The Sun. — London, England, 1840-04-04 00:00:00

EVEN ENG EDITION.' 7 r- -11-1 TA. 13- 'l-1 11 J lj i 1 - 1 " 1 SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. A\ TI-CORN-LA r DELEGATES. (THIS DAY.) The D legatas re-assembled at Brown's Hotel. There was a mat numerous attendance of Delegates, and several Members of Parliament were present. Jolts lirtooKEs, Esq., took the Chair at Three o'Clock. Mr. C onnEN , in moving the first resolution. could not h ell , giving expression to the disgust which he felt at the Conduct of a large portion of tue House of Commons, and i n doing this he felt he was not giving expression to his own opinion alone, but to that which he was certain was that of the tnajority of those who had witnessed the attempt in that House to suppress a discussion on a subject of the Most paramount importance, in a manner, he must say, most derogatory to the dignity of the assembly. Ile be lieved that those were right who had told them that it was useless to go to the House of Commons, as they had little to expect from that assembly. The great majority of that assembly had been totally inattentive to the subject. On the first nigh!, at one period, there were not above logy persons present to listen to the clear and lucid statement cf Mr. Villiers; on the second night that number was not ex. seeded until about ten o'clock, when shoals of Members, in a certain state, poured into the House to attempt to crush the debate by their interruptions. He thought it right to state that he believed the Whips were as much in fault as t h e T or i es f or t hi s . Th ey 'had little reason to be satisfied with either Whigs or Tories, and theit business lay not with the present House of Commons, but with their constituei•ts He would therefore exhort them not to look to the House of Commons at all, but to the creatures of that House—(Cheers) —acrd until some alte ration was p ro d uce d i n t h at Home they could never hope for justice. He would conclude by proposing the follow ing resolution:— " That the efforts of the Deputies to obtain a vote of the House o f C ommons on t h e quest i on o f the Corn-laws having been most unexpectedly thwarted by the success ot. the odebate ur oppone Mr. on nts, in Villi pre ersm' sature motioly putting an end to h w.t_out any di vision on the merits of the question, it is expedient to re quest Mr. Villiers to bring the subject again before the House as early after the Easter recess as preisible." Mr. TAYLOR, in seconding the motion of Air. Cobden, could not help giving a decided expression to the strong feel ing,of disgust he experieneed when he considered the at tempts that had been made to suppress the discussion in the House of Commons.—( Cheers.) The only course had b een adopted which could have been adopted under the ci rcumstances. Their opponents were desirous of effect ing a division and stopping the debate. After Sir Robert Peel had given utterance to his usual soph:strit s and fal lacies, in order that they might produce an_ effect upon the Public! mi n d, by t h e course a d opte d by Mr. Warburton ;his had been frustrated. Ile had no doubt they would nave wished to put an end to the question ; no doubt they wishei to put an end to the effects produced by the exhi bition or the League of the poverty and the destitu tion of the country; and they w ould have been happy to have dulled the: public car to this subject for the next 12 moths. He had one subject of congratulation, and that was that the landed interest of the country, though ever so cold and selfish, had limits to their power, and their limits were in the privileges of the people: In Ireland the Middle and the labouring classes had no control over the landlords; but in Ergiand the case was dif ferent, and were it not so he firmly believed that they should witness such scenes as the oppression of tenantry exhibited in Ireland. The interests of the aristocracy of this country were fortunately mixed up with rhos. of the i ndustrious classes, and he believed no other circumstance could secure them against the iniquities which they would Otherwise see perpetrated.—( Hear, hear.) He felt great pleasure in seconding the resolution. The resolution was :hen put, and agreed to. FALLACIES OF SIR ROBERT PEEL'S SPEECH. Mr. BAINES, jun., came forward to propose the second r esolution. He wished to take the opportunity of making a few observations on the speech delivered last night by Sir Robert Peel, in the House of Commons.—( Hear, hear.) That speech was replete with fallacies, which he did not Wish to let pass unnoticed. Sir Robert Peel, in the course of that speech, divided the grounds on which it was !ought to justify a repeal of the Corn-laws, into three ' l eads. The first was, that the Corn-laws were the cause of the derangements in the currency ; the second was the effect of these laws in producing great fluctuations in the prices of corn ; and the third was, the distress prevailing among the manufacturing classes, which was proved by the present state of the country. With regard to two of these grounds, he felt anxious to offer a few remarks on the speech of Sir Robert Peel. He was persuaded that the Corn -laws were the main:cause of the derangements in the Currency. It was important to Sir Robert Peel to P r ove that the Corn-laws were not the cause of these derangements, and his way of accomplishing that object was a very remarkable one. The Pre sident of the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester, Mr. Smith, bad taken a part upon the subject of the Bank as to the currency, and had published a Report / ; I .P°' l the question. Sir Robert Peel had that Report in " 1 5 hand. Now the Right Hon. Baronet's object was to convict Mr. Smith of having ascribed the great derange. ent o f the currency, not to the operation of the Corn law• s, but to a totally distinct cause—the conduct of the olt of England—thinking that, could he succeed in so "ttd oi• ng, he should of course exonerate the Corn-laws from h aving been the cause of the disaster which had occurred. The course he bad taken was pecul'ar: he said "he wanted to show the gentlemen who professed an opinion that the evil was exclusively to be assigned to the operation of the Cern-laws, that the chief agitators against these laws assigned a perf ect ly diff erent an d di st i nct cause " —an d then the Right Hon. Baronet proceeded to quote, not What Mr. Smith bad said, but the summary by Mr. Jones Lloyd of what Mr. Smith bad stated—and the reason why Sir Robert had done this would soon appear.—(Hear.) Mr. Jones Lloyd, giving his account of what Mr. Smith stated, said—" The depression in trade which has occurred since 1835, especially the events of 1838 and 1839, are to be attributed entirely to the mismanagement of the circula tion." Let it be remembered that this was not what Mr. Smith bad said, but what Mr. Jones Lloyd stated Mr. Smith to have said, and Sir Robert did not read the from the Report of Mr. Smith, which he had in his passag e i:ndat the time, but he (Mr. Baines) would read it ; it was as follows :—Mr. Smith said, in the Report of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce—" Ia August, 1838, the prevalence of wet weather led to a general belief that the harvest would be deficient, and that a large importation of corn would be the result." The paper announced that foreign exchanges had fallen, in consequence of the great manaber of bills remitted to the continent, in payment for grain. The Funds declined from the same cause. In September the average price of wheat reached 735. a quarter, and the duty Jolting tv one shilling, it was per ceived that a large amount of gold would be required to Day for the corn. But under a natural state of trade no drain for specie:would occur in payment fur grain, any more than it did for tea or silk. The Corn-laws place a prohi bitiati on foreign corn, until the corn of the home growe r had reached a certain high price, becoming an entire exception to the ordinary rates of commerce, and causing, fur such sudden and extraordinary purchases of„ grain, neees , ary d eman d s f or b u lli on i n p a yment." 'bia was the account which Mr. Smith gave, but which Sir Robert had carefully abstained from reading.—( Hear, Le ar.) The Delegates would now see why he had substi toted the statementof Mr. Lloyd.—( Hear, hear.) Thus , Smith .. . 'it distinctly assigned the Corn-laves es the main a nd primary cause of the . derangement of the currency, a nd stated the misconduct of the Bank of England as a secondary cause. For they would observe, there was a conjuncture of things pr,oducediby the present state of the l a ' n laws, and to that conjunction the Bank of Eng bel was said to have in some measure contributed. --"__,( Hear, hear.) Now, it was for their judgment . whethe r the Bank of England in that conjunction of cir e.qnastances acted wisely, hut what was prior to that was 'ae question,what produced the conjuncture itself, and that s v all in the most di st i nct manner i n t hi s R eport a ll ege d to be the C orn- l aws. Therefore the representation of Sir R. heel that M r . S m i t h was an aut h o rity that the Corn ea were not the main cause of the derangement 1 c as unfair, f o r he h a d s h own f rom M r . S m ith hi mse lf th e e rti-law was the primary and main cause of that derange rtrat• The second argument against the Corn-laws was, H at it produced great fluctuation in the prices of grain. ),„ ; !,was not going to observe on what Sir It. Peel had too Wise on this bead further than to remark that he was much E ngland wise to quote that return of the fluctuation of grain in I `,'lland, Dantzie, liamburgh, and other places, which ',lad been relied on by Lord Ashburton and Lord Darling ;Zl). but which Mr. Labouchcre and others had clearly irwn did not really constitute an apology for the It self owi ng but to prove that the fluctuation in foreign ports was Itinielf owing to the operation of the English Corn-laws. e Came now to what seemed to him the principal act of l ' af airnesspand the main fallacy of Sir Robert Peel. He it t l l i cged that the principal objection made on the part of ose who objected to the Corn-laws was, that they have Z e ad r uced great distress among the manufacturing and coal. Which be (Mr. B.) felt as, urea he would' seize hsld upon, 41 . quoted that return to show an increase in the exports Co 18 39 as compared with 1838, and thereby drawing the .aelusion of manufacturing prosperity. But, then, said l R . Peel, t. I know how this argument is met. It is v el d, this is not an argument of prosperity, but the re -8!, and said he should be squally justified in arguing a An d, of trade from an increase of home consumption." „ed, then, Sir Robert did him (Mr. E. Baines) the mo or t o quote the speech he had made, and to observe iPon it, that he had not proved his point. On the con erep3a Sir Robert Peel maintained that "it was ex eetliogly difficult to ascertain what the amount of som e consumption at any period was." He con ?died that a more cereplete evasion of the whole 4fitnal e argument, in reply to the mere exhibition of the R. etc' returns of the exports, than was exhibited by Sir s a , s P eel. could n o t be practised. Sir Robert Peel said it on a difficult matter to ascertain the amount of the home el iO sare iption— now, at the moment he spoke, the Right taltl' ii i • Barone On: e t had the materials in his hands for ascer tivag i t at , for that docua ent clearly showed the ti entities o f t h e raw mater i a l entere d f o r home censump tn"' and he would have found in a moment that they were trie tt a c t h v larger in 1638 than in 1839—his crt but —his (11r. B.'s) argu that as, not that there had not been a larger exp , Nye "Pert had he. n a proof not of prosperity, but the much ; for that in 1839 there was actually a a _ smaller quantity of the rsta materials entered for atze t) risumption, and therefore the exports being greater, th e h th e quantity of manufactures produced smaller ; lasi_ 'me trade, that is the consurnotion of our 0.00 mu ", had doubly fallen off.