The Sun. — London, England, 1857-02-04 00:00:00

was for the interest of the Powers assembled at, Paris that a protest should be made against the system which pre vailed. The Government of th e Emperor and the Govern ment of this country acted in concert together, and deter mined to present a note to the King of Naples, stating that acts of grace and amnesties should be made, which would betoken a change of Government. The answer to this note was to the effect that we were to mind our own busi nese. But still we hoped that, upon reflection, the King might be induced to alter his decision, and that he would adopt another system of policy, and more in accordance -with his own interests. After the despatch was received in answer to the protest against the system which pre veiled, the two missions were desired to withdraw. I think no one can say the two Governments of France and England were not acting within the limits of their legiti mate rights. No one can say that England and France could not protest against a system of Government so fraught with evil. In the change which we desired we bad no wish for a change of Ministers. (Hear, hear.) There is an act of amnesty which has been communicated to all the Governments of Europe. This amnesty is in tended for all who wish to avail themselves of it, and who have promised submission to the Government of the coun try. Moreover, a convention has been signed by the Irsintr, of Naples for the removal of all political prisoners, of their own freewill, who" may desire to emigrate, to New South America. Ido not attach much importance to these acts : they may, or they may not, be symptoms of a better sys tem ; but what I do attach importance to is this, that I believe every one of the great Powers of Europe has ap proved of the course pursued by tho Government o s of her er Majesty and of the Emperor, and h air thought it tbe best and the most likely to be effectual. I trust the King of Naples will not continue to believe that he is not amen able to any human tribunal, and persevere in standing alone, thinking himself right, and that all the rest of the world are Tyrone. With respect tot e negotiations be tween the Unite d e States and England, the noble earl was perfectly right in the observations he made. There is, I hope, no reason to doubt that the treaty will be realised, and think your lordships will see that it entirely fulfils all those points to which your attention has been particularly directed by the noble earl, The two treaties are in no way connected with each other. The United States treaty merely refers to the Mosquito territory. With respect to the dispute about Ihuatan, which was supposed to belong to Honduras, we have male that island over to Honduras, admitting her sovereignty in connection with the railway which is about to be made, and which, I believe, will turn out to be the really right and practical mode of connecting the two oceans. On both sides of the isthmus there aro magnifi cent harbours, and all the maritime Powers of the world who avail themselves of this communication might take a fair exception to an island, almost at the entrance of it, being in the hands of any other Power. It was therefore placed under the suzerainty of Honduras, who is bound to give it up to no other Power. I believe, when these trea ties are laid before your lordships, they will fully answer the objects which both 'Governments have in view, and 'I think, from the manner in which it has been received by the Mated States, that it will be the means of prevent ing any future niisunderstanding between the two na tions respecting that country. I agree with the noble earl opposite, that we have no interest whatever in Central America beyond what he mentioned—that is to say, for free traasit across the isthmus, and I can in the future contemplate no possible reason why there should be nay difference of opinion between us and the United States. With regard to Persia, before I make any observations as to the state of our relations with that country, I must beg to express my satisfaction at what fell from the noble earl in respect to the rupture of our diplomatic relations. I wish to say a very few words about what led tothie rupture, and I would particularly ask your lordships, until the two or three days elapse before which the papers will not be in your hands, to dismiss from your minds much that has been said and written upon the subject, and more especially as to the supposed connection of a lady with the breaking off of our diplomatic relations—a lady who was the wife of an individual who was, and had long been, under the protec tion of the British mission, and as such was acknowledged by the Persian Government. The design of the Persian Government was to coerce the British Government into giving up their protection of this individual, and to place him in the power of his unre lentin g enemies, and with that view the wife was taken away and imprisoned. Mr. Mur ray naturally protested against so very unjust and arbi trary an act ; but while the Persian Government admitted the right of the man to our protection, they at the same time claimed a right to prosecute and imprison the wife. When Mr. Murray remonstrate i against such conduct he w a s exposed to fresh insults ; but when I tell your lord ships that I have received from Mr. Murray the most solemn - assurance, given on his honour as a gentleman, that in the steps he took he was not actuated by any improper motive, I am sure your lordships will believe that there is not a shadow of a foundation for the accusations against him. (Loud cheers.) I felt it due to an absent servant of the Crown, who has been unjustly maligned, to take this the earliest opportunity of vindicating his character. Having waited in vain for the explanation he was led to expect, he was compelled to suspend his relations and leave Teheran. (Hear.) For this lie was much blamed ; but he did perfectly right ; for if he had remained he would have been in the position of an unprotected tra veller, and might have had to rehoist his flag in order to demand reparation for fresh insults; and this step again would perhaps have led to an accumulation of other affronts. He therefore properly determined that the Queen's representative should not be exposed to this igno miny, -and exercised a wise discretion in leaving Tehel an ; but I beg your lordships to bear in mind that this rupture of our relations was not the CAIIB9 of the war. We cer tainly effected that in the course of time, and upon reflec tion Persia would see that it was to her interest to remain on g ood terms with this country. She has been greatly indebted to England, arid, above all, she knew we were no longer at war with Ilessia. We had no doubt, therefore, that there would be an honourable settlement of these dif ferences. and that we should be able to resume our friendly relations ; but the case assumed a very different apoct when we found Persia adopting acts of hostility towai us us for the purpose of carrying out her never relinquished de termination to possess herself of Herat. Wo made repre sentations to the Persian Government on the subject. I will read to your lordships the letter which I wrote to the suzerain on receiving inforaia'-ion of the movement which Persia was making towards Herat "Foreign-office, Jely 11, ISSG. "The undersigns 1, &c., has the honour to recall to the re collection of Scdr Azau the articles of agreea. Herat, which were concluded in the month of January, 1653, between his Excellency and Lenteuant-Colonel Sinel, then her Majesty'., Envoy Extraordinaryand Minister Plenipoten tiary at the Court of the Shah. "By those articles the Persian Government engaged not to send on any account troops to Herat, unless when forc:gn troops invaded Herat, th it is, troops from the direction of Cabool or Candahar, or other foreign country. In the event, too, of troops being sent in that case, the Persian Guv Tspec t limit engaged that the said troops were not to cuter the city of ilerat ; and whenever the foreign troops returned to wards-their own territory, the Prussian troops were Mime diately and without delay to return LO the Persian soil. The Persian Government also engaged not to interfere in any way whatsoever in the internal affairs of Herat, such as in taking possession, or occupying, or assuming the sove reignty, or in governing, unless in so far as it interfered during the lifetime of far Mahoutmed Khan. The Persian Government also engaged to abandon the pretensions and demand for the coinage and the Khtbck, or any other mark whatsoever of the people of Herat, being subjects or milder the Government of Persia. " The British G - overnment have been informed that since the beginning of the present year Persian troops have not only invaded the territory of Herat, but have laid siege to the city of Herat, awl have interfered in the internal affairs of Herat, and that the movements of trool,s in different parts of Persia indicate a determination on the part of the Persian Govern ment to persist iu its aggression o tiller-at, and in its disregard of solemn engagements contracted with the British Govern ment. • _ _ _ _ Such conduct on the part of Persia is considered by the British Government to constitute an act of open hostility against Great Britain ; and the object of the undersigned in now addressing the Sedr Aziru is to make known to the lad:. by , • ty, sian Government that, unless reparation is prompt: it for this breaen of er4ageinent and this act of hos and unless the Persian troops are forthwith withdrawn n•oln the city and territory of Herat the British Government will adopt such rocatures as a regard for its own honour, and its own interests may prescribe, and will hold itself absolved from any responsibility for the consequences of those measures, however disastrous to Persia they may prove. " The uadesigued, ac. CLARENDON," To this letter I received an unsatisfactory answer. It did not even allude to Herat, but treated the matter as a per sonal dispute between the Persian Government and Mr. Murray, and said it would be all settlecLby the Persj.act Ambassador, who was on his way to Paris. Her Majesty's Government then thought that I should write more in detail upon the ,grievances we complained of, and I thou addressed a letter to the Persian Minister of Foreign Af f airs [A noble lord here made a remark which VAS not hoard in the gallery.] The answer I received to my first communication was extremely vague—l am sorry I have not got it with me—saying the disagreement was a personal one between the Persian Government and Mr. Murray, making no allusion whatever to Herat, but sat ing any matter of difference would be settled by the am bassador, who was going to Paris; and on October 10 I addressed this letter to the :Minister of Foreign Affairs The untlersignqd, ex., had the honour to receive on the 25th of Sept. the letter which the Seth. Azim, Prime Minister of his Majesty the Shah of Persia, addressed to him on the 17th of Aug., having reference to the letter which the under signed addressed to the SedrAzine on the 11th of July on the subject of the proceedings of the Persian Government in regard to Herat, but containing no answer to that letter. " Her Majesty's Government bad hoped that the letter of the undersigned would have elicited from the Persian Govern ment a distinct assurance that the Government would at once desist from the enterprise which it bad undertaken against Herat, in violation of solemn engagements entered hate with the British Government in former times, and in defiance of the often expressed determination of the British Government not t o telerate any int er f erence on th e par t o f P ers i a w ith t h e `hates of Affghauist an and not allow the extension of the au thority or th e territory of Persia in that quarter. Her Majesty's I;overnment had hoped that such assurance weuld have been given, and would have been followed up by the immediat e withdrawal