The Sun. — London, England, 1847-02-08 00:00:00

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Thiera a s cen d e d t h e tr ib une am i dst marks of general atteation, and spoke as follows :—lf the Chamber deigns to Pay attention to my actions, it must have perceived the extreme repugnance which I have for some days past exhi bited to interfere in this discussion—though not because I can find in the subject which occupies us any cause for em barrassment. How, in fact, can it be possible for us, the Members of the Opposition, who are not the authors of the present situation, to be embarrassed in expressing our eenti rnente? That situation, as you are aware, is this—that France, by the deplorable event of Cracow, is separated from the continental powers, and by the Spanish marriages is em broiled with England; so that the isolation which a few years back we recommended to her as a momentary policy— as a dignified means of re-entering the European concert, and which the Government then rejected as altogether objec tionable, is new forcedly the policy of France.—(Hear, hear.) Nor is that all ; at home a bad harvest, which is the fault of no one, coinciding with a financial position, which is the fault of some one, has rendered the internal situation of the country as disastrous as the foreign one. All this the Opposition certainly has not caused, and therefore could not feel embarrassment in alluding to it in presence of the persons whose duty it was to act. The object of my hesitation was therefore different—it was an apprehension of aggravating by my words the inconveniences of the situ ation. But in a representative government it is impossible to pass over in silence events so important as those which now occupy our attention. I come forward, therefore, to speak, not that I pretend to succeed the Hon. Minister of Foreign Affairs—long since I have given up all ideas of that kind—not because I ima g ine that I can express myself b e tte r than has been already done by gentlemen noted for their talents and reasoning powers, but because I have my own views to expose and defend. It is my custom to think aloud—to speak freely ; and since these events have occurred I have not concealed my opinion—it has been published. If, therefore, at the grand moment of discussion I were to hesi tate, I should expose myself to the charge of weakness. I have beheld in what was going on a most lamentable con fusion of ideas, and I cannot disguise from the Chamber of Deputies my sentiments on the subject.—(Hear. hear.) It is now 17 years since I have taken part in public affairs, and if during that period I have learned in some degree the art of stating matters difficult to be exposed I shall employ it to-day while infusing into my language all the reserve that is desirable. If you do me the honour to listen to me patiently to the end, I shall testify to you my gratitude both by the moderation and, pardon me for adding, the utility of my words. I now proceed to ex amine the whole situation, characterised principally by the two facts of the Spanish marriages and the incorporation of Cracow. As to the former, my opinion is that th e un i on o f Queen Isabella with the Infante Don Francisco de Assis is good; but that the marriage of the Duke de Montpensier with the Infanta Donna Luisa was attended in several re spects with grave inconveniences—that it was premature— and that it will complicate the situation. It will be said, and I ant prepared for the assertion, that this opinion serves the pretensions of a foreign Government. I bring to this place the most perfect impartiality, and I have always thought that the interests of Spain were closely united to ours; and it was with that idea that I was one of the authors of the treaty of quadruple alliance. That treaty had two objects— the first, to prevent a counter-revolution in Spain; the second, to establish good relations with England on a ques tion of a most difficult character, and at the same time most likely to create differences between the two countries. The first object was but imperfectly attained—Spain was only partially saved from a counter-revolution. In the second we were more fortunate, as the two nations entered on a struggle for influence in Spain, France patronising the Moderado Party, and England the Progressi3t. That was an unfortu nate policy ; for, in adopting it, France and England ex posed themselves to protect only the intrigants of both parties. It was on the marriage question, in particular, that this struggle of influence was certain to manifest itself. Permit me to state to you the object pursued severally with respect to this matter, by France. by Spain, and by England. France laid down the principle that the choice of the Queen could only fall on one of the descendants of the House of Bourbon. I will not repeat what has been said on that point; I will only make one observation, and that is, that formerly such an exigency might have been understood ; but since one part of the house of Bourbon is engaged in the principles of the revolution, the other in those of the counter.. revolution, how is it possible to law down so absolute a prin ciple ? I can understand that I shall be asked—" What would you have said if the pretensions of the Prince of Saxe-Coburg had triumphed?" I should, it is true, have blamed you. But permit me to ask what you yourselves would hare said, if, conquered by events, you had not been able to prevent the Prince of Coburg from obtaining the hand of Queen Isabella ? Would you not have said—" The Prince of Coburg is closely allied to the Royal Family of France; the Prince of Coburg adopts the principles if the revolution; the head of the house of Coburg occupies a constitutional throne at the very frontier of France ?" But you have done well to exclude the Prince of Coburg ; good. prance desired a prince of the house of Bourbon ; good again. And what did Spain desire? Spain in this case was repre sented by Queen Christina, by the sovereign who had long governed the country, and who, moreover, is the mother of the Queen, and, as such, had rights worthy of respect. What then did Queen Christina desire? She, above all, was opposed to her nephews. This I declared last year, but the assertion was treated as erroneous; the documents have since shown that I was right. She had first thought of ob taining for the Queen the hand of the Duke de Montpensier. When it was proved to her by French and European reasons that such a union was impossible, she turned towards the Prince of Coburg, and demanded him from everbody in the warmest manner. It was only when Queen Christina, the real head of the Moderado party in Spain, had learned, to use - Lord Cowley's expression, that a union with a prince of Coburg would fling you into consternation, that she gave lip the idea. In order to obtain that prince, two consents —that of the house of Coburg, and that of France—were necessary. The house of Coburg saw in such an alliance fresh ties uniting it with the two countries with which it wan connected; it saw in it the completion of its great ness. Nevertheless, not to give offence to either of the two nations, it refused ; or, what amounts to the same thing, made its consent dependent on that of France. As to England, she would assuredly have desired that a prince of the house of Coburg might be placed on the throne of Spain. But, considering the unheard-of vivacity with which France repulsed the candidateship of the Prince of Coburg. Queen Christina understood that, if France and Spain became embroiled, the advantages of the marriage of the Queen with the Prince of Coburg were not to be placed in comparison with the dangers which it might produce to the tranquillity of Europe. She, therefore, renounced the idea, and sought another union for her daughter. It was then that she entered on the policy which I blame, and turned her attention to a Prince who had placed himself at the head of the Progressist party. Don Enrique was, however, soon abandoned. You did not consider him a very dan gerous candidate, since you did not think of opposing him. But I agree with you that above all things it was important to remove the Prince of Coburg. This, then, was what was desired by the three Po we r s —F rance w i s h e d for a Bourbon ; Spain, represented by Queen Christina, for a Coburg ; and England the same, but she afterwards gave up that desire, and to indemnity herself demanded Don Enrique. The Minister of Foreign Affairs has said that a kind of under standing was come to at Eu on the subject of the Spanish marriages. I shall not discuss the object of that arrange ment, but I shall state on what points it bears. According to it, France renounced the hand of the Queen for the Duke de Montpensier, and declared furthermore that she should not put forward any pretensions for the hand of the Infanta, except is the event of the Queen giving heirs to the Crown. As the price of these concessions, the French Cabinet de manded that England should not support the marriage of Queen Isabella with the Prince of Coburg, The Hon. Minister pretends that he observed those engagements faithfully as long as those agreed to by England remained inviolate. 'Well, then, I have read all the documents, and I sincerely declare that they absolutely contradict the double allegation of the Hon. Minister. They appear to me to prove that the conduct both of the Whigs and Tories was absolutely the same with regard to the Spanish marriages, and that if there were any difference it was that the Whigs showed them selves more opposed than the Tories to the marriage of the Queen to the Prince of Coburg.—(Murmurs.) I shall not read the documents to the Chamber, but shall merely give a brief analysis of them. If any thing I say is contested as being inexact or incomplete, I can reply by reading the part in question. In the first place, in the dispatches of Lord Aber deen to Lord Cowley, was there anything in contradiction to this--that the question of the Spanish marriages is a Purely Spanish one, with which no one had any right to in terfere? and Lord Cowley never went beyond the assurance that a candidate of the house of Bourbon would meet with no opposition on th e part o f E ngland. You see that the Tories confined th emse l ves to s i mple inact i on. On a commu nication from the Spanish Cabinet, the Tories replied that that Government was free to choose the candidate which ap peared to it the most suitable, and that if it selected one not belonging to the house of Bourbon, it might, in order to maintain the independence of its choice, reckon on the warm ayrnpathies of England. Lord Aberdeen and the Tories ap pear to me in this instance to have departed from that in difference attributed to them by the Minister of Foreign Allairs The Whigs afterwards carne into power. I shall, at a later period, explain myself more at length on what is im properly called the English alliance, but for the moment I shall confine myself to the Spanish question. The Whigs succeeded to power; they were still beneath the weight of the reminiscences of 1840; they were full of regrets; they felt that they had not followed a sound line of policy, and that that fault had nearly prevented their return to power. In the state of the world, at that time, it was a fortunate ci rcumstance that the Whigs came into power in that frame of mind. For my own part, I think it would have been easy for the French Government to have come to an understanding with the Whi gs, i f the former had not been influenced by a feeling of distrust. What was the conduct of the Whig Go vernment? It declared in its turn d to Spain that she was perfectly free to act; and only d a dressed to her some repre sentations on certain unwise which every onebTti violent measures of its Go vernment,mded. It is true that the Prince of Coburg is pointed out in thea this of the 19th of July was not doing more than in the list of candidates. But h air a been done by Lord Aberdeenvin he assured Spain of the warm sympathies of England in the event of her choice falling on a prince not of the housewl'i of Bourbon. I admit that the dispatch of th e 19th July measure equivocal ; but immediately after aadiisncussffl'ne stn arose between the English and Fren c h Cabinets. Francee