aggression, for, you are the only ma n that has employed men not members of our society. " CommirrEt 0. L. P. .4 To Mr. Goodall, forema n t o Mrs. Fairclough." Lii . ,erpool, June 12, 18.33. sm,—The committee agree that you shall take Hugh Qui nan as an apprentice, until he is t wenty - one years o f age, pro viding you bind him within one fortnight from this date, and tender the indenture to our committee for their approval; and you are to discontinue Stringer in your employment, until he becomes a member of our society. "COMMITTEE Or THE 0. L. P. T o Mr. Clark, Plasterer, Nash Groce." The Bricklayers, to o , issued their mandates : the following is one of them:— " Liverpool, April 11th, 1833. " SAMUEL IIOLME, ESQ. " SiE,—ln consequence of an information received by our society, that your job in Canning.street is a contract job, we f e lt ourselves in duty bound to furnish your men at that job w ith a notice to that effect, and, i n consequence of suc h con tract, to leave that buildi4. directly. you will please to under stand that previous to their return we require to see your con tract in our club-room, to be examined by our committee a ppointed for that purpose._ When we receive this information, we will be happy to be, sir, " Your most obedient humble servant, " The Operative Societies of Bricklayers' T " Corresponding Secretary. Direct 0. L. 8., George t4e Fourth's H ea d , H oo d- s treet. Samuel Holme, Esq., &a..street.„ SHIPBUILDING IN THE ISLE OF MAN. It may not be gen erall y known to ou r readers, that under the ex i s ting . laws, all the foreign materials used i n the construction and equipments of ships are subject e d, i n the Isle of Man to a comparatively trifling duty.. The two important articles of oak, e can be laid Baltic pine timber and foreign (European) load less than down there at the enormous difference of 50s. the same articles cost in the ports of Great BrPta r in nity from the excise and other duties 011 manya'odf:tlhne immu nity and luxuries of life, contributes also to the the Manx shipbuilder—in addition to which is th e e f b r a o o n m u t n ag t c l e - s a o l_ f al lowed on the exportation of sail-cloth and cordage Britain to the Isle of Man. Under these advantages, merchant vessels are now built and equipt in that island, t o an extent which threatens serious injury to the shipwrights of the port of Liverpool; from whose service artizans are induced to desert, and to settle with the rival shipbuilders. But not only do our s hipwrights suffer from being thus placed on an unequal footing which prevents them from pursuiug an honourable competition • but the vessels so ,built obtain British registers , which .entitle them to all the privileges of vessels built in Great Britain, and from the great disparity in their cost, they are enabled to car ry . cargoes to any quarter of the world at a reduced rate of freight, to the prejudice of our shipowners in general. In these remarks we are actuated by no improper feeling: towards our neighbours the shipbuilders in the Isle of Man. The object we advocate it to place the important (though now greatly depressed) trade of shipbuilding, upon that footing of fair and honourable competition from which the present in quality of taxation, in the instance before us, precludes it. The shipwrights of Liverpool, sensible of the increasing evil, have already intrusted our able and zealous representative, Lord Sandon, with a petition to the House of Commons, which may, we hope, have the effedt of causing full inquiry to be made as to the correctness of the facts they have stated, and an appli cation of such an equal and impartial remedy as the circum stances in justice call for. That our shipping interest is suffering severer`, is a fact established by the fall in the value of ships from 40 to 50 per cent. Deeply interested in the pursuit of maritime commerce, and anxious that our shipowners should be enabled to compete with foreigners, and to navigate their ships with profit, our co lumns will be ever open to their communications, and we shall hail with gladness the adoption of any measures calculated to remunerate them for their capital employed, and to protect them from the losses they are suffering. [We take the above from a contemporary, and all we have to add to it is this—if the operative ship carpenters of this town be induced to follow the example set them by . the journeymen of other trades, it would tVitaitkss labour i n Lord. Sandon or any other friend to Liverpool to endeavotir to . secure to it ad vantages which are so likely to be abused by combinations. The present system must be put down, or labour of every kind must be suspended.—Ed. of the Standard.l Of the many things that the Times stands in dread of, nothing seems to touch it so nearly as the possibility of a dissolution of Parliament. And why ? The answer is obvious. An election for Berkshire costs forty thousand pounds ! Fisa CONCERT.—Mr. John White, lieutenant of the ,I.Tnited States navy, in his " Voyage to Cochin-china," describes a curious aquatic concert which he heard while sailing up the Don- ai-river. His ears, he says, were saluted by a variety of soup s, resembling the deep bass of an organ accompanied by ; i the I allow, guttural chant of the bull-fro g , the heavy chimes of ti a bell, and the tones which imagination would give to an enor mous Jew's-harp. This combination produced a thrilling sen sation on the nerves, and, as he and his companions fancied, a tremulous motion in the vessel. Anxious to discover the cause of this gratuitous concert, he went into the cabin, where he soon perceived that the sounds proceeded from the bottom of the vessel. In a' few moments, after having commenced at the stern of the vessel, the music became general throughout the whole length of the keel. On enquiring of the linguist on board respecting the cause of his admiration, Mr. White was informed that the harmony proceeded from a shoal of fishes, of a fiat oval form, like a flounder, which, by a certain conformation of the mouth, possess the power of adhesion to other objects in a won derful degree ; and that they were peculiar to that river. But, whether the sounds were produced by any particular construc tion of the sonorific organs, or by spasmodic .vibrations of the body, the linguist was ignorant. Emptriat. Padiamcnt. HOUSE OF LORDS, MONDAY, JUNE 17. EAST INDIA CHARTER. Mr. C. GRANT and .others, from the Commons, appeared at the bar, and desired a conference with their lordships ou a sub ject of the highest importance to the prosperity of the British possessions in India, and to the commerce and revenue of his Majesty's dominions. A deputation of their lordships was then appointed, and on their return front the Painted Chamber the Marquess of Lans downe communicated to the House the resolutions agreed to by the House of Commons on the subject of the East India question, to which the House of Commons desired their Lord ships concurrence. Earl GREY moved "That these resolutions be printed."—Or dered. Lord ELLENBOROUGH inquired when the discussion on those resolutions would come on ? Earl GREY.—Some day next week. IRISH TITHES. The Earl of WICKLOW gave notice that in consequence of a new measure, relative to Irish tithes, having been brought into the other House of Parliament, he should on Thursday next move for certain returns, and he would take that opportunity to express his sentiments ou the' subject. Earl GREY suggested Friday, which was acceded to by the Earl of Wicklow. FOLITICAL UNIONS. The Earl of WI scn t LSEA wished to know whether it was the intention of his Majesty's government to bring forward any measure for the suppression of political unions? In making i this inquiry he was not actuated tt the slightest degree by any factious or party motives (hear, hear) ; but he could not look at the constitution of those unions, and the conduct which they pursued, without declaring his opinion that they were incon sistent with all government. If they waited until that period had arrived when the political unions, acting on the passions and overclouding the reason of individuals, produced convulsion and disorder in the country,—if they waited until that time, and then endeavoured to apply a remedy, he feared they would find that they had waited too long. He was perfectly convinced that it was the duty, and he hoped it was the inclination of his Majesty's government to take this question into consideration. He could not look at those unions—he could not mark the spi rit in which their proceedings were conducted—without feeling a strong conviction that the country stood in a perilous situa tion, and he thought that the noble lord at the head of the go vernment ought without delay to call for a measure to secure the peace and tranquillity of the country. Earl GREY said the noble earl, he was sure, felt no disposition to do anything from a factious or party spirit, but was actuated by a sincere desire td advance