—( Hear.) Sir R. Peel had . ‘ ee nsp . rn l of th is in his hands at the moms rat, but it answered clia'il the ediat e Purpose to be blind to it. In two wnys lie , Egu r,. Proof' in his bends, for he had his (Mr. ) us e d i e a , r !d also the efficial tables, the last of whiea ' be a uzar w_r n e . is o own purposes, for he picked cut the aiticies of ton, oißts.dar'fitimber, but omitted those of flax, wool, cot. ( H ear. , .ti other raw materials of our manufactures.— fe 1 )-- Be contended, .therefore, that that was a per !et Y a af"ir mode of dealing with that document. He had (I "ted th e , 1ii........_ exports themselves for a purpose and an end wh 7 c l i h^ mezt have knewn these experts woell rot ceMe answer..—( Hear, hear.) Then Sir Robert Peel turned to the Customs' duty, and stated that inaimuch as the custom duties had not declined during the lest year, there could not have been a diminution in the prosperity of our manufactures, and the prosperity of the country generally. Sir Robert alleged there had been an increase of the Custom duties of 1839 over 1838, of about 320.000/. The Customs' duties, he said, for IS3B, were 23,081,0001.. ' and of 1839, 23,405,0001., and then Sir Robert Peel said here is proof that the country is in a prosperous state. But it did not suit Sir Robert Peel to turn back and see how much of that wes made up by the duties on foreign corn. If it had not been for those duties, the customs in all the other articles of consumption in this country would have been found not to show an increase of 320,0001., but a diminution of 780,000/.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Why the duties on corn alone in the year 1839 were Shown to be 1,116,662/. and odd ;laud that was as compared with the year 1838, in which the amount of the duties on corn were 188,3151. It was not, therefore, as compared with the year in which they only had the produce of their ordi nary customs, but it was compared with a year of which 188,315/. uas made up by the duties on corn, which was not an article of ordinary custom. He knew that under an ordinary state of things, if they bad consumed as much of the other commodities during the years 1838 and 1839 as they had done previously, the revenue would have been swelled to the amount of nearly 200,000/. in 1838, and it would increase to the amount of 1,160,0001. in 1839 ; but instead of that, they found that in 1839, as compared with the year 1838 there was only an increase of 320,000/. in stead of 1,100,000/. That showed a positive diminution in the ordinary receipts of the Customs to the amount of 928,367/. as compared with 1838, and to the amount of 1.116,682/. as compared with the previous years.—( Hear.) But it did not suit Sir Robert Peel to treat the subject in this manner, for if he had done so instead of showing an in crease he would have shown a considerable decline. He believed there were other parts of Sir Robert Peel's stele merit which were equally fallocious, but he happened to be familiar with the subject treated of in those parts to which he bad alluded, and be knew that great and gross fallacies were contained in Sir Robert Peel's speech on those points. He knew how unfairly he had acted, first with regard to his statement of Mr. Smith's opinion on the cause of the drain of bullion; 2d, in quoting what he (Mr. Baines) had admitted with regard to the exports, but not quoting at the same time the manner in which he showed that those exports proved not a prosperous, but a declining trade; and, lastly, not in quoting the increase in the Custom duties, he had omitted to notice that most important item the Corn Duties, which, if he had noticed he would have shown, not an improvement, as he had alleged, but a serious decline. He thanked the meeting for the attention with which they had heard him— ( Loud cheers)—and concluded by proposing the following resolution :-- " That the following Deputies be appointed an Execu tive Committee, to meet in London after the recess, arid to take such measures as may seem to them advisable, for the persevering prosecution of the object in Parliament and the country : Alexander Johnston: Glasgow. H. Stansfield .... W. Rawson Manchester. Richard Cobden Dr. Bowring James Aiken Liverpool. E. Baines Leeds. Joseph Sturge T. M. Gibson W. Boultbee _... V_v C. Todd Glasgo - w. John Dixcn —.... „.. ...... _... .. Edward Ashworth George Wilson James Wilson ... L. Heyworth W. Johnson John Witham Rich , :rd Taylor W. Weir W. Lees W. Brook W. Morris Isaac Milne W. Biggs R. Ricardo G. A. Young . London. J. B. Smith London. John Crawford Bean Mr„VTilson — Southirark. Mr. Bowler Samuel Jacksoa Mr. Wynn Wolverhampton. Mr. Miller Mr. Peter Taylor London. Mr. Beacon j,.,.-. Maidstone. Mr. Coates .. Mr, T. Gibson._ Tower Hamlets. Mr. Milligan,,,.__ Bradford. ......... Lord NUGENI- was sure he was not giving expression more strongly to his own feelings than to those of all pre sent in the room, in congratulating the Deputies on the effect that must l to produced on the public mind by the exposure of the fallacies of their opponents, which had just been made. He had great pleasure in seconding the resolution, and nn doing so he would mention to the meet ing that which lee thought it was important should not be lost sight of; ; Ind the events of last night he considered proved more 'dean ever the importance of the point to which he alluek ed. It had been imputed to the Delegates that they had • not conducted their proceedings in a suffi ciently practie al manner. He certainly did not wish to extend that observation to statements such as they had just heard fie im Mr. Baines.—(Hear, hear.) The con test, however, between them and their opponents should Leneeforward be cat ried on before the country : and one of the most effectual means of advancing their cause would be to prepare well-considered and detailed reports of the nature of tilt! Corn-laws, their pressure on the best in terests of th.e country, and the grounds on which they con sidered thei r infliction unrest, and therefore to be abolished. 7 ( Hear, h ear.) The discussion of the question in Par liament would b e protracte d f or a t i me , an d he thought that one of' the principal duties of the Committee they w reports, again which T hie mightreports b were appo ' .nti ng w ou ld b e - to co ll ect ev id e nce and prepare e submitted could b, to setnhet the into theyhen country m et under the !sanction of their name. Contenting himself with makin these observations, he felt great pleasure in seconeing The resolution. The resolution was put and carried. Mr. miss sort remarked that the tea intended for home importation bad increases.—from 1:,30, 3,3640001., to 3,660,0001. in 1840—(Hear, hear)—a further amount of 300,000/. i n. addition to tt e million which had been stated by Mr. B aineF. Our rn anufactutes had declined gene raily 20 or 30:per cent.— Hear, hear.) Mr. Ma. Nett GIBSON moved— '° That the Council eof the National Anti-Core-law League determine the time of the meeting of the Execu tive Council in London ,- or, if they should deem it ad visable, s amnion the wh ale body of Deputies again to as semble in. the metropolis. " He thought that as great - . a number of Delegates should asserrnole here as could, or the spectacle of many gentle men devoting themselves,. at great sacrifices, and leaving their ordinary avocations, to the Anti-Corn-law cause, must have a strong effect upon the country.—( Hear.) Now he felt the great importan co of the fallacies which were constantly delivered upon the subject being at once ex nosed—and exposed before they were forgotten.—( Hear.) With regard to Sir Robes. , ; Peel's speech he felt that no thing a hich bad occurred ',during the debate ought to be a subject of greater congratunetion to the Corn-law repealers than that speech.— ( Hear, hear.) The speech is nothing but a lame rand impotent a ttempt to find an excuse for doing wrong, nr,t a statesmanlike endeavour to point out what is right, and to urge its adoption. Sir Robert said that the C;orn.law ought to be maintained right or wrong, becaust ; it had been maintained, and found no other argument for supporting it but its present existence. Sir Robert :admitted this great principle—" the best friends of - the landowners were the manufacturers — and the manufacturers (net the Corn-laws) were the main_ element of their prosperity."—( Hear, hear.) Ho ,v could manufactures pro tper unless markets increased ie. number, and how could t hey do so unless the power of taking the staple commoditielt of other countries increased also? It flier efore appeared to him a direct argument against the Co. rn-laws, by saying they did not form an ele ment of the pi esperity of the land.