of th e P ersian armiesfrom the Affghan territory, and by complete reparation for the insults which had been offered to the British Government in the person of the Queen's Envoy, and which have led to the withdrawal of the British Mission from Persia. Ifall this had been done, tier MkgeSt, Y Gove!nment w ou ld h a ve been enabled to replace, on a friendly footing, its rela tions with .the Court ofthe Shah. tier Majesty's Government have been disappointed in these hopes and expectations. The redress demanded in the communication made by the British Ambassador at Constan tinople, to the Persian Charge d'Affaires in that city in the month of June last, f or the insult offered to th e British 111 i s has not been afforded, the reparation required in the note of the undersigned of July 11, for the disre gar d shown by Persia of her engagement as to Herat has not been given ; but instead of this, vain excuses and pretexts of delay have been put forward, and her Maje.st„v's Government have bees told to expect satisfaction from the result of a negotiation, the conduct of which the Persian Government pretends to have confided to an ambassador some time since appointed by the Shah to the Court of France. • " But, in the meanwhile, the Persian Government has not been content to let the questions in dispute remain without further aggravation. The insults which occasioned the with drawal of the British mission from Teheran have, since that period, have been followed up by other insults to the British Government, which of themselves call for ample reparation. " The insults to which the undersigned hero more particu larly refers arc the prohibition of intercourse by subjects of the Shah with her Majesty's consul at Teheran ; the violation o f th e engagement to pay Seyd Abdoolah,, a British subject, an allowance which he was to receive as a commutation for a portion of his claims on the Government of Persia; the attempt on the part of the Sedr Azim to possess himself of the water long since assigned to the British Mission for its use as its summer encampment; the interception of the supplies of water ordinarily assigned to the British Mission in Teheran ; the refusal to enforce the punishment of parties who commit tea a violent assault on one of the servants of the British Consul; THE SUN, _LONDON, WEDNESDAY &EVENING, YEBItITAMY 4, 1557 the refusal to recognise the right of property of her Majesty's Government in the British Consular residence ; the expulsion from Asterabad of a person in the employment of the British Mission; the publication in the public paper under the con trol of the Government of Persia of injurious statements as regards the British Government ; and lastly, the direct incen tive held out to fanaticism to irritate against British subjects the conduct pursued at a former time, when the city of Tehe ran witnessed the massacre of the representative of a foreign State by an infuriated mob. " All these transactions are publicly known throughout the Persian capital, and unless the redress demanded for them shall have been given, and shall have been made as publicly known, it will be impossible for a British Mission to reside with security, still less withhononr, at the Court of the Shah. " But even these transactions are of less account than the wanton disregard by the Persian Government of engagements to abstain from any interference in the internal affairs of He rat, and from any attempt to occupy, or take possession, or assu me the sovereignty or government of that province. There are indications, indeed, that before the British Mis sion retired from Teheran, intrigues were on foot to promote the views of aggrandisement which Persia has continually en tertained in the direction of Herat. Persian forces were col lected on the frontier of that State; and, as if more distinctly to evince the hostility of Persia towards Great Britain, even at this early stage of these transactions, the Persian Govern ment selected for the command of those forces an officer high in rank, and nearly connected with the Royal family, who had then lately rendered himself notorious by grossly indecent lan guage applied by him to the Sovereign of England at a public entertainment given to members of the Royal family by the Vizier of Teheran. " From that period the operations of the Persian forces have been pushed forward with unabated perseverance against the city and in various quarters of the territory of Herat; language of defiance against Great Britain has been openly held by the Persian Government, and the demon strations have been made of the intention of tie Persian Government rather to engage in conflict with Great Britain than to concede the just demands of the British Government, the Persian Government appearing to wish to display to the Persian people its indifference for the friendship of England, and its conviction that Persia has nothing to fear from the just resentment of Great Britain. " But the British Government can no longer passively sub mit to the insults and wrongs which it has received from the Government of Persia. An expedition, destined for Persia, is now about to leave the British territories, and whatever may result to Persia from this measure, which her Govern ment has wantonly provoked, the responsibility thereof will rest on the evil counsellors of the Shah, who have led his Ma jesty to countenance insult and injury towards Great Britain, and to violate the solemn engagements of an interuation compact." Herat stands on the immediate confines of Persia and Affghanistan, and is entitled from its position to be, and has always been, considered as the key of Affghanistan. Placed a 3 it is, in a plain of unparalleled fertility, the _ . Shah of Persia:, 14 years ago, when he was besieging the place, maintained there an army of 40,000 men, and its value as a military station is the more apparent, as the coun try on the east and west is comparatively barren. There is also to be found here au abundance of clay of a tough dc scription, which is peculiarly available fcr the purposes of fortification. Herat is altogether a most important plsc for military operation, and an enemy once in possession o it is completely master of the position. Every Govern went of this country has desired that Affgbanistan should be protected, and it clearly cannot be protected if Herat rewsins in the power of Persia. I believe the Russian Governfnent and the whole of the Russian people are uncle the belief that their destiny is to go forward, to conquer and to hold new territory ; but, I believe, as tire noble lord has said, that there is no disposition whatever upon the part of the Russian Government to go to war with us on this question. Our communications with the Russian Government have been frank and friendly. I believe we will not go to war, and that it is the interest of both that a neutral and independent country should form a division between the two territories. (Hear.) But there will not be such a country if Persia occupies Herat ; because, in holding that place she will be able, perhaps, not to conquer Affghanistan by force of arms, but through the mere cupi dity of Affghan chiefs, to take possession of that Power. We are not like Russia in that part of the world ; our po sition there is entirely dependent upon our character, our prestige, our supposed resolution to defend our rights at every risk. If we induce the Persian Government to enter into solemn engagements with ne, and then permit her to violate them with impunity, depend upon it we shall sac rifice that reputation which we cave always enjoyed. And it is to support that zeputation and that prestige for moral force that her Majesty's Government has been compelled to go to war with Persia, but in the full confidence that in so doing we shall deserve and obtain the support of the whole country. I have said so much as to the causes which led to the war with Persia, and though by no means able at the present moment to state what may be its issue, I may say that the Persian ambassador has within the last few days solicited an interview with Lord Cowley at Paris ; and at that interview expressed the desire of his Government to re-establish peaceful relations with this Government, stated that ho had fall powers to negotiate, and wished to know the conditions upon which it might be done. Her Majesty's Government has not hesitated to re ceive these overtures, and if we find the powers of the Persian ambassador equal to the circumstances, I have no doubt we shall enter into them, and that they will lead to a successful issue. We have no wish whatever to be at war with Persia, or to injure her ; all that we want is a sufficient guarantee that any relations we may enter into with that Power shall be fulfilled. I must express my entire dissent from all that has fallen from the noble earl opposite (Earl of Derby) with respect to the Chinese war. I think there is not the slightest doubt that the course we have pursued has received the full assent of the country. With respect to the lorcha, I believe she was to all intents and purposes a British vessel. It is perfectly true that her registry expired four or five da3 s before the attack was made by the Chinese ; but, my lords, this fact does not the less render her a British vessel—it certainly con ferred no authority on the Chinese to board her. The noble earl then read the ordinance of the Colonial-office with reference to the r ,gistry of foreign ships showing, that the act of registry entitled a vessel to British rights for a year from the date of such registry, and providing that, should the registry expire while the vessel was at sea, it was to be renewed immediately upon her return to port. The noble earl then continued —That, my lords, was just the position in which the Arrow found herself upon enter ing the pert of Canton, three days after her registry expirad. Earl GREY-- War that communicated to the Imperial commissioner ? The Earl of CLARENDON---It was, and the Imperial commissioner made no objection to the fact at the time. It could not he said that. the Arrow was a national vessel, because, in the first place, the word lorcha was not of Chinese, but of Portuguese origin; arid, in the second place, she ha 1, in accordance with the ordinance regula tions, her name painted in large characters, Roman letters, on her port. The Earl of MALIIESBURY—What was tit date of the registly ? The Eat of CLARENDON—Tim 3d of March, 1855. The day she was b etrded she was in possession or a British rea,ister, and had the British flag flying. The Chinese went on board to claim one man out of a crew of 14, woo was suspected of pira, T. They carried off 12 out of the 11 to make sure of this one. The master of this vessel, an Englishman, protsstea against the seizure of his crew, and immediately mai° it known to the consul. The consul appliait to the officer who took the men off, bat was threat ened with violence if he persisted. Application was next made to the Chinese commissioner, which, like every other application, was treated with contempt. He, however, sub sequently sent the men h ic k, b u t th e consu l vary properly refused to receive them, red demanded that they should be restored to the vessel tram which they were taken, because it was vary well known that, if he accepted anything less than he had deniauded, it would have been regarded as a triumph, arid have led to fresh insults. The ael itish au thorities were not disposed, however, to do more tba:n was absolutely necessary. They demanded that as apology should be made —arequest which was treated with coetern pt. The matter was thou placed in the admiral's hands, and a'l that he did, in order to mark his sense of the disregard of our representations and the violation of treaty rights, was to take possession of one of the war junks of the Chinese Government. Before oven that course was adopted, he took the precaution to have the opinion of the Queen's Advocate at Hong Kong as to the