the general good of the country. ( Hear, hear.) Such also he could assure the noble earl, was the feeling of the government. The noble earl seemed to think that government had forgotten its duty in not proposing any measure in that or . the other House of Parliament with respect to these unions. In answer to that he would say that it did not appear to him necessary to introduce any new laws bearing on the political unions. Ile had never concealed his opinion as to the nature of those unions; he had said that they were incon sistent with good government, and that they were formed for the purpose of overawing and controlling Parliament. But, to meet any attempt of that kind the powers of the law, as it now existed, appeared to him to be amply sufficient; and lie hoped, if any thing improper was done by those unions, that no indisposition would be manifested on the part of government to use those powers promptly ; but, on the part of the government, he would say that they saw no necessity for the introduction of any newineasures at the present moment; and that, therefoie, it Was not the intention of his Majesty's ministers to bring any such measures forward. LOCAL JURISDICTION BILL. The Loan CHANCELLOR said that in rising to move their lordships that this house resolve itself into a committee on the local jurisdiction bill, he must in the first instance congratulate himself and the country on the large attendance of their lord ships cn this occasion. (Cheers and laughter from the minis terial iide.) It showed that their lordships came down to dis cuss tais bill in that calm, temperate, and serious manner which so important a measure demanded. (Renewed laughter.) It proved that they meant to give to the bill their most grave con sideration ; that they would examine all the principles on which it was founded; that they would investigate all the details of which it consisted; and that every part of it would meet with the deliberate attention which the great magnitude of the ques tion required. So long as their lordships continued so to dis charge their dtities; so long as they persevered in showing themselves attentive to what was most conducive to the in terests of their fellow-subjects; so long as they found it expe dient not . onlv to entertain, but favourably to meet, any propo sition made *for improving the condition of the people, by amending the laws under which they lived, by purifying the ad ministration of justice, and by manifesting a sincere desire to meet the feelings and wishes of their fellow-countrymen, when properly expressed, and when they could do so consistently with their sense of duty and the dictates of their conscience ; so long unions might combine, and meetings might assemble, and mobs might rage, and the licentiousness of the press expend itself, all would assail their lordships in vain; and even those threats which had recently been made would fall perfectly harmless on that high court of Parliament. The noble and learned lord then adverted to " the common, law commissioners' " report, and detailed at length the opi nions of several eminent London and country lawyers on this subject; the greater part of them deprecating the great expense which the present system - of recovering debts entailed on both plaintiffs and defendants; and, in conclusion, said that in the first bill the jurisdiction of the courts was intended to extend to actions of £lOO, but in the present bill the jurisdiction was not to extend to cases where the sum exceeded £2O, and this he made in defeienceto the recommendation of the commission ers, who were of opinion that they ought not to go further at first. Another change was, that it was not intended to proceed at once with the establishment of these courts all over- the country, but the Crown would have the power to select three or four districts in which such courts should be established at first, and, as they saw their operation, to extend them to- other places. If he should be told that this was an experiment, he should take it, not as an objection to the plan, but rather as a compliment. It was an experiment; and an experiment, too, in which he and their lordships might have occasion to make alterations as they should see how it worked. For his own part, he did not expect that he should ever be able to present any bill to the house in the operation of which experience might not show—even if passed in the exact state in which it was drawn—that many things had been omitted which ought to have been inserted, and some things inserted which it were better had been . omitted. Ile therefore thought it better that they should proceed at first with caution, and therefore with greater chance 'of safety ; and, when guided by experience, they might even in a few months come to a perfect system, or at least to the foundation of a system, so perfect as to enable the people of thii country to say what they had now no preten sion for saying,—that they had cheap, effectual, and universal justice. (Hear, bear.) lie would now move that their lord ships should resolve themselves into a committee of the whole house on this bill. Lord LYNDHURST said, that in pursuance of his pledge, that if he should find this bill a just and wise measure it should have the best support that he could give it, he had given to it his most serious consideration. He had not, however, trusted wholly to his own opinion, but had consulted with those on whosejudgments he placed greater reliance, and the result was, that he could not supportihe bill in the shape in which it now stood. In this, he repeated, he did not merely give his own opinion, he had conferred with many much more experienced than himself, and he must say that in Westminster-halls—from the higheit to the lowest—with some, he would admit, learned exceptions, the great body of the learned profession were opposed to it. It might be said, perhaps, that some of these were interested parties. He would admit that some were; but the great body had no other interest in the matter than that which they possessed in common with their lordships, and he must add, what he was sure his noble and learned friend (the Lord Chancellor) would admit, that no body of men were ever less disposed than the body to which he referred to oppose their own interests to any measure which had the public ad vantage for its object. fie admitted that the principle of the measure proposed by his noble. and learned friend was popular with a great portion of the community—that they looked with satisfaction at the prospect of cheap law, and expeditious law; but he must say that there was a vast difference between cheap and expeditious law, and cheap and expeditious justice. He was ready tsi admit the existence of the great evils and in conveniences and hardships complained of in our present system, but unfortunately those hardships and inconveniences were almost inseparable from any system which could be devised. Justice must be administered upon some . genera' rules, and in the adherence to those rules it would be =poss . ble to avoid hardships and inconveniences in some cases. H was sure that even in the new' system which his noble and learned friend proposed it would be impossible to avoid them. It was admitted on all hands that the administration of justice in this country was more pure than that of any other country in the world. This was what we were accustomed to, and what we all expected;, but when we bad this purity in the principle of its administration, should we not be cautious how we put this system to any hazard by a change ? Mr. Justice Blackstone, in describing the administration of law as administered by our judges of assize, used this forcible and elegadt language:— "The 'very point of their being strangers in the country is of infinite service in preventing those factions and parties which would intrude in every cause of moment, were it tried only before persons resident on the spot, add as this constitution prevents party and faction from intermingling in the trial of right, so it. keeps, both the rule and the administration of the laws uniform.. These justices, though thus varied and shifted at every assize, are all sworn to tne same laws, have had the same education, have pursued the same studies, converse and consult together, communicate their decisions and resolutions, and preside in those courts which are mutually connected; and hence their administration of justice, and conduct of trials, arc consonant and uniform; whereby that confusion and contra riety are avoided which would naturally arise from a variety of uncommunicating judges, or any provincial establishment." That local courts had been established in Scotland he readily a dmitted; but that they worked abominably lie would prove by the adirtission of his noble and learned friend himself. He well recollected, that on certain petitions being presented from the inhabitants of Scotland by 11Ir. Cutler Fergusson, his noble and learned friend