The Sun. — London, England, 1840-07-08 00:00:00

EVEN 1N G EDITION MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (Front the London New Price Current of July 7.) &MAR.—Since this day week there has been a cessation in the demand for British Plantation, and both grocers and refiners have purchased very sparingly of all sorts; but the merchants have remained firm, and former rates have been fully supported: at a public sale of 88 hhds 6 tierces mad 26 barrels St. Lucia prices however gave way 6'l for yellow sorts, but other kinds maintained former rates; fine brown fetched 79s to 79s 61 . , low middling yellow 80s 6d to 81s, middling 81s 6d to 82 . 3, good 83; to 23s 6d, 17 tierces fine brown and middling grey Demerara went at 793 6d to 818 6d per cwt : the total sales f,,r the three market days did not exceed 950 hhds and tierces.— The arrivals continue light, and chose during the past week have not been equal to tbe , se of last year daring the same time; 1.5,000 hhds. less have boon imported this than last year. The stocks of Sugar in the kingdom sub ject to the lose rate of duty, are 28,000 tons less than last year at this time. This afternoon the trade came forward more freely, and from the grocers a good demand prevailed for both brown and yellow descriptions ; for refining purposes a fair busi ness was done, and the imparters obtained an advance on the rates of Friday of 6d to is upon all qualities: the private sales amounted to 450 hhds and tierces, which comprised the chief part on show; brown descriptions left off at 754 to 813, low to middling yellow 82s to 841, good to fine 841 6d to 87s. The increased deficiency in the comparative stocks, and also the increasing deliveries, have given buyers as well as sellers more confidence as to the future prospects of the article. The arrivals are still small. One hundred and ten casks new Barbadocs were offered at public sale, and all sold is above former rates ; fine yellow fetched 86s to 86s 6d, good middling and good 848 to Bb3 6d, middling 83; to 83s 61, low middling 82s 6d per cwt. 3y private contract, 87s has been paid for fine, quality. MI/PINED —To-day a better demand existed for Re- Nod Goods, and business to a fair extent was transacted at fall prices ; sales in brown lumps wore made at 105 s to 1093, standard lumps 110 s, Mien and Hamburgh Loaves good and fine Ills to 116 s. Treacle sold freely as 43s to 44s for common, and 43s to 47s for patent and the hest old make. Pieces and Bastards were in good request at our qu ;tations. Bonded Crushed Sugar was in good demand; 35s paid for first, and 343 9d for second quality. In other articles there is no change. MAUXITIUS.—The demand for this description has also ensiderably abated ; former rates have been fully main tained fur both brown and yellow sorts ; good to fine yel low at 83s 6d to 85s 6d, low to middling 80s to 833 ; good to fine brown 78s to 79, 61, low to middling 703 to 763 per cwt. EAST Irma.—For Bengal former rates were barely maintained; low to fine white went at 82s Gd to 85s 60, yellow 783 6d to 833, damp and washed SOs to 85s Gd, very low damp brown 61s to 643, low to middling 61 to 68s 6el ; 1,000 bags of the above were taken in at 60s to 623 fur very low but dry brown quality. This vfternoon there was a good deal of inquiry by Fri vale contract for Java, but few parcels were to 13 , 2 had. In Siam some sales were made privately at our quota 'ions. Manilla continues in good request, and 2,464 at auction sold at and after the salc at a further advance of 13 to Is 65; fine yellow went at 25; 6d to 265, good mid_ tiling 24s 6(1 to 255, damps 24s to 243 6,1, washed 223 to 234 per cwt. FOREIGN.—This afternoon there was a fair business clo'ng by private treaty in all descriptions.—At public sale 207 chests 140 barrels white and 31 chests brown Per aamburo have been off. red, the chief part of which was dispoled of at an advance on previous rates of is to Is 61, the former, fine sold at 293 61 to 30; middling to good 263 to 293, low middling 25s to 253 61; the latter went at 23s to 24s for good and .ine, and 22s for middling quality. MOLASSES.-Previous rates have been fully maintained for Went India, and a good demand has existed; Antigua good to fine quality a' 44s to 46;, Barbadocs 45s to 46., Demerara good 403, Dominica fiir 395; at auction 37 puns fair middling St. Lucia sold at 413 per cwt. This afternoon some parcels were sold at rather higher rates. Coeeeft.— For clean sorts of West India only a limited rem Ind has existed since this day week, but prices have been firm ; superior middling Jamaica and Berbire have been disposed of :at full former rates; unclean sorts are, however, rather cheaper. This afternoon a fa;r demand existed by private treaty for both East and West India to supply the wants of the home trade, and prices are firm. The public sales consisted of 40 cocks Jamaica, 521 b.tgs marang, 21 bags Ceylon, and 590 bags of Brazil. Jamaica sold is to 23 above former rates; middling qua lity fetched 109 a to 1103 61, low middling 1003 61, fine ordinary 883. to 923 64, good ordinary 77s 6d to 823. —Samarang sold at 43s to 443 6d for good ordinary and infeiSer country damaged and mixed 33s to 343, being its full value.—Ceylen rent at 83s for fine ordinary. Brazil sold at steady rates, viz good ordinary coloury mixed at 42; 61, sea damaged first class dl); 61 to 4th 61, second end third ditto 33s to 3Sii 61 per cwt. Ta.4.-For Free trade there was a steady demand for actual cense eption on Wednesday and Thursday, Twan kay and Congott were the most in request, several parcels of which were disposed of at full prices; the public sales which occurred on the latter day drew forth a good attendance of the trade, who evinced a fair dispoaitien to purchase, and ell offered amounting to 5,890 pack .ges, equal to 490.000 lbs, chiefly Congou, found buyers et and immediately after the salts, and some breaks were taken on speculation, the prices paid were rather under those of the June auctions, but fully equally to those accepted in the market and in some cases rather above fur Congou; Taarikay common sold at Is I lid to 23, fair to 2.; li, fine 23 lid to 2.. 1 1 ; Hyson kind 2; 31• I a e s 34e1; Cergou good eunmon to 2: ; hut iddliej rather strong raft i pr II M. Flavour 2a to 2s ; b:ae1,414 leaf 2s Id to 23 ; fine blackish leaf 2. art l es eref ; Pekee 7.!, 2 _ ; erewve 2; 6id to 2A 7-id; fine 3s_ % 22,1 to o 3; 3, ;IA lanpoteder but mifldl' ,l .4 Ctl ar nej ) ousiness was trans eeeeer Ti TIP to Is 11:0 cash. Oe Friday the ac counts received from Cnton t r reduct d much I.fe in the speculative market, and in Comptry'i Gmgou I /rat: sties wive mu' e at 11 adveece, 2.; 00 to 2a Old were peed far ensb, 2a ld with ore and 23 2.1 with two months' Prompt. Fcr Free Trade three was also an increased demand, and prices ad vanced Id p'r lb. Common Congou and Twankay were disposed of to some extent for cash, the former at 2; to 2a id, and the latter at 2; id to 23 Id. Hyson and Caper were told at profits ova the late auctions, but during the last two days there ha; '-seen less demand for Coinnaly's Congou, and prices have fallen 11 , 1 per lb, there being now sellers at Is lld cash, and even threat but fee. buyers. The market foe free trade Tea has become quiet, but holders remain firm ; in some cases there are sellers rather under Friday's rates. The cessittion in the &mend I 3 to be attributed to the letters from China, station. ' the following vessels were loadi If; and engaged to leaf Tea, viz , the General Kyd, 12.-,yal Saxon, M mgalore, Frances Ann, Asia, Eliza Stewart and C;lenelg for London; the Penang for Liverpool, the Tvrcr for the Clyde, and the Susan for Leith. Thu export of Tea to Great Britain from Oct. 1 to 24th u't., have amounted to 15 00e 000tba, and was expected to reach 22,900,0001ba by the end of April To-day the market for Free Trade Tea was very qeiet ; the nearest price fir common Congou for cash is Is to is 11 (1, and for ordinary Twartkey Is lid to Is 1141. In Company's Congou there was little passing, Is 10. 1 id is the value for cash. Tee sales declared fur the 13th in- Kant in a great measure tend to add to the dullness which exis , 4 in the mat bet [int, BRANDY, AND Ilou.ANos.— Tule 3m411 supply of Jamaica Rum has operated against business ; there has been a good deal cf inquiry; the sales are 140 purls at id to ld ad vance ; 30 her cent. ovorroof has beenc;i posed of at 63, 36 over 63 4 1 a 65 31, ti ie 65 7,1 a 65 Bd, and fur a favourite mark Gs 91 has brew (Ailed. For Leewards there has been a good demand, and former rates have been filly supported ; 250 puns here been sold, proofs at 3s 7f4 a 34 8 t, 2 to 3 over at 3; 80, sto 12 over as 9d a is Id, 15 to 22 over 4; 3 a 45 101, 26 to 33 over 45 lid a 55 41, 34 to 38 over 5; 54 5s 81—East India : Calcutta at 3-= 6d for proof. Cognac, first brands of the vintage of 1836, 53 3d in bads, and 5s id in puns, do 1837 hhds 53 Id, puns 45 lld a 53, do 1838 hh,ls ss, puns 4s 10.1 a 45 11d, do 1839 !oda 4 , 6d, puns 4s 4d a 45 sd. Geneva for export at is 101 als 104 ais lld ?er gallon. Bri'ish Corn Spirits at 10; 2d. SPlCE3.—Cassia Lignea, at a further advance of 2: ; 740 to 77s for low mid and mid and 77s 64 to 803 for good and fine quality. East India Ginger has sold slowly, but prices have been supported. West India at late rates : the stock of East India is now 53,134 packages, whereas at tlll3 time in 1839 it was 60,500 packages. Bice.—Bengal is held for former rates; good and fine "Aite sorts at 133 to 13s 6d : at auction 1,125 bags sold at 12a to 12,s Gd for middling and good middling white, 13s ' ) 13s 6d for good and fine, and fine yellow at 163 6d per cwt. Java, low and middling white mixed with Paddy at Ys 6d to 8s 63, a fair part, however, has since been sold at 611 for an average quality. Although the stock of Rice is unusually large, prices are 3s to 49 lower than at this time last year. Carolina is held firmly at 34s for old, and 36s new quality. Tat+ow.