The Sun. — London, England, 1840-01-31 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. THE EXILED BOURBONS. The following is the picture of the unfortunate family drawn by Mr. Turnbull in his late excellent work on Austria. The introductory remarks are from the Atlienamm, founded on statements made in the book : At a desolate chateau, a few miles from Prague, he paid a visit of respect to the exiled Bourbons, and found that imbecile and fallen family enacting the dreary farce of royalty in a kingdom bounded by a garden wall, with out servants, without carriages, with scarce a comfort in their prostrate fortunes but the basane hope of restora tion to the throne of France. There was the old King —now only " a king in jest" —clothed in a long brown great coat, stooping much, but still animated and even gay, enjoying the pleasures of the chase in the Bohe mian parks, and speaking with an air of lofty " commi seration, not of anger," of the people who were once his subjects. There was the young Duke, " a fine stout healthy youth,with theßourbon features strongly marked, and a clear ruddy complexion." There was the Duchess d'Angouleme, little changed, and alone of the once regal circle cherishing no sanguine anticipations of the future. The Duchess de Berri was absent at a distant residence assigned her by the Austrian Government. The part of Prime Minister was played by the Duc de Blacas, and that of Master of the Horse by the Count O'Hagerty—a Master of the Horse without a stud ! So much is necessary to introduce the following passage, in which the reader will find one of the curiosities of politics : " Yet was this little Court said to be divided into parties, and distracted with animosities and factions. It is a subject which, had it come to my knowledge from personal observations made during my intercourse with the parties concerned, I should not have felt myself at liberty to enlarge ; but there can be no breach of confi dence in stating facts which were notorious both in Ger many and in France, and which were communicated to me from various indifferent quarters. It will excite a smile of pity in the reader to learn that now, when the sovereign rule of France had passed away to another dynasty, the question, most fiercely agitated by the adherents of the exiled Princes, was which among them was the legitimate king. Previous to the departure from St. Cloud, the old sovereign, in the hope of averting the necessity to emigrate, had, conjointly with the Duke d'Angouleme, signed an act of abdication in favour of the Duke de Bourdeaux ; in whose name, under the title of Henry V., certain proclamations were accord ingly issued. After the whole family had quitted France, Charles was persuaded by his religious advisers to con sider this act, extorted by circumstances, as null and void ; and although it is believed that he had not the slightest personal wish to return to the throne, yet a feeling was enforced upon him that he could not law fully divest himself of the sovereignty, or transfer to another the duties which he owed to his people. The question raised upon this point, however apparently ridi culous, was not devoid of political importance. The legitimate party, the adherents of the exiled family, were still strong and numerous in France ; and of these the large majority would have openly acted (with what success it is vain now to inquire, for the restoration of Henry V., but they felt that any such attempt in favour of Charles, must, from the great unpopularity of his last measures, be wholly unavailing. These, therefore, with the Duchess de Berri at their head, entreated from Charles a frank repetition of his Act of Abdication ; but with this request Charles, on alleged religious grounds, peremptorily and ever after constantly refused to comply. Hence the efforts of the legitimists were divided, and in a great measure paralysed. Among a large proportion :of them, the doctrine of alle g i ance to Divine right prevented their acknowledgment of Henry, while Charles maintained his pretensions ; and yet ail felt alike that any attempt in favour of Charles hinisiilf would be a vain and fruitless effort. The Car lists and the Henriquists became two distinct and op posing parties ; and their divisions may probably have been aggravated by the personal unkindness existing between the Duchess d'Angouleme and the Duchess de Berri, who were considered the respective leaders of each." THE COTTON TRADE. (From the CcTlisla Journal,) In a letter we have seen from Manchester, dated the 18th inst., it is stated— " There is a general reduction of wages in all the mills in this town of 10 per cent., and a reduction of 10 per cent. on power loom weaving takes place this day." From Stockport and from Glasgow we have ac counts of some hundreds of work people having left their employment in the course of the last week rather than suffer a farther reduction of wages ; and from all parts of the manufacturing districts we have the most heart-rending details of the privations and sufferings of the working classes. In such a state of things it is not the manufacturers alone who suffer. Shopkeepers and tradesmen of every description shave their fate ; and in whatever direction you turn, you are met by the same tale of distress and nun. The Co-n-laws have at length brought the country to that pass which has all along been foreseen by those who have watched their operation. So far beck as 1826, Sir James Graham, in his pamphlet on Corn and Currency" said— " The landlord's best customer is the manufacturer ; but his prosperity depends entirely on high profits, which it is the avowed tendency of high prices to re duce. If corn be dearer in England than elsewhere, wages must be higher ; and if wages be higher, profits must be lower ; thus our foreign competitors obtain the greatest possible advantage : and if the system be come permanent, manufacturing employment, except for the home market, must cease in this country ; and surely it is not the interest of any class so to enhance the price of labour and provisions as to secure to the foreigner successful competition, and to choke with ob structions the principal channels of native industry." The effect which Sir James here contemplates, the Corn-laws have produced. The foreigner has become our successful competitor, and we now find " the principal channels of native industry " choked with obstructions which we have no longer the power of re moving. " The feeling of the public," continues Sir James, in the same pamphlet, " must be hostile to the present Corn-law—the receivers of rent are a very small body —backed by public opinion, they are almost omnipotent —in violation of public opinion, they cannot long re tain an exclusive advantage. The contest is fearful ; for on what grounds will it be decided ? On the very topic which inflames to madness : that hunger, which breaks through walls, will he arrayed against them, reason will be heard no longer, the barriers of society will be broken down ; and estates, distinctions, honours, swept away in one resistless torrent. Let those who seek high prices at all risks remember the words of Tacit us : Vulgus ad magnitudinem beneficiorum adcrat ; stultissimus quisqui pecurniis mercabatur ; apud sapientes c ISS% habebantur, cum neque dare neque accipi, salsa repuhlica poterant.'" The " receivers of rent" have gone in violation of public opinion, till that struggle which Sir James fore boded, has actually come to pass. The " topic which inflames to madness" is now almost the sole topic of public consideration ; and unless some more speedy means be adopted for supplying the people with more food—of clearing away the obstructions which now impede the " principal channels of native industry." we fear that consequences dire as those which Sir James prefigures will hut too shortly come. But though the Corn-laws are the main obstacle to the success of our manufactures—and the direct cause of much of the suffering which the working classes endure, there are other obstructions thrown in the way of our cotton manufactures which ought at on ce to be removed, and which could only have been imposed by folly or ignorance. We allude particu larly to the tax upon raw cotton—a petition for the repeal of which we published in our last. At first sight the tax appears to be a trifling matter—only five-sixteenths of a penny per lb.—and persons who have not considered the subject, might say that its repeal could have no effect upon the cotton trade generally. The evil of this obnoxious tax will be easiest understood, perhaps, by showing its operation in our own locality. Most of our readers are aware that the great bulk of the cotton goods manufactured in Carlisle is for the foreign market, and that much of the yarn spun here is exported to Hamburgh, and finds its way into mo't of the German markets. The average quality—or rather we s h ou ld say, t h e average degree of fineness—of the yarn spin h er e, is that known as N. o. 30, and the quan tity used in the mills in and around Carlisle, within a circle of six miles, may be estim a t e d ( we are assured by those well acquainted with the busi ness) at 100,000ibs. per week. Now, it is t o b e borne in mind that the tax is levied upon the raw cotton as it is imported, and that before it can be spun it has to undergo various dressings to clear it of sand, dirt, &c. Then the re is considerable waste in spinning, winding, weaving, &c. ; so that before the cotton is manufactured into cloth, the tax actually levied amounts to something more than a halfpenny in the pound—being nearly one-half the amount paid to the spinner for his labour on No. 30's.