rticular spoke of the engagements at Eu ; Lord P a l merston replied ; I know nothing of them England bas no we candidate ; but if you wish to know our opinion, we prefer Dori Enrique." The answer of France was--o If you wish for Don Enrique, unite with us at Madrid to promote his candidateship." I find dispatches dated 29th July, and the 3d, 16th, and 22d of August, and these all begin w ith these word s —" I t o ld DI. de Jarnac ;" so that the content s of the dispatches addressed to Mr. Bulwer enn_l_cl Prince be no secret t o us . All o f these dispatches said— that we accept a Prince of the house of Bourbon, August we desire to be Don Enrique," On the 3d of Lord s Palmer ston _ wrote to Mr. Bulwer " We should desire the Queen to ch oose the Prince: of Saxe-Coburg, ' if that choice should b e b a u greeable to Spain, and should not embroil us with preferable ca t in France • the present state of things Don Enrique is a ston addressednidate." On the 22d of August, Lord Palmer substance was that commu nicated to M. dispatch to Mr. Bulwer, which was commu izot of a Prince of thea hY Lord Normanby on the 28th. Its of that house—th " England adhered to the candidateship England of Bourbon ; there were three Princes , he did no possible to choosee Count de Montemolin, whom it was urn rancisco de As Queen; Don F .t recognise the rights of the which ? recommend ; and Don En • us, whom England could not What was the reply of w hom she recommended." adhere to the condition ference to one of the two brothers That " he could not an exclusive pre , but that he had no ob 4ection to make to the candidatesehip_ of Don Enrique; that i t t tte willinglytwo brothers to s m of England, on condition put forwa " gbehtpboelicesiyually Parat terms on which matters stood on the 28thrd. the dis tro the • • ea tusince taken place? I shall not any ;Such readof August. 1 7 47 0 ad, and consult the official facts. At Madrid at this Via 4 limn that the Duke of 61,46•C oburg null not give one of his children out of regard to France. and that England desired Don Enrique, chief of the Progressists. It was in this situation of things that M. Bresson came on the scene. It has keen said in England that he has acted most shamefully, and in France that he has done marvels. Gene tlemen, I 'know Count de Bresson, and I can say that he is incapable of doing unworthy things; but he had no need on this occazion to achieve wonders. He addressed himself to M. Isturitz, one of the leaders of the Moderado party, and showed him that France and England were agreed to favour the candidateship of the chief of the Progressists. Queen Christina was aware both of the refusal of the Prince of Co burg and of the agreement of the two countries to make the Queen marry one of her cousins. Her resolution was taken. In the night of August 28th a Council was called, and it was decided to marry the young Queen with Don Francisco, chief of the Moderado party. This first result was excellent for us. We had thrown out the Prince of Saxe-Coburg, and Don Enrique, chief of the Progressists. So far all was well ; for though I blame the policy which identifies itself with one of the parties that divide a foreign country, I believe that when such a policy is once entered on it must be followed up until the triumph of the party is assured. Up to this point, there fore, all was in our favour, but there the success ought to have stopped. I am, above all, a partizan of the policy of my country, but I have no need to remind you that we should remain within certain limits. There remained to effect the second marriage, that or the Infanta Donee Luisa with the Duke de Montpensier. The Moderados desired it in order to exclude Don Enrique, chief of the Progressists, from the second rank, as they had excluded him from the first. In this desire we coincided. We alt desire, as sincere partizans of the oynaety, whatever may contribute to the happiness and distinction of the Royal Family.—(Hear.) The Infanta Doane Luisa joins to qualities that every one knows, the most illustrious birth. Yeu were, then, right to desire this marriage. We should have desired it ourselves; but on the condition that it involved nothing contrary to the policy of France ; but in the circumstances in which you concluded it, it did not possess that character. It has been said that the simultaneousness of the two marriages was an essential condition of the first. I have searched everywhere for the proof of this condition, and I have not been able to find it ; but I have found direct proofs of the contrary.—( Hear.) If Queen Christina, in presenting to you the two marriages at the same time, had said (excuse the frivolity of the ex pression), " You must either take it or leave it," I should have understood that we ought perhaps to have ceded. But nothing of the kind took place. Everything attests that the two marriages were determined on the condition that they should be celebrated at the same time, if possible, or, to use the expression of the contract, autant que faire se pourrait. The official facts completely deny the :contrary pretension. It was in the night of the 28th of August that the first mar riage was settled, and in the morning of the 29th it was offi cially announced in the Medrid Gazette in these words:— " I, Isabella 11., announee to Spain, that I have chosen for my husband my cousin, the Prince Don Francisco d'Assis, and I convoke the Cortes for September 14." Thus, on the morning of the 29th of August the first marriage was a fait accompli. It was your duty to use all your efforts to cause the second marriage to be postponed. It is said that the Cortes could have annulled the first marriage. But what were the Cortes at that time? Out of 180 members there were 100 Moderados, and was it to be expected that that majority would have declared against the marriage which placed their chief on the throne? As to the Progressists, they were 20, and it was natural that they should refrain from pressing the conclusion of a marriage which excluded their chief from the second rank, as from the first. It is said—" But if there was nothing to fear from the Cortes, out-of-door movements and insurrections were to be dreaded." It is forgotten, then, that what excited the reclamations of the press, and the excesses that had to be suppressed by arbitrary means, was the person selected for the second marriage. M. de Lavergne rose, and said a few words which we found it impossible to catch, from the uproar caused by M. Thiers being interrupted. M. Thiers—You do wrong to interrupt me; this cause has no need of such help as yours; it is defended by the Minister of Foreign Affairs.—(Laughter.) The first marriage, then, was definitively settled by the proclamation of the Queen of Spain, dated 29th August. The second marriage was to be concluded so far as was possible. Those were the expressions of the Hon. Minister in the Chamber of Peers. What was the situation ? The French Ministry was in presence of the English Cabinet and the engagements of Eu. The Hon. Minister pretends that he felt himself at liberty by the attempts of the Whigs in favour of the Prince of Coburg. But if that were the case he ought to have said to them— "We are free." But the common action was accepted up to August 28. On September 1 the Hon. Minister re ceived a visit from the English Ambassador, and on that gentleman inquiring it the marriages were to be celebrated at the same time, he was told by. M. Guizot—" No, not at the same time."—(Laughter.) He, in fact, left in the Am bassador's mind a firm conviction on the subject. The Hon. Minister declares that the order to celebrate the two marriages at the same time was only dispatched on September the 11th. I may remark, en passent, that this is a proof that you were still free to act on September 2d, on which day the English Ambassador communicated to you a dispatch. At last came September 4th, and the Mi nister, who on the previous evening was in accord with the English Cabinet, gives the order to celebrate the marriages at the same time. You were, you say, conquered by circum stances. Well, on the sth of September you should have sent for the Ambassador, and told him the truth; but, in stead of that, time is allowed to run on, and the press of Europe is permitted to learn the facts, and comment on them ; and then, when on the 25th the English Ambassador comes to remonstrate, the Hon. Minister replies, " It is too late." The Minister and the Ambassador then separate to remain in the relations with which the Chamber is acquainted. Permit me, gentlemen. a simple reminiscence. In 1840, when I sus tained a policy that for my part I found too bold, but which I believed good for the honour of the country, a vic tim was required to expiate the backward step that was made in the path in which I was engaged with others. Then it was said—not, it is true, in this tribune, but in another— that I had deceived England. Ah! gentlemen, I have no desire to recriminate, and I will not do so; but I can say that assuredly I did nothing like what has been done in this affair of the Spamish marriages. —(Sensation.) In my convictions the Government did well in bringing about a first and second displeasure for England—in foiling her in any desire she might have had for the Prince of Coburg, and in her pre ference of Don Enrique; but as to the third, which consisted in celebrating the two marriages immediately, it ceded to a movement of inconsiderate haste. I rejoice at the joys of the Royal Family when not contrary to the interests of the country; but in this case the duty of the Ministers clearly was to arrest the accomplishment of that measure. I firmly believe, that in effecting the two marriages together the Government has done a thing either null or dangerous; and when I shall have proved that to you, I shall examine if it has not done wrong to compromise our relations with Eng land, and if the moment was well chosen to compromise them. ( Here the sitting was suspended for some minutes, after which the Hon. Gentleman resumed his speech as ful lows):— I shall now examine in a threefold point of vie w our relations on this question with Spain, with England, and with the Continent. As to Spain, your policy is either null or dangerous. You continually talk of the policy of Louis XIV. Permit me to say a few words on that point. What, to my thinking, our history clearly shows, is, that it is the first interest of France to maintain herself constantly in such relations with Spain as to prevent the latter from being our enemy. You know that if whilst we fight on the Rhine we have Spain as an enemy, we are as an army taken between two fires. We had an example of that in 1814, when Napoleon fought in Champagne with a handful of men, but when the armies of Marshals Soult and Suchet were fighting in the south. If the troop s of th ese genera l s h a d been united to his, the face of things would probably have been changed. We must then hare a friend in Spain ; and, in consequence, our policy towards her must be a friendly one. That is the first point. The second is thi s: Wh en t h e Spanish character is examined, there may be remarked in it a great aversion to foreign influence. That feeling i 4 derived from the geographical position of Spain and from her his torical traditions. The Spaniards have always been subje c t e d to foreign dynasties—those of Germany and Fr a n ce . If we wish to find a political friend in Spain, we must not pretend to exercise any influence over the Spanish Government. The Spaniards, though tractable towards their rulers, are un governable with regard to foreigners. Th ere mus t no t b e permitted to exist at Madrid a policy necessarily inimical to us; but beyond that no influence must be attempted in Spain The worst means, therefore, of exercising any influence in Spain is by marriages. The political results of the policy of Louis XIV. towards Spain were compromised by his having founded them on his relationship, and it was precisely that re lationship, uniting as it did the two crowns, which after the death of that monarch threw Spain into the German alliance. It was not until a later period that that Power, enlightened by its true interests, attached itself more closely to us. It again estranged itself to once more and definitively attach itself to us in those latter days under the influence of the re volution. What (night to have been our conduct after the Revolution of July? I declare loudly that our part is pointed out to us by a comtnon revolution. There was be tween France and Spain an evident community of interests; each of the two nations has its Pretender; the Duke de Bordeaux in one, and the Count de Montemolin in the other. In the midst, also, of the desperate struggle between the Moderados and the Progressists, when the treaty of the 15th of July was signed and war was spoken of, the most violent of the Spanish journals changed their language in the most apparent manner. When France was seen to be in otdifaotniti gtin ca a el n .l dp parts rt o t a ,,s e oa s fs c n e s d ept E aoi u nn r i o py p ui e hni threatened antt espoused Fn pi osutrsoeeodkch the cause a o .u l u- si et was also in Belgium. Th e p u bli c m i n d i n those countries comprehended that a common revolution created common interest, and imposed co mmon d ut i es . S uc h was the way in which France ought to exercise her influence over other nations. I do not wish to recriminate, but I may say that when Spain demanded your real support you refused it ; you would not do anything whatever to prevent counter-revolution. 