had expressed his feelings respecting those e e n n t a h c a e p p o e f n t e w d o , ' that a ‘ I d t ela h v ad ha f d re t ci a l as the law at pres ent of courts in the folliiwingstoteoz officer. In causes concerning years, and in some instances five years, before a cause could be finally adjudicated b e fo r e this ° accounts such amounted to from the two parties wentdelays were frequent. f t o r r eq a ue lo n n t. g written and pleadings an immense mass of papers. The sheriff substitute had to of go time he gave his deci sion through on t h h e e m matter.a l an dl n t ra the t fullness enbe brought by appeal before the sheriff-dePute, who might reverse the decision, or order it la to il b g e ht r fi ef n e a r l r l e y a b to e thbreouCgohutrtmrof Session, and from that court it At present the practice of the Scotch courts was admitted to be a ppeal to the House of Lords." a nuisance. NS heftier when the written pleadings should be abolished, and rice race evidence should be admitted in their stead, the nuisance would be abated, was another question, in to which he was not called upon to enter on the present occa sion. :There was another country, besides Scotland, in which this system had been tried, and he would now read to their lord ' ships the opinion' which Captain Hall had published regarding its operation in the United States, desiring them continually to bear in mind that the habits of Americans were, with some slight exceptions, the habits of Englishmen. "The principles of bringing justice home to every man's door, and of making the administration of it cheap, have had a full experiment in America, and greater practical curses, I will venture to say, were never inflicted ou any country." Speaking of the state of Pennsylvania, he adds :—" They have done away with nearly all the technicalities of the law; there are no stamps, no special pleading's, and scarcely any .one is so poor that he cannot go to law. he consequence is a scene of litigation from morning to night. Lawless, of course, abound every where, as no village c ontaining above 200 or 300 inhabitants is without one or more. No person, be his situation or conduct in life what it may, is free from the never-ending pest of law suits. Servants, la bourers, every one, in short, on the first occasion flies off to the neighbouring lawyer or justice of the peace to commence' au action. No. compromise or accommodation is ever dreamt of ; the law must decide . everything. The lawyer's fees are fixed at a low rate, but the passion for litigating a point increases with indulgence to such a degree that these victims of cheap justice, or rather sheaf law, seldom stop while they have a dollar left." Then there was another testinionv to the same effect in Faun's Memorable Days in America. PauX says :—" Litigation fre quently arises . here from the imaginary independence which one man has, or fancies he has, of others; to show which, on the least slip, a suit is the certain result; it is bad for the people that law is cheap; •as it keeps them . constantly .in strife • with their neighbours, and annihilates that sociabi lity of feeling which so strongly characterizes the English." Let their lordships look to the mode in which this bill would operate on the bar. It would take two-thirds of the ordinary business from the assizes, where young men recently called to the bar went to learn experience, and to form themselves to the practice of the courts, and to succeed to those vacancies in their profession which the death of some and the elevation of other members of it were daily opening to their hopes and to their ambition. The business done at the assizes would be so small in consequence that young men would cease to go the circuits, and the little business that was left would be absorbed and monopolized by the provincial counsel. Now, it ought to be recollected that from the members of the bar the judges and the Chancellor must of necessity be selected. Let their lord ships remember how deep an interest they had in upholding the character and maintaining the dignity of that class of men from whom the future Chancellor must be selected. Again, the judges who were to preside in these local courts were to be banisters of 10 years' experience, and men of irreproachable character. Now, he would tell their lordships that it' they sent such a man to live by himself in the country, and not-to asso ciate with his equals in legal knowledge and character, the chances were that in the course of five years that man would degenerate into a mere drone. (Hear.) He would ask their lordships whether a man of such a character, ay, or of such a class, was a fit person to be Lord Chancellor? He had looked at the former bills introduced on this subject by his noble and learned friend, and at the table of fees which those bills sanc tioned ; he had found those fees to be so low that none but very needy attornies would work for them. You would thus have in the lower department of the profession a set of men on whose honour and integrity. you could place no reliance; you would have them promoting chicanery and encouraging litigation, for no other object than to recompense themselves by the mul titude for the small amount of their fees; and thus you would degrade the legal profession at once from its highest members to the lowest, by involving judges, barristers, and attorneys in one common poverty and ruin. (Hear, hear.) If he (Lord Lyndhurst) had been fortunate enough to possess - the powers of eloquence which belonged to his noble and learned friend, he would have placed before the eyes of their lordships a pic ture of such hideous deformity on this topic as would have caused them to turn from it with shuddering and horror. — The noble and learned Lord concluded a speech of great length by saying that in this queStion he had no personal feelings to gratify, no personal interest to serve. This question could not in any point of view be considered as a party question, and he was quite sure that none of their lordships would deal with a proposition affecting the impartial administration of justice as such a question. He had told his noble and learned friend some time since that he should consider this bill with candour and fairness. To the best of his ability he had so considered it, and he now thought its principle so mischievous that he felt himself bound, in discharge ,of the duty 'which he owed to his country, to Westminster-hall, and to himself, to arrest its pro gress at this stage. He should therefore propose that this bill be committed on this day three months. '['he amendm'ent was then put. After a short pause, followed by a cry of " Question," The LORD CHANCELLOR , addressed tfieir lordships. The question was then put, and the contents were declared to have it; but one noble - lord repeated the non-contents, and the house was closed for a division. None, however, took place, and their lordships went into committee on the bill pro jinmet. To be re-committed on Friday, and: printed with' an amendment proposed by the Lord Chancellor. On the motion of the Duke of RICHMOND, the order for the consideration of the Quaker's Affirmation Bill was postponed to Thursday, for which day the lords are summoned. Adjourned at ten o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY, JUNE 17. The Speaker entered the house at a few minutes after twelve o'clock. . Mr. \Visits presented-a petition from the proprietors of the Cemetery at Liverpool, respecting the registration of burials; and a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of Hosier-lane- Street, Reading, for the removal of disabilities respecting the registration of births, marriages, &c. • and also a petition from Lichfield, for the abolition of negro slavery. Mr. EWART presented a petition front the merchants and shipowners of Liverpool, praying for ; he renicval of all restric tions upon the importation of sugar for the purposes of refining. The petitioners stated, that they carried on an extensive com merce with Brazil, St. Domingo, Cuba, India, Batavia, and the Indian Archipelago, which countries are mainly supplied with British manufactures, but that owing to the high and Prohibi tory duties levied ou the chief productions of those countries (sugar and coffee) on their importation into this country, they suffered great inconvenience and loss in carrying on their, trade with those countries, owing to the difficulty of . obtaining return freights for their ships and remittances for-their merchandise ; that the consequence of this state of the law is to encourage fo reign commerce, to the great injury and depression of that of this kingdorfi; that they were prompted humbly to represent the difficulties under which their commerce and shipp ng labour at this late period of the session, that their interest may be fully Considered in the settlement of the important colonial measures now before Parliament; and that the exclusive monopoly of the home market hitherto enjoyed by the colonies, and the large bounty . granted on the re-exportation of theit sugars and mo lasses in a manufactured state, may be especially considered.