—Priees keep up for Russian Tallow on the :.; - >ot; P. Y. C., of first quality is not to be had under Os 6d ; for delivery in the last three months 525 9d per Town Tallow has secured a fair sale. This after izocas titers was little business doing in P. Y. Candle, but prints were steady at 523 3d to 523 64 on the spot, and 61. s 9d for delivery in the last three months. 011-B.—For export the demand continues good for common sorts of Fish Oils, especially for Southern and Seal, the former commands 231 153 to 241 153 for low and good quality, the latter 261 5s to 261 10s for pale ; and 241.5 s to 231 lOs for yellow and brown ; other sorts have maintained previous rates. Pale Seal, 261 for first qua lit; Sperm, first quality, at. 91/ to 92/ per tun; Lin. aced Oil on the spot, 24s 6d; Rape at late rates ; Pal m drat quality at 371 to 37/. 10s ; East India Cocoa Nut 42s to 42a 6d for first quality. This afternoon 150 tuns Southern Oil at public sale all s a id a t 231 KA to 241 lea for middling to good quality. On Friday night last, about twelve o'clock, a newly erected cottage, near the railroad station at Romford, occupied by the widow Belse', was broken into. Mrs. Belsey, who was the only inmate, being awoke by a noise down stairs, rout of bed, an d took hold of the handle of her bed-room , which was locked : she then heard the footsteps of some person on the stair, and called out" Who's there?" She was answered, and commanded with an oath to open the door ; this so alarmed her that she ran to her chamber window , got out an the kitchen, and, letting herself down into the back-yard, went inte an empty house adjoining. Whilst there she heard the person breaking her chamber door, and ran for assistance, in her night dress, to the landlord of the Liberty Arms, about MO yards distant ' • he proce e d e d w i t h o th er s to her cottage, and osa going np stairs discovered the bed-room door forcibly broken epee, but could find no person about the premises. There is no doubt, on the man's obtaining admittance into the room, and set finding Mrs. Belsey there, he made a precipitate retreat. On Mrs- Belsey's return to her bed-room she discovered that a ailetr watch, which she had deposited under her pillow, had hilin stolen. A man in the employ of Mr. Withers, who had been working on the premises, was apprehended on Saturday enspieion, but there not being sufficient eridenetTgninst him °so was 41W/barged. Pi ItiT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. reciat THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTEItDAY. (From the Globe.) A fatal schism in the Conservative party was again pre dicted last night by the Standard as certain, " if t:ie Cor,- servative leaders %lain sacrifice the Protestants re kcland " The Comervative leaders in the Lords di I again sacrifice " the Protestants of Ireland," by negativing Lord Wynford's amendment to except Dublin from the Irish Municipal Bill. We have, therefore, Standard authority that " the fatal schism" has finally taken place ; and ice think we have a right to expect to see our Contemporary take the same vigorous part in it as in 1829, when be avenged by such choice outpotrings of opprobrious epithets the great first " sa orifice of the Protestants of Ireland" by Sir Robert Peel. The fatal schism was consummated in the Commons, as well as the Lords. The star of Peel was again ascendant in the Tory horizon ; and the Right Hon. Ba ronet, with visible self-complacency, rejoiced in getting rid of Lord Stanley's and the antagonist bills for this session. He also took occasion to declare, in very marked terms, that the opinions he had delivered on the subject of Canada remained entirely unchanged, and that he trusted the measure before the House (the Clergy Reserves Bill) " would be discussed in the same spirit as the question of the Union had been discussed." It would be difficult to show less regard to the " whisper of faction" in the Lords. All this confirms what we have said of the actual divisions in the Tory party. The Standard may term the schism a fatal one—and so doubtless it is—as having in it something predestined, something inevitable. ( From the Courier.) Last night, Lord Stanley withdrew his Irish Registra tion Bill, with an intimation that he should introduce it again next Session. We regret this coarse ; every con sideration that can be suggested to the mind of a man desirous of promoting the moral, political, and religious welfare of society, is opposed to the postponement, for even a brief period, of any measure which is calculated to put down the frauds, the perjuries, and other enor mous crimes, which are the consequence of the present system of registration. On this subject it is unnecessary to make any further remarks; it has often been amply discussed. There are few persons o whom it will not appear as 11 advised in a Member of Parliament to abandon a mwasure which ha has success fully carried through nine divisions out of ten, as it would be in a general to vacate a 'vantage position which he has obtained by a succession of victories, and that without any apparent necessity. We repeat that we regret the course which the Noble Lord has thought proper to adopt. Had his Lordship proceeded with the measure, which no rational man can deny is essential to the promotion of a healthy state of registration, he would have merited the gratitude of the whole empire. He might have risked a defeat this session, and the odium would have rested upon those alone whom the present system benefits, and who alone contend for the continua tion of prectices which are a reproach to Christianity. (From the Standard.) The result of the division is the House of Lords last night will be read with pain, by the Protestant commu nity—with indignatio:n and despair, 'if people do not duly weigh the peculiar circumstances of the case. Let it be our business briefly to call attention to these circum stances. First, the majority against Lord Wynford's amendment was riot very great—a majorite of 47 in a house of 206, including pairs, is not a very great one ; and when it is considered, that to constitute this majority the Ministerialists mustered in full force, and brought along with them a section of the Conservative party, it will seem less. The strength of the case of the City of Dublin Corporation will, however, appear much more ma nifest from a contrast of arguments than from a comparison of numbers. The battle was won by a trick, as we predicted it would be—a trick aided by what we must look upon as a culpable degree of confidence on the part of the Notate men who concurred in Lord Wyntord's amendment. They ought to have anticipated every indirect manceevre as sure to be resorted to; and we apprised them distinctly of what they were to expect from Lord Normanby. After the splendid speech of Mr. Butt had produced the unpre cedented effect which it is on all sides allowed to have produced, Ministers sent for the Corporation Commis sioners, who arrived in London by the earliest possible day. These men were consulted with, and their stories carefully sifted by their employers; but weeks rolled on, and a whisper in contradiction of Mr. Butt's statement was never breathed, until the very eve of the discussion of Lord Wynford's motien, when Lord Normanby declared that he eas prepared with proofs that Mr. Butt'z allega tions were unfounded. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 7. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the wool sack, shortly after fiva o'clock. A Meseaga from the House of Commons brought up certain private Bills Lord \VHARNCLIFFE postponed to Tuesday next, the motion of which he had given notice for Thursday, on the subject of Jones, who had recently been convicted in Dublin, of Rlbbonlam. The Duke of RIC lIMOND presented a petition from certain ministers of the Church of Scotland, praying the jute, ference of the Legi,laturc to protect them against the per which they arc suffering in con=sequence of their having obeyed ti-e law. Toe NOBLE DUKE took that opportunity of ingtiring what were the intentions of his Noble Friend (the Earl of Aberdeen) with respect to his Bill upon the suli.ct of Church patronage. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that it was perfectly natural that his Noble Friend should take a lively interest H sniA,ct, closely connected as w.is with the di s t r i ct 0 . en',) intention respecting the Ball in question ho would gi,e N:Jble Friend a definite answer at the nest sitting of the House. Lord B R OUGHAM presented petitions from the minister, pariah clerk, and others of a parish in the county cf Ross, to tt,e same ell_ et as that presented by the Duke of Richnsoad. The Nolo!e Lord presented also a petition from the medical practitioners of itenfr,‘vv, prsyiag for medical Reform; arid a petition from Bridgereator against the Corn-laws. The Earl of K INN° UL presented petitions from Perthshire is favoqr of the Earl of Aber leen's Church Benefices Bill. Tire Elrl of ABERDEEN presented a number of petitions to the same (Feet. Tue Earl of ST. VINCENT presented a petition from 400 canal boatmen, against the carrying of goods upon canals on Snnday%. Lord HATHERTON reminded their Lordships that he bad presented recently petitions to the same effect front every town and village along the line of the Staffordshire and Birmingham Canal. The hardship to the boatmen was very great, and ;night be relieved without the slightest inconvenience to the trade of the country; nor did the petitioners ask for any interference with the carriage of passengers upon the same canals. Tire great hardship was occasioned by the carriage ;of goods. He wished to know from his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Home Department, whether it would not be practicable to intro duce a clause to meet the wishes of the petitioners in the Canal Police Bill, which was now before the other House? The Marquis of NORMANBY said that the subject was one tvh►ch required particular attention of the