'What, then, do you hope for from the Spanish marriages ? It is not to-day, for the first time, that I say the position of a French Prince in Spain is a difficult one, and I will give you a proof of it. Queen Christina is not French and yet go into Spain, and from Bayonne to Cadiz you will be told that the greatest difficulty experienced by her is that she is regarded as the agent of French policy. What, therefore, would the Duke de Montpensier do in Spain? His supe riority even would be an obstacle ; he would often be a living impediment for his brother-in-law and for the Queen. You thought, like me, since you recalled the Duke, and de clared that you had only given France an additional Prin cess. You h ave , therefore, done an act which is, politically speaking, null. But you will perhaps say, why then attack thatit? :Lis because you have not only done an act which is null, but because 'it is dangerous. Let us suppose, then, a l !a l n are o i f a t,i v l Queen created c t o i f o n n Se s Pe * dad: has a n nwo nt remark er n om o r na k h h children—and 1 here e r r r e e e n a setion)—but it is not I—tythaoanf Laughter)—what difficulties will you not the lees true that, the hyp othesis of the Queen having no d children you have created great cause of embarrassment an English alliance, done a thing which compromised peace. You have, there fore,price have you paid for it? You null and dangerous, and what t d u l r cl o w o e d li n g t olt a admit m s e h n i e t . for whic t h you have . made so many sacrifices. alliance, was the moment,thatl ou have paid the price of the chosen?—(Move ment.) I have alwae's b Therefore, in admitting you might have renounced that may ask, well alliance, and I have given been taken advantage of this fepeTiono aof it. My enemies have ; . t partizan of the English let me, therefore, be allowed tog to render me unpopular; avail myself of their at tacks to repeat that such has 1 always been . my predilection. I do not seek pepulaki i t n y g , I; r l es i p n e c c l w t ine ll , ) opinion s of my coun try the one as I do , m b y ut to both I will m ar y eTf e r c r o e o m sa tl m ie y leang any trya before s the h respect s o p t e h c e c r _opinion frankly. If I obtain from the nation an injurious ; but I heeoimnjeusrious portion of their esteem, that will be would not purchase that esteem by giving coun sel. It has been frequently said—. It who for many years sought to embroil France andyEun to reproach us with not having set sufficient value &anti:"e English alliance !" To that I might reply—" It i s very well for you, who have done everything to preserve the English alliance, and have consented to so many sacrifices, t o now hold it so cheaply !" I am, I repeat, an advocat e f or the English alliance, because it is useful to the progress ofliberty in the world, because it is the best guarantee for the in dependence of states, and that is our cause—the cause of the Opposition.—(Approbation on the Left.) When you see Switzerland threatened in her liberty by three Powers, do i ns 113 itcl that your on frontiers are threatened?—(Re- LONDON, MONDAY EV E NING, FEBRUARY B, 1847 newed approbation.) When you see the last remnants of Poland perish, do you not feel that the liberty and inde sattattehse h a e re ad se e r f io n u a s t l i y e , n e s u i‘ da h n e g a e r r e e( j l e ? ale l n ' s lac e e f propagandism. The revolution was propagandist. It had 3 i p' h eo e nu i di r see l ' i ll b cf,e er to t i 3 ife-ro a et n f d reer i , ndependence. Ido not advise a policy of r which ee; attacked and the notbeen e t p a r , os t • ohkee liberty t t 3 l: that but coalitionth egrandeur of Pilnitz,of Fa great victories and the mad conquests of the empire were the not - reply to these provocations. We, in these latter days , have had the right given us to be either propagandists or con querors; there has been no congress of Pilnitz against u 3 ; let us,_ therefore, be neither the one nor the other. To make ourselve propagandists—to excite people against their go vernments, would be to attack their liberty, to disturb the peace in the midst of which they prosper and improve in knowledge ; far be it from us, therefore, to become propa gandists. As to conquests, were I to be offered for France the monarchy of the world, I would not accept it. Let there be no conquests either, but enlightened protection for liberty, and a resolute defence of the independence of states—that is the policy best suited to France; and, if the better to express my ideas I might be permitted to borrow an image or an expression from the arts. I would represent France holding in one hand a chart, on which should be written "the rights of humanity ;" and the other hand on the hilt of her sword, on the blade of which should be written the names of Zurich, Austerlitz, and Friedland.—("Hear, hear ;" varied movement.) Can we hold out the hand of fellowship to those who oppress Italy—who threaten the Swiss confederation—who destroy Poland? To make war on them would be senseless; let us keep up good relations with them, but without being on an intimate footing. Your alliance would be given the lie to by every pulsation of your heart—by every groan uttered by Italy and by Poland. Where, then, lies the true alliance for France but in a country possessing the seine feelings? It is only to be found in a nation whose heart beats in unison with yours—in England. It is true there is an old spirit of rivaly between France and England; there are serious difficulties no doubt in the way but 1 firmly believe that it would be possible to unite the two countries without sacrifices on our part. I know there is now a boast of the power of France to combat the whole world. Yes, she has done so, and might do so again; but to remain in a systematic isolation is, I maintain, a bad policy. I blame the present Cabinet for putting forward an exclusive sympathy for the Tories, for a party which has in their Parliament abandoned Cracow. Let there be no preference shown for either Whigs or Tories, although more hope might be • entertained from one than from the other. It has been said that I forget that the Whigs outraged France in 1840, but I reply that it is you who have forgotten it. Is it not you who anxiously hastened to re-enter the European concert with the Whigs in 1840 ? and yet you now oppose my sympathy for them. I re proach the Government for not having foreseen tie danger of Cracow. You, the Ministers, saw nothing because you had been told that Cracow had nothing to fear. You believed, in fact, what you were told.—(Laughter.) But when the Whigs told you that they did not desire a Coburg marriage for England, you did not believe them ; and yet, I repeat, you believed what the three Powers said when they told you that they entertained no designs agai n st Cracow. Nay, more, you defended them from the tribune I When the massacres of Galicia were spoken of, you cried, " They are revolutionists who do those things I" See, then, if you did right in ceding to certain pre-occupations? The Hon. Deputy here entered into an explanation of the state of Eu rope, and, referring to Rome, rendered justice to the efforts of the Pope to reform the Roman States. Lately (he con tinued), the people cried from behind the Pope, " Courage, Holy Father ! Courage !" and I also cry in the name of France, which is calumniated at Rome, " Courage, Holy Father! Couraget " But suppose that France and England, notwithstanding the difference of their policy, had • united and cried also to the Pope the sumo exclamation, do you believe that it would not have been a great benefit for humanity in Switzerland and in Germany? Do you believe that France would not have been greater when united to England ? And Poland —what would she not have gained if you had not by the second marriage severed the union of France and England? The event of Cracow has no doubt made a painful impression on you. If the Tories had been still in power, be assured that you would have seen the three Powers uniting with them. But he who represents the Whigs is, permit me to use the expression, odious—(lnterruption)—disagreeable, if you will, to the three Continental Cabinets. Why did you not profit by that circumstance to unite your protest to that of England against the incorporations of Cracow ? As to ourselves, I hope we shall know how to fulfil our duties, and I wish with all my heart that the Queen of Spain may have heirs, and that the work you have concluded in making the Spanish marriages may become merely null—for that I be lieve to be the happiest thing I can wish to my country.— ( Applause, which lasted for a considerable time.) The Minister of Foreign Affairs—ln consequence of the lateness of the hour, and of the necessity of following the lion. Deputy through all the details of his speech, I must pray the Chamber to adjourn the debate until to-morrow. — (Cries from all points, " Yes, yes.") The Chamber accordingly rose at Five o'clock. FEBRUARY 5. The President took the Chair at two o'clock. The order of the day was the adjourned discussion on the Address (the reserved paragraph relating to the continuance of peace). All the tribunes wore crowded. The Minister of Foreign Affairs— Gentlemen, I owe to M. Thiers an act of justice, and a grateful acknowledg ment; he clearly defined and brought before you the only questions that could remain doubtful and obscure, and which are now the only subject of debate; lie also treated these questions with moderation, for whilst he filly expressed his sentiments, he did 80 in such a manner as to compromise as little as possible the great national interests at stake. I shall imitate the Hon. Gentleman in going straight to the exa mination of the points attacked, and those alone.—(Hear, hear.) I shall also employ in my defence the same frank ness and moderation as have been displayed in the attack. Even with such conditions the discussion remains grave and difficult; but it at least may be useful to the country and the Government. for both have an equal interest that light be everywhere diffused, without any destructive conflagration being the consequence.