— They also stated that the colonies do not contribute anything to the revenue of this kingdom, but that their government and protection is a heavy charge upon it, whilst there is annually paid out of the Treasury on the exportation of refined sugar and bastards nearly £500,000; that the high price of sugar and cof fee, owing to this bounty and monopoly, operates as a direct tax upon the consumers of this kingdom of nearly £2,000,000, and that it tends so materially to restrain the consuniption of these important articles as further to injure the revenue to the probable extent of £1,500,000. That the exports of British manufactures and produce to the aforenamed countries exceed by fivefold those to our West India colonies, with a field for unlimited extension ; whilst our imports admitted to consump tion frorn'those countries do not amount to. one-fourth the value of our exports. The petitioners estimated the loss to the revenue and commerce of the country by the present restrictive system, by bounties actually paid out of the Treasury, by indirect taxa tion, by the restaiut upon the consumption, and upon the exten sion of commerce and manufactures, at fully £5,000,000 annu ally. They expressed a hope, that whilst the house was legis lating for the benefit of the slaves in our distant colonies, it would also consider the present condition and future welfare of the labouring population at home, especially thernariners, and those of the manufacturing districts who are mainly dependent for their daily bread on the maintenance and extension of our foreign commerce ,• and prayed that the house would take their petition into consideration, and,. whatever compensation May be granted to the colonists for the manumission of their slaves, or for any other of their just rights and privileges which they now possess, may be a direct, full, and final one. Mr. 'ln ICKNESSE supported the prayer of the petitioners. Colonel WILLIAMS also supported the petition. The griev ance complained of by the petitioners was a national grievance. Ile thought the country had too long truckled to the colonies. He thought a compensation of £20,000,000 extravagant, and had voted for it merely with a view of settling the question amicably. Mr. STRICKLAND, Mr. BUCKINGHAM, and Mr. PHILLIPS also supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. CLAY was anxious to take this opportunity of asking the noble lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer a question relative to the admission of foreign sugars. Was the Government pre pared to carry the alteration of which notice had been given into immediate effect, or was the sugar 'refining trade of the country to be ruined by any further delay ? Lord ALTHOR P saint was his opinion that the restriction for preventing foreign sugars being refined for exportation was a great evil, while it was productive of no advantage to the West India interest. (Hear.) Nevertheless, while the question of negro slavery was under the consideration of the house, ,it would not be desirable to open the matter. He was sensible of the injury of delay, and considered the interests of the refining trade—he would riot say in their depressed—but oppresed state, could not much longer remain, at all events beyond the termi nation of the present session. He thought that in the early part of the next session the house would be called upon to take some decisive step. After a few words from Lord SAN DON, Mr. PRYME, Mr. RtrliveN, and Mr. EWART, the- petition was laid upon the table. Mr. EwAnT presented a petition from Liverpool, praying that houses rated at £lO should not be liable to the payment of poor-rates. The SPEAKER vacated the chair at a few minutes after three. The SPEAKER resumed the chair at ten minutes past five. Mr. CHAPMAN brought in the Roman Catholic marriage bill, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday, the 26th instant. FACTORIES' REGULATION RILL. Lord Asni.E.v haying moved the order of the day for the second reading of this bill, Lord ALTHORP said he admitted it was necessary to place some restriction on the amount of labour to be required from children. The report of the commissioners appointed to inves tigate the subject was not quite ready, but he expected it would be ready -in a few days so that it might be submitted to the house before the bill went into committee. The opinion_ of the commissioners was, that with respect to children under four_ .teen years of age the bill did not go far enough, (hear,) but that in other respects it went too far. Lord ASHLEY understood, then, that the principle of the bill was conceded. • The bill was read a second time. . Monday next was named by Lord ASHLEY for its committal, but at the suggestion of Mr.. P. 'rviomsoN, the comthittee was fixed for Friday se'nnight, with a view to allow a few days for the consideration of the report of the commissioners. Lord ASHLEY expressed a hope that the noble Chancellor of the Exchequer would aid him in his endeavours to pass the bill in the present session. Lord Aurnoßp said he would offer no unnecessary obstruc tion to the measure.- EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER—CONFERENCE WITH THE LORDS. On the motion of Mr. C. GRANT. a committee was appointed to manage the conference with the Lords. on the resolutions re lative to the East India Company's charter. The committee then repaired to the House of Lords, and af ter a short absence returned, when Mr. C. GRANT reported, that they had met the Peers ap pointed to mana,ge the conference on . the part of the Lord s in the Painted Chamber, and had communicated to them the resolutions. CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND) BILL. Lord ALTHORP moved the order of the day for going into committee on this bill. Colonel Woon begged to be allowed to present a petition from the Archdeacon and clergy of Brecon against the bill. The order of the day was then road, and the house resolved itself into committee on the 20th clause, which was agreed to, and during its sitting the committee agreed to all the other clauses up to the 38th. On the 39th clause being proposed, several hon. members ob jected to going into a new subject, after having been seven hours in committee, and Lord ALTHORP consented not to press the bill further at the present, giving notice that he meant to go on with the committee de die in diem till all the clauses should be disposed of. • The house hiving resumed, the CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Tuesday. Thea agreed port. t o of the committee on Irish tithes was brought up and e moved Sheriffs'the order Ex of fe Expenses h s e e s la ß y i f l o l. r the house going opposed the motion. into i‘ s lr i . r c , o F E M . P m K i N t l i A e N e f T E c o ß ti n a t u h L L The house divided— 42 For the motion Against it Majority for the mot i o n —l7 The house then went into committee on the bill. After a considerable discussion on the first clause, the com mittee divided— For the clause • 32 Against it l7 Majority for the clause l5 The 4th clause was then agreed to, and after some converse- THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. tioti the Claim - tan reported, and obtained leave to sit again on Tuesday. ~wEluturs AND MEASURES. Lord IBRINGTQN obtained leave to bring in a bill to establish a uniformity of weights and .meaSures throughout these king doms. .Mr. V.RNON SMITH gave notice, that on the 25th instant he would iirve an address to his Majesty to appoint a commission to inquic into the state of municipal corporations in England, Wales, aid Ireland. The oher orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house aqourned at half-past two o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, TUESDAY, JUNE 18. The nyal assent was given by commission to the Consolidat. ed Fuld Bill, the Stafford Election Witnesses Indemnity Bill ; tie London Police Bill; and several private bills. The Commisioners were—the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Ripon, and th( Duke of Richmond. Mr. Abercrombie, and others from the House of Commons, brough up the Edinburgh Improvement Bill, and three private bills, wiich were severally read a first time. ST. LUKE'S POOR BILL. LoreWEsTEitti moved the second reading of this bill, the ob ject ofshich was, he stated, to lower the qualification of indi victual! claiming a right to vote for vestrymen, and thereby ex tendirg the constituency. Afta a few words from Lord . WYNFoan and the Earl of SUP FOLK. the house divided. The numbers were— Fa the second reading.. 7 I Against it.. 18 I Majority..ll Ile Stamp Duties on Advertisements Bill was read a second time.