Reuse and the Legislature, and he assured his Nubi Friend that he should give it his serious consideration. Bat he did not think the mod,2 suggested by his Noble Friend would be the hest, as he did not think it expedient to introduce into the body of the Bill alluded to a clause re lating to so different and delicate a subject. Earl STANHOPE presented petitions from Leicester, aid from places in Wales and Scotland, against the war wits; China ; also petitions from Huddersfi-ld, and from an individual in Lincoln, against the new Poor-law B►ll. THE ARMY IN INDIA. The LORD CHANCELLOR read a letter from the Governor-General of India, dated Nliy the 4th, informin; their Lordships that the Governor- General had re ceived a letter, transmitting to him the resolutions of the House of Lords of the 21st of February last, re specting the military operations to the west of the Indus. Thoso resolutions had been published and forwarded to the different parties whom their Lord ships had honoured with their approbation. The great distinction conferred by the unanimous thanks of the House of Lords would be duly appreciated by those to whom they were directed, and must be regarded as the highest reward of their public services. The Governor-General transmitted his acknowledgments for the honour which had been done him. The letter was ordered to be entered on the Journa!a of the House. The Marquis of L ANSDOWNE presented a petition against the principle of leaving vaccination under the direc tion of the Poor-law Commissioners. The Earl of H ADDINGTON named the select Corn mittee, of which he had given notice, on the Chimney sweepers Bill. The Committee consisted of the Lord President, the Marquis of Normanby, the Bishop of London, and others, and was appointed for Thursday. CANADA BILL. On the motion of Lord MELBOURNE that the House should go into Committee on the eanada Govern ment Bill, The Earl of HA RD WICKE said, that in rising in pursuance of the notice he had given the other day, to move that the Bill should be committed that day six months, he felt it his duty to state to their Lord ships the grounds on which he took that—what might be Considered in some degree extraordinary proceeding. It was perfectly true that be was present when the Bill had been read a second time, and that ho did not then indulge in any comments thereon , lout when l , - 4 : had come i n t o th e ir Lordship' House he had not en by any means awaro that the course then pursued would have been taken. He confessed that in reflecting on the mater since that occasion he did think it his duty to take upon himself to proceed in the manner in which he was then doing --not consulting any individual—not con necting himself w i t h any party, but acting entirely on his own respon s ibili ty, an d f rom „ewe o f public duty. He knew how inadequ ate he was to the task he had undertaken ; but he was impelled to do so by a strong sense of duty, which he could not bring himself to abandon, arising from a conviction that this Bill, if it should pass, would lead to the separation of these colonies from the mother country Indeed, he would not have been induced to take this step if he had not been convinced that such would be the in evitable result of the Bill. If he had wanted any other reasons to convince him of this, he had found them in the speeches of his Noble Friends who had opposed the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) He did not know what course those Noble Lords might now take, but if he had not their support he would, upon his own respon sibility, press the motion upon their Lordships. He could find in the speeches of the Noble Friends to whom he al.. luded sufficient grounds upon which ho could claim their Lordships' vote ; but he would prefer to rest that claim upo n his statement, and the reasons which influenced him. The Noble Viscount who introduced the Bill had not shown i that the measure was necessary for the safety of the em. involvingpc, i o alone much could hazard. Nol introduction 3lelrjs e of a Bill oun t had drawn cases of analogy from the history of former times to show that if all our colonies in the western world disappeared, we could compensate ourselves for their loss in other quarters of the world. The NoUe Viscount dil not attempt to shut out the prospect of such a loss, nor did he offer any sufficient reason why it should be risked. In the next part of his speech the Noble Vis count details the cruses, and be wound up what he had to say by a statement which conveyed to Li; (Earl Hard. wicke's) mind'tho netion, that the Noble Viscount himself was doubtful of the consequence of the measure he had intro duced. That speech had failed to convince him that the feel ings of the:Neble Lcrd opposite were as firm, or his opinion as to the efficiency of the measure so fixed as his ( Lord Hardwiche's) opinion as to the disastrous consequences which must follow froaa the adoption of such a measure. That speech tended to show that the Noble Lord was doubtful if the consequences of the Bill would be successful or not. Such was the general character of the Noble Vicount's speech, whatever might have been its words. He would pass over all that portion of the history of the colony which related to its conquest by this country, or to the intention then manifested to govern it as one province by the French laws; and that portion which related to the division of the province into two por tions for the purpose of forming the Upper Province into an English Province ; and he would ask their Lordships if the circumstances of the provinces were so much changed, and the state of affairs so satisfactory that it was no longer their duty to keep that division as it was" , Let them see passing an Act o i f t Parliament erev' for a runiting g tahuet authorising % 4 1 - provinces into one. The aggregate of the population was still much the same. The French population still constituted a large portion of the inhabitants, and great advantage had been gained by erecting the Upper Province into an Eagiish citadel. Did that seem less proper now than it did in the olden times? But there was one point which weighed more with him than anything No union between the two provinces in that country could be founded on justice. He cared not how they drew up the Act of Parliament, or in what particular way it might be worked, but he would contend that no Act of Union between the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada could ever be carried with airy appearance of justice. If a Bill should pass their Lordships' House and receive the Royal assent, giving the preponderance to the British population, by avowedly supporting British interests above French interests, they mould perpetuate discord in the colony by making the French population discontented, as under those circumstances they could never be satisfied that they were fairly, impartially, or justly governed. But if they supposed the Bill a just Bill, and that its principle was that of giving equal politi cal rights to a'l the people of the colony, then they would be committing an injustice on the other party. Those who had foeght and bled for the best interests of Church and State, would be handed over to the enmity of titoir opponents, and the French population would have such a preponder ance that it would be impossible for her Majesty's loyal subjects to carry out those questions in which they were interested safely and peaceably. Under these circum stances he held it impossible to accede to any proposition for the union of the two provinces. Such being the po sition in which they were likely to stand, he felt called upon to show their Lordships what were the opinions of those who from the situation in which they were placed might be supposed to be the best judges on the subject. No Governor from 1791 to the time of Lord Durham had ever recommended this union. The Executive Councils had invariably opposed it. Sir Peregrine Maitland, in a letter quoted in Sir Francis Head's pamphlet on the subject, said that this union was calculated to increase the pressure from the Democratic Assembly, and that it was a measure deprecated by all the Royalists of Upper Canada. In a letter dated Toronto, Oct. 1836, Sir Francis Head had said that a union of the provinces would probably be re commended by certain persons in Lower Canada, but that ha considered such a project could only tend to produce a separation between Canada and the parent State. The Houses of Assembly had never once addressed the Crown in favour of the plan ; on the contrary, they had often addressed it against it. In an address to his Majesty William IV., dated March 1839, both Flou=es of the Legislature of the Lower Province objected to the union of the provinces on the ground that the Lower Province was already too large. Other objecting parties to the Bill were those rho were con nected with the most important interests of the colony. The Ill'shop of Toronto was opposed to the Bill, so also was Mr. Haggermen, the late Attorney-General for the Upper Province; in a late speech lie used strong language with respect to the measure—he said that he could not vote for the union of the provinces without violating the oath of allegiance which he had so cheerfully taken so frequently—he further said that if he were permitted to approach his Sovereign, he would on his beaded knees implore her M,jesy to withhold her Royal Assent from the Bill. If he ( Earl Harderieke) wished to go further in opposition to the Bill, it would only be necessary for him to give negative evidence. He might show that the traitors were in favour of the union—that those who were outlawed supported the measure. If he showed that it would strengthen their hands, what hope, what prospect was there that they could well govern so large a country ? He had a paper in his hand which he might fairly oiler in evidence, because it was a signed document, which he had received from Sir F. Head only a day or two ago, on ap plication to him