—(Hear, hear.) M. Thiers did not attack completely and unreservedly the double marriage, and the policy which led to them. He fully approved of that of the Queen with Don Francisco, to the exclusion of the other candidates ; he did not even disapprove at bottom of the marriage of the Duke de Montpensier with the Infanta, but he considered that it had been concluded precipitately and inopportunely. In his opinion the Government did wrong to urge the matter on so actively, and was wanting in a fair and respectful mode of proceeding and consideration towards a friendly Government, the result being a dangerous position for France with respect to England and Europe. There was no necessity, therefore, according to M. Thiers, to conclude the second marriage immediately; and there was a want of fairness in the manner of doing so. I shall examine this double accusation, and I shall reproach myself strongly if I descend from this tribune without having proved to you that there was a strong necessity for our conduct, and that such conduct was marked by honourable dealing._( Hear, hear,) In order to judge of that necessity. it is necessary to have a precise idea of the very different situations in which we were placed in June last, when Lord Aberdeen was in whichsobje subject employed a m power, and in July, w h en L ord Palmerston had languageexam i examining. n somewhatg. Lod r suc ceeded him. Fr om th at comparison arose the solution A or be t rten on this question different from ours. In principle he professed the greatest possible respect for the independence of Spain and of the young Queen. When any allusion was made to this prin ciple, he appeared to accede to it in the fullest sense. But on this point I said to him, " You imagine you do not in any way attack that principle in declaring that a French Prince would be seen with displeasure by England as the Queen's husband, if you think that in this you do not in any way attack the independence of Spain and of the Queen, what more could we do in acting in the same way with respect to some other candidate?" Lord Aberdeen did not completely admit this parity in the two situations. But in practice and tact there was a complete concert and accord between us. We also proclaimed the same respect, but we added to it the declaration that we could not consent that the Queen should marry any other prince than a descendant of the house of Bourbon. This was in 1843, before the interview at Eu, our way of thinking, as will appear from thefollowing dispatch which I wrote to M. de Chabot. (The Hon. Mi nister here read the document.) The English Government fully agreed to our views, as is apparent from the dispatches of Lord Aberdeen to Lord Cowley. The two Governments consequently were to act together without employing the slightest coercion, but merely by counsel and influence to get the Queen to select a descendant of Philip V. This agree ment necessarily set aside the Prince of Coburg. This is a tact which is proved by a direct act of Lord Aberdeen. When the English Minister at Madrid joined in the steps taken with the reigning Duke to demand the Prince of Co burg as a husband fur the Queen of Spain, what did Lord Aberdeen do ? He disavowed that Minister's acts. I have no right in this Chamber to make use of the letter which Lord Aberdeen wrote on this subject to the British Minister. I shall not do so but with his consent, although I have it in my portfolio. It contains the declaration that the English Minister had acted beyond his instructions, and it at the same time forbids similar conduct for the future. These, hen, I must repeat, were the two points on which the con cert was established—to recommend the descendants of Philip V., and to remove any other candidate foreign to them. What has been brought forward in opposition to facts so clear and so positive ? A letter to the Duke de Sotomayor of the 22d of June. I may remark, in the first place, that the letter in question is not an instruction given to an English agent, who acts in a particular sense—it is simply a reply to a question put by a Spanish Minister. What did Lord Aber deen declare in that letter? He maintained completely the independence of the Queen of Spain, and reminded the Spanish agent that Spain had good and powerful reasons to seek for a husband amongst the descendants of Philip V. ; he points out one candidate as preferable to the rest, he also being of the house of Bourbon, and added that, if France wished to co • nstrain the choice of Spain, the latter country might reckon on the sympathies of England. What was there in this contrary to the two points on which the con cert was established ? Positively nothing. I establish, then, that our situation with Lord Aberdeen was as I have stated ; and I may add that there never was any mention made between Lord Aberdeen and myself of the Treaty of Utrecht ; never was there a word spoken of any right ; never did Lord Aberdeen make any objection to the mar riage of the Duke de Montpensier with the Infanta.— (Hear, hear.) Such was the situation in the month of June; let us now take the month of July. Let me here be per mitted to throw aside all idea of comparison between the Whigs and the Tories with respect to the policy that France ought to follow relative to England. These distinctions have lost their value in the present day. All parties in that country are equally devoted to her interests ; all are equally animated by a friendly feeling towards France. To con vince yourselves of this you have only to glance over the debates of Parliament, and examine the speeches of all the chiefs of party in England, from the Tories to the Radicals —from Lord George Bentinck to Mr. Roebuck —all employ the same language, all eigaress the genie desire for friendly relations and good intelligence between France and England. —(Hear, hear.) Nor do I forget more than another th a t i n difficult times the Whigs were the true friends of France. I have heard more than once the most important m em b ers o f their regret that the two dis sens i ons the Whig party expressand n , land-183G and 1840—broke ou t between France under a Whig Cabin et. am certain that that regret w as t not disregard facts. Now, on the return to power sincere, but rat ofwe must Lord Palmerston, it was impossible for remember that during five years the policy of me not to particularlyhis policy towards France, was Lord Aberdeen, of condescension, of? accused in in England of feebleness , . my portfolio extracts of the nivance. I have even inring that interval, and I speeches that were delivered n u ecessary. I think I should could quote them to if had not remembered these facts, t I have been negligent not to feel distrust (I will not use offensive words) , but would be changed. It re serve, to see if the policy of Englandl was so. So much for o nes soon occurred to coin was my duty to be reserved, and the general facts. Particular mand still greater reserve. I will reduce those fa cts to two ; the dispatch of July 19, and the silence so long maint ained before replying to my letter. What thatdid dispatch con tainNas he ? In it the Prince of Coburg is named, a nd why was mentioned if he had no chance of success? The dispatch contains the decl ara tion that England had no objections to snake to a n y o f t h e can did ates named; but not a word is said of Fiance— nor a sug g e stion to Spain on the policy to be Pursued towards us. There il l then, this difference between the letter of Lord Aberdeen to the Duke de Setomayor, and Lord Palmerston's dispatch of July 19 ; that in the latter there is the Prince of Coburg the more, and a mention of France the less.—(Hear, hear.) That, then, is the differ ence between the two situations, the two policies. It is now said, Lord Palmerston ceased to support the Prince of Coburg, and admitted that the candidateship of Don Enrique was preferable. Let us see the value of this double fact. Ou the 20th of July we proposed to England to concert with us to support the candidateship of the princes, the sons of Don Francisco de Paulo, and on the 28th of August only we received a reply. I shall now point out what was done in hat interval. (The lion. Member here read the dispatches of the Count de Jarnac of the 21st and 24th of July, and the 13th of August, and continued.)-1 ask the Chamber whether these dispatches are reassuring on the subject of the can• didateship of the Prince of Coburg. In fact, it was on the 28th of August only that England spoke of Don Enrique, and of him alone to the exclusion of every other. I ask whether this was not rather late? But I take as an hypothesis, for a moment, the exclusive candidateship of Don Enrique. It was evident that the Prince had little chance of being favourably received at Madrid by the Queen, by the Queen-Mother, or by the Government. We should, therefore, have been very imprudent had we reduced our wishes to that sole candidate. Are you aware that if Don Enrique had triumphed it was a revolution? A change of policy in Spain must have ensued. The agent of England had several times written to his Go vernment that it was his conviction that Don Enrique might become the husband of the Queen by a revolution; that he might enter the palace of the Queen as a conqueror, though not as a pretender to her hand. The entry of 1)011 Enrique into the palace as a conqueror implied the destruction of our policy of Madrid. We could not accept such a combination. —( Approbation front the Centre.) I now return to the Prince of Coburg. I admit that the influence of England in no way pushed him on ; I admit that she left the question to the choice of Spain alone. I am here compelled to repeat what I have many times said, both in the Chambers and in my dispatches—the Spanish Government has always wished for one or o; her of these two marriages, either the French or the English one. She wished, after that event should have taken place, to have the support either of France or of England. The Spanish Governirent, menaced by revolu tion, was anxious to conclude the marriage. It would no longer postpone the solution of that great question ; the Queen-Mother, the Queen, and the Government—al were anxious to have it completed. The Spanish Government absolutely wishing to terminate the question, what took place? A pr o p os iti on was made to us by t h e C our t o f Madrid ; and at the time the case for us was pressing, for there danger threatened. On the 9th of August the Spanish Government proposed to us to marry the Queen to Don Francisco de Assis, on condition that the other marriage, that of the Infanta to the Duke de Montpensier, should be also agreed to. In this state of the question we should have been blind and culpable —we should have failed in our relations with Spain, to have refused that proposition ; for had we done SO, we should have thrown Spain under the influence of Eng land. I was right, then, in saying at the commencement, that there was for us a necessity, which arose from the difference of our situation with respect to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Pal merston. I consider this to be established in irrefragable evidence.-- (Approbation from the Centre.) I now arrive at the question of honourable dealing. For my part I have never ac cused the intentions or good faith of any one, but in discuss ing them have always assumed that they were only errors and faults of conduct. I have always respected and observed this rule in every situation ; the liberty and dignity of diplomatic relations and of Parliamentary discussions depend on it. Whatever, therefore, may be the conduct observed towards me, or by whom, I shall always follow this course. I protest, first of eh, against the introduction of a name which erstts N h uatri t that called a, tole sd t entnud : t m gnci e fpneer e a o nsor n r m toms it, i lee ma: ton wd b nut p e r ohs r osm o ua n v a t p an d eeea e klm. v r n—i t ex l e h d : ru : e a d e e n iqis nlnmeuaest quarter pastprfl doing rtot,ei)bihear.) iln nowgtetextually l e l y intobefo before e t he question Chamber o of gtohoed documents faith, pre sent,l always protest against such a violation of constitutional n,a e ci d :: home, ssropm a . i,o)n t enalloi yo l : fneilte n c,aeipm n acsti :hhcoo o ttaerh u diele ineied:bdi deserving suitseeswi t ersd h l:eei ,uom i sei s ann d lsl discussion. twocurrosuose g i ei o nhn n ti . language of the Government. I speak not of documents concocted after the event has taken place, and for the pun poses of defence, but of documents that passed during the conduct of the affair. The Chamber will see that everywhere, at London. at Paris, and in Spain, our proceedings have been upright and honourable, such as they ought to be between Governments that respect each other.