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, TUESDAY, JUNE 18. Tlr gallery was opened at a platter past twelve o'clock. Mr PARKER presented a petition from the COrporation of Cutlers at Sheffield, on the subject of a claim due to them from the fanish government upon some transactions which took place during the war. Mt BUCKINGHAM supported the petition. It leing three o'clock when the hon. member sat down, the iou- liourned house adjen.. Tit S pea ker resumed the chair at ten minutes to five o'clock M'. 0 3 CoNNELL presented a petition from various inhabitants of tit kingdom against the grant of £20,000,0(X) to the West Inch,. proprietors. The petitioners denied that any injury would be inflicted on the slave-owners to warrant such a grant, and asserted the inability of the country to sustain the burden. The hon. and learned member gave notice of a motion, in the com mittee on. the Tithes t Ireland) Bill, to compel the tithe-owners to pay the costs of suits wantonly or maliciously instituted under pretence of' recovering tithes due in the year 1833. He gave notice of a motion on Thursday for a select committee to inquire into - the propriety of constructing a ship canal between Dublin and Kingstown. He also gave notice that on Tuesday, the 25th inst., lie should move for leave to bring in &bill to amend the act tf 2 and 3 William IV., c. 59, entitled "An Act for the Amendment of the Representation of the People in Ireland."— The hon. and learned gentleman moved for an abstract of the return made in pursuance of the order of the 13th of February, with respect to tithes in Ireland. He also moved for certain returns connected with the registration of voters in Ireland, and stated his intention to bring before the house the conduct of Mr. Hobson, assistant barrister for the county of Tipperary, who had aced irregularly in the registration of freemen for the borough of Clonmel. On the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL, the second reading of the Oarickfergin Disfranchisement Bill was postponed till Tuesday uext. : RATES AND TAXES -QUALIFICATION. Colonel EVANS moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend so much of the Reform Act as related to the payment of rates and taxes as a qualification for exercising the elective franchise. Lord ALTUORP wished to abstain from making alterations in the Reform Act during the present session, and until the work ing of the approaching registration should be observed. The object of the clause to which the hon. and gallant member ob jected was to tiford a satisfactory proof of occupancy. He was aware that at the last election its effect had been to restrict the exercise of the elective franchise snore than was intended or expected; but lie thought that objection would not apply to the next registration. It was partly owing to the mode of col lecting rates, atul partly in consequence of the carelessness or imperfect information of electors, that the constituency had been so limited under this clause ; but neither of those causes were likely to operate again ; and he did not think that, in the registration about to commence, there would be found that di minution of voters in consequence of non-qualification of which the hon. and gallant member complained. The hon. gentleman stated that hundreds and thousands of voters had had their rates paid for them by candidates ; he (Lord Althorp) was not at all aware of that, and thought that the hon. and gallant member's information on the subject was fallacious, or greatly exaggerated. Under the former system rates could be paid at the tune of polling, which was evidently encouragement to cor ruption; but now that taxes were required to be paid by a cer tain day distant from the time of election, a material obstruction was thrown in the way of bribery. He apprehended, even taking the hon. member's statement as to what had occurred at the last registry to be correct, that a similar result would not occur at the next registry. The object of the clause which the hon. member now sought to alter was that the occupiers of £lO houses claiming a right to vote therefrom, should be bona fide the occupiers of such houses. Whatever might be the amount of qualification giving the elective franchise, it would be admit ted by every one that precautions should be taken so as to pre vent the privilege from being acquired by fraudulent means. Now, the object of this clause was to prevent persons who pre tended to occupy a house of a certain value, which it was not, from acquiring the right of voting. He felt bound, from expe rience of the working of the bill in this respect, and upon gene ral principle, to oppose the motion of the hon. member. Colonel EVANS replied. lie had heard no satisfactory reply from the noble lord to the objections which he had stated to the clause referred4o iu the Reforn), Bill. The conduct of his Ma jesty's ministers, in resisting this motion, was not calculated to increase their popularity in the country. He felt compelled to go to a division on the motion. The house then divided— For the motion 24 Againd it. Bl Majority GO CORN LAWS. Mr.}lotElt, after presenting a petition from the inhabitants of Wolverhampton, praying for a repeal, or at least consider able alteration, of the corn laws, proceeded with his motion for leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend act 9 Geo. IV., c. 60, commonly called the Corn Law. Radical reformer as he was, lie did not seek to pull down the aristocracy, or to dethrone the King; all that he aimed at was to obtain for the people emplovnient and bread, and he wished to effect that object by repealing one of those bad laws which had been made in that house by a landed oligarchy in despite of the people. The corn laws prevented us from exporting our manufactures to corn growing countries in exchange for their corn, and limited our consumption of corn. The opening the trade to China would only render tea cheaper; it would effect no other good, as we could not send manufactures there; but we could send our manufactures to corn-growing countries if we were allowed to take their corn in exchang . e. In the year 1815, when that bad bill was brought forward, it was opposed by Lord Grenville on the principles of justice. It was then supported on the princi ple of expediency; it was supported by such expediency- fories as the right hon. baronet the once member for the University of Oxford, who one day resisted emancipation on . principle, and then voted for it on the ground of expediency; it was on that principle the corn law was supported—on the principle of bas tard Tories—of Tories who had been bred on a dunghill. ( Much laughter.) He was not one of those who would take off taxes so as to violate the public credit, or in such a way as would pre vent the government from doing all the good they could; and he would therefore say, tax all the luxuries of life—tea, coffee, sugar, tobacco, &c., but let the people have their labour free, and ~ r et in exchange for it cheap food; tax those luxuries, but let the industrious classes have cheap bread. What was the reform bill for, but to break the neck of the boroughmongering landed oligarchy of the cotultry ? Yet, though much was pro mised by the reform - bill, nothing had as yet been done. The noble lord opposite (Lord Althorp) could nut tell to-day what he meant to do to-morrow. (A laugh.) Oh ! said the honourable mernber, with peculiar emphasis, there must not be this vacillating—it would not do. (Renewed laughter.) But before he sat down he must say a word or two to his Ma jesty's ministers. (" Hear," and a laugh.) Some time ago they had agitated the country from one end to the other,—they had indirectly, if not directly, encouraged political unions,— had advised the King to dissolve the Parliament,--had told the bishops to put their house in order, and, to crown the whole, they had (to use the slang term of the day) swamped the House of Peers. For what had all this been done? The government had answered, "Why, for reform." But he begged to ask where the reform was, or in what it consisted? Surely there was no reform in the Irish coercion bill? (Hear.) There was no reform in the Irish Church Temporalities Bill; in short, there had not been a single measure brought forward that would benefit the people of England. The expediency. Tories were laughing, jeering, and sneering at their adversaries opposite, and crying out to them: "That they had got the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill." (Loud laughter.) True it was that the people had got nothing but the bill. (Renewed laughter.) There was now, it was well known,. a strong impression abroad that affairs could not remain as they were at present; great appre hensions were entertained of a great and sudden change.. The country stood now, as it were, upon a Vesuvius, and there, must either he reform or revolution. lie sought by his present motion, which Was for leave to bring in a bill to amend the act 9 Geo. IV, c. 60, commonly called the Corn Law, to return back to the system which prevailed in the year 1791, when