* Iv ith the aid of Cocker we find that a halfpenny per pound upon 100,0001bs. amounts to somewhat more than 2001. ster ling per week upon the cotton used in Carlisle—which is just so much extracted from the wages of labour ; for as our goods have to go into the foreign market, in com petition with goods produced in countries where no such suicidal impost is levied as a tax on raw material, it fol lows that either the manufacturer's profits must be re duced below what will t em p t t h e cap i ta li st to go on, or the difference must be taken f rom t h e wages o f t h e ope rative. And then, as Sir J ames G ra h am says, " our fo reign competitors obtain the grea t es t poss ibl e advantage, " for, in addition to cheap corn, they have also untaxed cotton to put in competition with cotton taxed to half the amount of the cost of wages paid for workin g it into yarn! The net loss of cotton i n sp i nn i ng i s estimated vari ously by different individuals, I n t h e calculations ofMr Kennedy, made use of by him in a paper publ i shed in 'the . Transactions of the Mancheste r Li terary and Philo plrical Society,' it is taken at oz. per lb. ; whilst eMont gomery, in his Theory and Practice of Cotton Spinning,' computes it at If oz., and Burn, at 11 oz." COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. At a Common Council held yesterday, after some for mal business, Mr. R. STEVENS appeared at the bar, with a pe•ltion stating that it was intended to apply this Session f r an Act to prohibit the employment of children in sweeping chimneys; in conformity with the recommendation of a Committee of the House of Commons, and desiring the Court to exorcise its liberality in aid of the expenses of procuring an Act. Mr. ()BEARD moved that it be referred to the Finance Committee, to consider the petition. Mr. GALLOWAY cordially seconded the motion, and ex pressed his sense of the laudable exertions made by the petitioners in furtherance of this object. NEW POLICE ACT. Mr. GALLOWAY presented a petition from the inhabitants of Thavie's Inn, stating that they considered the present mode of watching the district was the best, and praying that they might be left under it.—Referred to the Police Committee. THE SHERIFFS. Mr. WIRE presented the Report of the Committee on ,he case of the Sheriffs, which was read. In the report the Committee stated the principal facts of the case, and then recommended a strong remonstrance to the House of Commons against the continued incarcera tion of the Sheriffs. Mr. WIRE said he did not think it necessary to do more than move the adoption of the Report, which having been agreed to, The RECORDER read the remonstrance, a draft of which had been drawn up by the Sheriffs. He described the election of the Sheriffs by the Cerporation, and recited the oath which they took to truly serve all the Queen's writs, and preserve all the Queen's rights and franchises; and not to respite or delay the levying of any debt ; nor to yield any man's right unjustly ; and well and truly to execute all the laws and statutes of the realm.---( Hear, hear.) It stated, that in conformity to this oath they had duly levied under a fleri facias, on the goods of the Messrs. Hansard, to the amount of 6401. That they had been told that the House claimed the exclusive right of deciding their privileges ; and that ene of those privileges had been violated. That the House had, by their Attorney- General, appeared in the Court of Queen's Bench, and pleaded the privilege unsuccessfully. That the House had acquiesced in the judgment which now remained un reversed. That the Justices of the Court had perempto rily directed the Sheriffs to pay over the money to Stock dale the plaintiff, in the action. That petitioners had dis covered by the votes of the House that for refusing to re fund the money to the defendant, the Sheriffs had been committed by the House. That to have complied with such an order would have been to violate their oaths and to interfere with the Queen's prerogative, by stay ing her Majesty's writs. That such a claim was subver sive of all the laws and all the liberties of the realm, and that petitioners therefore prayed that the Sheriffs might be released—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") A DEPUTY wished to know if the Court were compelled to use the word " humble" in petitioning ?—( Laughter. ) The RECORDER said he considered the Court was bound to preserve the usual forms of respect in approaching the House.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Wins then said, even if the individuals now in the custody of the Sergeant at Arms of the House of Com mons, were not such ancient officers of the Corporation as the Sheriffs, he was persuaded that, from the zeal which the Corporation had always manifested in defence of the liberty of the country, the Court would unanimously adopt the spirited course recommended by the report.—( Hear.) The Attorney-General, on the part of the House, had, by pleading before the Queen's Bench, admitted the right of the Court directly to question their privileges.—( Hear, hear.) Another judgment of the Court, declaring the claim now made to be invalid, remained in full force, • having been also submitted to by the House.—(Hear, hear.) He begged to inform the Court that the Court of Queen's Bench could not travel out of the record, and the consequence was the Court was obliged to return the Sheriffs to the custody of the Sergeant at Arms. Now, if the Sheriffs had been the officers of the House of Com mons the case would have been different, but they were the officers of the Courts of Law, and we.e bound by oath to obey its orders.—( Hear, hear.) The men who in high life had dared to calumniate the Judges, ought to have been committed for their contempt. If it was necessary the House should have this privilege, an Act of Parliament should be passed securing it to them. It was not an old privilege, but first claimed in 1.837, and the effect of it would be to make the House a shop for the sale of libels. —( Hear, hear.) He had no doubt the Corporation would strenuously maintain their own rights and those of every Englishman.—( Hear.) Give the House this privileges and it was one which would be exercised to the injury, of the liberty of the people, and the subversion of the law. —(Hear, hear.) He moved, therefore, the petition now read be adopted, and presented to the House by the Lord Mayor, two Aldermen, and four Councilmen in the place of the Sheriffs, a course which was warranted by many precedents.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. ANDERTON rose to second the motion, and having called attention to the official duties of the Sheriffs, asked the Court to consider the circumstances the county of Middlesex would be in in the event of a disturbance : with- out the Sheriffs to call out the posse comitatus. He also read and commented on the oath the Sheriffs bad taken to show they were thereby unable to act otherwise than they had done. The question, then, was, whether the House had the power to interfere with the duties of the Sheriffs, or to demand of them to sic late their oaths. The result of this affair would be to shorten the duration of Parliament, and he hoped that when those who had voted for these illegal acts again presented themselves to their constituents, they would be rejected, as those who called upon others to violate the law were unfit to be legislators.—( Hear.) The resolution having been read, Mr. GALLOWAY rose, and maintained the House of Commons had merely done their duty, and that they were upholders of the privileges of the people by the course they had taken on the matter.—(Cries of " Oh," and " Hear.") Had the House not made a return to the wt. , t of Habeas Corpus he should hare said their cordut was tyrannical, but they had done so, thereby showing their respect for the law. The Sheriffs were bound to obey the writ, but they should have paid the money into the Court of Queen's Bench, and then they might have defied the House to detain them a single day, but not having done so, the House of Commons had the power of ordering them to pay it to the defendant. He was persuaded a petition from the Court would have no effect, but that of confirming the House in the course they had taken. fie maintained the Judges were the primary cause of the de tention of the Sheriffs. The law was said to admit bet of one interpretation ; but they found the Judges could never agree what the law was, as was shown but yesterday in the case of Frost. He therefore moved the previous. question. Mr. PawraEss seconded it, because he thought it a ques tion that ought to be confined to at present to the House of Commons and the Judges of the land. It appeared to him the Sheriffs ought not to hare been left to bear the whole brunt of the matter, and that it was most cowardly conduct of the Judges that they did not on the return to the Habeas Corpus discharge them and fight their own battle with the House of Commons. If he thought the petition would have any effect he would cor dially support it, but as as he did not he shouH not do so. Alderman BnowN said, he feared their forbearance had been greatly mistaken in high places—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It was there said the interest of the matter had already died away. It was well remarked by a late eminent personage, that "unlimited power corrupts its possessor, and that where law ends tyranny begins." He begged to set the Court right as to the tran sactions, and having detailed them, asked it the Attorney_ General thought the Judges were wrong, why he did not bring a writ of error. But that would not do ; the Attorney-General preferred to rest on the ground of un defined privilege. Au Attorney-General, too, who had hitherto been " a \Vhig, and something more."--( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Had he not, with a caution for which his countrymen are celebrated, abstained from stating on the warrant what the contempt was, knowing 1 that the Judges could not travel out of the record ? He I trusted if this petition were rejected, the Court would ' ap proach the foot of the Throne, and entreat her Majesty to exeicise her prerogative, and to liberate the Sheriffs who were incarcerated for obeying her writs.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. STACEY was very sorry that the previous question had been moved, as he wished that they had been unani mous upon such a question. He was sorry to"see his friend on the floor, who had many years ago almost im mortalized himself by identifying himself with John Horne Tooke, now supporting general warrants. Mr. GALLOWAY denied that he had ever supported general warrants—he hated them as much as ever, but he supported the House of Commons in: its just privileges, which were necessary for the due performance of its duties. Mr. STACEY was glad to hear his Worthy Friend was yet decidedly against general warrants. Was it not a general warrant upon which the Sheriffs were now incar cerated? What was it ? Did it state anything on the face of it which set out any offence for which they ought to be punished ? Mr. STEVENS said the Corporation were now going to the House of Commons to demand the liberation of the Sheriffs—to beard them in their own House. Was it good for the people that the House of Commons should have the power of investigating into abuses, of calling witnesses for the purpose of elucidating evidence on which to found corrections of those abuses ? If that was necessary—then so was the power of publication. It was really a very great question. He wished the Sheriffs were released, but it must be remembered that they were in confinement for their own rebellion against the rights of the people, for he contended the rights of the Commons were the rights of the people as their representatives. Alderman Sir Was. HEYGATE said the Corporation of London would h ave ta k en the same steps h a d i t b ee n the w S h he o ri w ff e o re f e G le lo e i t t e e d es b te y rs t h h i e re Li i o i it might Commons. damag damage He their denied e o n w i e n d case it_ i i f t they offend v n er p y la o c f e th o o f t th ei e t i y r . ow It n S w h a s e r s i a ff i s d , u p e r v e ti s e e n ry , e he t conduct which had saved them heretofore,o ff theire n d e oa d nwd t o h e ns po H ti rhoi nothing ne s gd e but conduct He pehrospeevedranthceat w t l o d u s i d q w he e m re s r elr m es igh is t and would lead to an amendment of th e l aw defining the privileges, so that gentlemen in the situation of the Sheriffs might know what they were doing. He contended that they were suffering, under a general warrant, one of the most odious of abuses, which had been got rid of in consequence of the patriotism of John Wilkes. He knew that many great and good men supported this question of privilege, but he reme mbered a saying question C.: - --eorge M., who had had great experience of parties, and he said, " I never yet knew the heads of opposite parties come together, but they were wrong."