for reasons against the B:11. The Noble Lord then read the paper, in which the lion. Baronet said the Queen lied recommended the union of the provinces to the Parliament without any communication to himself, Sir P. Maitland, or Sir John Colborne--'hat the bitter had returned the Bill to the Government with an expression f his strong dissent. Lord SE ATOM —inns is no t -l ie ease . C4e.ra. Esti HARDWICKE—It was so stated, and the Hen. Baroswt ee•-• • e. e , ;r or aeroton were appealed to in the House, they svoulil express their dissent. The Noble Eail then proceeded to say, that those were the statements, and those were the opi nions of a gentleman, whatever might be thought of his government of Upper Canada, had at all events sue_ cecdcd in repressing the rebellion there—who had eue ceeded in saving that country to the British ( Ch'eers. ) He (the Earl of Harclwicke) had shown that none of the Gavtrnors since 1791—that none of the Councla since 1791, and that none of the Parliaments since 1791, had ev: r petitioned in favour of the protiosed measure ; while in one instance they had petitioned against it. lie could also show that the Government itself was not prepared up to a late period to adopt the proposal. (The Noble Earl then read an extract from a letter writtiart by Lord J. Russell in the year 1837 in proof of this assertion ) The impression, therefore, on his mind was that the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) who had intraduezd the measure, and the Govarnm^nt itself, could not be so satisfied of its success as to he able to introduce it with that sort of confidence which would be desirable on so important a subject. lie had shown that the Bishop of Toronto, that the Attorney-General of Upper Canada, that Lord Gosford, and Sir F. Head, were unfavourable to the principle of a union of the two provinces. He would next ask who ncre the men Ins whom it was recommended. They had never heard of the union as con': plated to be carried into efFect by all the Legislatures, till the Earl of Durham's expensive Re port—he used the word expensive in the sense that it was all that had been got for the outlay of upwards of a million Df . money.—( Hear.) Ile called the attention of the House to that Report, in order to show that it was not worthy of being a guide on so important a subject as that of the union of the Canadas. What had Sir Peregrine Maitland, who had been a long time in the colonies, said of that Report ? Why that he belieted it was an unfaith ful representation of tine state of the colony. Sir Francis Head had designated it as a tissue of unintentional errors ; Sir George Arthur bad stated that it was full of error s and mistakes, and that the Noble Earl had ben ereatly misinformed. The House of Assembly had also passed same opinion on the Report, and had refuted many of its allegations, the truth of which the Noble Earl was unable to vouch. Added to that, Chief Justice: Ho. hinson had charac . .erized the Report as most unfounded in many:of its assertions and details, yet notwithstanding all this, that Report had been brought before the Imperial Parliament, and upon it the Government had recommended the unions of the two Canaslas, although in addition to all this, the inhabitants of the Canadas themselves were o' opinion that the Report was dangerous and unjustifiable. But then it had been said, that the union was necessary. Now he ( Lord Hardwicke) believed that if such an opi nion had been expressed it had been obtained by fraud and coercion. —( Hoar, hear.) They had been led to believe that the great Conservative party in this country, were in favour of the union, and they had also been impressed with the opinion that those who did not approve of the union, if they were public servants of the Crown, would be dismissed.—( Hear, hear.) He believed therefore, that the opinion of the blouse of Assembly was not an honest one, and as a proof of that it was only necessary to refer Noble Lords to the debate that had taken place in the Nouse of Assembly.—(Hear, hear.) (The Noble Earl here referred to certain debates which had taken place in the House of Assembly, and also to a despatch of Lord John Russell's, to prove that coercion had been used.) He thought that the House was now legislating for the Canadas under circumstances so doubtful, that he for one would never be induced to give his assent to the Bill.—(llear, hear.) It had been said, that those who op posed the present measure ought to be prepared with some other to fill its place, as the Canadas could not exist in their present state three months longer. He believed that the very reverse was the case, and it was his firm opinion if the Canadas were left in their present condition three months longer it would be the best thing that could pos sibly take place.—(Hear, hear.) In Upper Canada they had loyal Englishmen who were devoted to the interests of the empire, and he believed if the Government would only introduce into the country good and just 'government —if they would only countenance the loyal and put aside Reformers, Radicals, and traitors, they would secure to the country a fortress that could not be taken by storm.— ( Hear, hear.) He bad considered it a matter of duty to bring the subject forward, and in pursuing the course he had done be could assure their Lordships he had been in fluenced by no party motives—( Hear, hear)—for party motives never had and never should influence him when he thought the integrity of the empire was in any manner endangered.—( Hear, hear.) _ _ Lord SE ATON, who spoke from the cross-benches, said that after the statements of the Noble Lord, he could not refrain from offering a few remarks. He felt the greatest apprehension for the probable results of the union of the Canadas—(Hear, hear)—and he believed that every person acquainted with both the colonies were of the same opinion. But, as matters now stood, it would be more injurious to the provinces and the country to defer the Bill, than to proceed with it.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON concurred in nearly all that had been said by the Noble Earl who had moved the amendment; and in doing so, be did not depart from the opinion he had given upon a former evening, that the Bill, as it at present stood, was extremely dangerous, (Hear, hear)—and hi 3 firm belief was, that the Ca nadas would be lost to the country if the sys tem proposed by the present Bill should not succeed. The discussion that had taken place during the last week had tended hu a great degree to show the manner in which the opinion of the Legislature of Upper Canada had been obtained, end afforded a strong ground for their Lord ships to deliberate well before they hurried the mer-sure throueli the Hoes.:.—( Hear. ) With respect to the des patch of Lord J. Rio,sell, be felt beund to say that it was not fair to publish it et the period et which that publication took olsce, because the consequence of that publication was, that this country did not get the fair opinion of the ere e f Upper Canada ep ee t h e Ueion of the Upper and Lower Provinces; and yet the Noble Lord had com e fo r ward relying upon that opinion , and that expressed in the report of Lord Durham, and preposed a measu r e for Cee Uni on o f t h e Cicadas. Le , sislat question of the The despatch cf Lord John Russell was everywhere re ceived as a strong recommendati on to insist upon respon sible Governmems. In Nova Scotia the people went to the Governor and demanded it as a right, and because he did not comply they petitioned her Majesty to dismiss him—so it wee in other provinces. Hosvever, he would entreat his Noble Friend that he would not press his amend ment, so that the measure might be well cons id ere d in Committee. The Government would then propose their amendments, and if they were not pleasing to his Noble Friend, then he might oppose them. He earnestly en treated them not to reject the measure proposed by the Government —let them consider what was the opinion of others well acquainted with the ease in another place—let them also carefully consider the opinions of those who had administered the government of those countries, and net take his (the Duke of Wellington's) opin;on. He had shown what a serious responsibility would fall upon the G o vernment if what he had been informed o f the despatch was well founded. What he would earnestly recommend, and what he would certainly move in Committee, was that the Government should reserve to themselves the power of suspending the measure fur one or two years if it should become necessary. Since he had last addressed the House upon the subject, certain hostilities had occur red upon the frontier, in the case of r i steamboat. As long as anything of that kind was passing, he would recom mend to Noble Lords on the opposite side to consider well in what position they would stand if they were unable to carry their scheme into execution with safety, and yet at the same time have no legal power to govern the country in any other manner than by a united legislature in the provinces. Viscount MELBOURNE and Earl HARDWICKE rose together—the latter, however, gave way, and the Noble Viscount said the Noble Earl had made a most unneces sary apology to their Lordships for the course he had thought it his duty to take upon the present occasion. He had a perfect right to pursue it, and no one could call it unfair; so also had he, in the latter part of his speech, made unnecessary deprecations, for no one would attribute unworthy, improper, or party motives to tile Noble Earl on that occasion.