the country • thsurbihea and prospered.. He should hope the nolyie herd opptr site (Lord Althorp) entertained something of the same opinion on this subject as himself, at least lie was sure that the right *hon. gentleman the Vice-President of the Board of Trade ought to do so, for if lie (Mr. Fryer) lied read the right hon. gentle man's speech correctly, he had. at Manchester hoisted the flag of free trade. Mr. Ht ikie seconded the motion. laird ALTHORP thought that the question having already been fully discussed during the present session of Parliament, it was not now necessary to enter into another discussion upon it, particularly as the hon. gentleman must be aware that the ground of the former decision of the house upon the motion of the lion. gentleman's colleague was not a direct rejection of the motion, but merely that at the present time it was rot desirable to enter into it. He was ready to tell the hon. gentleman that his (Lord Althorp's) own opinion accorded with many of the statements which had been made by the hon. gentleman, but he differed from him in the mode in which he proposed to deal with the subject. He should not now enter into any argument on the topics introduced by the hon. member, but should do that which he bad done on a former occasion when the question was introduced—namely, move the previous question. Mr. AGLIONBY supported the motion, because he thought that means might be devised to assist the consumer without in juring the grower of corn: The house then divided. The numbers were— For the motion 47 Against it . Majority —23 SUNDAY IN SCOTLAND. Before the gallery was opened, Sir A. AGNEW moved for leave to introduce a bill to amend the laws relating to the observance of the Sabbath in Scotland. Lord ALTHORP said he would not object to the motion, buthe really thought it would be occupying the time of. the house un necessarily to bring in the bill, as there was no probability of it'being passed, even if the house should be favourable to it, this session. Sir A. AGNEW said he wished not to introduce any new law, but merely to amend the existini,,• laws. The house then divided, and the numbers were— . Ayes 73 Noes 60 Majority PRISONERS 1W CORK GAOI.. Mr. RoNAYN moved for "copies of all memorials to the Irish Government from the prisoners confined iu the gaol of the county of COrk, under sentence of the judge of assize at the last autumn circuit, for offences connected with tithes ; and of all communications made on the subject of every such me morial by the Hon. Judge Moore; and of all letters from the Irish Government in reply to any such memorial to any pri soner, or to the sheriff of the county of Cork . ; and of the letter or letters of such sheriff to the Irish Government on such sub ject ; and of all communications between the Irish Govern ment and the gaol committee of the county of Cork on the said subject" • Mr. LITTLETON had no objection to the production of the papers moved for by the lion. member, with one exception— the private letter of Mr. Justice Moore. He was confident that the result of the production of the correspondence would be the satisfactory exculpation of the Irish Government. The motion was accordingly agreed to, with the above-men tioned exception. Mr. PHILLIPS postponed his motion relative to the corpora tion franchise of Liverpool till the 4th of July. The hon. mem ber did so at the request of Lord Althorp, founded on the anxiety of ministers to forward the Irish Church Bill with the least possible delay. The house then went into committee on the IRISH CHURCH TEMPORALITIES BILL. Clauses 39 to 90 were agreed to, with the exception of the 64th, which was postponed; when the Chairman reported pro gress, and obtained leave to sit again. Mr. PEASE wished to ask the noble Chancellor of the Ex chequer whether there was any foundation for the report that he had abandoned his intention of proceeding with the proposed bill for regulating country banks during the present session ? Lord ALTHORP replied, that it was his decided intention to press both bills through - during the present session. Mr. PEASE further inquired if it was his lordship's intention to require from private bankers, whether issuing their own paper or Bank of England notes,i a certain investment in government or other approved securities, in like manner as had been proposedin joint-stock banks? Lord ALTHORP said that he had no intention of interfering with private banks. The only direct operation he contemplated on private banks was to compel them to compound for their stamp duties. Mr. H UTT inquired what his lordship's motive was for placing joint-stock banks in so unfavourable a position as regarded the investment of securities in relation to private banks ? Lord ALTHORP said that au answer to the inquiry would ne cessarily lead him into a long explanation, for which he should be prepared at the proper time. Mr. H urr remarked that he had no object or private curiosity —he asked the question from a knowledge that there were par ties already in town who felt a deep interest in every part of this question. APOTHECARIES' BILL. Mr. LAMB, in mo;iing . the - ;Lier of the day for the second reading of the Apothecaries' Bill, said that he had communicated with several of the public bodies connected with this bill, and he should therefore merely ask the house to allow it to be read a second time pro forma, in order that it might be committed. After an observation from Mr. Warburton, The bill was read a second time and committed. The house resumed, and the report was ordered to be taken into further consideration on Monday. The other orders of the day were d►sposed of, and the house adjourned at a quarter to two o'clock. CONTEMPORARY PRESS. The furious fire which the battery of the Ministerial Pregs has kept up, during some days past, upon the House of Lords, has nut vet annihilated, or even si lenced that branch of the Legislature, for we observe that it still continues to assemble and exercise the func tions of a deliberative body. The bombardment of Oporto by Don Miguel has not been at any time more vehement, and certainly has not been accompanied by more noise or smoke: still their Lordships continue to exercise the privileges of British Peers, heedless of the " thunders" of the Whig portion of the "fourth estate," and wear their coronets with as much equanimity as if the storm which threatened political extinction was not sweeping round the battlements of their ancient House. The Ministerial battery may play on. In a just cause, and with the country at its back, it would no doubt be a powerful engine; but under the present circumstances, when so much noise is made merely to serve a political manoeuvre, and to establish the ascendancy of one am bitious party at the expense of another, and without any regard to the public interests, the agony of exer tion to rouse and excite the country is thrown away, or only serves to express the alarm of those who make it. The people, instructed by bitter experience as to the folly of winning battles for those who, in their eager ness to monopolise the spoils, forget them in the hour of victory, remain passive. They answer not the vio lent appeals of politicians who condescend to remember them only when danger presses, and their assistance is wanted to extricate them from the consequences of their own calamitous blunders. The Whigs have a suf ficiently subservient House of Commons—that House has gone great lengths in enabling them to preserve many abuses, and all the public burdens, in opposition to public opinion. Let them rely on their obsequious majorities. Why endeavour to reproduce popular ex citement, and " fright the isle from its propriety," when, after the long and painful struggle about reform, the people have a right to expect its substantial fruits in good government, diminished burdens, returning pros perity, public confidence, and repose ? It is Lord Bacon who quaintly, but forcibly, observes, that there are " some persons who would burn down their neighbour's house to roast their own eggs." It may well be suspected that the niotive for the present ex citing appeals to the people is just as patriotic, and that the fire which threatens to consume the House of Lords has been kindled for the purpose of "roasting the eggs" of those who apply the political combustibles, and who, to carry a selfish object, do not hesitate to endanger the whole fabric of our mixed constitution.