•—( Hear, hear.) He had omitted an tother important thing. He showed they were right in advocating the repeal of the Corn-laws. He showed all. tho arguments against them applied to a fixod'duty, and, consequently that they were right in advo cating a total repeal. Had they brought forward a half measure, they; wom:d 'nave excited no popular enthusiasm, because they would have adopted half the arguments of their adversaries —at lenst have admitted there, was some justice in the principle of protection. He had only p lanced at the speech ininself, and could net say what other fallacies there might be in He would not, therefore, detain them longer., but co. teluded by moving the resolution. Mr. Sweet secon; led it, and expressed a hope they would not separate; without a vote of thanks for the exertions that had been made in-. Manchester. Mr. CORDEN wiSlic d to make one remark with reference to the speech of Sir Robert Peel. It was rather remark able for its omissionslatan what it contained. It was a sin gular fact. he had gin en up all the old topics. Not one word of t he exclusive' burdens of the landed interest—of the country being thi cwn out of cultivation—of the horrible effects of being dep e:ndent upon foreign supply—( Hear, hear, b. ear)—not ev en the least reference to Pre sident Van Buren's ;Message. The omissions were as importr:nt arguments in their favour as anything be said, which was saying a gee at deal.—( Hear, hear.) And while upon this subject he co uld not help thinking the fixed-duty men bad been used. There were two or three gentle men came amot'g therm ,(and were said to have been nearly frightened) with. a petitie nin favour of a fixed duty. He believed that pet ition was: lost. It had been stated to have been spirited aw ay by his friend Mr. Rawson, or that he had thrown it int o the Th antes.—(Laughter.) The Duke of Richmond ha d said a Feted duty was the wildcat scheme he had ever he; rd of. Sir James Graham said he could understand what at 'total ri Teal or a sliding duty meant, but the advocates of a -fixed duty were either insincere or great fools. The .:ilornin 7 Herald declared that the fixed-duty men were the most p estiferous in all Englund—( Laughter) —and now Sir R. Peel declared that he could not under stand what a fiat -d duty meant, so the advocates of that injustice met wieh little sympathy. Next year there would be no discord : ,ong them on the principle—they would go for justice, aod nothing else. The motion Tvas agreed to unanimously. Mr. Decors, ilia; or of Carlisle, was brought up to Lon don in conscq aenee of '.he great distress he found existing around hit; In ighbourhoed, and he had no doubt many other Got:licit ter, had been vetuated by the same motives and nothing re to] eified him so much as to find that that dis tress had met, I 4ith so little attention from the Govern ment and flae H ouse of Commons generally—it might be owing to the in an ner in which the debate had concluded that so Little te slice had been taken of such distress, but and much on the increase. still it. was ie ex istence, He felt the subject not only as , one of interest, but of deep rei'i g ious feeling.—(Hear, hear.) What _ . THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 4, 1840. reoetered thet beg, eepite'e eoees hoe time!eting in perti cular betide, while the great majority of the people were plunged into deep distress and suffering. Where such &stress prevailed, there must be something awfully wrong —if a large number of the people were without the necassariei.of life. The Pended aristocracy were the most interested in the repeal of the Corn-laws, for they were indebted to the manufacturing classes for their prosperity. He trusted the Delegates would not relax in their exer tions, but would rather increase them, and bring forward petitions in greater numbers, and produce more facts bearing upon the question. The worthy Mayor read several letters from different manufacturing districts, shos ing the deep distress suffered by the working classes. He then, with much pleasure, proposed the following re solution : " That the Delegates are not discouraged by the result of the late debate; that they derive new determination, as they find new motives for exertion in all that has occurred; that they feel their various arguments are unanswered — their cause strengthened—their confidence in ultimate triumph unabated, anti they pledge themselves to one another, and to the nation, not to relax until the mighty grievance, under which the community is suffering, be re moved." Mr. MACAULEY seconded the motion. The Rev, Mr. BREWSTER thought the resolution a very proper one, but in talking of the distress prevailing be begged to say they knew little of it when they confined themselves to England. Here the poor had the poor laws—in Scotland they had no such provision, and the poor there must perish if the present state of things lasted longer. Mr. Brewster then read the following resolution of a meet ing held at Edinburgh, r.t which Sir George Warrender, Lord Cunningham, Sir J. D. Lawder, and other influen tial gentlemen were present; the Lord Provost being in the Chair :—" That this meeting has reason to believe that the poor in some parts of Scotland, and especially in the large towns and the Highlands, are subject to a greater degree of went and misery than is to be found in England, or in most civilized countries." He believed this want and destitution were mainly owing in Scotland to the operation of the Corn-laws ;he believed that these laws were the grand cause of all the misery experienced in Scotland.— ( Cheers.) They would have no poverty its that country from want of employment, but for the operation of the Corn-laws ; the only poor they would have to relieve would be the infirm and aged persons ; and the labourer, if he had constant employment, would be able to maintain all his own near relations. The country would, by the abolition of those laws, be relieved from the burdens which rested on it in England. In Scotland they paid Is. 4d. a head for the poor, but in England they paid ss. per head per weak. He would take that opportunity of ex pressing his conviction as to the course that ought to be adopted .by the Anti. Corn-law League, in order to produce an effect upon the House of Lords. Until they had the people at their back they would never produce any effect upon the House of Lords. He did not think that without that they e. said produce any great effect on the House of Commons ; but admitting they had a majority in the House of Coeinions in their favour, how would they gain the consent of the House of Lords, unless they *had the voice of the country in their favcur,_ (Cheers. ) They might go forward, but they bad no years to lose. Every }ear their ccesenerce and their nia nufactures were going to decay, and the only mode, he was convinced, of ever operating upon the Lords, was by appealing to their fears.—( Hear, hear, from Mr. Gibson) Nothing would ever be obtained by appealing to their reason.— ( Loud cheers. ) Mr. MORRIS was here proceeding to address some re mai ke on the subject of Sir R. Peel's speech, when— Mr. J. SMITH said that he dial not think it would be wise to occupy the fm: of the meeting any longer with discussions not immediately connected with the resolution before them. Mr. RAWSON supported the resolution. The resolution was then agreed to. The Rev. Mr. N. JONES then read the next resolution— " That dissociating ourselves from all political parti. s, we hereby declare that we will use every exertion to obtain the return of those Members to Parliament alone who will support a repeal of the Corn-laws." The Reverend Gentleman proceeded to say that on a ques tion of the present nature he was very much inclined to adopt the sentiments of Bishop Warburton, who said, that " with regard to legislative enactments, or the introduc tion of new laws, much good could not be expected front them ; but they might expect a good deal from the abro gation of bad ones." It had been stated by Mr. Harcourt, in his place in Parliament, that the Corn-law agitators were unable to influence the Chartists, because they had sense enough to see that the question did not concern them, but (manufacturers. Nothing, however, could be more unfounded than such an assertion. The Chartists did not refuse to join in the Anti. Corn-law agitation be cause they did not feel interested in the question, but because they were persuaded that, with the present consti tution of the House of Commons, any exertion on their parts would be unavailing. He should also observe, that the Chartists of the town or Derby, from which he had come, had stated, in a petition sent to the House of Com mons, that they deprecated any attempt to separate the interests of the manufacturing and labouring classes. A great deal had been said of the misery and distress of the manufacturing population—but what was the cause of that misery and distress? Was it not the maintenance of these Corn-lows; Nothing could be so fatal to all the best feelings of humanity as want and famine.—(Hear.) The Delegates had heard of the effect of this distress upon some of the agricultural population—that they went out at nights. —( Hear, hear.) He mach feared that famine was but too strong a temptation to crime. That, under such deep want, the population ought to be contented be would not believe ; he could not counsel contentment, for he felt that in Englishmen contentment under injustice and want was not a virtue.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. T. Wiesote said he agreed in the agitation of this question, because it was not a political question but the cause of truth and justice, which it was the duty of every man to agitate—( Hear, hear)—und thus become a conser vator of the national peace. —( Hear, hear.) A Gentleman, who said he was a visitor, here remarked that it appeared to him perfect madness to say the question was not political. They could not expect by doing so that the people would take an interest in their cause. Mr. MORRIS rose to order, and after some conversation the motion was put and carried. The CHAIRMAN then annonrced Mr. WARBURTON, M, P., was present, and would give them some explana tion as to the termination of the debate. Mr. WARBURTON then ros-. amid much cheering, and said he felt assured after tke manner in which the de bate on the Corn-laws had come to a termination, the De legates would wish to receive some explanation. The fact was, as they already knew, in. consequence of the expectation on the part of many of the supporters of their views, that the debate would be adjourned, be dare say not less than thirty of their supporters went away, and it became necessary to adjourn the debate. Now that debate, in the opinion of Mr. Villiers and others, could tut be ad journed if, after Sir Robert Peel's speech, the discussion had been continued. A division would have taken place with thirty of their supporters absent, arid it, therefore, became necessary, at all events, to adjourn the debate. Then the first question was to adjourn the debate to Monday ; upon that an amendment would have been moved to adjourn it until Monday week, which, if carried, would have had the effect of adjourning the debate till after the holidays, be cause Monday week was so near Easter that a great number of Members would be absent, and therefore it would be tantamount to an adjournment until after Easter. That would have been the case if, on putting the question that the debate be adjoutned, that amendment had been carried. But the motion to adjourn could not be carried, because the rule of the House was, that they could not put two successive amendments without the interven tion of some other motion.