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl had referred to the speeches of the Noble Duke (Wellington) and the Noble Lord (Ellenborough) upon the second reading of the Bill. He thought that fair enough. Ile had also referred to what had fallen from him (Viscount Melbourne), and he said that he had opened the measure as one in which he had no confidence himself. He begged leave to say that he had introduced it with that doubt which every human being must feel upon a question of such magnitude. Considering the state of those pro vinces—considering the state of this country, he said at once that this was a necessary measure, and that the sooner it was adopted the better. lie would hint to their Lordships, also, that the less it was accompanied with ex pressions of fear or apprehension, the more likely would be its ultimate success. (Hear, hear.) An expression of such opinions might save their Lordships' credit : but it would be highly detri mental to the best interests of their country. He denied that he had ever said that those colonies might be sepa rated from the mother country, and that she would re ceive reparation from colonies which were being founded its other places. All he wanted was to impress upon their Lordships that it was by internal discord and violent de clamation in Parliament, by speeches from various Mem bers, that former contests had arisen. All he wanted was to warn their Lordships not, by violent speeches against a - Bill they were about to pass, to weaken its influence in the country it was intended to govern. He wished also to state to their Lordships, that although this country had astonishingly recovered from all former losses and separa tions, he would warn them that the same consequences might not arise in future difficulties of the same character, and therefore he would entreat that they would encourage a general resolution, one which would be productive —one that would avert and avoid evils that would now be greater than in former times.—Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The speech of the Noble Lord had been confined to the opinions of former Governors of that colony. He had made but few objections to the Bill ; the only one of consequence was that it would not be just. He (Viscount M.) said that it would be just—nay, more, that the present measure was a just and fair one. Unless it were compati ble with the principles of justice it ought not to be enter tained for a moment. There was nothing the Government so much deprecated as that they should give a partial and exclusive constitution under the appearance of fairness. Considering the relative condition of the two Provinces, and considering their various characteristics, the Bill before their Lordships gave as fair a representation as could pos sibly be devised. It was only by a measure of this kind that constitutional government could be restored in Lower Canada, end that was one of the most cogent reasons why it was incumbent upon the Legislature to adopt the measure. The Noble Earl had quoted the opinions of Sir Peregrine Maitland ; he had also quoted the opinions of a very lively and imaginative writer who lately was Governor of the Upper Province. That lively writer, in his usual style, ha I stated in the paper read by the Noble Earl, that the union of the provinces would be like the union of tainted and fresh wheat.—( A laugh.) That was riot an argument, nor could he see the applicability of tlic simile. Upon the principles of that Hon. Baronet, they must continue the p e resept unconstitutional form of esivernment in Lower Canada nevieresete. so: 44thoritv of si e Head must go as far as it was worth, but the reasons, in his opinion, were worth very little. The Noble Earl bad also quoted the opinions of the Bishop of Toronto and Mr. Hag'-rman. But he mcrley stated their opinions, and r gave his reasons upon which those opinicns were founded. The Noble Earl then rgain quoted a long paper written by Sir F. Head, no doubt very wil. ingly, at the request of the Noble Eat 1, beceuFe lie would most cheerfully do so at the request of ha Lordship er all of their Lordships.—( A laugh.) One statement in that paper was that the Council of Sir George Arthur had repreeented to him their opinion as being against the Union, but that was not the case. All that they did was to represent that it would he unwise to itiesolve the Ilous,. of Aoserri'Ay on the question. The Noble Lord then coked what were the authorities in favour of the Union, and in alluding to Lord Durham's R port he stated that it was all th,t we had got for a million of money. What he meant by that ho (Lord M.) did not know, unless he meant to charge the whole expenses of rho year against that Report, and if so that was hardly fair. Ile (Lord M.) did not think that Report was a document of unimpeachable authority, but he had always said, and would maintain, that it contained much important matter that was most deserving of con sideration. The noble Earl could not deny that the opinion of the House of Assembly of Upper Canada had been given in favour of the union, but he said it was not an honest opinion. Now that was using very strong langua .. ;e respecting what must be admitted to be a respectable body, because they had been admitted into the Government of the country. Ever taking it for granted that they had been told that the Queen was desirous of the measure—that they had been told that Sir Robert Peel was in favour of it—supposing, that they were told that great pecuniary advantage would arise from the measure, acid that if they did not vote fur it they would, under the. despatch of Lord Jelin Russell, Joie their places, still it was entertaining a very low opinion of their power to resist corruption to say that they were to be detached from their property, and it was using harsh language to say that they were not honest in their opinion respecting the measure. Their Lordships could not think for a moment that there was any validity in the argument —they could not admit that without charging a very severe libel upon our own Legislature. It was well known that in both Houses men held offices only upon condition of agreeing with the Minister of the day. If the argument of the Noble Lord were to be carried out to its full extent they could have no confidence in the decision either of that House or of the other House of Parliament. The argument which had been put forth by the Noble Earl and the Noble Duke was the very same as that put for ward by the lowest and most Radical papers which were published, for whenever a decision had been come to they immediately gave the names of the Ministers and other office-holders, and charged them with having voted in order to maintain their places. The measure in his opinion was absolutely necessary, and he thought it the best the House could adopt under the present circumstances. He did not believe that such danger to the country ex i s t e d as h a d been stated by th e N o bl e Lord. Even the Noble Earl did not think it was possible to maintain the present state of things in Lower Canada, The Noble Duke said that it would be wise to delay the measure, but he should warn the House against anything like inde cision ; anything like hesitation or irresolution or doubt must weaken the effect of the measure, and would net essarily create opposition to the measure, and render its success mere doubtful. The more speedily it was passed, and the less fear that was openly entertained of its working, the more likely would be its ultimate success. Ile did not know what had been the effect of the publica tion of the despatches alluded to by the Noble Duke, n or was he aware of the manner in which it had been done. He w as anxious that the m easure should be passed as speedily as Possible, but still be was anxious that the Bill should receive the fullest discussion in every stage. A future opportunity would offer itself, and by that time he would take care to inform himself respecting it. The Duke of WELLINGTON explained. The Earl of WICKLOW could not give his vote for the motion of the Noble Earl below him without express ing the pain he would feel in not attending to the recom mendation of the Noble Duke. His opinion was not founded upon his own observations, but was formed by the opinions of others and, as a British senator, hp would not feel that he was cl , ' duty if he did not act upon his oing his own impressionof suck importance. Not upon a matter one Member in the House who had risen upen the subject, except two Members of the Government, who were the framers of the Bill, but bad expressed great fears of its success. They had also the high authority of the Noble Lord upon the cross-benches (Lord Seaton), that delay would not be dangerous, although t he union, in his opinion, would. Why then, with; such authority, should they run the dange r , W h en a much better measure might be introduced and perfected next year ? He thought that this, if a reflection upon any one, was a reflection upon those who had held out threats upon this subject. Was the Noble vi sco unt so ignorant of the history of the unions with Scotland and Ireland as not to know that these threats were c apable of producing great effects. It was an act of injustice to the French Cana dians, and no Act based upon injustice ought to meet with the sanction of the Legislature of this country. It was in capable of ig, any produe'd g ood, and if the rec en t distur bances had taken place under a union of the provinces, the first remedy that would have suggested itself would have been the separation of such incongruous elements. He thought that the best way , TPl l . l clelee to permit tire Ca nadians to remain ris t he y ' wesefni the present, . .u; few years they might be able to restore their legislat • uie to of Assembly of Upper Canada, of the great services ren dered by that b o dy i n a t i me o f d anger; after the credit which had been given to a former Governor for having procured the election of that Assembly, he thought it was too much now, at the ninth hour of their existence, to ire pute to them that they had not come to an honest decision o's this subject, in consequence of the de spatch of his Noble Friend, the Secretary for the Colonies, He bad not been a.vare that one of his Noble Friend's despatches had been published, and the other not; but thm - e. was a clear distinction between the two. In the one the