legality of the paeceeding. The Queen's Advocate was very decided upon that point, and the junk was taken. The Imperial Com missioner determined not to make any apology, and abso lutely refused to hold any direct intercourse with the ad- I mind, or any officer in her Majesty's service. The admiral then proceeded, not as the noble earl (Earl of Darby) says, to the destruction of Canton city, and indiscriminate slaughter of the inhabitants, relying upon the misinforma tion of which he (the Earl of Derby) has given frequent evidence in the course of his speech; but to the taking of one fort after another, at each step still offering the Impe rial commissicner the opportunity of making an apology. There was, my lords, no indiscriminate daughter; but, I say that the non-access to the authorities at Canton has been the cause of the quarrel, and of our determination to enforce the observance of treaty rights, which we had suffered to remain too long in abeyance. The Chinese system not only impedes all direct transaction of business, hut compels our merohauts to conduct their transactions through alien and dishonest agents; they can get no satis faction for the infraction of treaties, which are constantly occurring, and the general feeling there is that, so long as strangers are kept out of Canton, so long will all improve ment, social, political, or commercial, be impossible. The continuance of the system at Canton leads to ever-recurring riots and disturbances at the four other Chinese ports which are open to us; and for that, if for no other reason, Canton should be placed on the same footing as the others. My lords, there is one remarkable feature connected with these transactions—namely, that although upon many other points the different representativss of other countries dis- ' agree, they hive been unanimous in their opinion that the course pursued by theßritish authorities at Cantou was just and necessary, and that it, sooner or later, must have come to this. The greatest cordiality prevails between the other nationalities at Canton, including the Commodore of the United States. I can only hope that in this, as in former instances, the assertion of our rights, and our standing up for our ilag—which is, my lords, our only protection in that country—will not only be successful in obtaining what we demand, and the recogaL ion of those rights, bust a great extension of our commerce with that country, (Hear, hear.) Earl GREY agreed with the noble earl opposite (the Earl Derby) as to the desirability of their lordships being u:a isiiiomno;u thieurevowteirong, h the w e A v d e d r ,r occasionse s s i n e g h of men e n 3:t act from higher ma He found in the sent, in his opinion, was one of them. tives than mere courtesy, and the pre in which ho felt e Address so ably moved and seconded by his noble friends a passage relating to the Persian war, c ,, uld not con cur ; an d as i t was hi s intention to move an amendment upon it, he would confine his observations ex clusively to that point. The paragraph to which he referred virtually assumed the policy and justice of the war, and it made the house assure her Majesty that it participated in her regret that the conduct of the Persian Government bad led to "Lill " between her ill.,jeAy and the Shah of Persia, and assuming that the Shah was entirely to blame. En reference to that point, ho caul i not agree with the Address. He had, however, another objection. It made no reference to the conduct of her Majesty's Government as to carrying on the war without advising her Majesty to provide for the support and advice of her Parliament. (Hear.) He could, not regard th e present war asbsing either just or politic. The violation of an agreement existing be tween this country and Persia, was made the ground for a war, but he would ask th e i r l or d ships whethera war would a lways be vindicated upo n th e ground that an engazement had been broken ? It wag not true that between nations every breach of engagement, without reference to the na ture ofiltpohant the e ga i g na e g m n e i n u t (jiensotfifietthl: iwntea;:estltidnevpoillevnedde,dlc en tirely of obtaining redres s the possibility er otherwise ) If such were tli r milder (blear, hear. not o case, means. pow he out to their lordship s th at there would afforded d a constant pretence f or th e en croachmenterfnl States upon their wea k er neighbours. Such a po licy had indeed been a sub need b h ardly e a , a inat ,Runia, and in India a simil ar i of P ject of reproach aa accusation bad been preferred against this country. If Parliament was not prepared to give up its rights, then he would say that it was th,dr duty to censure the conduct of the Government in this z espect if they were not to set aside, as obsolete and of no avail, a century and a-half of Parliamentary Government. He said the Government, by the course they bad pursued, had justly incurred the censure of Parliament. It was with these views he was now about to move an amendment to the Address. Ho had endeavoured to convey that censure in terms of the greatest moderation, and he would now proceed to read it. The noble earl concluded by reading his amendment as follows :—" Humbly tci nform her Majesty that, while we deplore that occurrences and tranactions have led to hosti lities between her Majesty and the Shah of Persia, we also consider it our duty to state our regret that, when the ser vants of the Crown gave orders for an invasion of Persia by a British Lrce, they did not advise her Majesty to call her Parliament together, so that Parliament might have an opportunity of giving any advice that upon such an occa sion might be required." Earl GRANVILLE—I cannot help thinking that the ples, put forward by the noble earl the mover of the Ad dress, who in his first speech has given such great promise that hEuwill be a future ornament to this house, and by the noble earl who so ably seconded it, of not going tco deeply into questions put into the Queen's Speech, is a most wise and judicious course. I cannot but think when you have gone deeply into those questions, without having had time to read the papers which, in a very short time, will belaid before your lordships, you cannot avoid conversations which can only be contradicted by the opposite party. With regard to the point urged by the noble earl (Earl Grey), as the casus belli of this expedition against Persia, thenoble earl thinks that the whole of this ca sus belli de pends upon certain engagements made between the Shah and this country. Now, I believe that, under certain cir cumstances, when any one nation breaks off engagements which it has made with another nation, that of I itself would form a casus belli. and I hold that in this case there was reasonable grounds for a military demonstration. If the noble earl had only waited for the papers he would find that not only the pre sent Government, but also that of my noble friend oppo site (the Earl of Derby), did intimate to the Persian Government that, in case the Shah persevered in his de signs upon Herat, that would be esteemed a cases dli. The noble earl objected strongly to the sort of engagement entered into by this country and the Shah, and said such engagements were perfectly inconsistent with European law. It appears to me the noble earl is quite wrong. Ara there no cases in which aggression against another power is made a cases belli by the nation which has engaged to pro tect that power ? I believe one of the most approved cases of this sort is the engagement entered into between France and England to protect Sweden from any invasion. The noble earl might not perhaps approve of that guarantee, but there was not the slightest objection to it by either- Houses of Parliament, or the country. The noble earl says the first aggression against Herat was unjustifiable, bat I must say that the noble earl's opinion was not shared by the noble earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The noble lord has brought furfard the bugbear of Russia in terfering in India. I, for one, am not inclined to attach much importance to the possibility of Russia pursuing an aggressive course at a long distance from home. lam the more justified in this opinion from recent events, and I be lieve it is the num sous desire of the members of the Rus sian Government Its *Allis matter should be arranged as soon as possible. Herat, my lords, brae long been consi dered a place of great importance, and the sine qua non of a war with India. I ask, therefore, what would be the consequence if Russia were allowed to make it her strong hold ? The noble lord says that it is in its finances the In dian Government will be attacked; and I ask them if Herat is not the very place where troubles and alarms could be best fomented to disarrange the finances of India ? The noble lord next proceeded to a point on which he always speaks with great force, namely, the justice is of the under taking. Now, if any war be justifiable, itthat under taken in self-defence, and if we can assume in the present war danger, either direct or indirect, to our own territo ries, that consideration will be sufficient to constitute the question one of self-defence. Who, he asks, are the aggres sors ? He says the English Government. I deny it. The Persians are the aggressors. (Cheers.) The noble lord then went on to the question of whether it was to be considered an Indian or a home war. It is in my opinion more Indian than home. The noble lord, too, complains of the illegality and unjustifiable character of the proceeding, because the war has not been regularly proclaimed ; but if he will look to other wars, the Affghan and Chinese wars for instance, undertaken while he was himself a member of the Cabinet, he will find that there was no such thing as a royal procla mation. Indeed, the best authorities upon international law mention that the proclamation is not necessary at all. It was not necessary as regarded the power of waging war, and is merely done out of courtesy to the enemy. The only persons at all interested in it ere the neutrals, to whom it is a notice that they may not expose themselves to injury from either of the belligerents. I do therefore think that her Majesty's Government should rather be considered as having followed the usual course than of having adopted a new one of their own. The noble lord, too, has observed in his speech that her Majesty's Government should have summoned Parliament earlier, and submitted the whole question to their consideration. Now, my lords, with regard to the expense of hostilities, the noble lord says it will not be borne by the Indian Go vernment ; but I would remind the noble lord that the salary of our Minister at Teheran is in part paid by the Indian Government, so that he is as much in the Indian as in the home interest; and I may tell the noble loid that her Majesty's Government bas pledged itself that Parlia ment will contribute for the conduct of the war whatever may be fairly borne by this country. I would request, too, the noble lord to remember another fact, which is this. During the last session of Parliament a distinct inti mation was given by the right hon. gentleman the Presi dent of the Board of Control that such an outlay might in all probability be required. The noble lord shakes his head. It is, I admit, no reproach to him not to have read the reports of the proceedings in the other house of Parlia ment ; but if he thinks fit to bring this subject forward again to him the papers relating to it are in your lordships' hands, I shall be ready to meet him upon it. But Ido not think he is lesions in pressing on this amendment before the papers are laid on the table of your lordships' house, and after the intimation he has received from the noble earl that there are negotiations on foot for the settlement of the question, which may be prejudiced by a hostile vote, The Earl of DERBY had nu objection to area to the Address, if it did not pledge the house