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) It would have been necessary to have raised a new debate, and to make the motion a second time. If the motion had been 'made a second time, they would hava been in the same predicament they were before, with a large adverse majority ; and even if they had carried the adjournment of the debate it would have been put off, not till Monday, but to some more distant day. Under those circumstances, it being clear that the motion must be put off to such a [distant day that it would ultimately have been adjourned till after Easter, it appeared to him ( Mr. Warburton) that it would be proper to put the thing in such a way as to prevent a division taking place last night.--( Hear, hear.) Nothing else could have been done with such a large party as they had opposed to them.— ( Hear, hear. heal.) Dr. Bowarrio, on the part of the Executive Council of the Delegates, begged to say that they were perfectly satis fied with the way in which the question had been managed in the House of Commonsi—(Cheers.) Mr. S. A. YOUNG rose to move the next resolution. " That the thanks of this delegation be tendered to the gentlemen comprising the Council of the National Anti- Corn-law League at Manchester, and that they be re spectfully requested to continue their services." He was sure it would not be necessary to adduce any arguments in favour of such a resolution. It was at Manchester that the movement in favour of the repeal of the Corn-laws first assumed a definite and useful form.— ( Hear.) The Manchester Gentlemen were the first to enter into a subscription, and when the rest of the country had only subscribed between 2,0001. and 3,0001., Man chester alone had raised between 5,0001. and 6,0001. ( Hear, hear.') Besides that, they had established an Anti-Corn-law Association, and had been the means of agitating the question generally throughout the coun try.—(Cheers.) Mr. LAWRENCE HETWORTH seconded the resolution, which was put and carried unanimously. Mr. AITKEN said that a resolution having been put into his hands he would take that opportunity of disclaiming that he was one of the fixed-duty men. He would just observe that although some of their trades were leaving them, it was matter of congratulation that others however curiously were growing up for cargoes of bones came not only from the Continent but actually from South America. Formerly when one heard Peru spoken of, one was apt to form ideas of metals, but strange to say that now it sent us bones for manure, and we actually imported sago from Singapore for the purpose of feeding our cattle. By pursuing the present system we might come to be like Malta, and have cabbages and corn growing on the house tops ; but what a system it was that obliged us to go to Peru for manure , and to Singapore for food for cattle, in order to put such a Jew's share of advantage in the pocket of the landlords. Their opponents talked of fluctuations in foreign markets, his experience led him to know that in no country had they ever been so great as in the bonded warehouses of London and Liverpool. He remembered wheat at 4s. a bushel at one time, and within► a twelve_ mouth the came wheat was selling at I is. There never were such fluctuations in the world. Besides the fluctua. tions in foreign countries were occasioned by our taking their corn one day and refusing it o n another.—( Hear, hear.) He was only astonished that other countries had not done as Naples, Belgium, &c., had done, and said that if we were not regular customers wo should not half-starve them when we were in scarcity. He had much pleasure in moving— " That the most cordial thanks of the deputies be pre sented to the Hon. Chas. P. Villiers, for his extremely able and valuable speech, in bringing forward the motion in the House of Commons; and also to Sir G. Strickland, Bart., the seconder, and the other Hon. Gentlemen who sup ported the motion." Mr. Moue's, in seconding the resolution, said it had Bien very well observed by •Mr. Grey, that if the argument of the necessity of the Corn-laws, on account of their being absolutely necessery for the national security, was worth anything, the tax of twenty millions levied by them on the people of the country ought, instead of going into the pockets of the landlords, to be devoted to national per poses.—( Cheers ) Tee resolution was then put and carried unanimously amidst loud and continued cheering. Mr. HEYWORTII said that he had a report to make to the meeting, which would hereafter be printed and circulated, and which he hoped would produce its due effect on the minds of those who were co-operating with them in this great, this good, this glorious, and this holy cause. ._( Loud cheers.) Mr. Hey worth then proceeded to read the Report of the Finance Committee, from which it appeared that the pledges of subscriptions for defraying the expenses of the National Anti-Corn-Law League for the next three years, amounted to 7,0001. ; and the Com mittee felt justified in saying, from the intimations they had , received from various associations and individuals, that this sum was to be considered only as first-fruits. This might appear a large sum, but the struggle they were engaged it; was a great one—the field of exertion open before them was most extensive, and 50,000/. would be too little for carrying on the future operations of the League with the spirit with which it ought to be carried on. Tice extensive benefits to be derived from the repeal of the Corn-law would ailhet not the people of England only, but all the children of Adam. Thisnwas a subject even more important than the abolition of the Slave trade. The parties interested in it were more numerous— ( Cheers)—and he wished to call attention to the fact that all were alike interested in obtaining the abolition of these wretched Corn-laws. The question considered in every way was one in which they ought to think deeply , and it would be n ecessary to come forward with funds in order thus to ac com pli s h their objects. It should be their endeavour to enlighten the public mind on the iniquity of the existing laws, and for that purpose t ey should send forth lecturers to every town and corner of the c ountry,and as Lord Morpeth had stated in every cottage. The entire popula tion of the land should become acquainted with the natute of the question, arid when they had fully instructed the people the :r cause would be gained. The cause was one which should stimulate and arouse every principle which could motile tir nature. They should remember on the occa sion an obsersatiort of the Duke of Wellington on another subject, that on such a question they could not have a little war.—(Hear, hear.) Ho would recommend to their lecturers to take as a text for their future labours the speech of Sir Robert Peel, who had attempted to show that our domestic trade. bad -.slot decreased. No assertion, however, could be more erroneous.—( Hear.) These were practical points, which came home to every man. The next point was, that Sir Robert Pcel declared the value of the estates of land in this country was depen. dent on the manufacturing interest—not on the Corn-laws. —( Hear, hear, bear.) This should be as widely diffused es possihle among the operative classes.—( Hear, hear.) Then again, Sir Robert seemed to admit that free trade was a most msgniticent principle, but he said that there would be a difficulty in carrying it out. But it might be clearly diffused among the operatives that wherever this principle had been tested, it had produced the best results. The fourth point was one to which Sir Robert hrd not adverted—the justice of the cause of repeal— ( Hear.) lie knew that the cause of the Corn-laws was one et injustice, of oppression, and theft on the lower orders.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. IL Nienoesoa, as a member of the Finance Com mittee, wished to observe, that it was stated at the conclusion of the Report that that was only the first fruits of their attempts. That was certainly the case, fur many subscriptions had since been received. They must not relax, however, for although 7,000/, had been subscribed that sum would be required fur the service of next year. The CHAT MAN said the meetings of the Delegates would be adjeureed that evening, and impressed on them the necessity c renewing their exertions. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. ERODi TUE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. (From the Globe.) The Tory Lurnals are criminally unmindful of Mr. Canterbury Bradshaw's merits. The Honourable Gen tleman has performed another foist worthy of his former fame, which they unaccountably pass over in silence. lie rose to eminence by indulging in scurrilous invec tives against the -Queen ; and now appears before the public as the stiller of Parliamentary inquiry into the source of the sufferings of the people. Who would have supposed that so much ignorance, by the aid of mere matchless assurance, should bo able to achieve for himself so high an eminence in his own, and so enviable a dis tinction among all, parties? Mr. Bradshaw, end minds of his order, may regard this proceeding as a clever rose, a fine practical joke upon the del .gates from the manufacturing districts, web are in town to watch the progress and abide the issue of the debate, and to arrange the evidence for the proposed inquiry sought by Mr. Villiers's motion. But do the advocates of monopoly imagine that by shirking inquiry they can stifle the complaints of, and allay the agitation which rapidly accumulating distress extorts from, the depressed manufacturers, and the half-starved masses who depend upon them for employment and wages suf_ ticient to pro‘ide fond? Tire cause of Corn-law abo lition will lose nothing by delay, It is based on the pri: ciples aod i; supported by arguments which policy, humanity, and religion prescribe and I enforce. (From the Standard.) The inventive genius of our Conservative Contem porary has :list produced the following cock and bull story :—" We are informed, upon an authority which we consider eotitled to great weight, that a serious, and apparently irreeoncileable difference has taken place in the Cabinet upon the Neapolitan question. We have been favoured with the following particulars on the subject, on the accuracy of which we are dis posed almost implicitly to rely. At the last Cabinet Council a treaty was submitted for ratification, by which the King of Naples undertook to remove the restrictions upon the export of sulphur, and further to make a most favourable arrangement for the admission of va rious articles of British colonial produce, more par- ticularly the cured fish from Newfoundland, on such terms as would be highly advantageous to the trading int!rests of the country. The ratification was supported by Lord Clarendon, Lord J. Russell, and Mr. Labouchere, and opposed by Lord Palmerston, seconded by the Premier, Lord Lansdowne, and one of two others, the question being,, of course, decided in the negative. It is understood that this sacrifice of the com mercial interest to the caprice of a set of incapable men is the result of a personal quarrel upon a point of etiquette between the King of Naples and the British Minister at that Court. The Minister is the brother of the Foreign Secretary, and that wise personage has deseribed a trlliug altercation as a national insult, and orders have been issued for the British squadron at idalta to proceed to the Bay of Naples, and there to assume a hot.tile attitude ; whether a blockade is to be at once declared we are not distinctly informed. The difference in the Cabinet is said to be of the most serious description, en•.l will probably lead to the resignation of the President of tide Beard of Trade, the best head of a Department among them." (From the Courier.) _ _ The duration of Mr. Sheriff Evatis c s confinement, one would suppose from the language employed last night by the Colonial Secretary, is to be determined by the decision of the Lords on the Printed Papers Bill. Lord John Russell, after expressing a hope, in which he is cordially joined by the whole people of England, that the discussion on :he privilege question would not be re- sumed, moved the at - tender:cc of Mr. Evar.s at the bar of the House on the 6th of May. The second reading of the 8,11 is fixed for Monday next, and the present mo timi, having for its object the further incarceration of a man whose only offence is obedience to the laws of his country, looks exceedingly like an attempted intimida tion of a HeuF.e which has on repeated occasions shown itself superior to selfish considerations. We take the fact as it stands, and do not assert that such is absolutely the motive wI,L-11 has induced the prime agitator of the very discreditable course hitherto pursued by the majo rity, to intimate what can be construed in scarcely any other sense. than that, if the Lords do not agree to this Bill, the Sheriffs' imprisonment shall be perpetual, so far as depends upon the will of the party, headed and misled by Lord John Russell. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, Arm]. 3. IRISH MUNICIPAL CORPORATION BILL. The Marquis of WESTMEATHpostponed TciTre sentation, of which he had given notice, of a petition from Dublin. against the Irish Municipal Corporation Bill. The Noble Marquis then presented several petitions against the Bill from parishes in Dublin, and from inhabi tants of the city of Drogheda. The Noble Marquis pro ceeded to say there never was a time in the history of this kingdom in which it more became the Ministers of the Crown to look attentively to the nature of that Bill, and the effects it was likely to produce on the peace of the empire at large. He was satisfied that the Bill never had its origin in a calm, dispassionatc, e di set i m i nat i ng, or states mae-like consideration of all the bearings of the question. If the Bill, as it was at present co ns ti tute d , was passed into a law, the connexion'between Great Britain and Ire land would be :weakened, if not destroyed, and the com mercial prosperity of Ireland rusted up. The Earl of GALLOWAY presented p et i t i ons f rom Wigtown, and two places in Wiltshire, against any altera tion in the Cora-la :s. It was not his intention to say one word upon the Corn-laws, but he felt bound to say that those who were agitating the country to such a frightful degree upon this subject were revolutionising it at the ex pense of the landed interest.—(Hear, hear.) lie had been informed that it was intended to F:et up an Associa tion, to be called the Land Redemption Society. The parties who proposed it had quoted several verses from Genesis to show that land was given by the Almighty to to the people in common, and that they ought to resume Hear, hoar.) And it was further proposed, as he understood, that when they possessed themselves of the land it was to be placed in the hands of Commissioners for national purposes.—( Hear, hear.) This, in his opinicu, showed that a spirit was abroad which required, what they had not got, a united Ministry to put down.—( Hear.) The Noble Earl concluded by expressing a hope that the Government would elinquish the present course of cring ing to Radicals, and ac t on th e i r i n d e p en d e nt opinions. Lord MELBOURNE presented several petitions for a repeal of the Corn-laws. Their Lordships adjourned at Half-past Six. HOUSE OF COMMONS, APRIL 3. • The SPEAKER took the chair at five minutes before four o'clock. The Report of the Committee on the Birmingham Canal Navigation Bill. Mr. GREENE brcaght up the report on the Dublin and Drogheda Railway. Parties were at liberty to pro ceed with the Bill. Mr. M. PHILLIPS presented petitions against the Corr-taws. N:r. TlLESlGERpresentedpetitions from Nova Scotia complaining of the alienation of Church lands in the colo- nics of North America. Mr. GREY presented several petitions praying for the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. VIL LIERS presented similar petitions from Read ing, Lancaster, Grasmere, Wolverhampton, Birmingham, Ulverston, Dunfermline, Stewarttown, Dundas. a congre gation of Protestant Dissenters, Worcester Baptist Cun t, negation, Stafford, Newcastle-on-Tyne, various classes of artizans, and several bodies of Sunday-school teachers. Forty-eight petitions in all. Mr. DIVE.TT presented a petition from the Blackwell Railway Company complaining of the mode of taxation on railways, stating that the first-class passengers paid less duty than second.class. Mr. THORNE L Y presented a petition from Liverpool praying the [louse not to sanction the removal of Hill Coolies from Hindostan to the Mauritius. Also a petition from Wolverhampton against any grant of money for the purposes of Church Extension. Mr. COD RI N GTo N presented a petition from Stroud against any alteration ;n the Corn-laws. Mr. ELLIOT presented a petition from Roxburgh against intrusion of ministers. Mi. T. DUNCOM BE presented three petitions from diffirent places in Essex, complaining of the treatment of John Thorogood, and praying for his release. Lord ELIOT presented petitions from several parishes in Cornwall against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Mr. PA KINGTON presented petitions from parishes in Durham, i.raying for Church Extension in Canada. Mr. SANFORD presented a petition from: a parish in Somerset, praying the [louse to adopt some measures for the suppression of the Opium Trade in China. C;pt. PECHELL presented a petition from a parish in Sussex, praying for the appointment of a Select Com mittee to inquire into the operation of the Corn-laws. Lord SANDON presented a petition from the Corpo ration of Liverpool, praying the House to take into its consideration the laws affecting the importation of corn, with a view to their alteration.—( Hear, hear.) Also a peti ion from Kingston, in favour of Church Extension. Mr. DASH WOOD presented a petition from a 'dace in Buckinghamshire, in favour of a repeal of the Corn laws. NIL. BARNEBY presented a potition from a place in Worcester in favour of Church Extension. Mr. BENETT presented a petition from a Poor law Union against the principle of assersing stocks-in trade for the poor-rate. Sir CHARLES MURRAY presented a petition from Dumfries against the principle of interfering on the Chutch question in Scotland. . . Nlr. HU M E presented a number of petitions from the parish of Covent Garden, and from places in Devon, signed by agricultural labourers, praying for a repeal of the present Corn-laws. Lurd ASHLEY brought up the report from tie Corn mitt, e on Factories, and proposed that that Committee should have leave to report from time to time. Mr. FERGUSON presented a petition from the Pres bytery of D negal against the intrusion of Ministers to the Church of Scotland. Mr. HAWES presented thirty petitions in favour of a repeal cf the Co..n-laws, from a parish in Glou cestershire, from parishes in Lincolnshire, Cheshire, and other places. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL presented a petition from Nottingham, signed by 2,997 persons, in favour of a repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. BARRY presented a petition from a place in Cork against a repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. EDWARD BULL E R presented several petitions from places in Stafford, Leicester, and Derby, in favour of a repeal of the Corn-laws. Sir WM. FOLLETT presented petitions from the Dean and Chapter and Archdeacon of Exeter, praying the House not to adopt all the recommendations in the Report of the Church Commissioners. _ . . Mr. A. Smut! and Mr. E. ELLIS presented petitions against the Corn-laws. Mr. WOOD brouzlit up the Report on Public Petitions. Mr. GISBORNE presented petitions praying fir Church Extension. CLERGY RESERVES. Mr. PAKINGTON begged to ask the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, whether he had applied to the Lax Officers of the Crown for their opinion, as to whether the 30 days required by the Constitutional Act of Canada, during which the Clergy Reserves Bill should remain on the table of both Houses of Parliament, would include the time during which both Houses were ad journed for the holidays. Lord JO HN RUSSELL confessed that he had refrained from putting the question to the Law Officers of the Crown, because he considered it of a general and constitutional nature ; and also, because he understood that it was intended in the House of Lords to have the Bill referred for the opinion of her Majesty's Judges. Mr. PAKINGTON—Nut upon this point. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Whether or no he did not think the question one which it was advisable to ask of the law etlicers of the Crown. He had no hesitation in saying that the opinion of the Government was that the thirty days comprised any time during which the House might be sitting, or might be adjourned by a reso lution of the House themselves. If the Parliament were prorogued, of course that would not include thJ thirty days, but, as lie had already stated on a former oc casion, he did not wish to take any advantage of the period of time, or to advise the Crown to assent to the Bill immediately after the thirty days had elapsed. He intended to allow the fortnight during which it was probable the House might be adjourned and also the thirty days required by the Act, and then to take the opinion of the Law Offi cers of the Crown before he advised the Crown to give its assent to the Bill. Mr. PAKINGTON said he had another question to put relative to a different subject. He wished to know whether the Government was in possession of any further information with re g ard to the ordinance of the Governor-General of Canada, for which he had called a Special Council on the 11 th November, with respect to the incorporation of the Monks oLSaclte Sulpice, and whether that ordinance would receive:Abe assent of the Imperial Parliament. lie wished to. know whether memorials had not been presented by the Landowners, in and about Mon treal, in opposition to the proposed arrangement. Lord J. RUSSELL wished the Hnn. Gentleman had given him notice of the question, as ho would have been better prepared to answer it. Mr. PAKINGTON said he had sent him a letter that morning. Lord JOHN RUSSELL had not received it. With regard to that part of the question which related to the ordinance passed by the Special Council under the pre sent Governor-General, he would remind the lion. Mem ber that there was a difference between that ordinance and that of Sir J. Colborne, because when Sir J. Colborne's ordinance arrived it was found he had exceeded his powers. Thu present Governor-General had acted under the pro. visions of the Act of Parliament, in which there was in troduced an express provision with regard to the reignorial rights possessed by ecclesiastical bodies.—('The Noble Lord then read the clause alluded to.) That provision had been inserted in the Bill by the House of Lorda. The Bill had passed the House of Commons with a general provision only ; the House of Lords had inserted this special provision, and the present Governor-General had acted under the provisions of that Act of Parliament. In answer to further questions from Mr. PA K ING TON, it was stated by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, that, with regard to the subject being brought before Parliament, the Governor-General had acted under the power of the Parliament, in consequence of an express provision introduced into the Act of Parliament by the House of Lords. Lord SANDON wished to know with regard to the ordinance if it were intended that it should be allowed or disallowed by her Nl2jesty's Government.. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the subject had not yet been made matter of consideration, but he believed there was no objection to the present ordinance. ECCLESIASTICAL DUTIES AND REVENUES BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that if the deb a t e on t h e C o rn-law Question closed to-ni g ht, be should on Monday move the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues Bill. MR. SHERIFF EVANS, Lord J. RUSSELL. moved that the Order of the Day for the attend•ence of Mr. Sheriff' Evans, on th e Gt h o f April, be now read. The Order having been read, SPORTth ELLIGENCE. MANCHESTER, FRIDAY NIGHT. There has nut, to our car or knowledge, been any mevement worthy of notice in the Chester Cup horses since our last observations. The leaders «retain office 100 to 7 is awed against Abrahams ewland. TILE 2,000 GUINEAS' STAKES. to 2 would be t a k en freely on the new Derby premier (40 t') 20 o ff ere d ). Con federate was bac ked lar g el y at noon, at 6to ; indeed, th e influential acceptor to'd the layers out. Tua Disaisv.—Boyond two important observati ons , there is nothing to dwell upon, viz., Lcrd Orford'a being advanced yesterday to the prerniershp ; 13 to 1 was ac cepted in fifties, and a point less twice over in ponies. To day 10 to 1 was taken; and Launcelot was another " star;" he was backed i n one of the best channels at 13 to 1, iu various sums frem fifties dawnwards. We presume b o th have been tried, and not " found wanting.” Many farmers in the C,hippeuham district have sustained considerable loss from the fatality attending the disease so prevalent amongst the cattle this Cason. A petitioi , praying for the interference of Parlia ment for the Suppression of the opium traffic with China has been signed at Caine. A man named John Smith, who was formerly in the employ of a horse slaughterer, co . f King's-cross, recently expired in St. Bartholomew's hospital in a frightful state. About six months ago he was in the act of skinning a horse which had died from the glanders, and in doing, so he slightly , but soon pricked his finger. In a shoit time afterwards his arm began Georges Hospital, afterwards to swell, and he went into St. came out, as he imagined, perfectly became twice an inmate of the first-named institution, and about six weeks before his death the disease ca me on, which terminated fatally. What adds to the melancholy case is, that the woman who attended upon him in the capacity of nurse is now in a dying state, ;be having , caught the di sease. FONTHILL ABBEi.—rhe splendidly beautiful table that stood in the ante-room at Fonthill Abbey was pur chased a few days ago by a Sheriff's officer at Salisbury. Activ e TitE DECENNIA L C prepa rations are already being made by Government for taking the decennial census in May in the next year, in which some im provement will be made. EVENING MITION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he hoped he should not have to renew the discussion on this question. He hoped the other House of Parliament would give their assent to the Bill which had been sent up to them, and the second reading of which had been fixed for Monday. He should move, therefore, that the order be discharged, and that Mr. Sheriff Evans be ordered to attend the House on the 6th May, by which time he hoped the Bill would have passed into a law. Mr. FRE S H FIELD would not oppose the discharge of the order, but be should have been better satisfied if the Noble Lord had not proposed to renew it. He hoped the Noble Lord would take an early opportunity of stating to the House what were his intentions with regard to the persons at present in confinement.—( Hear, hear.) He thought a forbearance had been shown on this subject the Noble Lord and his colleagues could scarcely have ex pected. He hoped some leading Member of the House would take an early opportunity of taking . the sense of the House upon it ; if not, he should feel it incumbent upon him to do so himself. On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL it Iva ordered that the House, at its rising, should adjourn till Monday. Mr. O'CONNELL and Mr. HORSMAN presented petitions from the county of Lancaster. against the Corn-law:. CHINA. On the motion of Mr. A. Smith, (for Mr. Craw ford) th e f o ll ow i ng were a pp o in:cd the Committee on Surr e nd er o f Opi um i n Chi na : —Mr. Crawford, Lord Viscount Palmerston, Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Charles Buller, Mr. Herbert, Sir George Staunton, MT., Glad stone, Mr. Colquhoun, Sir George Grey, Mr. Hogg, Mr. John Elliot, Mr. John Abel Smith, Mr. Parker, Lord Viscount Sandon, Mr. Strutt, Sir William Sumer ville, Sir R.,bert Harry Inglis, Sir Charles Lemon, Mr. Edward Buller, Mr. Clay, and Mr. Horsman. ADJOURNED DEBATE ON THE CORN-LAWS. On the Order of' the Day for the adjourned debate being read, Mr. BR OTH E RTON said, having presented petitions from 20,000 of his constituents for a repeal of the Corn laws, he wished to say a few words. It was unnecessary to state that great distress prevailed in the manu facturing districts. In Manchester, Stockport, Bolton, and other places, the mills were very generally working short time, or had stopped altogether. The state of destitution in the manufacturing districts in deed, exceeded what was ever known before. He might state that in Manchester it was found on inquiring that 1,950 families, with 8,000 persons included, earned Jon an average ls. sd. a-week for each. Now for all this dis tress there must be a cause. He was free from attribu ting it entirely to one cause. His opinion wax that there were several causes. One was the over-populated state of same districts: another he believed was the Corn-law; ; and a third was, the state of our relations with America, owing, perhaps, to the attempts which had been made to force up the price of the raw material. Let it be recut-, lected that our population increased at the rate ef half a million sunnily. Where could all these growing millions he provided for? Could they be provided for by limiting the supply of food, through circumscribing our markets, and thus diminishing the sources of employment for our la bour? How could the people be expected to pay the taxa tion if they were deprived of the means of supporting the expense of using exciscable articles? On all these consi derations, it was important that the state of the Coro laws should be taken into consideration. In general it was believed that the cause of the present depressed state of trade was our Corn-laws. He objected to those laws because he thought them unjust, inhuman, and impolitic. It was unjust to legislate for one class of the community at the expence of the rest. Could it be pretended that the Corn-laws were founded on the principles cif justice ? ( Hear.) In his opinion it wa. an abuse of legislation to make enactments fur the benefit of one class to the injury of another. The rights of industry were as sacred as the rights of property, and they ought therefore to he as firrrily secured.