—(Here the Hon. Minister read a long dispatch written by himself, in which he expressed surprise at the reproach made by Lord Palmers ton of a failure of procedes ; insisted on the facts which in timated, on the part of the English Government, not a policy of cordial understanding, but an isolated one ; and indicated that France might also have an isolated policy in Spain.) Such (he continued) was our conduct at London, departing in no respect from the consideration and good faith which the Government of Great Britain had a right to expect from the French Cabinet. Let us now see what were our proceed ings at Madrid. The employment of violent means, of mo ral coercion, of a consent wrung from the Queen in the mid t of an orgie, have been spoken of. A dispatch of Lord Pa s merston contains these odious accusations, and I repel thelm in the strongest manner. As soon as M. de Bresson heard of them he was profoundly moved, and hastened to deny them. (M. Guizot here read letters from M. de Bresson, protesting strongly against such allegations; he stated that ansdndi g:tyYs:ano: i d f f 1 tnatttyhhi he passed the evening of the 28th of August at home, in his house at Madrid, and that it was only on the morning of the 29th that he received a note informing him that the mar riages were settled.) The Queen adopted, therefore (con tinued M. Guizot), her resolutions in full liberty. M. de Bresson said not a word, took not a step that could influence her determination ; never did he go out of the range of com rnonplace proceedings, and whenever he obtained an audi. ence of her Majesty the doors of the Cabinet were left open. There was then no moral coercion, no cunning tricks, no vio• lence, but all was done freely. Let us now see the procedes at Paris. The Chamber will pardon me for entering into de. tails, but I desire to leave no doubt in the minds of my ad versaries. When I informed Lord Normanby that the mar riages were settled, he asked if they would both be concluded at the same time? I replied that they would not, and I was right in so replying ; for, at the moment at which I spoke, not only was nothing as yet decided, but we were labour ing at Madrid to prevent the simultaneousness of the two marriages. The Queen-Mother insisted strongly on that point, but we opposed it; and M. de Bresson wrote to me that he had had to contend a whole day against Queen Christina, and that it was with the greatest trouble that he had succeeded in maintaining in the stipulations the words action. W'e were then in the right in sayin g ia the two autant quo faire se pourrait, which . constituted our ti liberty tti of marriages would not be simultaneous, for welaboured eniilth to point, even went the length of threatening M. de Bresson had been done. At a later period, however, Vested deep a t ri o nul all that a wrote n t v, t , o h r e d m ,t that t d 0 5 1 1 e. de sp a Bresson,nish Ministers that of the an nounced to be celebrated at the same time as the reasons that the Queen. Ile recognised all the gravity of importance of Spanish Ministers put forward, namely, the regret that the marriage of the Infanta had not been necessary the Opposition was preparing its thunders, it was being par donedto hurry on the affair, or incur the risk of never nation. closing the lists against pretensions and intrigues • and as by the susceptibility and dignity of the Spanishaingave The two marriages had been agreed on; should have the marriage of the Duke de Montpeesier, we We had failed in all we owed to the Spanish Government. with Don decided on concluding the marriage of the Queen ll ,_ vin . 1 g that up to all the chances and all the uncertaiinftiweseoffhe future Francisco de Assis ; we could no longer resist tio w , i . ll had of the Duke de Montpensier with the Infanta, 1 , c se our faith been the condition for the first, without breal;junro and deceiving the confidence reposed in us. . the Ambassa dor pointed out to us incontestable dangers in d n e o l a t y i o n n g ly in marriage of the Infanta ; we were pledged It neousness of honour, but also in policy, to agree to the simultaneousness bassador Spanish Cabinet might go out of office. Our d to the mea the marriages ; we had still many shoals to a rgid ; the every day became more urgent, and we agree sure. Just as much as I was right on the + 5 - t take place tember in saying that the marriages would no tember, on at the same time, so was I right, on the 4th of S i e s P true that I deciding that they should be simultaneous. but It I should did not inform Lord Normanby of it ; I think... in re have if, pe have been wanting in the most common prudence,, i sea Lord sence of a declared and active opposition, I " I;aAfrgatiOn.) 1 Palmerston time to prepare his weapons.—. o, ish Arnbas now arrive at the second dispatch of the ' EniConversations sador, dated the 25th of September, and to the v remarks i r and 2d of Sep which I had with him. I have a few preliminarybenour to call to offer. When an ambassador does me the truth, but on me and to ask me questions, it is not to that I submit ; I am in such a case bound to tn _ have to only reply so far as sults the interest of Y c on that I have (Applause from the Centre) Another observe i in ordertmo to make, is that I cannot admit the accounts of as an autlaen tion sent by an Ambassador to his Government In order to simplify tic and unobjectionable document., _ bmsa aor en the question, I will say that the English to; he came otine tamed the same opinion on this point, 0 me his dispatch on the 2d of September to communicate t 0 m an exact ac of the Ist, and to ask whether he had render onsidered that count of our conversation. The Ambassador scuthenticity and a dispatch could not acquire a character of The Ambassador of irrefragability until after this proof to the a n itob i f n ea te c r o ro n g v a e t r o sa r y Aambassador sup , I pointed out an omission which the ts which, on my Cebasamrbigerh,t by y n plied. Gentlemen, in the to n ocumen p make üblic A I imp gic e i i i part, I considered it proper r carefully withhel_vaiell w Cham rhemisarokpiinngin, great reserve on myself.nt,baatndwlbewnililtps.r,ovses or un,ertainty. . . th had a character of personality d itself of this by examining e ber may have convince laid before it. In this rs which have been , Web I consider as strictly documents I only read those w cussion, also, incontestable. I do not wish to reproach any necessary and allowed to say, that if the English ( be )r - h t o h wi an to me the honour of showing me hi s d done me . 25, as he did that of the 22d, I should • tch of September perhaps better, than he has made dope otherwise, and p have spoken . i and laughter.) On the 25th of Sep me . was completely changed ; the me speak. of affairs tember the state brought me the protest of his Govern ...sin, announcing to me that, in fact, of the Duke de Mont pensier—a the marriage moot against _,_,,,, E n gland would do everything in protest preventannouncintuei. that marriage. I received dispatches wahnytthingn that ee at the same time from Spain, ,ai , Ambassadornne had to accomplish that end. I saw a rat home and abroad against the solution reat effort made . to. I saw and felt myself—and the not British h in b g u A t w it a t l b s Ambassador which we had fee d b t to use is not intended to offend a ou expression that In amyself in the presence of an adversary.-- her power to any one--I felt my self obliged to say nothing but what (Sensation.) I felttail:smug:our n , e , Here, then, is the second question, might injure my ca t at rest, and as completely cleared that of good faith, Se s ef d r O i n n e n fr o o t m hin s g ay b i u n t g was true, but at Madrid, at London, and at Paris, as the question of e up I . a sve ought sity. We have double question, then, is resol 1 to have done. This . vec by poesible it was ini • for us to conclude the proof that marriages without the other one of the t good faith had h r and by the demonstration h e a took into serious een scrupu lously respected. W • we had consideration the engagements into whichentered, but we looked arose. A second also to the necessity which question now remains, more important than the first; but I shall be brief consequences that the solution • upon it. I allude to the given to the Spanish marriages may produce on our situation in ( lear, hear.) I ' Spain, in England, in Europe.— do not deny the contrary, the gravity of the situation ; on I ; wish that the Chamber and the country may perfectly understand it. Grave situations create wise conduct, and wise conduct decides grave situations.—(Hear.) I repeat, then, that I will say no thing that can have the effect of lessening the gravity of the situation; so far from it, I cou ld des ire that my word s s h ould make the Chamber more alive to it. But, at the same time, it must not be represented as graver or more complex than it really is. 111. Thiers has perfectly defined the situation that we ought to maintain with respect to Spain. We have nothing to ask, nothing to desire from her, but a friendly P If there be in that country a Government friendly to France, we desire nothing else; it is not true to say that we have made ourselves the patrons of a party. The Cham ber will see the proofs of that in dispatches which I w rote in 1843 and 1844 On the fall of the R egency of Espartero by the union of the Moderado party w i t h a portion of the Progressistas, I wrote to recommend to Spain union and con ciliation, and condemned everything approaching to party rancoar. (The Honourable Minister read a dispatch that he had written to that effect.) We had n o t th e false idea of making ourselves the followers of a party, but it is true that we have been faithful to our friends. We would not hesi tate again to act in the same manner. What has been the consequence? That France and Spain have concluded a great act—have contracted new ties. I do not exaggerate the value of family- unions; but when the interests of two countries are identical, the marriages of princes have a powerful effect in drawing closer their connexion. And in that lies the importance that I attach to these marriages. Do not believe the grave error which becomes day after day more credited, that relations between nations result only from material influences, and nothing of interest, when the truth is that personal sentiments play a grand part in them. Policy is founded on the sentiments, on the instincts, on the wants of the soul ; and this mechanical system to which it is at present desired to reduce the life of societies is false, and to be deprecated.—(Bear, hear.) We are evi dently in a better situation with respect to Spain than we were before the marriages. 1 hese marriages were contracted freely, and the elections that took place afterwards in Spain were also made in full liberty. At the present moment the Spanish Cabinet is undergoing a change. But does not that completely prove the independence of Spain—the free play of her institutions? Yes; the .Ministry which concluded the marriage gives up its place to another; but is that a re action against us? No; for one of the principal members of the new Cabinet was the reporter on the marriages in the Cortes. There is no anti-French movement—there is free play of institutions—that is all, and our policy sustains no injury ! Such is our position with respect to Spain. A word on England. Deceive not yourselves, the interests, the in stincts, the causes of action which induced England and France to desire to live well together, in spite of so many circumstances incessantly arising in opposition to harmony, are so powerful that they will surmount passing dissensions. England believes that what has occurred is injurious to the liberty and the foreign policy of Spain. 