—(Laughter.) Let the privilege be granted, and then no one need ever be punished for a libel—all they had to do was to get up a petition libelling their enemy, and get it presented and printed, or get calumniatory evidence given before a Committee, whether true or false did not matter, because it was not given on oath, a report would be made, it would be printed and published at the sale shop of the House of Commons, and the work would be done. The Sheriffs had sworn to obey the Queen's writs, and they stood thus : if they obeyed ono they were punished, and if they obeyed the other tribunal, they were punished by the other. They were high-minded men, or they might at once get out, fur it had been whispered to them that if they paid the money, made their bow and ai - ,ology to the Hon. House, there would be a grant from the secret service money. But they were high-minded men, anxious only to do their duty, and they would suffer 7ather than tarnish their honour. Mr. WELLS said the Central Criminal Court met on Monday, and how was the business to be done. If he had a brief for a prisoner who was convicted, he would move an arrest of judgment on account of their absence from the making of the panel of the jury.—( Laughter.) Mr. TAYLOR said it was gross tyranny on the part of the House of Commons, and their privileges were so undefined that they might flay the Sheriffs alive if they pleased. They were setting themselves above all law, which the people would never allow. If the House triumphed on the pre sent occasion they would triumph over common sense, over law, and over their own honour and dignity.—( Cheers. ) He had never heard of such an attempt at catching arbi trary power since the days of Nebuchadnezzar —( Laughter) Mr. PRITCHARD rose amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide," and " Wire, Wire." After some time of confusion, Mr. PRITCHARD proceeded, and contended that the pri vileges of Parliament were part and parcel of the law of the land, as laid down in many of the text-books, more especially in Judge Blackstone's book. Mr. LAWRANCE was quite sure that if they intended to liberate the Sheriffs, their petition would be of no use. The Court wanted much information upon the subject. He thought the petition would have the contrary effect in tended. Mr. ASHURST thought the claim of privilege made by the House of Commons was inimical to the liberties of the subject. He, however, objected to the, wording of the petition, inasmuch as the Court in it was prejudging a question quite contrary to the judgment of Lord Denman. He trusted the present difficulty would lead to an amended law of libel. _ _ _ Mr. JONES ( Bishopgate) said Lord Denman merely laid it down that the House had the power of committal, and no more. Had the cause of the committal appeared on the face of the warrant, the Court declared they would have considered the legality of it or not. According to the resolutions of the House all in the Court were guilty of contempt, for they were questioning the privileges of the House, and they might all expect to be waited on by the Sergeant at Arms. Mr. WIRE replied. _ The Question was now put by the RECORDER, and the petition carried by an overwhelming majority. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. ( From the Brighton Gazette) PoRTSMOUTII.—The corvette, Nimrod, 20, Commander Barlow, and Pylades, 18, Commander Anson, fitting at Plymouth, will go into the Sound about the 3d February. Report sends the former to the north coast of Spain, and the latter to the coast of Africa. The Imogine, 26, is preparing for commission. The Pique, 36, Captain Boxer, is rapidly completing her crew, reduced by so many men having been discharged —period expired. It is understood that her destination is the West Indies; but she will not be ready for sea until the middle of next month. Orders are daily looked for to put the Madagascar, 46, Harrier, 16, and Magieienne, 24, into commission. The Jupiter, troop ship, Mr. Fulton, master, on her homeward voyage from Ceylon, had not reached the Cape of Good Hope on the 13th November. She brings home the 61st regiment, and unserviceable stores fromTrinco malee yard, and will come into this harbour for refit. The Minden, 72, Captain Sharpe, is ordered to be paid off at Plymouth, at which port she has arrived last from Tar ragona, with the late crew of the Tribune, 24, wrecked near that place. She left Malta 23d December, but did not touch either at Gibraltar or Lisbon; brings no news whatever, save that the Admiral, Sir Robert Stopford, with the fleet, still remained at Vourla, and that the greater part of the French squadron had returned to Toulon. The Meteor and Lightning, steamers, in command cf Lieutenants Pritchard and Williams, have arrived from 'Woolwich with detachments of Royal Artillery for embar kation in the Blenheim and Blonde, and also an immense quantity of munitions of war to be employed against the Chinese. These ships are ready, and will , To out of har bour to Spithead to-morrow, and will be followed in a day or two by the Andromache. The squadron is expected to sail about the 10th of February. The Raven, cutter, Lieut. Mapleton, is ordered to the Sheerness station. She will sail in a few days. BY accounts from Sierra Leone of the 20th December, it appears that the Buzzard, 10, has sent into that port for condemnation, two more prizes, whith 550 slaves on board. Two brigs are building at this dock-yard, namely, the Bitterne, 16, and Rapid, 10, and are in course of com pletion. The Warspito, 50, razee, is in dock, preparing for com mission, if required. The steam-vessel, Prometheus, Lieutenant Spark, is daily expected from the River, on her way to the Medi terranean. The Pembroke rill come int ,, the harbour to be paid off RQ soon as the weather will admit ; and the Fantome and Crescent will proceed to their respective destinations. At Spithead.—Pembroke, 72, Crescent, 42, and Fan tome, 16. _ _ In Harbour.—Britannia, Victory, Excellent, Royal George yacht, Blenheim, Blonde, Pique, Andromache. Pantaloon, Raven, Messenger, and Meteor. EXECUTION IN FRANCE. (From the Gazette des Tribunaux.) Tno DEATH OF A AIURDERIZIt.—DRACIUIONAN, JAN. 14.—Toussaint Chauvet was found guilty on the 11th 01 November, by the Court of Assizes the department of the Var, of murdering his sister, in-law, and was condemned to death. The circumstances under which the crime hid been committed, the untameable temper of the murderer— there, seated on the bench of infamy was his daughtor, aged fiFteen, uttering dreadful declarations against her father, whose accomplice she was accused of being—the touching position of the victim's family, and the attachment of which she was the object from all I,ho knew her—all this excited eat neat attention to the various phases of the drama which the energetic verdict of the jury was to ter urinate. The verdict was received as the work of justice, and not a voice was rai,ed in favour of the murderer, who appealed to the Royal clemency, after having in vain ap pealed to the Courts of Law. Chauvet heard his sentence without emotion. On ar riving at the prison he instantly asked for something to eat. During two months he never softened the savage ferocious nature of his character. Continually protesting against his sentence, and throwing the responsibility of his death upon his daughter, be ar,, , tvered the priests and others who attempted to administer to him the solace of religion. " If there were a God, he wc.uld come down from Heaven to save me ; if I am taken to the scaffold, there is no God." He took his meals regularly, and insisted on having double rations, which he shared with another convict, his compa nion in captivity. At six a.m., on the 14th instant, the Abbe Court entered Chauvet's cell, and told him that he must prepare to go. " Where ?" replied be. "To Luc," said the Priest. " Well, I am ready," said he," " but I'll first take some brandy and something to cat." He was given what lie wanted, and whilst going in the cart through the multitude which had i s. sembled to see him pass. he continued eating with the greatest sang froid until he arrived at the prison. The cort , ge arrived at Luc at hall-past ten. The prisoner, standing up in the cart, apostrophised the people, saying that he was the victim of perjury. On passing before the .Judge he vociferated some horrible exclamations against that respectable Magistrate, accusing him of having caused his death, &c. The prisoner's cyni cism excited the disgust and indignation of all the bystanders. On passing under the guillotine Chauvet looked at it and said, " You will soon cut off a good and innocent head." While the executioners were cutting off his hair, preparing him for the scaf fold, he uttered the most horrible blasphemies, and was ferocious and savage as a madman. He, however, asked for something to eat, saying it was better to meet death with a full stomach. At length he consented to confess. At half-past one the immense masses which had assembled to witness the execution perceived the prison gates thrown open. The fatal moment had arrived. Chauvet ad vanced with a firm step towards the guillotine, and mounted the steps unassisted. Whilst the executioners were bind ing his hands he cried out, with a hoarse, stentorian voice, " Had there been a God, he would have performed a miracle to save me I lam innocent !" In another second he ceased to exist. CESAREAN OPERATION.