to any opinion upon file justice of the question. Earl GRANVILLE remarked that the house in it only thanked her Majesty for the information with respect to the war. Earl GREY—The Address is drawn in this form—that we iegret that the conduct of the Shah of Persia has led to hostilities, whereas I say it is not so —it is the conduct of her Majesty's Government which has brought them about. Earl GRANILLE—The noble lord is confounding two , distinct paragraphs. Lord BROUGHAM said he hoped and trusted that it would be found, when the whole matter came before their lordships, that they —or rather, he ought to say, their agents in the East, and especially is China—had not been picking a quarrel for the sake of obtaining an advantage. (Rear, hoar.) Upon no point which had occupied fatten tentioo—he alluded to the affairs of Naples—did he think that they had done either too much or too little; bat he wholly approved of the Government not having gone fur ther in the matter. He would pretest, not against the conduct or the principles of the Government, but he would protest against what appeared to be a prevailing notion oet of doors—e. notion amongst many, who were led away by their feelings rather than by their judgments—that it was the vocation or mission of this country to interfere or meddle with the internal affairs of foreign countries, to restrain the conduct of foreign Princes, and to direct the proceedings of others. Ile felt that it was not the vocation, or mi ss i on , or any par t o f th e vocation, or , mission, of this country t o p ro p aga t e cons ti tutional government ali over the world. • (Hear, hear ) He might lament that the people of other c aintries had not the same incalculable benefits which the people of this country enjoyed; he might lament that other countries had Princes who committed acts which all would con - Idemn ; they might be of opinion that, even if those Go vernmeuts abstained from such conduct, oven if they granted amnesties—and in this ho (lid not allude to the Emperor of Austria, but to a Sovereign more south in Europe—that those amnesties, though extended to vie ! time of oppression, would signify little, so long as those I unhappy subjects did not enjoy constitutional govern ment. To remonstrate, however, was as far as they could I go, and not one hair's breadth further ought they to, go for the purpose of procuring for those nations better insti tutions than those which they unhappily possessed. Eug land had no mere right—no more vocation—to plant parliaments all over Europe, than the French Conven tion of November, 1792, had to surround France with republics. Of the Speech from the Throne it could not be said, as was once said by a King's gardener, namely, "that they might look at everything and touch nothing." Ho would shortly refer to the excitement which now prevailed over the country in reference to the in come tax. He had been asked to preside at a meet ing, and to exert his influence against this tax. Ho had on a former occasion done his duty in showing that this tax ought to be modified, so as to make distinctions in its assessment. It might now be said that the necessity for this tax had not yet ceased ; but he had a full recollection of another period—that of 1816—when he hal not the honour of a seat in that house, but when he and his la mented friend Mr. Baring, afterwards Lord Ashburton, led an attack against the income tax. The estimates had been prepared at the beginning of the session in the usual way, and the Government promised the utmost economy con sistent with the public service ; but ;a short and decisive campaign took away between 14,0120,0001. and 15,000,0001. from the supply, and subsequently the Chancellor of the Exchequer decided to take off the war malt tax, about 3,000,11001. more, making together 18,000,0001. reduction. The new estimates had to be prepared upon the principle of " cutting your coat according to your cloth." Th, re never was a time when an amendment of the law was more want ing. That some change was necessary in the mode of dealing with prisoners was proved by absolute experience, and if increase of were not done soon, a very considerable of our police force would be required. He trusted their lordships would attend to the representations which had been made by the conference on mercantile law, because they were the result of experience acquired by the mercan tile classes, who suffered in consequence of the defect of the existing law". (Hear.) ___ • The LORD CHANCELLOR said ho wished to detain the house a few minutes in consequence of what had fallen from his noble and learned friend. He thought their lordships and the country had a right to know what it was the Government contemplated in the naturo of law reform. In her Majesty's Speech law reform was indicated very vaguely, and that was done intentionally, because he felt the force of what had fallen from his noble and learned friend, that great promises in the Royal Speech of numerous projected reforms were, unfortunately, tso generally followed by very little per formance. In directing their attention to the measures of law reform which were most called for, it occurred to the Government, and himself in particular, that the reform of the Ecclesiastical Courts was the subject that demanded their first attention—(hear, hear)—net only on account of the importance of the subject itself, but because it was a question which, from whatever cause, had been taken up nnsuccessfnlly by every successive Administration for the last 25 years, and therefore it had always been an obstacle on the threshold of every law reform. On that day week he should call the attention of their lordships to the subject of those courts, with the view of introducing three bills —one to reform the testamentary jurisdiction; another to reform the laws of marriage and divorce ; and the third on subjects of a more ecclesiastical character, touching discipline and matters of a cognate nature. In the other House of Parliament a no tice had been put on the votes that very evening, by his learned friend the Attorney-General, of his intention to introduce a bill altering the law with regard to gross breaches of trust, of which two or three instances of late had staggered the pub lic. Their lordships were aware that, some three or four years ago, a bill was introduced for the registration of the transfers 9 1 laud. It did not meet with the approbation of the other house, but at the suggestion of the committee to which it was referred, her Majesty was advised to issue a royal commission to inquire into the whole subject. Tivit commission had been in existence three years and had not made their report ; but he had reason to know that they would in all probability do so very speedily, and he had had communicated to him the drafts of two bills which had been prepared on the foundation of that report, the object of which was, after the manner of the Irish Incnnabered Estates Court, to give a Parliamentary title to everybody. He would notpledge himselfas to the feasi bility of the plan until he saw the report in detail ; but the Attorney-General and Mr. Walpole, who had taken an active part in the commission, were very sanguine upon that point. He did mot think it right to wait proposing a reform until the report was produced, because he held that to make a re form, though it might be small, was always advantageous if in the proper direction ; and the Attorney-General, sup posing he was returned to the other house, would on an early day introduce a measure to greatly simplify the law with re gard to mortgages. He would not go through the several other smaller matters to which the attention of the Government had been directed; but there was one other subject which had very much engrossed his attention, and was of very consi derable importance. Since 1854 there had been a commis sion for consolidating the statutes of the realm. Nobody who had not directed his attention to that subject could con ceive the practical difficulties which beset every attempt that was made towards the /accomplishment of this object ; but they had succeeded in consolidating all the criminal statutes of the country, and it would be recollected that he laid the bills on the table on the last day of last session. It occurred to himself and several members of the commission that it would be better not to ask their lerdships to pass them until they had been submitted to the learned zembers of the board in Ireland, with a view to see how far other Irish statutes could be incorporated and consolidated. It had not yet been decided in what form they should be introduced. He would not say more at present than that the matter was under the consideration of the Government, and that in one form or another those bills would be shortly laid before the house. On an early day he would ask them to allow him to refer to a select committee the second report of the statute law com mission. At the same time, a similar motion would be made in the other house with the same object. The reference to the committee would bo with regard to the fact that the con solida' iin of the statute law would be imperfect unless better means were provided than exist at present for improviw , the language and manner of current legislation. The difference of language in the statutes occasioned a great deal of confu sion, and to meet thi s an d other objections, what her Ma jesty's Government would in due time propose would be the appointment of au officer whose duty it would be to report upon every bill which was introduced to alter the law—to report what the existing law was, and how far and in what respects the proposed bill would alter it; and further, that after a bill had been through committee, it should, if the house thought proper, be referred to him, and he would state what alterations had been made in it in committee, and how far they altered the tenets of the bill. It would also be such an officer's duty to make improvements, with a view to the improvement of the language, so that the language of the statutes would become clearer, less verbose, and more in harmony with the general language of the day—(hear, hear) —he would have to collate and classify the statutes. lie (the Lord Chancellor) also had to announce that his right hon. friend the Strzetary of State for the Home Department would introduce a measure on secondary punishments. (Hear.) After these announcements, he trusted that their lordships would not think the Government had been idle during the recess on those important measures. Tuo LORD CHANCELLOR than pat the Address. The house divided, and the numbers were— For the original Address Against ..................... „. 12 Majority 33 The amendment was therefore lost. Their lordships then adjourned at 11 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS--(YESTERDAY). The house resumed shortly before 4 o'clock. There was a full attendance of members. NEW MEMBERS. The following members took the oaths and their seats : Lord Henniker, for East Suffolk ; Viscount Castlerosse, for the county of Kerry ; Mr. Bailey Cochrane, for La narkshire ; and Mr. Langworthy, for Salford. NEW WRITS. • On the motion of Mr. HAYTER the following new writs were ordered to be issued ;---Greenwich, in the room of Mr. P. Rolt, who has accepted the CniPern Hundreds ; Hertford, in the room of the Hon. Mr. F. Cooper. who has accepted the office of Vice-Pre sident of the Committee of Privy Council for Educa tion ; Limerick county, in the room of Mr. Monsell, who has accepted the office of President of the General Board of Health ; Aylesbury, in the room of Sir R. Bethel], appointed to be Attorney-General ; Bute, in the room of the Hon. S. Wortley, the Solicitor-Gene ral ; Southampton, in the room of Sir A. Cockburn, appointed Chief Justice of the Court of Common Plea' ; Newport, in the room of Mr. W. Biggs, who has ac cepted the office of Chiltern Hundreds ; Clonettell, in the room of Mr. J. O'Connell, who has accepted the office of Clerk of the Crown of the Hanniper in Ireland ; and Dumfries, in the room of Viscount Drumlanrigg, who has succeeded to a peerage. On the motion of Mr. M. SMITH, for West Kent, in the room of Sir E. Filmer, deceased P • Brandon Brigg, in the room of Viscount B ernar d , who has succeeded to a peerage. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. HAYTER. said that, for the convenience of the house, he would state 'home measures it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to introduce. (Hear, hear.) On Thursday next the Secretary of State for the Colonies would move for a select committee to consider the state of those British possessions in North America which were under the ad ministration of the Hudson's Bay Company, or over which that company possessed licences to trade • and at the same time h e wou ld as k f ur l eave to introduce a hill to enable her Majesty's subjects of the lonian Isles to hold naval and military commissions under the Crown ; and another bill to alter the existing provisions relating to the Ecclesiastical Government of Norfolk Island. (Laughter.) On Friday the Chancellor of the Ex chequer would wove for a select committee to inquire into the operations of the Bank Act of 1844, and of the Bank Acts of Ireland and Scot land of 1848, and also to inquire into the laws relating to joint-stock banks. On Monday the Home Secretary would ask for leave to introduce a bill to amend the act of the 16th and 17th Victoria, chap. 99, entitled "An ac; to substitute in certain cases other punishment in lieu of transportation"—(hear, hear) —and, on the same day, to ask leave to introduce a bill to facilitate the establishment of Reformatory Schools in England. (Hear, hear.) EXPULSION OF JAMES SADLEIR. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for IRELAND gave notice that, on the 16th inst., he should move the expulsion of James Sadleir from the house. SECONDARY PUNISHMENT. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice tliat he should at an early day submit a motion to the house in reference to secondary punishments. CHURCH RATES. Sir W. CLAY - gave notice that on an early day he should introduce a bill on the subject of Church rates. EDUCATION. Sir J. PAKINGTON gave notice that on Tuesday, the 14th, ho should submit a motion to the house on education. THE COUNTY FRANCHISE. Mr. LOCKE KING gave notice that on an early day he should move for leave to bring in a bill to equalise the franchise in counties and boroughs. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER having read her Majesty's speech, Sir J. RAMSDEN moved an Address t o h er Ma jesty in reply, s a ying the speech str ong l y contrasted i n the information it gave to that of former speeches, and added that he could not help congratulat ing the house on the probability of an unanimous address being agreed to to her Majesty. (Hear, hear.) After referring to the termination of the war and the prosper ous state of the country, from the blessings of peace ena bling the people to turn their attention to the spread of commerce and tho increase of trade, he said that during the recess be heard with surprise that difficulties and doubts had arisen as to the terms of the treaty ; above all, with a feeling almost of dismay, that a second Con ference would be required for the settlement of what he considered had been settled long ago, and for which they bad illuminated and rejoiced, but he was happy to find that the difficulties to which he had alluded had, by the ability and firmness of the Govern ment, been overcome. With regard to Sicily, it was not because the monarchy of Naples was feeble, or that the Persian and Chinese difficulties might not be difficult of being settled, it did not follow that important ques tions were not involved, and in the absence of informa tion he declined entering into a discussion of the question, but would wait until those papers were laid on the table of the house. (Hear, hear.) Referring to our domestio position, he commended the patience, spirit, and patriotism of the people in cheer fully bearing the burthen of the late war, and said that a relief from war generally gave a relief from taxation, how ever inconvenient it might be to a Chancellor of the Ex chequer to do so. Relief in some manner or other was, however, inevitable—(hear, hear)—but when it devolved on the Chancellor of the Exchequer to devise how that relief should be apportioned, he (Sir J. Rameden) ad mitted it was not a cheering prospect for him, for he doubted which was the most enviable position for a Chancellor of Exchequer to be * placed in—that of having a surplus to deal with or a deficiency to make up. So far as the former was concerned a Chancellor of Exchequer appeared much in the same position as that of a prize ox in a cattle show, and like him, after being admired, must expect to be cut up. (Hear and laughter.) Every Englishman must admit that it was necessary for this country that its army and navy should be kept up in an efficient state, for being pre' pared for war was the surest guarantee for peace—(near) —and he felt certain that there would be no desire on the part of the House of Commons to demur to any expenditure to make our military and naval estab lishment's, with the money well spent, model establish ments, and by opening the rewards to talent, to induce ambitious and aspiring young men to enter them. The hon. baronet alluded to an omission in the Royal Speech, with reference to our convict and criminal population, respecting which the public feeling had been much and f jus tly roused, and he urged th e necess ity of a remedy a state of things as discreditable to the Legislature as it was grievous to the community. (Hear, hear.) The prosperous state of the c oun t r y was a subject of con - ' gratula vion and he urged on the Government the necessity of granting such reform as the advanced posi tive of the pa:43;e required, remarking that it better to concsde necessary improvements rather than thwart them, and have to yield to agitation and pressure from without. After some further remarks, the hon. baronet concluded by moving the Address. Sir A. AGNEW, Bart., seconded the Address. He congratulated the house that Russia had been unable to estrange the Emperor of France from this country in settling the disputed points of the treaty, and that those difficulties had been so amicably and properly settled, that the Danube was now, what it aught to be, the great highway of commerce for the whole world. After referring to the paragraphs in the Royal Speech relative to Neuchatel, Sicily, Russia. and China, the honourable baronet said that the conduct of the Government was deserving of the support of the House of Commons. (Hear, bear.) Returning to the domestic policy of the government, he said that it was satisfactory to know that the people of this country would support the government in keeping up our military and naval establishments to an efficient state rather than that we should rely on a militia, a thing so din tasteful to the country, and sink thereby into a third class state. In conclusion the hon. baronet urged on the house the necessity of supporting Lord Palmerston, who in the hour of England's difficulty had come forward and placed her in her proper position amongst the nations of the world. (Hear, hear.) All that remained for the country to do was to support the policy indicated in the Royal Speech. (Hear, hear.) The SPEAKER having read the address, and put the question, Mr. DISRAELI—I confess, sir, that when I listened to the a idress of the hon. mover, who to-night spoke with an ability, which, from the mode in which he addressed you on a former occasion, I confess did not sur prise me—(hear, hear)—l was sometimes inclined to suppose that the hon. gentleman had been furnished with a copy of the Queen's Speech different from that in my possession, and which until then I supposed to be an authentic document ; be cause the hon. gentleman informed us that her Majesty's Speech delivered to us by the Royal Commissioners this day contrasted very favourably withthe Addresses from the Throne which we have listened to for the last two or three years ; that this Speech conveyed to us the gratifying in timation that her Majesty had received from all the great Powers of Europe assurances of their continued friendship and goodwill. But that is not an expression which I could find to-night in the copy of the Speech placed before me. The Speech, moreover, promised to the people of this country, as I caught from his lips, a reduction of taxation. , That is a promise which unfortunately has been omitted — hear)—l am afraid, from some sinister motive, from the copy for 'which until this moment I Was grateful to the distinguished personage by whom it was distri buted. The Speech also quoted by the hon. mover held out, as he informed us, assurances of measures of domestic amelioration, but that also is a promise which is outnothelda document in the Sp in general,eechbeforeus. It has been said that a Queen's Speech is no t on th e who l e so i nstruct i ve an d improving as an expression of opi nions and statement of facts coming from such a quarter, and attended with such imposing circumstances, might na turaly be expected to be. But, sir, when I heard the Speech read to-day by the Royal Commissioners, and of which I supposed this to be an authentic copy, it seemed to me that there was a great deal in that Speech to set the people of this country a-thinking, and to produce a very great effect upon their minds. It is hardly a year ago since we were under the idea that we had terminated a great struggle, and that the termination of that struggle had laid the foundation of a prospect of peace more fa vourable on the whole than had ever been offered to this country sincelBls. Let the house for a moment recal to its recollectiod l the circumstances under which the treaty of Paris was concluded. Our foe, who had been deeunee so powerful, and who had actually proved himself to be so powerful, bad been baffled in the projects of aggran disement he had attempted to accomplish. It is said that the late Emperor of Russia deciered that he would not, ac cede to terms of peace of any sort until he had lost his last man and expended his last rouble. The position of the Russian empire is in fact similar to what was conveyed by this expression. Greatly as the sinews of war of that em pire were exhausted, men were still more wanting. Yet although he was utterly discomfited and defeated, our foe retired from the contest with dignity, and without that sense of humiliation which was generally supposed to be exhibited. Many persons at last believed that cixeurn stances were favourable to peace. Russia had failed in the I o ro b r j . e c l t nattemptedthe tomb o t f o be the e t a e e d into hr n t o effect Nicholas b y the l that policy y m w p a e s interred. The death of the Emperor, and the heroic defence of Sebastopol, terminated that policy, and permittee Rus sia to see the termination of that policy with some feelings of respect. But the very fact of the termination of that g s h a o hw additional the argument that not hreuhumili ating sincerity g in France and Austria, whilst a great war was being prose cuted,great public works were in progress, the employ ment and distribution of capital occupied the attention of Governments, and the state of the tariffs was eagerly in quired into and discussed. But what was the condition of our own country ? Were we in a situation competent to engage in any fresh war ? We were fouediog an immense colonial empire, of an extent unknown in the history of mankind, of illimitable dimension, and inexhaustible re sources. We had a career open to our fellow-citizens which exceeded even the excitement and the enterprise of war, without the calamities of that state of existence. Under these circumstances any man would have said that there was a more solid foundation and a more