Governor was directed to do an act affecting the interests of other individuals, and therefore he was called upon to make the contents of that despatch known to those whose interests it might affect. By the other despatch he was directed not to do a certain thing ; so that there was a plain distinction between the two cases. It was true his Noble Friend had made the speech alluded to in 1837. He had repeated the same speech last- year ; and he himself, when addressing their Lordships, had given utterance to similar opinions. He could assure the Noble Earl opposite that he was mistaken if he imagined that Lord Durham had gone out to Canada with any precon ceived opinions on the subject. That Noble Earl had formed his opinions entirely upon what he had witnessed in that country ; and, whatever might be said of that Re port, he would never hesitate to declare his opinion that it was the work of a master-mind, containing a wonderful degree of information respecting the colony which had been collected in a short time. He entreated their Lordships to consider the weight of authority there was in favour of that measure. The Executive Council in Lower Canada, the greater number of whom had been appointed by the Noble Lord on the cross-benches, were in favour of the measure. The opinion of the English merchants here was in f..vour of it. The House of Assembly of Upper Canada, collected by Sir Francis Head, to whom so much praise had frequently been given in that House, for having procured the election of that very Assembly, was in favour of it. The opinion of the British inhabitants of Lower Canada, of Upper Canada, and of the present Governor-General of the colony, were in favour of it, and what had they on the contrary ? The opinions of former Governors-General were certainly valuable in relation to the times at which they were given, but had nothing happened since ? It was perfectly natural for Sir Peregrine Maitland to have said, in a time of tranquillity, that they wished for no change, as they were very well as they were; but had nothing occurred since that time? The Representative Government had been suspended in one province, and they could not speedily look forward to its restoration. (Hear, hear) The large mass of the English population of that colony were natu rally impatient under their present form of Government, and in this state of things, what were they to do ? They must do something, and why not do that which, under all the circumstances, would lead to a just settlement of the question ? The Earl of GOSFORD said that he did not con sider the assertion, that the French population was ready to break out in rebellion, was founded in fact. The Marquis of NOR MANBY said that the Noble Lord would then propose the restoration of the French Assembly—that would be one way of coming to a settle ment of the question ; but that was not a plan to which he thought their Lordships would be likely to accede. The better plan, he thought, would be to unite the two provinces ; and, considering the great increase that was likely to take place in the British population in these colonies in consequence of immigration, he really did not see that the proportion of representatives was so very unjust. The geographical position of Upper Canada was one reason why they might be anxious for a union of the two Provinces, in order to procure a free access to the sea. This might certainly be termed a pecuniary reason, but still it was a very fair and just reason for their making this application to their Lord-• ships. They had the authority of the Noble and Gallant Lord on the cross-benches, for stating that the dislike of the French Canadians to the Union was lessened, and he thought that the Union would secure to both Provinces great advantages—commercial freedom to the Upper Province and the restoration of constitutional freedom to the Lower.—(Cheers.) The Earl of H ARD WICK E replied. They had now an opportunity of settling the question of the access to the sea by the Upper Province, and he was convinced that they could now obtain that without any union. He felt himself embarrassed by the request that had been made to him by his Noble Friend, but he thoug':t he could not do better than by Tollowing the example of the Noble Duke, who had always acted upon those principles which he considered just and straightforward, and therefore he must press the question to a division. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and their Lord ships divided on the original motion— Contents ... lO7 Non-Contents Majority —99 . . On our re-admission we found their Lordships in Corn. mittee. The Duke of WELLINGTON proposed certain amendments as to the time when the Bill should come into operatiou, but upon the suggestion of Lord Melbourne, he postponed them until the bringing up the Report. Lord ELLENBOROUGH gave notice that on the bringing up the Report he should also propose several amendments relating to local taxation. The Bill then went through Committee, and was re• ported with one amendment. The Report was then or• dered to be received on Thursday. Their Lordships then adjourned to Thursday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 7. The SPEAK ER took the chair shortly before Four o'Clock. Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR presented a petition ' .-e-ler9. of the metropolis, signed by upwards of 3,000 persons, prayisyg the House to sanction any measure for the embankment of the Thames, unless provision was made for the recreation of the public. RAILWAYS. The NOBLE Loan then moved, pursuant to notice, that in any application to Parliament in the next Session for leave to bring in a Bill for making any railways recommended by Government Commisioners, such of the Standing Or ders only as related to Bills of the second elms, except railways, should be considered applicaEe thereto. Mr. W. 0. STANLEY seconded the motion. Mr. GREENE, at the same time that he gave the motion at present his decided opposition, thought that the subject was one which might with advantage be sent for the consideration of the Committee on private business. Sir G. STRICKLAND considered the February and March notices, as they were called, of so much import. ance fur the protection of the proprietors of laud through which railways were proposed to be carried, that he could not consent to this proposition for interfering with the Standing Orders res::ecting those notices. Mr. ORMSBY GORE also opposed the motion. Mr. LABOUCHE RE did not think the House could safely or justly depart from the Standing Orders which the House had laid down as a general rule with regard to railways; at the same time he was aware there were special circumstances in the present case, which might create a doubt upon the subject ; but he thought the course recommended by the Hon. Member for Lancas ter was that which the House could most safely act upon.—( Hear, hear, bear.) He should be sorry to see the House take a course iiablo to very serious objection, namely, to depart from those general rules which the House had announced to the public, and which the public had a right to expect the House would adhere to, except under very special circumstances. He was not prepared to vote for the proposal of his Noble Friend behind him (Lord Robert Grosvenor) that the House should at once suspend the Standing Orders, but he thought the circumstances of the case did justify the House in referring it to a Committee ; and the best tri bunal for that purpose was the Standing Order Committee. He should, therefore, support the motion for referrinv the question to the Standing Order Committee, but he could not recommend that the constitution of that Committee should be altered by the introduction upon it of the Hon. and Learned Member for Chester, who had certainly taken a decided part in regard to the Holyhead and Chester Railway. The best course the House could pursue was to adopt the suggestion of the Hon. Member for Lancaster. Lord R. GROSVENOR, after what had taken place, would have no hesitation in withdrawing his motion in fa. your of the amendment of the Hon. Gentleman opposite. The question was then put, that it be an instruction to the Private Business Committee to inquire whether, under the special circumstances of the case, the motion of the Noble Lord ought to be agreed to, and that they report their opinion to the House. Sir J. GRAHAM agreed with the Right Hon. Gen tleman opposite that in all Railway Bills it was most im portant that the notices ought to be rigidly enforced. If there were special circumstances in this case, the Corn mittec would assuredly attend to them. Mr. ESTCOURT felt bound to oppose both the mo tion and the amendment ; no case had been made out for relaxation. It was most important that the Standing Or ders should be strictly adhered to. Mr. SHAW would be sorry to think that a great na tional undertaking, like the railroad communication be tween Londoh and Dublin, should be set on foot without proper inquiry. He therefore thought it should be referred to the Private Business Committee. Mr. SL A NEY would vote in favour of the amendment of his Hon. Friend, inasmuch as it would enable the mat ter to be fully inquired into. Mr. 0. GORE would not consent to any facilities being given to the undertaking, which the rules of the House did not sanction. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the amendment B4 For the motion 57 Majority in favour of the amend ment —27 The Report of the Committee on the Clyde Navigation Bill was brought up, and a clause was ordered to be added, and certain amendgeents were agreed to. The Wodehouse Estate Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. The Gregson's Estate Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. The Order of the Day for the third reading of Ruthven's Estate Bill was read and discharged. Mr. W. E VANS moved that leave should be given to the Committee on the Midland Counties Railway Bill to sit end proceed and report on Thursday.