—We gave an ac count sometime ago of the performance of the Caesarean opera tion, by Professor Paul Dubois, on the body of a poor deformed and idiotic dwarf, in whose case a natural accouchement was considered impossible. The same Professor has just performed with success a similar operation upon another dwarf, aged 25 years, it having been decided that although there was no de formity in this case, the small proportions of the patient, who was only 3 feet 5 inches in height, prevented the hope of a na tural delivery. M. Dubois having announced his intention of opet ating, the evening before last, at the Hospital de la Clinique, the room in which he was to perform his task was crowded with medical practitioners and students, who were allowed to be pre sent, and at seven o'clock M. Dubois commenced this difficult and rare operation. During the performance of it, which was short and simple, nothing of an alarming nature occurred ; but when the child had been extracted the loss of blood caused the mother to faint, from which, however, she was rapidly reco vered, and, the wound being sewed up, she was conveyed to her bed with great precaution. At this moment she bore the ap pearance of death, her body was col,' and colourless, but shortly afterwards the natural warmth returned, the blood resumed its ordinary course, and her breathing was perceptible. In the meantime the child, which is of the female sex, and perfectly formed, gave by its cries and movements the most unequivocal signs of well-constituted vitality, and nothing is apprehended respecting it beyond what is common to all new-born children. Up to yesterday evening both mother and child were going on as well as could be expected.—Paris Paper. - - .• DEAT ii .---TREADmlLL.—Wednesday morn ing an inquest w as held before Mr. Wakley, M.P., at the House of Correction, Coldbath-fields, on the body of Fanny Leach, aged 30, an inmate of the prison. It appeared from the evidence of the turnkeys that deceased was committed on the 30th of last October, from the Central Criminal Court, un der sentence of six months' imprisonment and hard labour for felony. Until the 14th instant she appeared in good health, when at her own request she was transferred from the work room to the treadmill, on which she had been scarcely an hour, when she was seized with an hysterical fit ; after which she was removed into the convalescent ward, and subsequently to the i n fi rm ary. She became gradually worse, and on the 23d, on examining her, the surgeon found one of her le g s q uite black, which colour rapidly spread all over her body, and she died on Monday last. Verdict—" Natural Death, produced by mortification of the leg." A CURE FOR THE GOUT.—Count Piper (we are assured) like myself, was once a martyr to the gout. He said he cured his by taking in bed, every morning, a very strong extract of coffte, with an equal quantity of rum—about a quarter of a pint each—for thirty successive days. The first week it produc e d violent headache and fever, which terminated after that period in most excessive perspiration. This remedy left him weak, but cured him. Ile has had no return of the disorder for nine years, and now trusts to exercise and diet for good health and freedom from the distressing malady, which, like the ' toothache, excruciating as it is, nobody pities.— Standish. TH SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 31, 1840. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. (LLOYDS.) NOTICE TO MARINERS. NEW LIGHT-HOUSE AT BAHIA. The following description of a new Lighthouse erected at the entrance of the harbour of Bahia has been teceived at Lloyd's, from the British Consulate at Bahia, addressed to William Dobson, Esq. : " A brilliant revolving light, showing two white sides and one red, the latter to he seen once in every four mi nutes, situated on the same site as the former one, viz., Fort Santa Antonio da Barra, but much higher, being about one hundred and forty feet above the level of the sea, and is visible at about twenty-five to thirty miles." The above Lighthouse was lighted on the 2d Decem ber, 1839. VESSELS SPOKEN WITII. —H.III. S. Edinburgh and 11. M. S. Belleisle, Sept. 23, lat. 49 N., lon. 5 W. ; John, of Guernsey, Sept. 28, lat. 43, lon. 11 ; Gauge, of Bordeaux, bound to Calcutta, Nov. 3, lat. 32 S., lon. 15 W. ; Ruby, Marseilles to Mauritius, Sept. 6, lat. 34 S., ion. 8 W., by the Vernon, Denny, arrived at the Cape of Good Hope. Ellen, Jenkinson, Trieste to Liverpool, 14th instant, lat. 36, by the Mischief, arrived at Genoa. Ex mouth, Warren, London to Calcutta, Nov. 15, lat. 31 S., lon. 26 W. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. H OUSE OF COMJIONS JAN. 30. The SPEAKER took the Chair at four o'clock, when a number of private Bills were read a first time. ' • Mr. BAYNES presented a petition from some place in Oxford against the payment of Church-rates. An HoN. MEMBER presented a petition from some place in England against any further grant to Maynooth College. He also presented a petition praying that Housa, in the event of the Queen's marriage, to require certain securities for preserving unimpaired the Protestant religion as by law established. Mr. ROACH presented a petition from a parish in Cork, praying for the extension of election franchise and the reform of Municipal Corporations in that country. Mr. P LUMPTRE presented several petitions from va rious parishes in Kent, praying for Church extension. Mr. REDINGTON presented a petition in favour of Church Extension, and for the Reform of Corporations. Mr. BAYLIS presented a petition praying for inquiry into the doctrines of the Socialists. Sir J. YARDE BULLER presented various petitions from Devonshire, praying for Church Extension, and for the discontinuance of any further grant to the College of Maynooth. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented a petition from Leith, praying for the extension of the elective franchise. Lord C. MANNERS presented a petition from Lei cester, praying the House to take into its consideration the insufficiency of religious instruction, and the necessity of Church Extension. Mr. STEPHEN FRENCH presented a petition from the Medical Profession of Tipperary, praying for Medical Reform. Mr. O'CONNELL presented 17 petitions from places in Queen's County, Donegal, County Down, Galway, and Westmeath, praying fur Corporate Reform, and the Extension of the Suffrage in Ireland. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN presented a petition from some place in the county of Limerick, praying for an extension of the Suffrage, expressing the satisfaction of the petitioners at the good conduct of the Irish in England during the late disturbances—(A laugh from the Opposition benches) —and expressing a hope that there would be no return to a system of arbitrary Government. Mr. EMERSON TENNENT moved that the Order of the Day for the second reading of the Designs Copyright Bill, which stood for to-morrow, be postponed.—Ordered. Lord GEORGE LENNOX gave notice that, on Thursday, the 13th of February, he would move that there should be given to the House the names of the Members of the Naval arid Military Commission, and the number of days they had sat. Lord STANLEY gave notice that, on the 13th of Fe bruary, he would bring in a Bill to amend the laws re lating to the Registration of Voters in Ireland. Mr. Gth of February he would bring in a Bill for the purpose of regulating the rules regarding stage-carriages in Ireland. Mr. DA R.BY and Sir E. SUG DE N postponed their motions respecting the Messrs. Hansard and the Sheriffs. THE MINISTRY-ADJOLTRNED DEBATE. On the Oder of the Day for the adjourned debate being read, Lord PO WERSCOURT rose and said the result of the speeches last night must have been to convince her Majesty's Governm - int of the truth of the old adage, " that ;it was comparatively easy for a man to defend himself against his enemies, but that it re quired supernatural aid to guard him against his friends."— ( Hear, hear, and laughter from the Opposition.) Of all the speeches which had been delivered upon this debate none were more calculated to injure the Government than the two principal speeches on their side of the [louse—the speeches of the Noble Lord (Howick) and of the Right Honourable Gentleman the new Secretary at War (Mr. Macaulay). If the Noble Lord were in his place, he (Lord P.) would congratulate him upo-. the o p en an d the manly manner in which he had avowed his reasons for resigning his post in the Government—rea sons, not from any personal motive, or from disappointed ambition, but on strong public grounds—( Hear, hear) — and he might congratulate gentlemen opposite on the sup port of the Noble Lord, coupled, as it had been, with a speech which must inevitably injure them most deeply. With ref.Taed to the other speech to which he alluded, and to whici he would but briefly refer, he must say that it ta; a new thing and, in his opinion, a most unpopular thing, for aMember of the Cabinet to come down to that House, and boldly and openly declare that he upheld and admired that system of agitation to which the country owed all the evils it was now labouring under_ —( Tory cheers.) He thought it was a new thing, and altogether an unprecedented thing for a Cabinet Minister to come (lowa to the House and speak in terms of disparagement of the high and honourable office of a Privy Councillor, :a terms which expressed that that high and honourable office was merely an empty name, and a nominal title of distinction.--( Cheers.) It appeared to him to be a new and anomalous thing fur a Cabinet Minister to rise in his place in Parliament ostensibly for the purpose of answering a number of serious charges brought against the Adminis tration of which he was a Member,bythe Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke, and instead of alluding in the most distant manner—( Renewed cheering)—to any one , 1 of these charges, to fly off and talk about the Reforms tion—about some nondescript animal, half Roundhead, half Cavalier—about the times of Milton and Raleigh, and fifty other things, which had no more to do with the matter in hand than if he had talked of the sudden death of King Rufus, and entertained the House with a panegyric upon his heroic deeds.