reasonable pros- pect of permanent tranquillity than has over been offered to the country since 1815. This is hardly a year ago. I want to know why we have been disappointed in our ex pectations ? If that is a sound view, the country has a right to expect that, as a consequence of such a state of affairs, her Majesty's Ministers would have weaned the miads of the people of this country from the excitement of war. I want to know how it is that, instead of a speech from the Throne holding out such a prospect, we have a speech full of war and rumours of war ? The whole speech consists of references and allusions to foreign transactions, with very slight exceptions, and all these are transactions of peril and calamity. There is a very curious circum stance and I must allude to it, not merely as leading to the result I wish to put before the house, but because it has been brought before us in a most marked manner in her Majesty's speech—namely, that almost on the very day when the treaty was signed by our ambassador at Paris, when the ink that signed it was not dry, the seed was sown by that very negotiation of new troubles and difficulties in Europe. Almost before our embassy had left, and after the treaty of peace was signed, the negotiators reassembled, and the English nego tiator was driven to grant the very terms which he had denied to Russia more than three years before. It is a very remarkable circumstance that this happened only a few days after the treaty was signed. The treaty was signed ou the 30th of March, and on the let day of e pril the seed was sown for the commencement of future diffi culties in our foreign relations. A prolific crop has ap peared ever since, and in two instances the result has been absolute warfare. All those circumstances arc of so recent occurrence, and every gentleman is so familiar with their details, that it is quite unnecessary to enter into a weari some analysis of the affairs referred to in her Majesty's Speech. Let me recal to the recollection of the house, as succinctly as I can, what occurred in reference to our in terference in Italy. It is not necessary now to stop to in quire what were the representations of her Majesty's Go vernment by which the adhesion of Sardinia was obtained to the grand alliance. Ido not stop to inquire whether her Majesty's Government engaged herself morally, if not legally, that they would terminate the then existing state of affairs in Central Italy, and which had been shown by a paper by Count Cavour, now upon the table of the house, was subversive of the equilibrium, if not fatal to the inde pendence, of Sardinia itself. I remember that, in March, when Lord Clarendon went to Paris, Count Cavour, the distinguished Sardinian Minister, placed himself immedi ately in communication with the English Minister, and requested to know what steps were to be taken in order that Sardinia should receive her reward for the great and heroic efforts which she bad made in the recent contest, and how the independence of Italy was to be secured. The peace was signed on the 30th of March, and on the Bth of April, in consequence of a statement delivered in by Count Cavour, Lord Clarendon, having induced the French Minister formally to open the affair, made that remarkable statement which appears in the protocol, and is a reproduction of the State paper of the Sardi nian Minister. There the noble lord points to the abnor mal state of Central Italy, occasioned by its occupation by foreign troops—especially by those of Austria—to the not only abnormal, but thoroughly exceptional, state of the kingdom of Naples, which created a condition of things, an absolute interference with which was not only, his lortiabip said, our right, but our duty. (Hear.) This was in the spring; and the house will recal with vividness what the situation of this country then was. It is of the utmost im portance that they should do so. This country was expect ing to reap the fruits which might be expected from the termination of a successful war, and the treaty of peace then concluded. Yet, in consequence of the steps taken by her Majesty's Government, no sooner was the Turkish-Rus sian difficulty at an end but an Italian difficulty appeared, and attracted the earnest attention of this country and of Europe. (Hear.) How was it possible for the people to require the consideration of domestic subjects when the public mind was excited by questions of impending war-- when the Government of this country was impressing upon the public mind of Europe that a great struggle was about to take place in Italy ; that the time had at length arrived when she was to be regenerated under the patronage of the great Powers of Europe—when you knew that it became a question whether we should wake in the morning and find that an English fleet was in the Bay of Naples. (Cheers.) So serious had become the aspect of affairs in Italy and the temper of the public mind upon the subject, that one of the most distinguished members of this house, the noble lord the member for the City of London, felt it his duty to bring its consideration before this house, when he very properly made the protocols of the Treaty of Paris the foundation of his motion. Observe that the agitation of the Italian diffi culty commenced in the spring, and the spring and the best part of the summer wereoccupied bylt. It becamea question of speculation what might be the consequence of the con duct of the noble lord opp • osite (Lord Palmerston) and his Government in entering into the obligations imposed by the protocols of the Congress at Paris. Sorce found fault with the noble lord f o r his a pp are n t rashness, whilst others gave him credit for the liberal spirit he displayed with re gard to Italy, and especially to the occupation of Central Italy by the Austrian troops. It then became a ques tion whether war might not again occur on a great scale, and whether the Austrian army which had not been ex hausted in the Crimea could successfully contend with the armies of France, exhausted as they were by their heroic struggles in the recent contest, in which they had gained so many triumphs and so many laurels. Mears.) W e expected that the King of Naples was to be coerced into submission and the adoption of measures of concession— we expected to see a French army and an English fleet occupying the centre of Italy. But will itbe believed that a ll this time—nay, that at the very period when Lora Clarendon was listening to the representations of Count Cavour, in which he impeached the very existence of Aus trian rule—that when he was unable to extricate himself from some fatal engagement made to Sardinia when the treaty of peace was si gne d— w il l it be believed that at that very time a second treaty was in existence, guaranteeing to Auetria the whole of her Italian dominions 9 (Opposition chelers.) Ido not say this as . any slur upon Aust r ian s kill. I admire the aluAirable adroitness, I may say the skilful wisdom, with which she managed, throughout the whole f the lets seregel .to ceeder- e - ee' e e ee ; e l _, Is e e position iu Italy without entering Lite, the contest. Lord PALMERSTON—With what Power has that treaty been entered into? Mr. DISRAELI—The noble lord asks tee with what Power it was entered into. With the only Power which Austria dreads ; for a guarantee was g i ven f rom F rance to Austria that her Italian possessions should be guaran teed, and that guarantee was not only sanctioned by the noble lord, but was made by the advice and at the special instance of his Government. (Cheers.) Thie secret treaty is not denied, though mentioned now for the first time. " What Power?" said the noble lord. It is not the Power of England that crosses the Alps, that threatens Austria in Italy. It is that Power which, according to the noble lord and his Minister, wss to be his main support in the great plan for the ereancipalion of Italy. (Cheers.) Read the protocol in which Lord Clarendon made the memo rable statement about Italian rights, now that I hive given you the key note. You will then und-r,tand the haughty contempt with which Count Boot listened to the noble lord, and the scoffing derision of Baron Hubner in listening to the representations of the English Ambassador. When the Austrian Ministers had a guarantee of all the Italian dominions of their Sovereign in their pockets, what did they care for the representations brought forward with so much pomp in the House of Commons, and on account of which the treble lord claimed the support of the Liberal party of this country? Now, what has happened in conse quence of this imposture upon the credulity of the con: try? What have you done for the benefit of Italy ? I remember urging upon the Government of this country not to inter fere at all unless it interfered actively. (Hear.) We have had protocols, State papers, asid speeches in Parliament, but what have we done ? what has happened in Italy ? fruitless assassinations, unsuccessful insurrections, and the death of many excellent and some brave and distinguished. men ; the. aggravation of every former evil, and the exagge ration of all former misgovernment. (Hear, hear.) You denounced and you threatened the King of Naples, and the King of Naples treated you with contempt; because, when menaced by such a Power as England, he naturally turned to his friendly neighbour Austria, to whom he no doubt said, "I regard the friendship of Austria, and I can not bring you into a dangerous collision with the great Western Powers, who are determined to bring about a re volution in Italy by all possible means. If we are to have a Free& army teaming the Alps, and English fleets in Italian waters, I . o not wish to bring you i nto an y ser i ous difficulty. But my independence as a Sovereign is threatened. What am Ito do ?" Said Austria—" Ease your mind of any embarrassment, for a' French army will cross the Alps, except to maintain my authority and to guarantee my do minions. (Laughter.) You will have no French troops or English fleets here. They are my best friends, a.d have given me the title-deeds of my estate. You, there fore, as an independent Sovereign, - vindicate your rights." (Hear, hear.) The King of Naples followed that advice, and how far the policy of the noble lord op posite has benefitted the interests of the Liberal party in Italy, or tended to the amelioration of Italian society, I will now leave the house to judge. It is often said thatthe noble lord (Lord Palmerston) is remarkable for getting the country out of difficulties, but it always in reality happens that those difficulties are created by himself. His conduct 4 on these occasions resembles the Rhine, which never reaches the ocean, but vanishes in a mud bank. (A laugh.) It is in this way that he extricates himself from difficulties of which he himself is the creator. Well, at the end of the summer it was thought that her Majesty's Government, taking advantage of the peace just terminated, w ruld have taken steps to reduce the military expenditure of the coun try; that they would be in a condition, when Parliament met, at once to enter into the great struggle for economi cal and administrative reform with spirit and vigour, and which hart been ushered in with so muchpromiso. I awoke one morning and found that, althorgh the Turkish diffi culty was settled, and the Italian difficulty was settled or had disappeared suddenly, we nevertheless had not been at peace, but had simply enjoyed an armed truce, and that we were about to be involved in a great war—a war on a grand scale—under circumstances of great disadvautage. end without that generous and disinterested ally who had hitherto acted with us. When Parliament was prorogued I left our usual place of meeting with the idea that the French alliance was the great foundation of the policy of the noble lord at the head of the Government, and that on that alliance we were to rest. But I found about the Ist of Sept. that there never had been a real