—Morn. Herald. A list of what the Times pleases to call Tory sinecures is published in that paper of this morning, and com mented on with characteristic falsehood and vulgarity in a leading article. So ignorant of the persons whom he abuses is the writer, as to set down the Irish family of Knox - as Tories, they having always been Whigs and to call Henry Dundas, the "ancestor" of Lord Melville, and the Right Honourable William Dundas, a man much older than his lordship, his son. He states also that Lord Hardwicke in 1825 obtained the sinecure of Clerk of the Irish Court of Exchequer on the death or surrender of the Earl of Buckinghamshire, during the lives of Lord Viscount Royston and C. J. Yorke, Esq., Lord Hardwicke's sons ; these gentlemen having been drowned in the Gulf of Bothnia, some fifteen years before 1825,. long before the death of Lord Buckinghamshire. Two Lord Conways and two Beresfords are put down to .well the list, though it is admitted that all four are dead. But there would be no end of exposing the gross false hoods or stupid blunders of the text and its commentary; both are quite worthy of the author of the great Barnes lie. Admitting, however, the list to be perfectly correct, nothing can be more absurd or unjust than the charge of rapacity or corruption here made against the Tories. The sinecures given to Lord Ellenborough, Lord Ken yon, Lord Hardwicke. Mr. Best (a splendid affair this last, it amounted last year to £lB9 15s. 6d.), were all as much part of the official remuneration of the founders of their families as their regular salaries. Would Lord Ellenborough, for instance, have accepted the burthen of the peerage, unless he knew that prescription had attached to the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench the power of conferring the lucrative office of Chief Clerk of that court on his son ? Certainly not ;he considered that patronage as part of his salary. An alteration of the practice is thought advisable ; but those who impute any character of corruption or dishonour to such transactions, are as ignorant as they are malignant. In making a great soldier a peer, it is always considered just to attach a pension for two or three lives to. his peerage,. in order that his advancement may not pauperise his family, and degrade the order. When a great lawyer is raised to a similar honour, it was always understood that the same result should be obtained by giving him the disposal of such legal offices for his sons. Where is the difference between the cases ? But are there no Whig sinecurists ? Just as many, 'considering the different duration of Whig and Tory mi nistries during the last seventy years, as there are of the other side. But let us only talk of the present ministers, who are in office two years and a half, and we shall con sider the audacity of any organ of theirs in holding up the nepotism of the Tories to public indignation as some thing truly brazen. Never was nepotisin carried to such a height as by Lord Grey. He has quartered seventeen relatives on the public purse, with salaries amounting to more than £lOO,OOO a-year. His son-in law was Privy Seal, and was discharged, after taking a salary which he pretended to retuse, for incompetency. His son was Under-Secretary for the Cdlonies, and was discharged for the same reason as his brother-in-law. His brother was made by him Bishop of Hereford, an appointment which we own late events do not make us regret. A bro ther-In-law was appointed by him to the richest see in Ireland. A son-in-law is Secretary to the Treasury —a brother-in-law Secretary at War, with his own son for his secretary. There never was any thing like'this. Then where are the Broughams? His lordship's brother is Master in Chancery ; another Receiver-General of the court—an office which was promised to be abolished, but which Mr. James Brougham is receiving thousands upon thousands for holding, in spite of every. pledge. His lordship's near connexion, Lord Auckland, is President of the Board of Trade, the business of which is done, how splendidly we need not say, by Mr. Poulett Thom son. The.Dundases . and Bathursts are nothing to the Broughams and Greys. And after all, if the whole of the pensions and sine cures were abolished, what would be the saving to the nation? Nothing. We own, however, that the out rageous nepotism of the present ministry is worthy of at least the punishment of the utmost contempt.—Standard. The accursed reign of the Incapables is drawing to a close. The poor Miserables are in their dotage; and, however reluctant they are to abandon office, they see that they are on the eve of dissolution. They are deter mined, however, to die hard, and not to yield before they have wrought us much mischief to the country as disap pointed ambition and impotent malignity can inflict.— Welll aware that the Irish Church Bill will be rejected by the Lords, and that the King will make no more puppet Peers, they have instructed their revolutionary organs of the press to raise up a howl against the only independent branch of the Legislature, and to call upon the slavish Commons to dispense with the Upper House altogether. Accordingly, we find the brutish Times brays with more than ordinary loudness in its seditious and unprincipled calling ; and the Morning Chronicle growls most trea sonable stuff on behalf of Dictator Grey and Company. Their lucubrations, however, bear so close an affinity to the ravings of Bedlamites broken loose from confinement that we are certain they will defeat the hellish aim with which they were published. God be thanked, the coun- Jt`NE 21, 1833. try has seen through the hollowness of Whig pretension and the treachery of Whig profession. But more than this, to its sad cost, it has suffered in all its vital interests, and in its national honour, through Whig incapacity,pro fligacy, and corruption. It is rather too late in the day for either the Times or the Chronicle to raise a deluded and insulted people in arms for a batch of the veriest dis• semblers and the most supreme dunces that ever trifled with the destinies of this vast empire. The Whigs ar e seen through, their political derelictions have been accu rately scanned, and sentence has gone forth against them. They enjoy the confidence of no party, and they carry with then) the contempt and the hatred of all. Yet it is in defence of these wretched Ineapables that the Times and the Chronicle crack their throats and threaten the country with revolution and. bloodshed, should the House of Lords venture to reject their uncon • stitutional measure relative to the Church of Ireland. — Because one of the estates of Parliament asserts its le gislative independence, and interposes its veto to the dic tatorial Mandate of Earl Grey, we are threatened with a republic and with civil war. Surely the ministerial prints which rave in this extravagant fashion, suppose that all constitutional and loyal sentiment is' extinct in the bo som of the people of Great Britain, and that, since the reform bill, they have neither sense, reason, nor under', standing left to them. In this, however, they will fin" themselves wofully deceived. The treason of the Tittles will be met, should the worst of .its vaticinations even come to pass, "By hearts resolved and hands prepared, The blessings they enjoy to guard." The revolutionists will find the throne,, the altar, and, every venerated institution of the country, surrounded by a loyal and patriotic people, determined to stand or fall by them, and ready to shed the last drop of their blood in their defence, when assailed by democratic violence , infidelity, and republicanism.—Glasgow Courier. POS7'OFFICE.-PRYING INTO LETTERS. When the Government gave up the right of charging double such mercantile letters as contained invoices, or those which were partly written by •-ditferent: hands, anal allowed all letters to pass as single when contained on one undivided sheet, weighing less than 'an ounce, We expected that the system of prying into the private com munications of the lieges would be entirely discontinued. It appears, however, that there still remains a pretence for the exercise of this unmanly and un-British right of search. We observe that a public meeting was held in Greenock last Wednesday, to take into consideration the best method of putting a stop to the iniquitous system of prying into letters sent through the Postoffice, where this insufferable evil was fully exposed, and a remonstrance on the subject was agreed to be transmitted to the Trea sury ; and also complaining of the restrictions upon send ing letters by steam-boats, though these performed that oflice in six hours which the Postoffice in some cases took four days to execute, and imposes a heavy fine on the parties who do not choose to submit to this delay. We have no objection to the Government enjoying a mono poly of the letter-carrying trade to such an extent as to prevent private parties setting up an establishment of mails throughout the kingdom, but we can see no suffi cient reason for attempting to bolster up the revenue by means of any measure which makes it necessary to le galise that breach of trust and good manners, the open ing of private letters, or prevent the members of the com munity from availing themselves of a cheaper and speed ier mode of local conveyance, when that is in their p o wer, and we trust the country will lift up its united voice against the continuance of these grievances.