—( Cries of " Hear.") He ( Lord!Powerscourt) thought the speech, evidently well digested—(Cheers from the Opposition)—concluded in a very odd and peculiar manner. If he saw any resem blance to any hero, it was the ancient Roman, who, as long as hef ound hostile weapcns against him, defended himself with great bravery, but when he found a mortal blow had been infbcted by a friend, breathed out those memorable words, "et to Brute !" He trusted Hon. Gentlemen opposite would take example from that noble Roman. He (Lord Powerscourt) rejoiced at the oppor tunity of expressing his cordial support of the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Devonshire. It was a motion which he was convinced, whatever might be its fate, would meet with the approbation of all thinking classes. He believed he spoke the sentiments of the great consti• tuency that he represented when he stated that the present state of the country required a strong Government—a Government which would unite men of education, and the best wishes of both Houses of Parliament—a Govern ment composed of men, who, by their talent, character, and influence would be enabled to carry on the affairs of the Government with success. The present course of af fairs, as he had before said, required a strong Government, and when he came down to that House, at the commence ment of the debate, he confessed that he thought no indi vidual on the other side of the House would have had the hardihood to assert that the present Government was en titled to that designation. He was satisfied that a weaker or a more inefficient Government never presided over the destinies of a great nation than the present. It could not be denied that the voluntary principle was the did not cn u lo p at o r e n t h w ti hn h ek i which the time r h te e i mm G ee o hader limitsn m yetet o n t ihr arrived ehndt they w o he a n c n t , they ha but could c to carry their views. He knew there were yet some of their supporters who declared an adhesion to the Protestant establishments of the country, but that adhesion was given in such a manner, so sleepy were they in their support, that they were more calculated to paralyse their energies than to advance the sacred cause, which they declared their an x iet y to struggle for; with regard to the Church , he could not hel p advert ing to the policy w hi c h the Government had p ursu e d ; he thought every eff o rt they made t o what the y called sub mission was nothing more or less than a surrender of those sacred rights to the enemies of the Church. He knew full well that the l arge an d t hinking portion o f the people out side that House would not suffer a continuance of such a Government ; there was als o a numerous and highly respe c t a bl e party in that House, who Nvere perfectly free f rom any kind of bigot r y and prejudice ; these, backed by t h e s t r onger body outside of these walls, would form a phalanx so powerful that it would be im possible for the Ministers to retain their places.- 7 ( Hear. ) He was ready to admit that they carefully abstained from all outward expressions of dislike to the Church, but they also abstain e d f rom a ll expressions in its f avour, and did not hesitate to give the party to which he had al luded all the increased weight of their expressive silence ; because if they expressed openly their adhesion to that Church, they would run the risk of offending that party by which they were supported, and if they would insert the word Protestant into any of their state do. cuments they would offend the ears of that nu merous body who, if they were sincere disciples of the religion which th e y pro f esse d, must ardently desire the abo lition of Protestantism.—( Hear, hear.) The voice of public opinion called for men to assume the reins of Go vernment who would not be ashamed to announce their principles of religion, who would truckle not to any party, but w h o would manfully assert i n a straight-forward manner the principles of their policy—.a party whs would stand not upon the breath of Court favour alone —not upon party claims alone—but would rest their claims to the public confidence on their sound opinions and principles. This was the policy which they had pursued with regard to the Church which they were afraid to attack, but he considered their conduct in State affairs was even still more culpable. Under the names of forbearance and generosity they had displayed a despicable and culpable weakness.—( Hear, hear.) H e would not allud e , exce pt in passing to the speech of the Noble Lord at Liverpool, or to that of the Attorne y -G e n e r al at Edinburgh, which had been so ably commented upon last night. He should allude to those subjects if they had not al ready been alluded to lay Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the House. He should say, however, that it was unworthy and undignified on the part of Minister a of the Crown to go in imitation of an Hon. Gentleman opposite, on an agitating tour through the country.—( Hear.) There was one part of the speech of the Noble Lord which he would allude to —that was, his boast of a paltry economy in the secret ser vice money. He wondered whether the Noble Lord, when he made that boast, contemplated his coming to the House with the extravagant demand with which he came down a few nights ago? he wondered whether it ever struck him, when he boasted of that paltry economy, that a judicious expenditure of that money might have saved the lives of many of those who fell at Newport, by obtaining for him a timely notice of the danger which was intended. There was another matter to which he should refer, and he begged leave to say, though Honourable Members opposite might laugh at it, it was a matter of great importance. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland had gone over to that country with the express intention of playing a game of conciliation. He had hoped to find a temporary cessation of party rancour, and yet, after having received while over there the most generous support from political opponents, he had turned round on the principles on which he should have acted.—( Hear, hear.) He invited to his table the man most opposed to the principles on which he had himself professed to act. He invited that man who, a few weeks before that compliment from the repre sentative of the Queen had, not in one or two speeches, but almost every day of his life, assailed with the most unfounded and unjustifiable abuse and in the most unwarrantable manner,not only all that was good and virtuous in the land, but the most sacred institutions of the country. These •things might be called trifles; he could not tell whether they were or not, but he held them as demonstra tions of principles on the part of her Majesty's Ministers. —( Hear.) But he asked what was the reason for this display of fellow feeling and approbation on the part of Lord Ebrington ? It was that the Learned Gentleman, by means which his own conscience must justify, had attained a power in the State hitherto unenjoyed by any other, so extensive as to be most dangerous to the State, and which so far from receiving favour from any Government deserved the contrary, and ought to have been most seriously and steadily discountenanced. He was not about to state the position of that Learned Gentleman in the House, but none could doubt it was a very great one. He could look before him and around him, and see every where men of the greatest wealth,the highest talent—aye,even of ancient rank who held their stations in the House at his sovereign will. —( Hear.) He might turn on one side of him and see the Honourable Gentleman, once the independent Member for the county of Middlesex—the bugbear of the Treasury benches—the festering thorn in the side of each succeed ing Chancellor of the Exchequer, and once the head of a respectable party in the House, reduced to the necessity of receiving rank among his satellites.—( Hear, hear.) No doubt, too, the Learned Gentleman might reflect that there were many in that House whose names, by the force of his influence, would go down to posterity, the candi dates for fame, in having supported a Government which, but for his upholding hand, must with them have moul dered into dust.—( Hear.) It could not be denied that this was a proud position. But was this a power that should receive homage from any Government ?—a power which nearly approached to the absolutism of the imperial sway —( A laugh)—a power which exceeded, nay almost superseded the authority of the Crowa in one important and integral part of the empire.—( Hear, hear.) Was it to be borne that the Learned Member should have sixty seats in that House so entirely at his disposal as to be able to send these persons:utterly unknown till they arrived there ? And, indeed, if the boast of a priest at an election for the county of Meath were to be relied upon, he could as easily return cabbage stocks to that House.—( Laughter. ) Power such as that must be fatal to the peace of the em pire in the hands of any individual, but in the hands of one who was continually raving at all our best institutions— who was the sworn foe of the Protestant Church in Ire- land—( Hear, hear)—who bad agitated, and who again threatened, the agitation of the repeal of the Union, which would be the dismemberment of the em pire—( Hear, hear)—a man who lost no opportunity of attacking private character—( Hear, hear)—who to-day praised the man to the skies, whom to-morrow he loaded with execrations—in the hands of such a man this power roust be so dangerous that it should be the object of every Government that wished to maintain order and peace, and to uphold the dignity of the laws—to discountenance and discourage, instead of giving it the apparent sanction of their exalted station. He was not now about to dilate upon any of the other important topics on which, in his opinion, the present Government was open to censure. He had already trespassed too long upon the time of the Housa, but he could not sit down without alluding to some of the difficulties of the position in which they were placed.-- (Hear.) They bad, in the first place, an extensive Chartist conspiracy breaking out all over the kingdom ; they had, in the second place, a Ribbon conspiracy, of an extensively organised nature, proved to exist in Ireland; and they had also a system of agitation kept alive in that country, which, like the effect of unwholesome excitement upon the hu man frame, tended to nothing but exhaustion and decay. Such, in fact, was their condition, that a state of discontent was a state of comparative tranquillity. Some were discontented only, while some were in an utter state of disorganization which could only be subdued by force. If they looked abroad they saw that empire which had been the scene of a late military triumph in an equally precarious state. That was composed of a number of petty States, partly independent of each other, and only waiting the assistance of some foreign Power tike a string of beads when the string was cut.