1 trust to time to nrove to England that there may be good relations between France and Spain, without dependence on the part of the latter country. England believes herself to be threatened in the Mediterranean. This is a serious error. When the treaty of Utrecht was concluded, the influence of England in the Mediterranean was not what it is at present. That treaty gave Gibraltar to England, but then she had not yet Malta, on the other side. Fes the last hundred years the equili brium of the treaty of Utrecht has been always broken for the benefit of England and to our detriment. The posses sion of Algeria, and the good intelligence between France and Spain, are at the most but a compensation for what England has acquired. lam very far from regarding the Mediter ranean as a French lake. That is one of those unfortunate expressions calculated to cause difficulties between nations. The Mediterranean neither is nor can be a French lake; but it possesses too much importance for France fur her not to watch with much solici+ude on all the changes that may take place in that quarter. I repeat, that for a hundred years all those changes have been to our detriment. The uneasiness of England is unjust and erroneous. Facts will, before long, demonstrate this, and will prove the justice of the conside rations which I submit to the Chamber. I begin to feel I fatigued, and I shall in consequence be very brief in my remarks on Continental Europe. As to the three great Powers, their conduct and their attitude with regard to the question of Spain have given us no sign of complaint. They have not adhered to the policy of England, notwith standing that solicitations have been made to induce them to do so. Only—do not deceive yourselves—these solicita tions will be probably confirmed, and fresh efforts will be made. If the King's Government guards well the position it has taken—if it continues the policy of preserving European order without abandoning anything of the prin ciples in accordance with the revolution of July—do not fear that the great Powers will engage themselves against us. You cannot reckon on their sympathy, but you may on their prudence, their intelligence, and on their well understood interests.—(Sensation.) They have proved this to you for the last sixteen years, and they will continue to prove it if you do not depart from the line of policy which is our own. A last word on the secondary Powers to whom M. Thiess alluded en passant yesterday, and who must be taken seriously into account. Will you allow me to say what has happened to them in this affair of the Spanish marriages? When the secondary Powers do not fear _France has a revo lutionary and conquering Power, they are well disposed to wards her, and desire to see her strong. I venture to say that they have not now any apprehensions from her.— (Laughter on the left.) And I congratulate myself on it for the interest of my country; for, be assured, that on the day when France shall no longer be regarded as a revolutionary and a conquering Power, her strength already so great will be considerably increased. The secondary Powers have seen in the affair of the Spanish marriages a proof of the strength and of the independence of our policy. They have all declared this opinion. Gentlemen, the affair of the Spanish marriages is the first grand thing that we have effected completely single-handed in Europe since 1830. (Sensation.) Impartial Europe has delivered her judgment to that effect. Be assured that this event has strengthened us in Spain and given us strength in Europe, particularly in the ideas of the secondary Powers, who witness with joy the success of our policy. Let us not, then, depart from the line of policy which I have traced out ; with Spain, good relations and common interests; with England, good con duct and sentiments of kindness; with the continental Powers, provided you persevere in the policy of Conserva tism.—(Leud interruption on the left.) If it is necessary every instant to recommence the struggles which we have sustained in this Chamber; if it be again necessary to prove that the policy of order and Conservatism isnot one of abase ment, but that it has increased and honoured the name of France in Europe—(Approbation in the centre, murmurs on the left)—discussion is no longer possible. NN e must start from points already settled—results obtained by our discus sions here during the last seventeen years. No; this policy of order and of Conservatism has not humbled France, but it has elevated her, has doubled her influence, and has made her name respected in Europe. And, if that policy had not been followed, we should not have been in a state to have resolved the question of the Spanish marriages; or, rather, the decision would have been against us.—(Loud marks of approbation, followed by great agitation.) The sitting was suspended for a quarter of an hour. M. Billault-e-The Minister for Foreign Affairs was right when he said that wise conduct arranges difficult situations; but he ought to have added that it foresees them also. The discussion yesterday showed the great gravity of the present situation ; that of this day has not diminished that gravity, and we are on the eve of again seeing iu Europe four Powers against us. During 17 years the great difficulty of our policy has been that eventuality, and we have already en countered it on more than one occasion. The task of a great Government is to triumph over difficulties, to seek new combinations which assure at the same time the liberty and the security of the country. But though we have had this difficult problem before us for more than seventeen years, I demand if 2 single step has been made towards its solution? Have the embarrassments of 184 f) prevented a new cloud from arising in 1846 and 1847? The Government has never dared to grapple boldly with the difficulty-; but successive palliatives have been employed, sometimes towards one Power, sometimes towards another. Such conduct is not worthy of a great people; it is perilous to a Government; and it is important to ascertain this day how the danger may be conjured away. For seventeen years the three Powers have entertained the same sentiments towards you; a t h ff e a y i rs h o a f ve th b e ee e n as t t l , le an sa d me in the affair in other r quesquestions.s. Belgium, Reeeut in, th e a too, te you found them in this Cracow business' offensive in what inataGinovgeorond ituheenyt,d,,ai h , i a e h n d f o i r n s t e h v e e u n t s e a e n u n y e r e a o r f s h d as oin s g ou i g t. ht t l o 'h ut u a s relations with all, has seen the treaties of 1815 torn to pieces before its eyes. Daring that period England has created for herself a marvellous position ; each day she profits by our difficulties with Europe, and menaces us. The Minister for Foreign Affairs has told us that reiterated efforts would be made against us among the continental Powers. What is the reason, then, of this difficulty with respect to the con tinent and England ? Between the continent and ourselves there are no reasons which prevent an alliance. Russia, for her interests, has more reason to dread England than France. With Austria also we have no commercial rivalry, Prussia, by her geographical position, and the spirit of her people, ap proaches nearer and nearer to us every day ; but she dreads the spirit of conquest, by whi c h s h e supposes us animated. The northern Powers are w e ll aware that the France cf the present day does not posses s th e sp i rit of conquest felt by protestgenerations, against but s such it e h is ed anbaesoccucteihu)spssoaabsrtyiyi supposition, accusation noir., and them t oto destroygu ard appearances with the n at i ons which they govern. It is calumnies. At the commencement of this discussion same e d id to ea r s em ex ov pr e es t s h e of od p i e i r ie p n et ß ut . t a t r i r n o g t hlitt p i r ,ir e eoae c susrne e e,dt d he i ta n eol g . amongst us that spi r i t o f conquest, and I was happy to nd t tl eaorpaFi declaration, oiaonnn, it is that is Ao amtnopcoetr the e s n c a sep n ti i hr i animated t of fdh those s N i v be i e t v,r h ,to:s t the ts hspiritdependsreo s and by M. Thiers. — (Murnaurs.) When, after seventeen years, the Government has done everything to destroy conquest, and the whole opposition here snakes the same sound beyond the Rhine, and that it should be clearly' understood that those who make the accusation calum niate no one in this assembly to stop its development—it extends every day beyond our frontiers —it works an effect throughout Germany which no power can arrest. This progress of the spirit of liberty is the law of the world, and far from being an obstacle it will soon be a bond between those people and ourselves. The Minister of Foreign Affairs has just told us that, by continuing our general policy—that moderation and spirit of Con servatism which the Government has constantly followed —all difficulties will disappear. For 17 yea we have practised that moderate policy, and such has rs not been the result. (Murmurs and marks of approbation.) France, by her position, cannot abdicate the part which she has performed in Europe. Whenever you have made a special concession to the northern Powers you have not solved the difficulty, you have only postponed it. The situation of affairs is ruled by a necessity which escapes your power ; but furtunately the evil carries with it its own remedy. What will beat secure the future welfare of our country is to break the union of the three northern Powers in the point of view of the liberty of their people. For some time Germany has evinced strong consti tutional tendencies, and from the day when the Prussian nation shall have a constitutional Government, the alliance of the three Powers will be destroyed. I know that our part is not to combat, but to aid, support, and to en courage. There is a remarkable movement now going on in the world ; the smaller Powers display uneasiness at the attitude taken by the great ones. Look at what is passing in Sweden and en the banks of the Rhine. the English alliance, was in a former sitting pointed out as the remedy for the present state of affairs, and it is to this remark that I would more particularly call the at tention of the Chamber. Were it a sincere and serious alliance with England, we should heartily applaud it ; but the question is to know what price we should be re quired to pay for it. Do you imagine that the fall of any po litical personage from power would consolidate our relations chased at the with the British Government? Do you not rather believe that a good understanding with England must be re-pur know by im portant to our country and the Chamber to have been what conduct we may avoid the dangers . which support in Europe. Is it by pointed out, and find a sure we shall re-enter into concessions in words or in deeds that price of fresh concessions? What it is fwe want to effect our must do something represented, we price shall we purchase it ? reconciliation. At what But that is not what ought (Murmurs from the centre.) re-enter the English attention, for to most to excite our great difficulty which separates alliance is not to resolve the the English alliance? If the facts are . as grave as they are aid us to establish a good under standingbelieve that England will ts of the North, when, during with the Cabine ts _ ein different to ours, she as seventeen years, her interes b compelled us to purchase her co operation,turned tewards them, and onsething from the three Powers whilst to obtain s intimate union with us ? Is it promulgated a more she has pure liberality a position that us from continental Europe, but to adjourn it. Do,you likely she will abandon from enables recognised the revolution of 1830, but her England having lculation to create distrust between doing so was a simple „ers,which during the Restoration France and the Northern () terms as to lessen her ascendancy. had been on such friendly s the cause is that the recognition The proof that such G wa-ernment. At a later period, in the de by a Tory os did England either in was ma the English alliance, heroic times of Portugal, sustain a liberal and generous her so to act? A great deal has been said about Belgium, Spain, or pmaterial interests did not suffer from it? vvo l e icy , when her then, again enter into the English alliance with out sacr ifi ce s. But is that alliance incispensable to us? M. Thiess and M. Guizot, whohave carried it out, have not be the lien. Deputy read extracts frQui the L ove d that. (Here cannot, speeches of those statesmen to prove that assertion.) The attitude of England is such that you have nothing serious or stable to expect from it, and yet you will r,!commence a third time what you have already proved twice. If that is what the alliance promises, why return to it? Why not maintain our independence with good relations? Do yon believe that it will suffice to be friendly and circumspect to wards foreign Powers. You will not advance your affairs in that