peace ; there had only been an armed truce, and welwere going to war with Russia again w; thout the assistance of our ally—(hear)-- to encounter Russian diplomacy ail French perfidy, and that the contest would be of a very alermingcheracter. Here was asain another difficulty, a Russian difficulty; but on this point it is quite unnecessary for me to enter into any details, because honourable gentlemen are per fectly familiar with them I may say that I wish there may be no misconception as to what I consider, and the house will consider, to have been the legitimate object of the late war with Russia. When the subject was first discussed in 1854, I then said I thought no peace would be satisfactory to the country which did not secure the inde pendence of the Black Sea and the freedom of the Danube. (Hear, hear.) Two years efterwerds, Shen the wildest no• tions on the subject of the war and on the terms of peace were afloat, when you were told nothing but the dismem berment of the immense empire of R119 , ;14 would satisfy , Europe, I took the liberty of laying down the far more moderate terms upon which peace might be, in my opinion, and ought to be, secured; and they involved those tw great points—the independence of the Black Sea and the freedom of the Danube. (Hear, hear.) And I say frankly and freely to the noble lord that if he found iu the month of September the country was to be deprived of one of the prime objects for which it had made such enormous and costly sacrifices of blood and treasure, it was the duty of the noble lord —never mind what was the cause—even at ' the risk of another war, to obtain his object. (Hear, hear.) I do not see how he could have faced this house or the country, unless with a view of announcing that his object had been accomplished. The noble lord, however, had to communicate to us that one of the most important objects of the war was lost to us. I give the noble lord full credit for his intentions; but then the questi on natura ll y ar i ses — Why were we on the point of losing the fruits we so richly deserved ? I hear a great teal of Russian maps and Rua= . elan duplicity, and of French maps and French duplicity ; , but I hear nothing of Engli s h snaps and English know . ledge of the subject. Nobody denies now that this town of L Bolgrad was unfortunately left in the possession of the Russians. Never mind what was the spirit of the treaty; so far as England was concerned, she was determined to have the freedom of the Danube secured, and Russia pos sessing Bolgrad, that freedom was not secured. Why, then, was it retained ? lam told that the Russian Minister be haved very ill—wicked Baron Brunovr bad taken care of his own country—(.aughter)—ungrateful Baron Bruno w had thus acted after all the hospitality he had received in Eng laud—(faughter)—and had not done for Lord Clarendon that which Lord Clarendonought to have done for himself. (Renewed laughter.) Now, that is the real state cf the case. When it is a blunder of our own negotiator which has occasioned the whole confusion, I don't sue the advan tage of turning round upon our late foe and present ally, and accusing one of duplicity, and the other of breach of faith. Lord Clarendon was not pressed for time in the negotiation of the treaty, because he found time to recom mend interference in the affairs of the kingdom of Naples, and he also found time to interfere with the liberty of the press throughout Europe. Lord Clarendon went to Paris to obtain the independence of the Black Sea and the free dom of the Danube, and he omiteed to obtain one of those iesportant objects for which he was so sent. Was it from want of information ? That is the most charitable con clusion. With regard to want of information, we have an Ambassador at Constantinople who may have his fail ings, but nobody will deny that he is a man of great ability and great experience, and he is surrounded by a diplomatic staff possibly the most able that surrounds any Minister. In addition to this we here consular establishments throughout all the provinces of the Turkish empire, and throughout the Principalities in question. O ne sou l s therefore suppose thet our diplomatic and consular sources of information would have furnished Lord Clarendon with sufficient knowledge, at least to have obtained that which was the object of the war and the object of negotiation. Lord Claren too had also all the archives of the Foreign office in Downing-street, which he ought to have found prepared for him before he went to Pails. But it is a per - feet libel on the eliplornatic service of the country to sup pose that if information had been sought it would have failed. All the insormation might have been obtained by means of railways and the telegraph. Was it not worth their while to avail themselves of those means of informa tion? The freedom of the Danube was no slight point -it was the very pith and essence of the whole negotiation, the cause of the quarrel, and the cause of the treaty—(hear, hear)—and yet out of this condition of affairs--out of this almost unprecedented blunder of our own plenipotentiary, an excitement is got up, so that the people of Bog and, who in the spring or the summer expected they were going to war about Italy, now thought they] were going to war again with Russia; and yet we are told this was enjoying the blessings ot e peace. In this way the spring, the summer, and the autumn had been occupied. A great blunder is made by the chief howl of our diplomacy himself. (Hear.) It is not ma d e b y any poor devil whom you can throw over, and say he acted without instructions, or lead been t improperly promoted by a former Ministry, and was that the in his position out of good feeling. You determined inte h . chief pf your diplomatists—one of the principal Ministers of the Queen—one of the leading members of e!, : abine r t should go to Paris in order to secure that which youare determined to achieve. Ho commits that awful mistake; but it is not discovered, and he returns to this country, and is crowned with laarels. The blunder is at length discovered in the most natural way possible ; but iustea I of our turn ing round and saying—" Let us understand each, other ; give us that which is the spirit of the agreement, in th e most conciliatory manner ; instead of that, every means are used to lash up the passions of the people of England. You would suppose that instead of one of the Ministers making a great blunder, our late foe and present ally were trying to deprive us of the fruits of our victories. The noble lord (Viscount Palmerston) goesdownhimmasney of himself to the great capital of industry and peace, amongst most eminent members of the Peace Society—the absence of one of whose members (Mr. Bright) in this house I sin cerely deplore—(hear) — and the noble lord excites them to that pitch of enthusiasm, that even the Pt ace Society "half draws its sword ; and he then says, " see what a people I have to govern—backed by their opinion, I am resolved that I will have this treaty executed." we should havelos ( t El ee,v The noble g ) If it had been executed, for which we were struggling. (Laughter.) lord excited the passions of the people until the s whole of the country were prepared t o go to war with Pu-sita again ; and you might have had an income tax of 20 p er cont.—and why? Becaus e Lord Clarendon made that blunder. (Laughter.) N ow, see in what an absurd posi tion a man must be placed who is wrong, What was the end of all this bl un d er i ng ? Understand that . from the first Russia was never in a position to struggle. Russia would never have consented to a peace if she had not been in that state which rendered the continuance of the struggle impossible. The noble lord tells the people of Manchester to have confidence in him, and he uses all those arts of ex citement of which he is a greater master than any Minister siuco the days of Lord Bolingbroke. He will have the treaty, and there shall be no conference. At last it ooze , out that there are to be conferences at Paris; but not to be presided over by the Minister of France, because he had been perfidious. Well conferences were held, and they were presided over by the Minister of France. (i.,aughter.) The conference was to be only a matter of form ; but in stead of that they were obliged to meet and agree that it was not the desire nor the wish of the English Minister that the treaty should be so expressed. Russia said, "We offered you a conference in August. when the difficulty was first discovered, and before it was known to the world. As the treaty was against you, it could only be rearranged by conference ;" and Russia says, " Let us have . compensation for givin g u p B o lgrad." Now, if Bolgrad did notbelong to Russia, why give Russia aoy compensation in a period of peace, we are not reaping the ? Although fruits of ileac. . (Hear.) During the spring , summer, f and autumn, you have had nothing bat difficulties in your foreign affairs. All those difficulties were created by her Majesty's Minis ters, who have extricated us somehow or other from them ; and because they have done so they consider they are en titled to our confidence, as the only men who understand how to manage foreign politica. But eight month s Imo ;hns been wasted. (1 - Tear, hear.) There was a chance of '. . Sea , e:ceu di:'9 .:'.. .:•^ • , n : %i.e g. eeee ..eceernied. Fele uoately Parliament was putt o, of Commo ns go t h o ld of that diff iculty, 'l Lh:i aBe l it was put out of the way. Then we had the Italiau difficulty, then the Russian difficulty, and the whole year was wasted. ' However there was still time. with energy, with great exertions, and with great ability, for the Government to have put their house in or ier, and the Elonse of Commons were prep'rred and desirous t, reap the fruits of the late struggle and to enjoy the blessing; of peace. But no sooner was Bolgrad safely in the possess,ou of the uobler lord, uo sooner was the Isle of Serpents relieved from the presence of the few unfortunate Russian riflemen who were on it, than there was enether difficulty, and one of a most menac ing character. A German prince, at the head of a great army, is going to invade neutral Switzerland. The Em peror of France, although hiF. motto on ascending the throne was, " the empire is peace," an, that he had maintained that principle throughout. had a right, under such circum- Stances, to march a French army to the Rhine. Here was difficulty to which all the others seemed of inferior ire p..rtance. Well, what were the Swiss doing? I believe that originally a snore simple difficulty never oxistei, nr one that could be more easily arrare.ed. What was the conduct of Prussia? The Kieg believed that his honour wes grievously offended, and every man is the hest judge of his own honour. What 4id he to under the circum stances? He did what every private gentleman does in a similar case. Instead of taking a hostile or bullying posi tion the King puts his ;lifer-, in the hands of a friend, and the friend he solicits is one who he believes, from his character and position, will have great influence with the awiss people. That appeal I highly approve of, and for that course I think the King of PI liSsi:), is entitled to the respect and esteem of society. The Eanp , rer of the French responded to the appeal in a spin it worthy of the occasion, and was entirely successful. Instead of seizing the oppor (unity, and permitting the King of Prussia to invade Swit zerland, the Emperor of the Frenchused all the influence he possessed to terminate the dissension, and (lid it in a way which vindicated the honour of the King of Prussia and removed the difficulty in the politi !al system of Europe. The circumstances happening at a dead time of the year the question of Neuchatel would never have become a great public question had it not been for the Government of the noble lord. From the moment the Swiss authorities con sented to adopt the con, se recommended