—( Hear, hear.) They had a war in the east, and an eminent State exposed at their own doors, liable to be disturbed by the introduction of the Russian sword or the French bayonet into the scales of their adversary. They had what was more than all, a declining financial system at home, and to crown the whole, it was ridiculous to deny it, they had a Government which could not pass a single measure through Parliament except upon sufference —a Government distinguished by no peculiar talent, or remarkable ability—unillumined by one ray of genius, unsupported by the common attributes of straight forward and dogged and plodding industry.—( Hear.) Their efforts were directed not to stem the torrent, but to keep their heads above the surface, and float listlessly on the troubled waters. Their last resource was in the per sonal favour of the Sovereign, who was so inexpe rienced in State affairs, that she was altogether incapable of seeing or knowing the impending danger.— (Hear, hear.) They had, however, the pleasure of seeing, whatever might be the fate of the motion, a limping majo rity, dwindling from day to day, supported by a specious system of open questions and uncertain evasions. He said, then that the fate of the Ministers was sealed. Mr. FOX MAULE then rose and said, that as the Noble Lord had come to the House for the purpose of accusing his Hon. Friend of delivering what he termed an essay, he had expected to hear an extemporaneous reply to what had fallen during that debate. He could not but remark that many points of the Noble Lord were directed to an individual whom he expected to tee sitting in his place, but who unfortunately was absent.—(Hear. ) In what he had to state to the House on this question he must claim their indulgence, because the task would be to enter into mere matter of detail, and not to dwell upon subjects that were more entertaining to the House. The Noble Lord bad attacked his Right Hon. Friend for stating in his place in that House as a Minister of the Crown his opinion on the subject of agitation. He could not think that the Noble Lord had read his Right Honourable Friend's speech carefully, for if he had he would have yen that the views taken by him upon the subject of agitation, were not entitled to be described as the advice, on the part of a Minister of the Crown to the people, to continue agitation, in his acceptance of the term. The Noble Lord had made remarks on the office of Privy Councillor—that was a most delicate sub ject, sitting, as he did, near the Right Hon. Baronet who last night spoke upon that question. The description given by his Right Hon. Friend of the office of Privy Councillor was by many degrees worse than the remarks made upon that subject by the Right Honourable Baronet. With regard to the opinions of the public as to the con duct of the present Ministry, the Noble Lord had stated his own abstract opinions alone. That remained to be decided by the public out of doors, to which he, with the Noble Lord, was ready to defer. The Nobled Lord then attacked the Government as ene mies to the Church, yet he could not produce one single measure which the Government had ever introduced which tended to injure that Church ; no, but they could produce many measures passed by that House by her Majesty's pre sent Government on the subject of the Church, every one of which tended to confirm and strengthen the principle on which it was founded in the hearts of the people. The other topic which the Noble Lord had alluded to was the omis sion of the word Protestant. He (Mr. F. M.) would leave that to be decided between the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Leader of his party. The question was mooted on the first night of the Session by the Right Hon. Ba ronet the Member for the University of Oxford, and although the leader of the party opposite addressed the House, he never once alluded to that point ; and although the leader of the party, in another place, had introduced the word into the Address, whether it was that they were afraid of a majority against them, or whether it was that they were afraid of making an unfavourable opinion out of doors—they did not venture even to suggest the amendment in that House.—( Oh, oh.) The Noble Lord then alluded to the speech of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, and alluding to some speeches of his made at Liverpool, he charged him with being there upon a tour of agitation. Was a Secretary of State to be debarred from visiting one of the greatest commercial capitals in the kingdom—not in his public capacity, hut as a private character, without being charged with being on a tour of agitation? Was it to be said that a Minister of the Crown was to be debarred from hearing with his own cars, and seeing with his own eyes the statement of that country, the internal affairs of which it was his duty to control ? All the rest of the Noble Lord's speech had referred to the affairs of Ireland. The di iner-table of the Lord Lieutenant had been again served up—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—and various other matters had been mentioned in connection with Ireland ; but he should leave these matters to bo discussed by other Honourable Mem bers more immediately connected with that country. —( Hear.) The principal reason of his rising was to make some remarks which he thought called for by what had fallen from the Gentlemen opposite, with regard to the internal policy pursued by her Majesty's Govern ment in this country. The first point of attack on that subject against his Noble Friend had been the appoint ment of Magistrates under the Municipal Corporations Bill, and to that point he should first address himself. They perfectly well knew that when the English Municipal Corporation Bill was first introduced into that ! House it contained a clause in which the opinions of the Noble Lord were openly and boldly stated, that it was proper to give to th e M e mbers of the Town Council power of recommending to the Crown tile persons who should be appointed to fill the offices of Magistrates of those Bo roughs. That clause was struck out, and eventually the Bill was pass e d w i t h ou t it. But did not his Noble Friend state to the Elouse that he should still continue to act on that principle ?—( Hear, from the Opposition.) Did not his Noble Friend say so? All he asked waa an answer in the affirmative ; •and since it was admi t t ed that the Noble Lord had said so, he should have to say no more about it. But after the passing of the Municipal Corporation Bill it became necessary to appoint Magistrates for these various towns. They had heard much of the manner in which the Noble Lord had betrayed the trust which the Crown had reposed in him—it was easy, however, to deal in generalities but it was not so easy sometimes to lay one's finger on particular in stances of abuse. Such had been the case on the pre sent occasion. The house was not perhaps aware of the number of Magistrates appointed after the passing of the Municipal Bill by the Noble Lord. That number amounted to 1,000, and out of that 1,000 appointed to administer justice in the different municipal towns of the coune try, not one single complaint had even been made in the House save the two which had been alluded to in the course of the debate. The first regarded an unhappy man now under sen tence of death—the next was that of the brother of the Member for Birmiogham. With both of those cases he mild now proceed to deal. Out of the number of Magistrates appointed, none he should observe had been removed for misconduct, save the un fortunate individual to whom he had referred : and out of the entire number, twenty-three only had resigned their Commissions, and those 23 had done so for the most part, because they found that their duties as Magistrates interfered with their business. ( Hear, hear.) He thought that if it had been proved, or if the fact had been true that his Noble Friend had not paid proper attention to the appointment of persons who were to administerjustice on those legal benches in a way which the people could confide in, and from which they might derive a proper and fair administration of the law, there were enemies enough of Government in the House to whom complaints would have found their way, and he was convinced that no topic could be more satisfactory to them. He was, therefore, justified in saying, that it was easy to make general complaints without affording any details to justify them. With respect to the case of Frost, he bad this to say that on the appointment of that individual his Noble Friend was influenced by the opinion of the Town Council, and of respectable indivi duals to whom that person must have been known. That was the fact, which he thought showed that hi s Noble Friend had pursued a liberal and proper course, calculated to excite, on the part of the people living in those municipal towns, a greater respect for the law, be cause that law was administered by persons whose impar tiality was undoubted. When those appointments took place, a recommendation came from the town of Newport containing the names of two gentlemen, Mr. Brewer and Mr. Frost. His Noble Friend received shortly after a statement in objection to Mr. Frost's appointmtment, and consulted those in whom he placed dependence and the Lord Lieutenant of the county, with respect to their opinion, whether Mr. Frost might or might not, with propriety, be made a Magistrate ; the answer was there was no reason why such should not be the case, and consequently on such authority his Noble Friend appointed the two gentlemen recommended by the Council, the one being Mr. Bre wer,a strong political oppon e nt of her Majesty's I Government—and the other, Mr. Frost, of whom, notwithstanding the insinuations to the contrary, he must say that so long as he performed the office no instance ap peared of his having shown partiality to any person, or having acted in any manner contrary to justice. But Mr. Frost betook himself to other courses, and mixed himself up with political meetings of the Chartists, where violent speeches were made by himself and others.