—( Hear, hear.) Now what was the prc sre t Corn-law passed for? Why, to secure the resits, of the landlord, and to throw the burdens of the state upon the people. It hed been calculated that this unjust law had thrown a burden of from 20 to 40 milliosse upon the rest of the community. Now Ise would ask why a law should be passed to protect 30,000 ban:lnserters at the expense of twenty-fine or twenty-six tnillions of tit' other inhabitants of this country ? The law operated most cruelly and harshly upon the poor man, for it made him pay one-third of his income towards the taxation of the country, while the rich man did not pay mere than one tenth. When they considered that by the New Poo;-law Bill the poor were thrown upon their own resources, and were called upon to provide for themselves, he thought it unjust that the poor man should be deprived of the mearis of disposing of the pro-Wee of his labour at the best market. He could not understand how any man supposed he was doing his duty is supporting a !aw of that kind; on the contrary religion taught us that it was our duty to "feed ' the hungry."--( Hear, hear.) And was it consistent with that duty to pass a law which prevented the hungry from getting food ?—( Hear.) Was it not a religious duty of those who made the laws to enable the poor man to obtain food by the labour of his hands, instead of making him depend upon poor-laws, or upon die assistance of the rich? He was of opinion that every man could and ought to be placed in a situation to earn a living in ass honest way by his own exertions.—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion the Corn-law W 2.3 most unjust, impolitic, and im moral—nay, they were inhuman, for it was inhuman to raise the price of food.—( Hear, hear.) He contended that the law was far from beneficial to the country. It was impolitic to the merchants, injurious to every class of manufacturers, and destructive to the artisan. It could not be otherwise than prejudicial to the farmer, and he did not see how it would benefit the landlords themselves in the long run.—( Hear.) It had con verted into rivals those who were the best cus tomers of our manufacturers. The consequence Ives, that our machinery was exported. and our artizans emi grated, and in a short time foreign competition would compel our manufacturers to demand protection by prohi biting the importation of foreign goods, in order that they might keep the home trade.—( Hear, hear.) What they complained of was that their competitors on the Continent were enabled to obtain their food at a cheap rate, and they were obliged to compete with them with their hands tied behind their backs.—( Hear.) No doubt the energies of the country were such as would enable it to rise over every obstacle; but the House should recollect that it was from the manufacturing industry that the taxes were ailed, and if they were crippled it would eventually terminate in the ruin of the landed interest. All the manufacturers wished was, that the labouring classes should have cheap food, and it was unnecessary for him to refute the mis-state ment that when food was low wages fell. On the con tarary, experience had shown that when the price of food was low, the labouring classes were much better off. At present they had not the means of purchasing a sufficiency of food, and the amount paid in the pre sent year for corn, as compared with 1835, was 30 millions, which had been put into the pockets of the landowners. It was absurd to say that one class was independent of the other. They were all mutually dependent on each other, and countries, in like manner, were dependent on each other. tie contended that God had given to man the fruits of the earth for his sustenance, but human legislation stepped in and said they should not enjoy all the fruits of the earth—that they should , my enjoy the fruits of a part of it, and then they took care to tax them for the fruits of that part which they enjoyed. At the time corn was at the lowest price in this country land was not thrown out of cultivation. We had to de pend on foreign countries for tea, sugar, cotton, and other articles that we could not do without; and there fore we should not be more dependant upon them if we had to rective from them the article of food. If there was but a free trade, everything would tend to the benefit of all classes of the community. It was not for the inte rest of this country to export corn, but we employed our population in manufactures, and in the shape of manufactures we exported the produce of our country; and it was, perhaps, in allusion to that that a gentleman stated last night it was not for the benefit of Ireland to export its corn. Now if manufactories were esta blished in Ireland, and the Irish people could ' consume provisions on the spot, and export manufac• tures to other .countries, it was quite clear that the agriculturist would gain much more by selling it to customers a: home, than they could possibly do by sporting their produce. Everthing the manufac turer used had a tendency to benefit :he landowner. It was the interest of the landowners to enable the manufac turers to extend their trade=to take their manufactures to neutral markets—and that was to promote the prosperity of the country. It was stated by the Hon. Member for Not. tingtiatzishire (Mr. G. Knight) last night, that the only reason why the manufacturers advocated a repeal of the Corn-laws was, that they might grind down their wail:- people, and that they might increase their own fortunes at the expense of the landowners ; and that they ground the bodies of their work-people, and neglected their souls. But when they considered the number of bankruptcies which had occurred lately, and when they saw the number of people who were out of employment, they must be aware that the manufacturers were suffering under great distress. The manufacturers had no protection, and why should the landowners ask for protection? They wanted protection merely that they might increase their rent be yond what they ought, and extract the difference had been said by outiftalisde industry of the people.—( Cheers.) 1% by the Hun. Member for Nottinghernshirelastnight_of the town in which he resided? What had been the conduct of the Noble Duke to whom that flou. Gentleman had al luded, and of the inhabitants of that town, to those lecturers who had been sent out by the Corn-law League, to prevent those lectures from enlightening the minds of the people Why that Hon. Member must know that that Noble Duke to whom he had alluded had doubled his rents within the last year.—(" Nu, no.") He knew it as a fact that the rents of the Worksop estate had been doubled within the last year.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Now w as protection to be given to enable the landlords to double their rents '— t could ds tot state ( Loud cheers.) It was contended that agri cultural labourers would be reduced to a I by a repeal of the Corn-laws. He thoueht(tchit;eyoe be much lower than they were at prescntb withstanding a Noble Duke had said in another p r c a l ) e — e r i t l l ° l s a t i - .. t he was astonished labourers should be discontent for a repeal of the Corn-laws when they were ear s.a ning o ., sU i c i i wages as 9s, a-week —(Cheers.) Manufac would take upon himself to say, were nut in tit e re ll ' a s fiit of paying the labourers in this manner when they were in a prosperous conditi on . I n his opinion all classes of the cotnmunity would b e b ene fi te d by a repeal of the Corn laws, trade would be extended, the revenue increased, and employment found for the great mass of the people, and Cause them to be satisfied, when they knew that they were living under just and Neal laws. If the Corn law=_ were repealed, instead of the sun Of Britain being set for ever, he was convinced it would rise and shine with meridian splendour, and that the people would be contente> . prosperous, and happy—( Ghee's- ) Mr. VERNON said, in regard to the agitation of the parties calling themselves the Atiti.Corn-law ASSOCiati3n in the town to which toe Hon. Member had alluded, he must say that the Noble Duke who had bean referred tes had not one single house in the town , and had influence' no . .a e ence with the inhabitants beyond that leg itt which resulted from the respect and love with which lies was regarded, and the high character which he held ; anti if the' facts were true that the Noble Duke had doublet': his rents, it did not say much for the opinion of the people against Corn-laws, that with a knowledge of that a Corn-law agitation could not bo got up among them. In this particular instance vast improvements had been effected in the estate, and only one person had declined resuming- his tenancy on the increased rent. Now with regard to the general question, he was oot at all anxious to be one of tho — se vil;o made log pamphlet. filling speeches. Els timiught this ono of ‘_, . • those questions in ;hiali it was much more easy fur the assailants to make out a plausible ease than the defenders. He was one of those who did not like change for the sake of change, and he thought the onus Of establishing the necessity for the change in this ease, lay upon those who called for the change.—(Hear, hear.), He would not go into details, but he would inquire into. the 'natives which the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton attributed to those who were opposed to the motion ; 0 . :11 be thought it would have been well had that Hon.. Mem ber confi ne d hi mse lf , an d i ntereste d hi mse lf f or t h os i w hose peculiar organ he s-: s, and have /et those alone'who were convinced that they were better off as they were, than thoy would be in the position ifi which he wished to place term. The lion. Member had quoted long extractsfrom evidence given before the Comolittees on Agriculture of 1833 and 1836, but he hardly cane :1 the evidence 'no read fair. Oue page of evidence he had read over, twice, which consisted of the greatest twaddle he had ever heard, and proved that he was not at ail a competent judge of the matter. The abj,.etion he took wits, that he was seduced by the high price of grr.in to take a farm at a higher rent than the event justified. Now, if that b e d been extensively the care, it might be a good argument for sometiine", but I • as it were notorious that the fact was otherwise, although he would n:t deny that there might be seine isolated cases of that kind, )et no man could say that the farminiin terest during the last twelve years had been in a suffering or depressed state; on the contrary ; or whence came the numlter of petitions from almost the whole of the agricul tural interest, front almost the whole of the farmers in the country, who with one voice cried out to be left alone with such protection as they at present enjoyed ? It was natu ral that at the time of the Committee some farmers were suffering, and it was equally natural that they should come forward and state their sufF.:rings. He well remembered the evidence of a farmer from Ber wick before that Committee. That man said there was no distress in Berwick. Other Scotch farmers said much the same. For the Scotch were a sensible and sagacious people, and they knew that, although there was a de ficiency of Nv he at, that was compensated by other produce. The lion. 11errib - ,?r for Wolverhampton, in connecting his argument with the present financial difficulty of the coun try, said that the people were prevenled from puretiasing excisable articles,,becauie the Coru-laws compelled them to lay out the greater part of their earnings upon the firs:. necessary of life. In order to prove that, the lion. Niernl4er Ctfr. %Tillers) made it appetir that in the years in,. which col - it ivas at the bighetice, the exisumPtion of so::p was at the lowest; trie revenue paid upon soap in 18:3Z. 4 being;upwaids or a minion. ,ylicieas hi 1839 it fell to 740.0061.. But the fact was the very contrary. In stead of a million, the duty upon soap, in 1838, was only 670,0001. ; and in 1839, the dearer year of coin, it amounted to 740,000/. In the total rtvenue there was also an increase in the years in which the price of corn rose.