way. Seek not, then, an alliance with England; seek not alliances with the Northern Powers. But be certain that you cannot find any better auxiliaries than the generous ideas that ferment among nations. In that is strength, in that is the future! But you will be alone, you are told. Yes, if you call it being alone to have all gene rous sympathies with you! In conclusion, I will call to mind a fact. One day it was desired to place France apart, or rather, to treat her as if she no longer existed—it was the day of the treaty of Vienna. But, it was thought that nothing could be stable without her, and she was called in. Do you believe that the Powers of Europe will dare refuse to the France so powerful by her strength of cohesion, and by the sympathies of nations, what they spontaneously offered to the France of the conquered empire? We fear it not. I will only add, that I have not endeavoured to arouse the passions of the Chamber; I have only sought to expose to it some useful ideas, and I believe I have done that. On the demand of M. Berryer the debate was adjourned to the next day. The Chamber rose at a quarter to six o'clock. FOOD DISTURBANCES IN THE NORTH. (From the Inverness Courier.) Within the last fortnight, we are sorry to say that the usually peaceable districts of the north have, at least in the towns and villages, been disturbed by riots and ex citements of a very disagreeable nature. Speculation in the south has increased the price of gram to a very grievous extent, an I that increase, with the fact of daily shipments being made, has very generally alarmed the least informed classes on the shores of the whole northern counties, In Banff, Moray, and Ross, there have been riotous demonstrations to induce dealers ' to keep the corn at home. While we regret that such a spirit should be manifested, we are afraid that the blame does not always rest with •the crowd. In Macduff, for instance, it is complained that, before the rioting—and when the extensive shipments and rising prices had alarmed the people lest all the grain in Banffshire should be carried off—a portion of the in habitants offered money or security for a certain quan tity of meal to supply themselves, and were refused. In Evanton (Ross-shire) also, meal in such quantities as working men could afford to buy was not to be had. The demand, in short, for large quantities was so great, that the retail market was not cared for. We are glad, how ever, to understand that the dealers themselves are now anxious to keep at least the oat crop in the districts. In Caithness, we mentioned some time ago, that the mer chants were refusing orders; and one of them, Mr. D. Mackay, Thurso, has, we are informed, refused to enter into contracts for no less than 18,000 quarters, supply ing only some ten or eleven hundred quarters for meal and seed to Lewis and Skye, these districts being, when the shipments were made, in a destitute condition. At a meeting of the principal merchants and proprietors of Morayshire, held at Elgin on Friday last, the dealers pledged themselves that sufficient grain for the wants of the community would be retained in the county. A similar feeling, we believe, is general. The great question is, what is the amount of food in the country? It is confidently stated that there never was a time when there need be less fear of :amine. In tht shipping ports of tee south, granaries are choked full. In Morayshire, Sir John Macpherson Grant, in a letter to the Elgin meeting, states that there is abundance for the local wants and to spare for the destitute. Of oats the quality was unusually good, and the crop in many instances a third more than in ordinary years. Sir John says, that he, for one, had given orders that none of his grain should be sold out to any person for the southern markets. Another letter, from an extensive dealer, to the same meeting, stated that three-fourths of the oats. two-thirds of the wheat, and a large quantity of the bar ley, were still in the farmers' hands. Other proprietors, we know, have acted as Sir John M. Grant has done; and if a little fellow-feeling is shown by the merchants in the vill:,ges, in retailing such quantities as the people can afford to buy, there will be no disturbance. Riot has been prevented in Nairn, Forres, and other places, the authorities having kindly taken steps to insure meal being sold out at a reasonable rate—the difference be tween such a rate and the market prices being paid by subscription. High prices are no doubt to be expected this season; but speculation has unduly increased the rates, and we expect that lower prices will soon prevail. INVERNESS.—On .Monday the disposition to riot mani fested itself here. For some time back, we learn that a difficulty of obtaining meal in small quantities was felt, the retailers, especially in the Merkinch, finding it out of their power to purchase or sell with profit, from the greatly increased price. The principalidealers, however, had stocks on hand, and sold meal to all who came at 17d. per peck—a rise of a penny having taken place a few days ago. The magistrates, further, had on Satur day arranged with the dealers that they should sell meal in the smallest quantities to all who wished. The diffi culty, however, of getting timely supplies, and the prospect held out by the sellers that prices would soon be higher, excited the poorer population of the town; and as the Morayshire, a Leith trader, was lying in the harbour to take in grain, they determined to prevent the shipment, under the impression that such a manifes tation would induce the merchants to lower the price of meal. About eight o'clock in the morning the dis turbance commenced, and five carts with grain, from Bunchrew, were turned at the harbour. From that time to mid-day, the mob keeping watch, various attempts to ship were frustrated ; and about one o'clock un attack was made upon the house of a meal-dealer, and the windows broken. The mob consisted solely of boys, but a number of women were eager in encouraging them. From Kessock-street the party proceeded round the town, visiting the various dealers, and throwing stones at their windows—attacking also the stores of those small retailers who only sold out as they bought in, and some of whom had not a boll on hand. While assaulting a store at the shore, the sheriff and the magistrates came down unaccompanied, and the mob retreated to the other side of the water. About five o'clock, five carts, with grain, were turned on the new bridge, and in an hour afterwards, the driver of a cart having, at Clachnaharry, demurred to obeying the mob, they threw out the barley sacks, unyoked the horse, brought the vehicle to the now bridge, and there pitched it into the river. About eight o'clock a considerable crowd assembled at Castle-street, but on being remonstrated with they dispersed ; at nine a second attack was made on the wooden store at the quay. The lock was forced, and some meal strewn on the floor. An outside stair, loading to a loft, was also destroyed. The magistrates, however, arrived, and put an end to the assault. No further disturbance occurred. In the afternoon the: Town Council held a meeting, and at seven o'clock the fire brigade, and a number of others, sworn in as con stables, assembled in the Town. hall. The pensioners, also, were called together, but as no disturbance took place, and all seemed quiet, they were dismissed about midnight. To-day (Tuesday) no disposition to repeat these unfortunate excesses had been shown, and all is quiet. The committee for managing the local subscrip tion here has opened a meal store at the Shore, which promises to be highly useful. A soup kitchen has also been established, and other measures of relief adopted. GRANTOWN.—The authorities have succeeded in re storing peace at Grantown. Two apprehensions were made—one for rioting and the other for deforcing the officers. The prisoners have been sent to Inverness. EVANTON (ROSS-SHIRE.)—On Thursday two or three hundred persons assembled at Fowlis Point, from Evan ton and the neighbourhood, to prevent the shipment of grain for the south. A few days previously several ear -1 goes of barley had been dispatched, and a vessel was ex pected on the day in question, and the crowd expressed themselves strongly to the effect that they would allow no grain to be put into her. The expected ship not making her appearance, a fire was kindled on the beach, where a great number of people stayed all night. Next day five carts of grain were met near the Waterloo, and turned. On Saturday, the sheriff proceeded to the Point to expostulate with the people. The vessel had now arrived, but the result of the proceedings was, that the vessel sailed again without any grain. No person was injured in this outbreak ; and when the object was accomplished the band marched back to Evanton with flags and a piper, and quietly dispersed. The people ap peared to have only acted from necessity, in a manner, because, for a length of time, they had had no meal of their own, and at the mills they were refused, it is said, even a handful for money. Eumt.—ln Elgin considerable excitement prevailed during the week on the subject of the supply of food. On Tuesday evening the younger portion of the popula tion paraded the streets, and made demonstrations befor, the doors of the principal grain merchants. On Wed nesday the sheriff and magistrates issued a notice that measures were being taken to secure to the populace an abundant supply of meal. That measure, fortunately, had the desired effect ; though the officials deemed it prudent to secure the services of a detachment of mili tary from Fort George, in case of an emergency. A meeting of the proprietors and corn-dealers was held on Friday forenoon, in the Court-house, at the request of Sheriff Cameron, for the purpose of allaying apprehen sion by giving an assurance that there was abundance of grain in the county. Admiral Duff took the chair ; and we learn, by a second edition of the Elgin Courant, that the meeting was numerously attended, and that resolutions to the following effect were agreed to Ist. That the meeting, having the best means of knowing, were perfectly satisfied that the alarm o scarcity as regards Morayshire is altogether groundless' —2d. That the meeting were convinced that the farm ers and shippers have no intention of shipping more grain than will fulfil a few small contracts, while seve ral extensive growers present expressed a determination not to sell oats for exportation.-3d. That while they could not fix the price of grain; the meeting —4th. Would open a subscription for laying in a store of meal to be applied to the use of the really deserving.-sth. That the lawless conduct complained of had the effect of preventing a ready supply of meal in a few districts, producing the distress complained of. At the meeting a letter was read from Sir John Macpherson Grant, of Ballindalloch, and one from the factor to the Earl of Moray, recommending the retention of the oat crop— but the oat crop only—in the county, as it was amply sufficient for the wants of the county. NAIRN.—On Thursday last a circular was issued, set ting forth that the Lord-Lieutenant, Sheriff-Substitute, and Provost, finding that it had become almost impos sible for the poorer classes in this district, even when provided with money, to get meal in pecks and ha lf pecks, met on that day, and o r i g i nated a subscription for the establiebment of a " T,wn an, Count Comae th R• people da'ring ‘ Store," for the accommodati on o f the next three or six months. S uc h an institution, it was be'-' lieved, would have a salutary effect up onprices, an d avert consequences from a wide -spread though unfounded, fear of scarcity. A sum o f 1191. wrnasimm immediately subscribed. and Mr. It. Anderson, cor n - erchant, at once sold to the committee seventy quarters of oats, stored for ship meat, at current prices. The meal -store was opened on Saturday last, and has already had the effect of prevent ing a rise of twopence on the peck of meal. On the Wednesday previous sumo thoughtless boys attempted to stone a corn-deAer, some inflammatory placards having been posted early in the morning. By the prompt interference of the sheriff substitute, and instantaneous apprehension of one of the offender; the emeute was checked in the bud. FORRES.