—( Hear, hear.) As soon as this came to the ears of the Government, it at once appeared to render Mr. Frost unworthy, if guilty of such charges, of retaining her Majesty's commission. It might be objected to h's Noble Friend that be did not dismiss Mr. Frost on the first intimation of this. That might be the justice of Honourable Gentlemen opposite; but it was the practice of his Noble Friend on such occasions, to make inquiry, and give the parties an opportunity of being heard be fore they were condemned ; such an opportunity was given to Mr. Frost on the 16th January, 1839, and as he did not answer that inquiry satisfactorily, he was in con sequence removed from the Commission of the Peace. This was the plain, the simple statement with regard to that unhappy man, so far as respected his appointment to, and his s dismissal from, the Magistracy. To come now to the case of Mr. Muntz. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Pembroke, after proposing passing over the case of Mr. Frost—(Hear, hear)--had last night said, that with regard to Mr. Munta no apology had been made. Now it was not his (Mr. F. Maule's) intention to offer any apology for that appointment, not only as originally made, but as having since been shown to have been one of the best appointments ever made in Birmingham. He had inquired into the statements of the Right Hon. Ba ronet. The Right lion Baronet had first stated that Mr. Muntz was, or had been, a Delegate to the National Con vention. So he had been. But he had ben elected a De legate without his consent, and though the Right Hens Baronet sneered at that, he (Mr. F. Maule) repeated hat Mr. Muntz had been elected a Delegate without his con sent, that he had never once attended, and that he had withdrawn his name.—( Hear, hear.)Then the Right Hoe. Baronet said that Mr. Muntz was treasurer to the Chartist Fund.—( Sir James Graham, " Trustee.") That was in the abstract true, but not in the sequence. Mr. Muntz and his brother the Member for Birmingham, had been ap pointed trustees for the fund, and 6001. had been lodged in Grote, Prescott, and Co.'s Bank, in their names. But the first step they had taken was to write a check, transferring the money to some other person, refusing to be the trustees for any such fund.—( Hear, hear.) But then it was said that Mr. Mentz had been Vice-President of the National Political Union. So he had been, and was so when he was made a Magistrate. But was that an objection to the Right Hon. Baronet? If it were, why had he not urged it when, as ae Member of Lord Grey's Government, he had been a party to the appointment of Mr. Attwood as President of the Union.—( Hear, hear.) And if the Right Hon. Baronet said he knew not of it, it proved that he had not been so acuto in observing his own Government measures, as those of the present.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Fox !Mule) would go ou farther, and show that the appointment of Mr. Muntz, so far from deserving reflection upon the Government was a credit to it. Did Honourable Members opposite know anything about Air. Muntz? —( Hear.) Did they know that he was one of the best educated men in Birmingham—that he was one who had derived extensive information from his travels abroad —that Mr. Muntz was a most accomplished scholar —that he was deeply interested in the trade of Birmingham, where he employed a great many hands, and that he was a most active Magistrate. He ( Mr. Fox Maule) had that morn ing met a Commissioner of Police from Birmingham. He had inquired of him as to what was the conduct of Mr. Muntz. The reply was most satisfactory in all respects, for that gentleman had stated that there was no Magistrate in Birmingham from whom the town had received greater assistance. He ( Mr. Fox Maule) bad one point more to ask—had Mr. Muntz ingratiated himself with the Chartists by his becoming a Magistrate ? What were the attacks made upon that Gentleman a few days ago ? So far from that appointment making him a favourite with the Chartists two of the leaders of the party had voted against him, and in favotr: of Sir Charles Wetherell; and gentlemen of the Council Board, with whom he formerly acted, voted against Mr. Muntz and in favour of Sir Charles Wetherell. He did not know whether this explanation was satisfactory to the Gentlemen opposite, but he thought he had satisfacto rily proved the competency of that gentleman to hold the Commission of the Peace. Those were the only two cases as regards the appointments made by her Majesty's Go vernment, to which objection had been made. He would not now pursue this point further; but whenever any Geri tleman would bring forward a distinct motion on the sub ject he would be able to convince that House and the country that the appointments to the Magistracy made by the present Government had proved of essential service in the conservation of the peace, and were a credit to the Ministry by whom they had been made.—( Hear, hear.) Having disposed of the two questions he now came to the great quession of the existence of Chartism. Chartism had been imputed by buth sides to each other. He (Mr. I'. Maule) begged to say that the other side were not in deed altogether connected with the consequences of its promulgation. He had found out that it received its public birth in 1837, at a meeting held by the Working Men's Association at the Crown and Anchor, to pass resolutions for Universal Suffrage. He then found that in August 1838 the Charter was adopted in Birmingham, and it was in the end of September in that year that several speeches were made in which insurrectionary opinions were used, and seditious expressions thrown out. Now on looking to what had passed between the Home Department and the country upon the subject, he found no intimation of any alarm existing in the country on the subject of Chartism till November 1838, and the Government had been ac cused of neglecting information then and since offered, and by inertness and inability encouraging the growth of that which, in common with every Member of that House, lie deeply regretted—of encouraging the growth of Chartism. In November, 1838, intimation was given at the Home Office of the disturbances in the North, and in answer to those communications the Secre tary of State for the Colonies called upon the Magistrates to act with proper prudence and care, and offered them whatever aid they chose. In December, 1838, the Go vernment thought it right to call upon the Magistrates to unite in putting down those dangerous meetings. In that year the Government issued a proclamation against the torch light meetings, and he then wished to remark, that Chartism was not exactly the object that could be solely attributed to those meetings, but he thought they had a closer connection with the revision of the Poor-laws.—( Hear, hear.) He must say that the first time he recollected language of an inflammatory de scription, and such as was foreign to British tongues, —(which he hoped would also continue so,) was made use of by Mr. Oastler, who threatened with " fire and the dagger," in his agitation against the laws of the country. —( Hear, hear.) And this occurred long before the agi tation on the subject of Chartism commenced. In 1837 the whole of the northern districts of the country was in darned by a spirit which was completely placed in op. position to the authorities of the country. He was bound to say that they did not avail themselves of the popular cry of 1837, to strengthen their position in the country, which otherwise they could have done.—( Hear, hear.) After 1837, this language about the Poor-law still con tinued to exist, and the moment the Charter came to be agitated, that instant opposition to the Poor-laws, and support of the Charter became in the hands of Oastler, Stephen, and Co., one common cause, and has been so ever since.—( Hear. ) What had the Government done since that ? Wh3, in December 1838 they issued a proclamation calling upon all good sub jects of the Queen to oppose such measures. In Decem ber 1838 Government had also added considerably in the disturbed districts of the North to the military force there, for the preservation of the public peace. They had done so as far as they could, and if they had not attempted to insure order they would not have been entitled to the con fidence o the country. In January, 1839, the first intel ligence of arming on the part of the Chartists was re ceived at the Home Department. In February and March organised meetings were reported to have taken place at Birmingham, and a large body of men were said to have been in arms there. The same report continued to be re ceived for some time, but during the whole of that period constant additions had been made, in order to protect the public peace, and continual vigilance was exercised over those seditious meetings, which were held in that district. Could any further proof be wanted that Government was ca - eful ir. watching over those proceedings ? He wished EVENING EDITION. to show Hon. Gentlemen opposite the course the law had taken, in 1839, on the subject. If he could show the House and the country, that without the parade of coming down for any extraordinary powers of the law—without extend ing alarm to other districts—criminals who had attempted to spread sedition through the land, and to disseminate treasonable doctrines through the country, had been not only brought before the legal tribunals, but had in many instances been convicted, and were now undergoing their sentences—if he could show this, he thought he would go far in refuting the charge against Government of having neglected the public tranquillity. In 1839 there had been twenty-three individuals tried in the county of Chester for various acts under the laws of sedition. Of these five had been found guilty, fifteen had been dis charged on their own sureties, and two had been imprisoned for a year, making out of twenty-three eases twenty-two convictions. In Cumberland there had been two parties tried, one of whom had been imprisoned for six months, and the other was fined and discharged. In Monmouth there had been 88 convictions, in Montgomery 43, in Northumberland 5, in Nottingham 12, in Wilts 11, in Worcester 9, and altogether the numbers amounted to 290 ; and he might add, that at the present moment the leaders of Chartism, Macg,uire, Stephens, Vincent, Ed wards, Lovett, and others, were in prison, while prosecu tions were pending against Feargus O'Connor and Mr. Taylor. These proceedings proved that the Government had not been indifferent, though they had not been osten tatious. He thought when these facts were laid before the public, they would see that, instead of coming down to the House for extraordinary powers, but relying on the law itself, and on the good feelings of the juries, and on the justice of the cause, her Majesty's Government did not only not neglect their duty, but maintained in that manner in which it ought to be maintained, public peace and tranquillity.