by France, the English authorities counselled a different course. They said, this is not a case in which you can take a conciliatory course. The eyes of Europe are upon yoa, and you have a great duty to perform. The King of Prussia is taking a course which Europe cannot approve of or view without dia. satisfaction. Reject his proposals and raise your standard, round which all Europe can assemble. The Swiss authori ties followed that friendly and conciliatory advice, and all Europe was convulsed. We were on the eve of seeing an army of perhaps 100,000 men invading Switzerland in con sequence of the conduct of the English Government, and it might have led to consequences with regard to France which the house could easily foresee. But fortunately, although the Swig are celebrated for patriotism, they are equally remarkable for prudence ; and, when we come to the last moment—before the first gun is fired—the prudent feelings if the Swiss prevail, and they are determined to ascertain from the Government of the noble lord what is the nature of the assistance upon which they can rely. They had perhaps heard of the Neapolitan assassinations, the Sicilian insurrection, and they had perhaps heart of the Paris pro tocols, marl of speeches made in the House of Commons, se mpathising with free nations and with the liberal cause. They therefore naturally said—what are you going to do for us, now that a moment of trial is about to commence? We do not expect you to sand her Majesty's Guards to Basle, as you did to Gallipoli, but there are other means of assisting us besides sending troops. We are not very rich; we are a republican people, and, if you leave us alone, sa tisfied with 'very little ; but England is very rich. Eminent as your people are for their valour, they are still more ce lebrated for their wealth. You have at thiamoment ex traordinary resources at command ; golden galleons from Australia crowd your ports; and you have also the advan tage of a war taxation at a time of peace. (Laughter.) Let a few crumbs fall from the rich man's table. (A. laugh.) The noble lard was the friend and pupil of Canning, and he had an admirable councillor and friend on the occasion. I ,give yon sixpence, said the noble lord; l—, and the house knows the r es t. (L aug h ter. ) We live in the age of telegraphs. The Swiss telegraphed to Paris and accepted the terms offered them by the Emperor ; there was thus an -nd of the Swiss difficulty, and that was our Christmas box. (Laughter.) The whole year during which we had enjoyed those blessings which have been enumerated, and which fully justitie i the exhibition of fireworks in the parks —during the whole year of peace we have brad nothing but rumours of war, and a conviction on the part of the people of this country that we were on the verge of great. struggles in Italy, cm the Danube, and on the Rhine, and that those scenes where the utmost human valour and skill were dis played were on the point of being renewed. Under such circumstances it was very natural to hear it said, what was education, or what were secondary punishments, compered with the struggles which were impending, and the "'laugh. ter which might follow. During these moments of tran quillity in Europe, which a win) Government would have seized to develop the commerce and assist the energies of a nation —in the midst of circumstances which held out a Promise of peace such as has never been exceeded in the present century, at such a time as that the energetic, com mercial, and over-taxed people of England, diverted from their own affairs, anal distracted by the rumours which pre vailed, are reconciled to this condition, and actually became enthusiastic admirers of the ni hie lord (A. laugh.) Because in the midst of thenielangers, and in the perilous state of Europe, the noble lord was the man who could save them. It made one admire the tact, and skill, and daring of the noble lord, to see him foster those difficulties up to a certain point, and rtill avoid explosion. He believed thenoble lord understood Europe well. Had he been sent to Paris tonego tiate the treaty, he would not have fallen into the Bolgrad blunder, for he hid had more official intercourse with Europe than any man living. So adroitly had he managed all these difficulties, that ho converted them to his own praise, and actually made them the basis of a claim to the gratitude, awl an appeal to the people of England, .In Parliament," says the noble lord, " they may come and ask me what lam going to do about Parliamentary reform ; I shall refer them to a l a t e no bl e colleague of mine on that subject." (Great laughter.) They will get up a question about Administrative reform. The noble lord will answer them, as Richard IL answ ere d W at Tyler, " What do yen want ?. lan an Administrative reformer." The noble lord will have no difficulty in admitting what we desire, but we shall have the greatest difficulty in extorting any result. But, unfortunately, Canton blazes, and we are committed to the Persian war. But are we come to that ? Or is it not the duty of the Hone of Commons to inquire what are the rea sons for these perpetually resulting difficulties ? The effe ct of these difficulties is, that we are again under the necessity' of deferring the consideration of our domestic affairs, and, that cannot vast, understand weals empire, why the burthens th a t now lie upon the people. For myself, I we should go to war w ith P ers i a which stands between us and another European Power, which is predominant iu that part of Asia, and which we cannot destroy witheut finding ourselvee face to face with our late antagonist, Russia. Indeed I believe it is Ruisia in time disguise of a Persian, with a long, black Per sian c p on, that we are now at war with—our late invete rate, inexhaustible foe, whom we so entirely destroyed and baffled in the achievement on the Black Sea, and who did not attempt to conceal his exhaustion. As to that exhausted foe, we now find all at once that he is powerful and possessed of treasures unknown, on the side of Persia. I remember the invasion of Atfghan. (Hear, hear.) I took a part in the ' debates of that time, and I remember with great familiarity the documents which were laid on our table on that oc casion. All that we have heard about the papers now is from the mover of the Address, but in the Royal Speech I find no promise of them. If we are favoured with the papers connected with this war, I shall examine them with considerable suspicion and care, and if I see that certain papers are not produced which ought to be produced, I will move that they be referred to a select committee, to take evidence on those pints which ought to be elucidated. If it shall turn out, as I believe it will turn oat, that Russia is more anxious for peace between Persia and England than England is for war between herself an I Persia—if it turn out that Russia has spared no efforts to bring about peace, and has even counselled Persia to surrender that great and long.. coveted prize, the city of Herat, I shall then be tempted to think that it is your policy and expediency to have that third campaign in Persia which was not prosecuted in the Crimea, and which, on that account, I have often heard deplored by the pupils of the noble lord's school. If that be the case, I would have you consider the position in which the noble lord will place this country, and the effect such a proceeding on his part may have upon the commerce and taxation of this country, and the position which it will occupy in Europe, From what I see, I think it possible that the Persian difficulty will be settled ; but it will be settled by the agency of that very Power against which every means has been taken throughout to convoy a false impression ; but it will be found that Russia was the friend of peace, rather then the cause of war. The Chinese difficulty remains, but upon it I will make but one observation. The question of China appears to mete be in the same catalogue with Persia. You cannot avoid the conviction that what Lae taken place in China has not been the consequence of the alleged pretexts laid before us ; it is the result of wliat has been received from home—and that, • too, from home some time ago. If that be so, is it not the duty of the house to consider whether there be any means of controlling the system which is being pursued, and which is fraught with so much danger to the country I Are we to be always in difficulties in our foreign relations ? There is a great complaint at the present moment of the burthens of taxation ; and one particular tax whisk is~ being levied at present, and that peculiar tax is intimately connected with the , übject to which I have been calling the attention ef the house. Ido not wonder that the people should object to a war taxation in the time ef peace : but 1 . am told that it is necessary to submit because oar foreign relations are in a state of such extreme difficulty and embar rassment. I answer, that those are the very circumstances under which to make an abatement from our present taxa tion, for in a time of peace, if a sacrifice were necessary to free us from the consequences of an old struggle, although that struggle had been carried on in a spirit of extravagance, I should in that case move for a financial committee—l should have explanatory accounts submitted to that financial com mittee—l should have that extravagance and lavished misuse of the public funds exposed—l should consider what it is that the public wants, and then take the course which circum stances justified. But when I find a time of peace contem poraneous with a state of semi-war, with the fitting out of expeditions and the sending of fleets to different quarters of the globe, then I am obliged to consider whether this war taxation is not required for circumstances very different from those of a time of peace. I think we ought to look into the consequeuces of the blunder made by LordeClarendon when fleets were sent to the Black Sea; it could be easily esti mated, and it would be very instrective to see in a convenient form what the consequences were of a want of geography on the part of a Secretary of State. (Laughter.) My own opi nion is, that the time is arrived when it would be well to prevent, curb, and control the power of the Minister who is pursuing a policy such as I levee sketched to-night, and such as I believe to be very dangerous to the interests of this country. But we have a still graver question to consider, touching the eight or nine millions which the Government are new levying, for there is an agitation throughout the country in whicn points have been raised of a grave and en during importance. They are questioning the very nature of the tax ; the principles on which it is founded ; the con sequences upon our interests and property of this species of taxation; and the exemptions, if any, and to what degree they ought to be made in levying this tax. These are grave questions, which the right hon. member for the. University of Cambridge introduced his act in 1833 in order to settle for ever. That was no insulated financial measure, but an important part of the financial scheme which he then brought forward, There were at that time two parties in the hous e each sufficiently powerful to have greatly embarrassed a Mini s,er, and both united, to have defeated him. In the first pace, there were those who thought there was no scientific solution of the difference 13,tweeu capitalised and precarious lucerne,. No doubt that opposition was founded iu the feel ings of human nature. Opposition, however, was silenced by the explanations afforded by the right hon. gentleman, and I consider that a compact was entered into. (Cheers.) The supporters of that opinion were the supporters of the right hon. gentleman on that occasion, and, as far as I was con cerned, I offered as little opposition to the proposition of the right hog, gentleman as possible. But Umo is also another