—The judicious measures of the magistrates have allayed excitement here. The Provost having summoned a Council meeting, recommended that 200 bolls of oatmeal should in the meantime be purchased, and sold to the working classess in small quantities at 16d. per peck, the difference betwixt the cost price (325.) and the selling price t o b e ma d e u p by p u blic voluntar y subscription, and he proposed that the list be headed by a subscription from the town of 201. Each of the ma gistrates followed, as well as every member of. Council, with sums varying from a guinea to five guineas. The town was divided into districts, the Magistrates and Council canvassed these districts for subscriptions, and have already realised upwards of 350/., and in a few days exp( ct to raise as much as will suffice to keep the workin g inhabitants in meal, at the low price mentioned, till harvest. The plan adopted is the most judicious which could be devised, and the worthy Provost and his zealous colleagues are deserving the highest praise for the energetic and generous manner in which they have carried forward this measure for the relief of their des titute fellow. townspeople. B ITIZG !LEAD. —S evera l riots have taken place here during the week. On Tuesday, the Ceres loading meal for Leith, was attacked, and her cargo re-landed. On Wednesday,. the fisherm en f rom Il opeman and Cure rrungcton arrived in great numbers, and attacked an other vessel loading ink al, rt , landrd her cargo also, and lodged it in the granary. The authorities from Elgin, with a force of special constables, apprehended three of the ringleaders on the l a tt er day, and lodged them in the Grant Arms Inn, the windows of which were im mediately demolished by the crowd. The Sheriff having remonstrated with the people, the prisoners were liberated. The fishing has not been prosecuted since these disturbances commenced. LossmmouTH.—On Wednesday, several carts laden with oats arrived in the village, and were immediately surrounded by a mob, who escorted them to the store house, and after seeng the grain safely deposited there, locked the door, and carried off the key. FINDRORN.—On Tuesday, four carts with grain for shipment at Findhorn were stopped by the people, and taken back to Forres. On Wednesday, a quantity of meal and flour for the south was also seized. FOCHABERS.—AII along the coast the fishermen are labouring under the utmost excitement. On Wednesday the fishermen of Kingston (Garmouth), Port-Gordon, and Buckie, marched with flags to Fochabers, to demand from Mr. Balmer, commissioner to the Duke of Rich mond, an unlimited supply of meal at 20s. a boll, threatening to raze his house. After some time spent in consultation, they returned to their homes, under the impression that their wants would be fulfilled. FRASERBURGH.—The report brought to town by private letter last week, that a meal-dealer had been murdered at Fraserburgh, has not been confirmed ; and we are happy to say that the riot was not of the deadly kind supposed. The authorities, in consequence of the turbulent spirit manifested, thought it prudent to send to Aberdeen for a party of soldiers. A portion of the 76th regiment were, accordingly, dispatched on Satur nay in coaches ; but the efforts of the magistrates to prevoia an outbrak being suevessfui, t o party was met sn th. , road by an express to that effect, and the vehicles were immediately turned. MACDIIEF.—On the 15th ult. a mob barricaded the quays, and prevented a number of carts from discharging meal into a schooner—the Deveron—and another small vessel. They also stripped the ship's sails to pre vent them leaving port. On Monday, the magistrates took measures to supply the labouring classes with meal at prices to suit their circumstances, whenithe inhabit ants themselves r emove d t h e b arriers on the quays and retired peaceably to their homes. A dealer has offered 500 bolls of meal to the working classes at 24s a boll. The Earl of Five, and the Five Trustees have offered to open their stores. HERRING TRADE. The Commissioners of Supply for the county of Banff have transmitted a memorial to Government, to obtain the admission of British cured herrings into the con tinental markets on the same terms as those cured in Holland, &c. A more extensive field for our herring trade is much required abroad, and if such an outlet be not secured to this important branch of our native industry many thousands of our population will be thrown out of employment. In Banffshire alone 800 boats and about 8,000 persons are employed in the several departments of the herring trade. Some of the ci rcumstances stated by th e memorialists are interesting :—" In 1810 the total cure of herrings was 90,000, it now exceeded 60,000 barrels, on an average, yearly. The failure in the potato crop, for the last two years, has exercised a most depressing influence on the price of herrings in the home markets, causing a very great diminution in their consumption ; so much so, that it is consistent with the knowledge of your memorialists, that a great quantity of crown branded full herrings, the produce of this season's catch, remains on hand at the present time in the Irish markets, unsaleable at a proportionate rate to the value of other provisions, or, where forced off, not yielding over 95. per barrel—not half the actual cost of the barrel of cured fi s h as i t l eaves the curer ' s hand—a sacrifice of property ruinous to those embarked in the trade ; and, with a recurrence of the potato failure, your memoria lists are fully aware th at a most mater i al decline in this branch of our native industry must in consequence ensue—save an increased demand can be created abroad for the cured fish. Looking at the continent of Eu rope, your memorialists find that Prussia and the Ger man states are, in a m anner , th e only countries open for the import of British cured herring at moderat e duties (Prussia, 35.) ; R uss i a , w h ose population is very fond of salted herrings, and on which we have strong claims for reciprocity in trade, would consume enormously, were our h errings admissible im a parity of duty with those of Norway, on which it amounts to is. 2d. per barrel, while the rate leviable on Bri tish cured amounts to 4s. and 4s. 6d. per barrel, accord tog to the rate of exchange. Your memorialists can not omit stating that in consequence of this differential duty, not more than 2,000 to 3,000 barrels British cured herrings find their way into the Russian markets, being at the same time well assured, that our fine and carefully cured herrings, in comparison with the coarse winter herrings of Norway, would, at an equal, or more mode rate duty, find unlimited consumption amongst the po pulation of the vast empire in question. It is, also, in the knowledge of your memorialists, that were the present duty of 16f. exigible on British cured herrings, on importa tion into Belgium reduced to that leviable on the cure of the Dutch, viz., sf. per barrel, the country in question would annually draw large supplies of the article from the Scotch ports; whereas, under the existing differ ential duty, the Dutch fish-curers have a monopoly of the important fish-market under notice."---The mer chants, fishcurers, and others interested in the trade and fisheries of Orkney, have also memorialised the Govern ment to the same purpose. They set forth, amongst other disadvantages suffered by the enterprise of Orkney, that whereas the Norwegians have plenty of the best wood for the construction of herring-boats, at a cost little more than the price of cutting the trees, Orkney does not produce timber. The cost o f constructing ves sels is, of course, enhanced by the duty on foreign timber. Further, all the articles of foreign produce consumed by the Norwegian fishermen are imported at very low rate; while the same articles for British fishermen (such as tea) are heavily burdened. The Orkney memorialists state that the best market for cod is Spain, and that within these few years a direct trade to a considerable extent had been opened in that most important branch of the fisheries ; but that the trade has been greatly re stricted by the import dues, which are, when directly imported in a British bottom, 10/. per ton ; indirectly, 121. ; directly in a Spanish vessel, 61. 10s. ; indirectly, 81. 13s. These dues ar e cons id ere d excessive ; while herrings, by the Spanish laws, are, if British cured, altogether excluded. As a nursery for seamen, the memorialists show the northern llshings to be of im portance, for in the last war, Orkney and Shetland fur nished upward of 5,000 effective seamen for the fleet.-. Inverness Courier. NEW BISHOPRICS.—The creation of four new bishoprics for England will be proposed in addition to those already in existence. It is expected that the arrangements for the establishment and support of the new sees will not entail any additional charge on the country. The coat will be defrayed out of the surplus funds at the command of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, as far as they are available, and, perhaps, may lead to a further distribution of the revenues of the Church, and a greater approximation to an equality of the incomes and the - duties of the future bishops. Manchester will, of course, be one of the new sees, but without the necessity of destroying the see of St. Asaph, as proposed by the Act passed for that purpose, with the concurrence of the Duke of Wellington and Sir R. Peel. These appointments will make no addition to the number of spiritual peers in the House of Lords. After the increase in the number of bishops, as proposed, the four juniox: c tigise t i o s in the order of their appointment, shall not be the House of Peers until it shall come to seniority, without increasing the present__ bet of ari t ia h . their tu_rn the ment. Thus the new sees will be rep like the Bishop of Sodor and Man. representatives of the Church in the Urpesepenrtedliousine turn,of .1° and net excluded altogether, t From this arrangement the of etwo Archbishops rswtilcllbatL sees ofexempt., and perhaps London, Durham, and Winchester, may continue to keep their eeata in the Lords without being subject to the rotation as to seniority by which all future appointments in the other sees are to be regulated. This is an arrangement that will give general satisfaction. The sphere of utility and active superintendence will be increased, without any diminution of the digaity or political influence of the Church. The good understanding between political parties, and the p thei ei o c n a Im points to considera tion absence as o f a e m c c o l e s s t i f a n s v t i t c ni a r l a ol e jealousy t.nom e o n r t f s o u r s and unfactious settlement of so desireable a measure of prapctlicsaTißrEetsosrnltsatioilßLE—LOA/zDerveAr.N Sa turday atternoon, at the closing D SCOTLAND.—On ino the he British u eot ei,Association committee rooms be longing to ari hs of Ireland Sco tland , the eß a e n li d ef S of subscription list amounted to above 126,0001. Re Institu tion of the National Club for the Famine Relief Fund in Ire land and the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, up to Sa turday, had received nearly 12,0001. RUMOURED RETIREMENT Or COLONEL MIBERLY FROM THE POT-OFFICE.—On Saturday 9vening a rumour was current in the Post-office, and universally credited by the officers, that Colonel Maberly is about to retire from the Secretaryship of that establishment. Colonel Maberly was appointed to his present situation on the 29th of September, .16 3 6 . EXPENSE OF DAME CONVICTIONS.--The following motion, of which Dr. Lee, of Hartwell House, has given no tice, will be discussed at the next Bucks Quarter Sessions :-- " That all expenses incurred in the prosecution of game-law offenders shall be paid by the parties prosecuting, and not by the county ; and that the clerk of the peace be instructed to give au account of the number of persons convicted of each offences, with the expenses relating thereto, from the yen 1840 to 1846.".-Bucks gazette. 171 4 . 46 )1111 Ty, ,6 the alga' oee 0t 00 9 c hore, too 141; 0 ' 4 th e po or, O th e d, 0., able! in ' ader .Ihit 0 rd PA :vi a.r+.