—( Hear, hear.) That they had not been able to extinguish Chartism he freely admitted, but they had guarded themselves against it. Where Magistrates had desired assistance it had been furnished them—whenever any portion of the country had expressed alarm, protection had been given to them—( Hear, hear)—either by the military being stationed there, or some arrangement made by which their assistance could be conveyed in a short time, He would now draw attention to the number of convictions obtained by Government from the juries on whose loyalty and integrity they had relied. He would look back to a different time, and compare what was done by a Tory Government in 1817. Oa comparing the state of the country now to what it then was, it gave him some satisfaction to think they were not in so danger ous a state now as then. He trusted that the returning good sense of the labouring classes, and their seeing the punishment that had fallen upon those who had violated the law, would enable them to say they were not likely to have a recurrence of such events again. The Govern ment of that day came down to the House for extraordi nary power, and obtained the Act 19, chap. 57, Geo. 111. which, under pretence of preventing seditious meetings, was passed for the purpose of preventing public discussion altogether.—( Hear, hear,) They applied for the most extraordinary power the House had ever given ; for the sus pension of the Habeas Corpus Act, a most extraordinary and unnecessary stretch of power by the Government; but what he wished to show was, that with these extraordinary powers the Government rather defeated than advanced its own object, alarmed the country, shook all confidence in the State, and had shown that most undesirable spectacle of bringing a number of State prisoners to trial without means, whether from the weakness of the charge or other wise, of obtaining convictions. He alluded more particu larly to the trials at York in 1817—of twenty-four persons against whom the Government Solicitor instituted prosecu tions ten were found not guilty, against eleven others no bills were found, and one was liberated on bail, leaving only two who were detained, without trial, by the Secretary of State's warrant, under suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act.—( Hear, hear.) Now, when he contrasted these proceedings with the con victions which had been obtained now, of 232 out of 290 prosecutions, he could not but come to the conclusion that it was better to rely on the authority of the law than to resort to extraordinary power, and at the same time not to risk the trial of the culprits at the bar of justice without some satisfactory conclusion, that the prosecutions would be attended with success, ani that the culpri a would not be dismissed in triumph from the bar.—( Hear, hear.) It was impossible not to look at t'ie transac tions in' 1837, without seeing that tho mod, in which the Government proceeded against those guilty of sedi tion, was by subornation of perjury. When be looked on the Parliamentary history of that year, and found recorded there charges against the Government of a far more cul pable nature than any now made, that not content to rely upon the law to convict those guilty of sed tion, they em ployed men to go as spies amongst those misguided indi viduals, to associate themselves with them, and then betray them into the hands of Government—( Hear, hear)—it was no charge against the present Government that they had recourse to such men as Oliver, Reynold, and Castles, that they tampered with those unhappy individuals, and obtained convictions against them by means which could not be too severely deprecated. He could not better describe those proceedings than in the words of Lord Miltown, on Mr. Thackeray's motion, respecting spies and informers, wino said, " by whom was the hope of receiving assistance in the disaffected districts of London held out ? by whom was the connection between disaffected persons in the country and in London kept up ? By a person sent down . to the country by the Secretary of State—by an individual who assumed a character, and on whose appearance the disaffected manufacturing counties, when they knew he was in the neighbourhood, rested for support. He could not help knowing that much mischief resulted from the conduct of that individual—that person's appearance was even made the forerunner of confusion and disorder. He much wished the House to attend to one striking circum stance. It appeared in some parts of the county of Not tingham a groat outcry was raised against Oliver, the spy, in consequence of which he refrained from going there ; and what was the consequence ? No rising ever took place in Nottingham, while from every other part visited by him victims were obtained for the scaffold." They had employed such means as these, He had a right to go back to Tory times, and the only Tory time he found bear ing comparison with the present was that of 1817, 1818, and 1819, when they not only came down to the House for extraordinary powers, and employed spies to ob tain convictions, but moved for a secret and ex-parte Com mittee, where the case of the people was never heard, and on which this remarkable observation was made :—" From this Committee the people were shut out ; the case of the Crown was heard, but the case of the people was never heard ; the people of England were visited by one of the greatest plagues with which a people ever could have been visited; the Government, which ought to protect them, sent persons among them to stir them up to acts of violence." Such was the parallel between the Govern ments of 1817 and 1839. But be came now to another part of the case—a Noble Lord not in his place, did not state that, towards the end of the last Session, a Bill was introduced to enable the counties to establish a constabulary force ; and had he seen that Noble Lord, he would ask bow it came that a Magistrate of Monmouth, when it was pro posed its the county of Monmouth to adopt that Act, was among the first to repudiate it, and found among the ma jority who voted against it?—( Hear, from the Opposition benches ) Hon. Gentlemen cheered, was it agreeable to their feelings to charge a Government for not giving pro tection, when they would not avail themselves of the pro tection given? He thought on the subject of Chartism be had shown the House fairly the conduct of the present Government. He had shown them to be in active corre spondence with the disturbed districts since 1835, and had given advice to all who had asked for it. He had shown, also, that they had not neglected the power which the law vested in them ; but, on the contrary, had carried nearly three hundred cases before juries, in 230 of which they had obtained convic tions. He was willing to rest the voie of confidence or no con fidence, so far as this concerned the question between the House and the people of England, on the statements made, and on the papers he was able to produce.—( Hear, hear.) He should proceed shortly to make one or two re marks on the speech which fell from the Right lion. Gentleman opposite in the course of last evening. At the commencement he was very complimentary to his Noble Friend, the Member for Northumberland, and advised him to cross the House, and join his party. The Right Hon. Gentleman reminded him of a certain animal who had lost its tail, and wished all the other animals to cut off their tails also.—( Hear, hear.) But were his Noble Friend now in his place, he should venture to tell him to pause before he accepted such ad vice, and to advise him not to cross the House on the light Hon. Gentleman's suggestion, but rather to avoid a political Will-o'-the-Wisp of that description which would lead him through bogs and quagmires until his reputation for consistency stood upon as unsound a basis as that of some other persons.—(Hear, hear.) He would rather advise him to regard the Right Hon. Gen tleman as a warning beacon erected on the sands, on which political consistency had been miserably wrecked. —(Hear, hear.) He said that if the Noble Lord would cross the House he should find him willing to enter upon a proper settlement and a progressive reform ; he thought without the Noble Lord's crossing to the other side, or the bofe pa rb ß oi go i grtehost progressive ievset ther Hon. c f opramr tparty Gentleman aonpdp opposite t c s o r zoftwi s sshhfi abolitionaeni set g h t oe r t r yo theythat, w e hr were friends arrangement would o f the question of registration.—(Hear, h sp e a eo r ef . c ) ht what he h Gentleman m in ot t i h on e c fo o r ur t s h e e t ion of Members sitting in that House, was pleased ear;gurloh(ihlsstueoueelidafa,ntilfwno Right eati as inferior wouldrct with out nearlym iosp neur a nott r sending rlieoeene t cignhhdaut hear tat requiring n h pnedrit e gteerc gas had boaewreunin. fytiotdyharg,i representatives lived recollect,vahaoeniewsiand in npocoirfanni proceeded inference)— epee h nerry i e ,duepr tion to make of those words, he (Mr. F. Maule) was will ing:dee bhrdecoeoacnpfrd:ci further, rseietrh,hosi:e,entrTt hadN iihh n ui afadedt That Scotland, a b oisbn i e nto ' s y words, expi a n mea sures that passed through the House, to what any other part of the empire had."—( Hear, hear.) He must eel he thought a greater insult had never been conferred on the representatives of the people. He contested he little thought to have heard the Right Hon. Gentleman, wheal he had seen riding from Netherby gate through banks and braes, for the purpose of panegyrizing the Scottish charac ter, and congratulating them— On victories won in border raids O'er his own clan in former slays, come down to the House and state that the representativ e; of that people, from the want of qualification, were infe rior to Members returned for any other place. He migh t rely on it that more anger could not be raised against him than would be by his speech last evening. He wished be saw the Right Hon. Member for Stamford in the House, who cheered the remark of the Right Hon. Gentlema n ' and who was formerly the Member for the metropolit an county of Scotland, and by so doing made himself a party to it. Was it possible that he cou ld f orget al l that "" owed to the county of Edinburgh, or did there remain in his mind the chagrin of his defeat-- . Menet alta in mente repositum judicium paradist Spraataqum irijuria forma," that he indulged in general remarks so insulting to the county ; that was the only inference, and he took upon,bi ll ' il self, in the name of the M em b ers f or S cotlan d , a t events on that side of the House, to give it the most post five contradiction he could giv.. it in Parbarnen" tary terms. He also wi s h e d to relieve the depart