— (Bear, hear. j Ile thought it right to make these expla nation,, as the statements of the Lion. Member for wob. verliampv!oi oil this subject were calculated to mako a great impression in the country.—(Bear, hear.) He was aware that thcr,.: were many collateral questions of political eCononly which could not be taken into calculation in making these estimates ; but it was important when statements were made, and arguments founded on them, that the facts shoull 1):: rightly Mated as an indication and example of how mucll value should be set upon them had ascertained that lest year there was the same quantity of eoap menufactured, exceeding the quantity manufactured in the peeseut veer by only 2,0001. or 3,0001., which was a roof that the consumption still remained the same. A4ain, he lion. Mentlee - fur Wolverhampton had ex pr^=sed surprise the; every frith Member should advocate zfee,e lawn, and be stated that the est= of wheat from Ireland hid dinanislied eeery year. Now be 1 - . ad theer tained that in the year previous to die new Core-luw, Ire. land exported 4.R3 : 04 gem tees of threat, while .I,st year she experted :,42,000 quarters, showing that the quantity of wheel: eeperted was progressing. Another stetemeet made by the lion. Member for Wolvichampton was, that the average wages of able-bodied men in this country fur mated between ss. and ss. GA. per went:, and he men tic :led no instance in which the Magistrate and Doard of Guardians had rated the wages from 5:. to sa. 6d. That - might have happeeed with regard to some idle and useless men, whom it wan not thought fit to take into the workhouse ; but he would appeal to every Member who had any keowledge of the agricultural districts, whether it was pusaible to believe such a statement as that of the Hon. Mee-abet- for kVolverhanipton.—( Hear, hear.) The lion. Member stated that he bad - made inquiries upon the subject, for the purpose of having the fact verified ; but of whom did he make the inquiry?--not of the Board of Guardians, but of the Editor of a Newspaper in which that tact was inserted.—( Hear.) Nobody doubted that the Editor of the Newspaper might have received that in:imitation. To his knowledge, many labourers only re ceived SA. a week, simply because they would do no work ; end the question tea ~ oliethcr they should have that in the house or out of the house? Ile (M-. Term)) had Dever given less than l2e a week to any body, whether 'married or unmarried. and some 'of the farmers in his neighbourheod bad said that they wondered that he could met own to work for that, as they were giving from 13s. to 15s. a week, in consequence of the high price of corn. He had told them be was very glad to hear that, but his labourers had sonic advantages in respect of their cottages, and so on. As the Ceairman of the. Board of Guardians in his own district, he knew that to - be the state of the inertlx of Nottinghamshire, and ho believed it was the state of the 'adjoining nistricts. In the South of England lie was aware that wages had not been to high. No doubt the wages of labour in a country ruled by Poet-- flaws would sympathise with the price of corn. It was well for m anufacturers to deny this, but it was certain, if the labourers were suffering in the degree urged by Mem !bees on the other side, they would have recourse to the workhouse, where they would receive a larger amount of sustenance than was shared be any country on the face of the earth. He thought he was not doing them injustice fat saying they endeavoured to bring-everything available to bear upon their case. But these gentlemen said all the .distress they represented as existing was owing to this law. Ile had in his hand a pamphlet giving the average ;price of corn in 1829, 1831, and 1836, as 635. 31, t64s. 3d., and 66t. 4d. If the Corn-laws were the occa sion of distress, it might have been supposed to have ex isted at periods when there was so much excitement as those. This agitation was the consequence of the excitement re specting organic changes, from which we had been suffer ing during the last few years. Chartism was another con leg aenee of it. Now of what had the Chartists corn. pla.aned ? Had they said they were starving ? No such thieg ; and notwithstanding all the lecturers who bad been nt among them they had not joins(' in this agitation. T hey nod had sense enough to see that their own grie ve nets were not the grievances pf the master manufactu re rs. Ho had no hesitation in ascribing the distress under wleich the manufacturers were new suffering to the state of the , American markets and the monetary system of that coontre, which was only now emerging from its. ditlieuftiea ; and as if that were not enough, we must go to war 01:11 China, a country which .consumed largely of British manufactures.—(Cheers.) It is impossible that they could command a steadiness in tls e price of an article which was affected so much by the wieather and other circumstances over which they had no ee ,ntrol. If they once pu the home market out of colti vf .t.ion a season of dearth might occur, and they would have tc contend with the whole of Europe for every quarter of corn imported, and no regulations which could be devised would prevent a rise in price. It was said that these laws deprived "tile people," as they were called, of bread, but look at the population of Ireland—he ventured to assert, that out of the eight or nine millions there were not more than two millions who ever eat any meat. Again, look at Scotland. In that country, he believed, not above one third of the population used meat. In England, if the paupers and other classes were included, at least one fourth of the population were in the same position. That state of things certainly could not be ascribed to the opera tion of the Corn-laws. He denied that the result of thin. present system was calculated to produce ruin to the lauded, interest ; but if such was the case, be was ready to incar the real onsibility of maintaining the present system. Now it was oseerted that the bread tax, as it was called, put , money auto the pockets of the landowners, but he denied that—the extra price, if there were any, was returned again into the ejaculation of the country, dirl was expended in the purchase of other necessaries and luxuries. The bread tax, then, operated merely to change tho direction of the employment of labour, and on that account it could net ba fairly objected to. tie contended that the advocates of the repeal of these laws had laid no fn ound before the House to show that the population had been materially altered in its nature and ciretuustanoes, by n w o h t a w t r b a b s t gilledbread n t t a e x d . the ailidiehacipopnyfesasgerdictuillatut plie dold inntlotiethhewsegsusaplirde,atal g o l v t e at r e f d o , ur u - n ti e ft e l r is ta o in f , t a h . o uc e t o u u a n ti t n r a y : P ch il et ° ta n d . tap mad down condition of the manufacturing population— (Hear, hear)—who were dependent upon the suceases of cons mercial speculations, upon the winds, and iu some last; :aces, ass in the ease of the operatives employed by the limn Member for Oldham, upon the benevolence of individuals. That Hon. Member, than whom he believed thee a was Lot at more benevolent individual in the House, having ,,, opposed the Poor-lews, dismissed, as be had aright to all his labourers. The motive of the lion. Mem ber might have been a good one, but that immense mass Or p ersons would have been thrown into a state of utter dttsritution bad it not been that the lion. Member was reee &led that they should not suffer for the experiment wela cell be was malting. It might be shown that their com ma roe was not flourishing at all times, but they must prove that at all times, and under all circumstances, it was in a ate of decay, before he could consent to a repeal of these laws. lie Nay not there to contend that corn should be se wee, or bread dear; but c'car bread was, after all, but a ti.elatiye tern:.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever might be said by the Right lion. Gentleman the President of the hoard oe Trade with respect to these laws in produciag etuations in price, 'oe thought that a document, wiiich had lately emanated from the Board of Trade, „ t „i t e u e the average prices of coin in various pricer, rata a sufficient answer. These statements must be taken a general way ; within certain limits of correctness ; an d it appears trem them that that country which was atateri as being notoriottely infamous for fluctuations in i's prices , more nearly approeched uniformity of price than nest any other. lie admitted that to this extent a ease bad Leen made out by the Anti-Core-law party ; they might aver it was unjust by any laws to distribute wealth to ono elate.; in preference to :bother; hot, as a set off tes that etlrresiior, he could net leave out of mind thexonsiler.e.ion of the enormous mass of vested capital— ; of taxed capital, which lied been irrevocably embaiked in the cuitleation cf the so:', in consequence. of the repeated Acts of Parliament Which had been passed upon this sab i jest. If the Cora-law was repealed, all that capital would be lost which it seta; intended should produce fruit , not for I Gue year, but for fifty years, and there would be a grea s y breach of faith with the existing , generation. Nit I I