—At the meeting referred to, ROGER AYTOUN, Esq. banker, stated, that be bad been in duced to call the attention of the public to the conduct of the Post Office in Greenock, in consequence of a letter from the Solicitor to the General Post Office in Edinburgh, calling on him to deliver up a letter which he had received. The letter referred to was written to him by a gentleman resident in a neighbouring parish, equidistant from Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock, where there was no Post Office, and of which Gree• nock was the market-town. The fact, however,; was, that the letter was written in Greenock and put into the Post Office? although, for form's sake, it had been dated at the writer's usual place of residence. He strongly condemned the system of prying into letters, which must have been practised in order to the discovery of names and dates, and contended, that if i t was persevered in, all confidence in the Post Office would be destroyed. General Darroch said, he had received a letter o f the same description with that to which Mr. Aytoun had alluded , but having no desire to become an informer, he had never taken the trouble to answer it. Mr. WAlpine stated he had been the writer of the letters, which Mr. Aytoun and General Darroch had - received; ana respecting which the Solicitor to the Post office had wr itten-, They were official letters respecting the county business, ana, he had written them in Greenock after his arrival there, an d put them in the Post-office; for doing so, he had received a let ter chargin g him with two penalties of £5. Mr. John King, spirit-dealer, narrated the case of a house is t. Greenock, one ot the partners in which having, left the firm, s remaining one went to Glasgow, and put into the Post-offic e some printed notices to their customers intimating the fact. For doing this the house had been charged. to the amount 0' £l4O. Mr. Anderson said, it was not surprising that the laws s hould: be evaded as regarded the conveyance between Greenock an d Campbelton, for while the post took four days, steam-boats tra versed the distance in six hours. While such a temptation t°, evade the law existed, it would be in vain to expect that 1 ` would not he acted upon. Mr. D. Sharp, merchant, said, a gentleman who had written a letter to him, which was carried out of the way by a privat 6 , hand, had been forced, on Saturday last, to pay the penalty °` £s.—Edinburgh Advertiser. We extract from the Boston Daily Advertiser a letter under the signature of A Unitarian, to show the light in, which the establishment of an episcopal, college is viewet.' by Unitarians in America : KENTON COLLEGE AND THE REVEREND BISHOP OP AI'ILVAIN S ' A meeting was held last evening at the invitation of sol e respectable citizens, to hear from the Bishop a statement of the condition of Kenyon College, in Ohio. It might seem indifferent to the people of this part of toe country whether there be institutions for learning in Obi°. eS not. No one who might so think could have heard the digni fie t and interesting disclosures of the Bishop, without feeling that it is a personal interest to promote the means of education in t hat State. It appeared that the . population there is growing UP, with astonishing rapidity ; that the means of religious and niore instruction are very limited; and that tuition in the doctrines of infidelity is organized and efficient. The influx of em igraot" who are strangers to our institutions is great ; and, (as tb i e . Bishop happily said,) the educated alone know the true w ort ' of education ; is not yet in Ohio that one is to look for all th e aid which is necessary in this great and patriotic duty. He spot' s with great respect of the intellectual power of that state, t h founded in the circumstances of the population there, and feeling regret, that it cannot now have, without aid from a broa r. the development and direction which are indispensable t' moral, religious, and political security. When we consider the prodigious capability of the West sustain human life, the numbers which are to be gathered i" ll that quarter, our necessary connexion with them, and our coin liability to be most seriously affected by their inteinal conditioo, h it seems to he an affair of interest, no 'iss than of Christian do t Y' to promote the means of education in the west. There is nothing in the objection that this is an episecpali a „," seminary. It is answer enough that is a truly christiau one. Whatever distinctions may be stated among christian sects, 0 0 1 may be said, in sincerity and truth, of epismpalians, that fO ir „ the foundation of the country, to the present time, they ba,,,4 been the friends of virtue, good morals, public order, and s o f: and christian communion ;;--atid*that all aid given to them tended to make the country more wise, more safe, and 1 .... 1 " ) happy. A UNITA.RIA.o" LONDON GAZET7E.-TUESDAY, JUNE IS• INSOLVENT. June 17.—Edward Ledward, Liverpool, hat-manufacturer. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. William Parker, Leeds, grocer. ANK RMS. .• William Allured, Live 001, tailor, June 29, July 30, at the CI , ve r rp don Rooms, Liverpool. Solicitors, Messrs. Miller and Peel. L O O. pool : and Messrs. Taylor, Roscoe, and Turner, Bedford-row, Lon' ovvell. Brighton, lace-merchant. • Phillip East. Tavistock-street, Covent-garden, bookseller. William Dudley Mott, Throgmorton-street, hotel-keeper. William George Rolfes, Fenchurch-street, tobacco-broker. • Samuel Sheasby, High Holborn, furnishing ironmonger. • William Hull, Coventry, watch-manufacturer. James Walter Pavnter, Manchester, dealer and chapman. Benjamin Law N ar orthampton, biscuit-baker. James Cross Richdson, Jeffery Richardson, and Richard Ric- - son, Manchester, commission-agents. George Longinire, Barnard Castle, Durham, draper. Samuel Molland Cog, Exeter, scrivener. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. R. Johnson, jun., and J. M. Cowgill, Liverpool. brick-rnal,rl;e' J. Blackwell and T. Alcock, Claines, Worcestershire, lace-m.3000' turers.—J. Alg,ar and T. Wright, Hawstorne-street, G osw ell-roa< I L,. O P nufacturers of hackgammon-tables.-11. Leg'ott and It. Green , '1;0' coates, Yorkshire, bricklayers.—N. Thomas and T. Booth, 11 , 1an c bire' ter, upholsterers.—E. Thomas and J. Dyson, Stayley. Ch` i re' calico-printers.—J. Laister and W. Teanhy, Crowle, Lincoln'„ve grocers.—J. Duckworth, G. Fairbrother, and I'. Williams, 15 13 , 1- --4," ter, calico-printers ; so far as regards the said J. D o ckwon b ,bris - Campbell, sen., F. Campbell, jun., and T. Phillips, Beverley'', 0 1 1 ' shire, attorneys.—G. Burman and J. Pike, Canterbury, brats - '':,o. r ers.—J. Townsend and G. J. Clifton, Lime-street, wine-merelnt.,,/ C. E. Condy and W. Brown, Battersea. acetous acid manufaelol:„oel. W. Lawton and J. Greaves, Micklehurst, Cheshire, cotten- , Coot —J. Hobbs and J. Hobbs, hatters.—J. Richmond and R. Hic n kveo Chislehampton. Oxfordshire, beast-salesmen..-W, Wood, and G. Wood, Birmingham, merchants. DIVIDENDS. July 17, J. Gordon, Liverpool, merchant—July 9, J. Dillo n 9 0 '1 c1 Steward, Mincing-lane, wine - brokers. — July 11 , S. Harrison __Nil, H. Graham, Alfred-place , Newington-causeWay, upholstereg.;opte, ,* 10, W. Chaldecott, Dorking, surgeon. —July 10, W. W• 1 c o t' Goswell-street, corn-dealer. —July 9, J. S. Peaks, C am briag.c r:e.. ~ ,,eO l, wainer..--July 10, T. Parsons, Bishopsgate-street-w ithin, chant. —July 11, W. Morgan, R. Roach, and G. Morgan. Le i t3 I V• street. merchants.—.Tuly 9, H. Barwise, Great Newport-str ee l ! 9, l e, —July 9, R. Wilkinson , Co p thall- buildings. accountant. — W. T a yler, Marylebone-lane, wine - -merchant.—July 9, "' bar' Gr e enwich. tavern-keeper. — July 11, S. Castleden, L:mehoths, i '• 10, —July 11, R. Walkington, High ITolhorn, upholsterer.—Ji - 13 . Morgan, jun., Knighton, Radnorshire, woolstapler.—Jul,„ , " ' l o6 , r e Shepherd, Beverley, - Yorkshire, dealer and cliap4,, , r. g Brookes, Hereford, hotel-keeper. —June 28, 11. Sheen, Leice.,, t , 10 t o i , cer.—July 17, J. Gloucesterhd, Lancashire, draper.- - J 1 , 1 4 J. Hyde, Horsley, hire,. cloth-worker. —July 1 3, Stoke-Innis, Dorsetshire, miller.—July 10, Sir W. Elford., , Tingcombe,' and J. W. Clarke, Plymouth; bankers.---Jn Yx,1 1 .0" , Mayspn, Keswick, Cumberland, nurseryman.-41110 2, Au st Vtem, Shropshire, cabinet-maker.—July 10, J. Corbe tt. o f 'Warwickshire, cattle-dealer.—July 20, E. Halsall, Bri't °l ' maker. CERTIFICATES, Jimv 9. i' e o T. Weatherill, jun., Liverpool, surgeon.—A. Norton , street, Manchester-square, cabinet-maker.—C. F. Thoinys'- ~trc Wood-street, Cheapside. silk-warehouseman.—W. DieklUS,l , street, warehouseman.—J. C. Pelham, Shad Thames, wharAnger.—B. Brown, Leeds, flax-spinner.—il. 1. beo l l'cc er r i. tallow-chandler.—.l. M. Collins, Knightsbridge, livery-sta.? 00..cer, T. P. Medwin, Ilartlebury, Worcestershire, dealer and cht Evans,Claines,Woreestershire, horse.-dealer.—J. Edge, PG"'