—Agreed to. The Warrington School Estate Bill was read a third time and passed. MEDICAL REFORM. Mr. WARBURTON postponed his motion, which stood on the paper for to-night, with respect to Medi c al Reform, till that day fortnight. Sir E. WILMOT gave notice, that upon the Paro chial Assessment Bill being brought on, he should move an amendment, to the effeet that machinery should not be subject to be rated. IRISH REGISTRATION. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice of his intentiott on the earliest possible day in the next Session to move for leave to bring in a Bill to extend and define the elective fran eh of the people of Ireland, ;ini for the, more er.i:y ar! cir:•ctual regi s t ra ti o n of voters,— (Langlitttr frOtn the Up. position side of the House. C•tnaia. He regcettcd to erffer a ith the Noble Duke below him. Upon many T . —Arty quest ion; he felt it L to be the duty of men in seine instances tA sacrifice their pr:v...te opinions, but up on a gr ea t: que:tiot like this, h e fcit bound in consci ence t o vo t e against this nicasuro. The loss of the Causdas would er a t Nit the lOSS of every British possession. Hs should vote vs IA tiro Noble. Ezal for the rejection of this Bill. . The Earl of GOSFOUD said the is bole pr . inciple of this proceeding arose from misrepresents tion, and on that ground he should oppose it. He trusted t 4nt whatever de cision they might come to might be for t. 'to advantage of the Canadas, but he considered the proposi eg such a mea sure a blot upon the character of this counts Y. The Marqui s o f NORM ANBY sa id that if ever there was an opinion favourable to this measure it was that given by his Noble and Gallate. Friend on the c eos.s-benches. The measure had the approbation of the gre it majority of people in this country and in Canada. Ti to is Leasure of last year had been postponed in order to give tic se for col lecting opinions in the colonies, and he felt cony inced that had his Noble and Gallant Friend entertained as •y insupere able objection to the union he would have felt it his duty to have stated it to him. Instead of that he bad in his despatches used much the same sort of lingual se that he had used that night. He had said that he Can, aght there might be some danger attending the measure, but under all the circumstances of the case he thought: it the best measure that could be proposed. Lord SEATON said the measure having 1 seen adeptcd upon Lord Durham's recommendation, he h ad given his advice as to what he considered the best metl sod of carry ing it into effect, and had also stated wh ent were the opinions of the people upon it, as far as he could judge. He thought the people of Upper Canada were in favour of the measure, and that the British population of Lower Canada were also for it—but he himself had den tots upon the expediency of the measure, and he thought i t his duty to inform the Government that he entertained g seat fears as to the dangers likely to arise from the union. The Marquis of NORMA NBY was glad he bad given way to his Noble and Gallant Friend, bee;au se he felt convinced that what he had said formed a 'strong reason for inducing their Lordships to pass this Bill. He had stated that the Upper Province was for the eseasure, and that the British population of the Lower Pro since, was in favour of it, and, in his despatch of the 19th August, his Noble and Gallant Friend had stated his opii lion precisely as he had just stated it to their Lordships. In that de spatch his Noble and Gallant Friend had, cif all things, deprecated opposition to the measure as likely• to endanger the tranquillity of the colonies, therefore a r nom unfortu nate allusion than that of his Noble Friend oyposite in sup port of the motion of his Noble Relative, eotild not well have been made. After all they had heard of the House Mr. GROTE gave notice, that he should, on that day fortnight, bring forward a motion on the subject of the recent appointment of the Land Fund of New South Wales to purposes other than emigration. PRESENTATION OF PETITICINS. Mr. E. J. STANLEY brought up the Metropolis Improvement Bill, and moved that it be read a first time. The SPEAKER was about to put the questicen, when Sir R. PEEL had come down to the House -Ter four days with a petition, but had not been able to present it in conse quence of the private business occupying up to five o'clock. lie perfectly acquiesced in the rule which prevented de baling petitions and restricted the time of thicir presenta tion, but when the public business occupied mere than the usual time of the House, he thought there ought to be some relaxation of the rule.—(Hear, hear, from both tides of the House.) The SPEAKER —lf it is the wish of the House after, this motion is disposed of, to receive petitions, I can have no objection, but of course it is my duty to adhere to the rules which the House has laid down._( Hear, hear.) The Bill was then read a first time. Sir G. STRICKLAND presented a petition from a Gas Company- against the Bill for the exemption of stock in trade from being rated. Their pipes had been declared by a court of law not to be stock in trade, but real property. The Bill now before the House would release others from rates to their detriment. Mr. WILLIAMS presented a petition from a place in the county of Warwick, praying for the abolition of Church rates. Mr. EASTHOPE presented petitions from nearly every county in England, praying for the immediate abo lition of Church-rates : in all 92 in number. Mr. WARBURTON presented a petition from certain agricultural labourers in Hants, setting forth that they worked at 9s. per week wages; that from time immemo rial they had had the privilege of cutting turf on a com mon in the neighbourhood, but that lately same of the proprietors attempted to put a stop to it, and that they had brought four actions against therm whereas one would have as well settled the question. They prayed that parties might be allowed to defend th..mselves informs pauperis, as well as sue in that character. Mr. HAMILTON presented a pet;tion from Oxford against the Poor-law Continuance 11.11. Lord SANDON presented a petition from a Baptist Congregation in the Commercial-road, against the traffic in opium, and praying that House to avert the war vvitliChina; also a petition praying for the immigration of labourers into the West Indian Colonies, and a petition frogs 360 boatmen of the Trent and Mersey Canal Company, pray ing for a better observance of the Lord's Day. Mr. GRIMSDITCII presented petitions from Led dington, and other places in Derbyshire, against the _Bill authorising- Canal C o mpanies to be co me common carriers. Mr. WILLIAM ROCHE presented a petition from the medical practitioners of Limerick, praying that remuneration might be awarded them for professional attendance in Courts of Justice. Mr. GREENE presented petitions from Bolton and other places in Lancashire, against the power of the Poor law Commissioners to dissolve unions. Mr. RALPH ORMSBY GORE presented a petition From Carnarvon, on the subject of the Cheater end Holy head Railway, praying- that the Commissioners might be ordered to make a further report upon the best line of railway communication between London and Dublin. The H in. Member gave notice that he should move, oa a future occasion, that the petition be referred to a Select Committee. Mr. HURT presented a petition from Derby against the Canal Companies Navigation Bill. Mr. C. L USHINGTON presented a petition from Astibertoe mmainst Church rates. Mr. WA JCL E Y presented six petitions from Lincoln, Stepney, and other paces against Mr. Sergeant Talfourd's Copyright Bill; also a petition from the Commite.c of the Working Men's Association of St. Andrew's, com plaining of the treatment of Mr. Feargus O'Connor, and stating their opinion that there must have been something wrong in that treatment, or the Government would not have refused to lay the Report of Mr. Crawford before the House; also a petition from a public meeting at Dun.. fermline, expressing thei r regret at t h e prosecutions which had recently taken place flc political offences, and praying the House to address her Majesty to pardon all persons convicted of political offences. The Hon. Member also presented several petitions from medical practitioners in difLment parts of Cornwall, corn. plaining of the laws with respect to the medical profes sion, and praying the House to adopt a speedy and effi cient remedy.. The Hen. Member also presented a peti tion from Nottingham, complaining of the treatment of Mr. F. O'Connor, and praying for his liberation. The Hon. Member also presented a similar petition frem Rochdale. Colonel SALWEY presented a petition from the Union Gas Company of Ludlow against the rating of Stock in Trade Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition agreed to at a public meeting in Belfast, on behalf of 500 Physicians and Surgeons practising in the north of Ireland, complaining- of the regulations of the Apothecaries Company of Dublin The Hon. and Learned Member also presented a petition from the victuallers of Dublin, stating that 70,000/ had been levied on tea in the city of Dublin, in violation of the articles of Union ; and gave notice that he should call the attention of the House to the subject. Mr. HODGES presented a petition from the Croydon Railway Company against the Railways Bill. Mr. Sergeant JACKSON presented twenty petitions from different parts of Ireland complaining of the natiouei system of education established there. Sir JAM ES GRAHAM presented a petition from the Manchester and Leeds Railmay Company praying that the House would not pals the Canal Carriage Bill, or that if they did so they would impose upon canal proprietors the same restrictions they did upon railways. Colonel CONOLL Y presented a petition from Armagh, complaining of the conduct of the Poor-law Commissioners in Ireland. Mr. MORRIS presented a petition from Carmarthen, praying for the abolition of Church -rates. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the House of Assembly of Prince Edward's Wand, complaining of un equal taxation ; also I I petitions from Aylesbury, Middle sex, Wick, and other places, against Mr. Sergeant Tal fourd's Copyright Bill ; a petition signed by 896 inhabitants of St. Andrew's, praying for Universal Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, and Annual Parliaments; and another petition from the same place, complaining of the manner in which persons confined for political of fences were treated. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from Montrose praying the House to discharge Frost, Jones, Williams, and all other political offenders. The petitioners also prayed that the House would alter the laws with respect to political offenders. Sir G. CLERK presented petitions from different parts of Scotland, in favour of the Church of Scotland Bill. Mr. B. BARING presented a petition from Stafford shire against the navigation of canals and rivers on Sundays. Sir R. PEEL presented a petition from Southend, Fifeshire, in favour of the Earl of Aberdeen's Bill for set tling the unhappy differences between the Ecclesiastical and Civil Courts in Scotland; also a petition from clergy men residing at Malden, in Essex, praying for an altera tion in the Bill introduced for the exemption of stock in trade for rating. Mr. POULETT SCROPE presented petitions from several Railway Companies against the Bill introduced for the regulation of railways. Mr. PUSEY presented a petition from Newbury, praying for the abolition of the punishment of death. Lord MORPETH presented a petition from Barnsley, Halif ax , B ra d ford, and other places in the West Riding of Yorkshire, against Church-rates. Mr. BLAKE presented a petition from Galway, for an alteration of the system of education in Ireland. Mr. LEADER presented petitions from Glasgow, in favour of an extension of the Suffrage, and praying fur a mitigation of the punishment of F. O'Connor. Mr. BAIN ES presented a petition from the Hull and Selby Railway Company, against the Railways Bill. Also a petition for the abolition of Church -rates. NEW ZEALAND. Lord ELIOT then rose to move for a Select Com mittee to inquire into the statements contained in the pe tition of the merchants, bankers, and ship-owners of the City of London, respecting the colonization of New Zealand. That petition, embodying as it did the opinions and wishes of so large, respectable,land enlightened a body of men, on a subject of such importance, appeared to hith to to , the ..f It 11,2,2, , ,54ry t',, hin, ex},atiat, tilat time thc vantages of emigration. Th e pr i nc ipl e of emigration had EVENING ED. ON'. he,cl so generally acknowledged that 'no would do no morb than advert to it in passing. Mtetings had been held in g!' most ail the large towns expressing the opinions of the, work inn men thaqit teas impossible for them to better their condi tion in this c-.)untrv, in eon.eqUenC3 of th 3 great. increase of population, and the. exteneien of mechanical power and ingenuity. He would advert very sh or tly to the principles of emigration, so ably developed by Mr. Wakefield. The experiment of emigration to colonic!: bad been tried with success in respect to South Australia, and be wished that the Noble Lord would wire measures for eaerying out that system with regard to the enterprising colony of New Zeelond.—(Heer, hear.) The evidence taken before the Lords' Committee made it quite unnecessary for him to dwell upon the advantages which New Zealand offered to the settlers from this country. Ho would not say a word about the fertility of its soil, the salubrity of its climate, its navigable rivers, or the quantity of its timber—these had been pointed out to the Committee of the House of Lords that sat two years ago, The publication of that Report h'd the effect of inducing a large number of pet' sons to proceed to that colony. The only questions to which he would venture to call the attention of the House were, first, the right of this country to claim the sovereignty of these islands, and, secondly, the best mode of establishing a British Colony. He would not enter into any historical detail of the means by which these islands were first made known to the civilized world. He believed there was no doubt that the Dutch navigator Tasman first discovered them, but he never landed on their shores, and it was reserved for Captain Cook to plant the flag of any civilized State on the shores of New Zealand, Ile believed Captain Cook took possession in the name o f the then Sovereign of England, King George the Third. He believed, therefore, we were as much entitled to the pool, ession of New Z ea l an d as we were to a great portion or our colonial empire, and if her Majesty's Government thought fit to disclaim the sovereignty of Now Zealand , they could have no claim whatever to any of the Austrae lian Colonies. No doubt was expressed by the Secretary for the Colonies as to the right of Great Britain to eolo nize New Zealand. In 1814 itbe then Governor of Nest South Wales issued a commission to various individuals residing in the islands, some of them natives and others British settlers, to act as Magistrates or Justices. Other commissions were issued and renewed in 1819, and there, fore he w as b oun d to suppose from the tacit permission 01 the Government at home, that they recognized the right of the Colonial authorities to act in that way. In A letter from Lord Glenelg, written in December 183 7, that Noble Lord took notice of the manner in which the intercourse of the natives with foreigners was carried o °' and recommended the adoption of sonic settled form of Government. It was rather remarkable, that, not' withstanding so strong an opinion, no steps were taken for that purpose till 1839 ; and he rather thought the Noble Lord opposite ( Lord Palmerston) had recognised the right of the British Crown to colonise these islands. Th e ree suit of the Noble Lorn's recent disclaimer had been to call the attention of other Governments to the subject. No man could value more than he did the alliance of Eng land and France, which he was sure was the best g uarar tee for the peace of the world. Yet it could not be de' nied that there would always exist a groat jealousy be' twoen the settlers of the two nations, when they colonisci the same parts of the world—the colony which, ewill to the conduct of the British Government, was now about to proceed from France to the southern Island, which be ( Lord Eliot) was assured teas the private property of British subject ; so that the Noble Lord at the head 0 ' the Colonial Government, at the time when Captain Hobson made his report, had himself to blame for the los e of that possession to the British. The Noble Lord then read, from the opinion of an American lawyer, a state' ment of the law of nations, for the purpose of showing that the first discovery gave a nation a right of settlement and colonisation, in preference to all other nations. The island of New Zealand was 800 miles long, by 300 broad and the native population did not exceed one hundred and fifty or one hundred and sixty thousand. He thought it was theref o r e a reg i on to which the doctrines of A l , writers upon the right of civilized nations to settle and de tablish colonies by purchase Atom the aborigines, especiallf applied. There were abundant proofs of the ?resat melancholy state of the colony. A large portion of the population was composed of runaway convicts, and sail who had deserted their ships. The population consisted; therefore, altog e th er o f b a d men without restraint, and 01 good men without protection. It wes the duty of the Noble Lord to take steps for the protection of the ant ; rigines against th e i n j ur i es o f t h e lawless settlers. Noble Lord had said that he would not ratify any purr chases of land which bad been made without the autll o ' rity of Captain Hobson. How could he refuse to ratify d any such purchas es , at the same time that he declar New Zealand to be an independent State ? Captain Hobso n had lately issued a comm i ss i on to investigate the validiti, of all titles to l an d. Th at C ommission was composed of members of the Legi s l a ti ve C ouac i l, who were themselv e s the largest landholders in the colony ; and could they b e considered the fittest persons to decide upon their o° 4 ' titles and those of others ? As far as be was aware, no principles had been laid down for the guidance of the j Commission in any respect . There wets no test is' down by which the validity of a title was to be deter' min e d. They were not properly instructed as to the , price of land.—( Hear, he ar , h ear. ) F , ve was declared by the Colonial Government, and Capts 3 Hobson, to be the highest price per acre, But if that r e a proper price in N ew S out h W ales, it certainly was 0,6 et suffici en t f or t h e cu l t i vated land of New Zealand. rfe. New Zealand C ompany h a d acted upon the princitnei laid down by M r . W a k e fi e l d, which could not be cart ' s " out by selling land at a lower price than 11. an acre. Any lower price would b e i nsu ffi c i ent either to prevent Ine s a from purchasing m ore t h an t h ey could cultivate, or to se% out an adequate supply o f l a b our i ng emigrants. Id* beec, omitted to make any a ll us i on to t h e correspondence o f tug Government with the New Z ea l an d C ompany, because al he wished for was a fai r i nqu i ry i nto the statements ° the petitioners, and the actual condition of the colon_ B ii He did so with o ut an y angry or party feeling. He 11. not canvassed for v o t es —( H ear, hear)—and although ",, would not bring f o r war d t h e mot i on without communicatin g with his Right H on . F r i en d t h e Member for Tamvrort7 he did not know what the vote of his Right W l ' Friend would be. He believed that some legislative zre s ; sure was necessary, and that the Noble Lord must very soon conic to the House f or assistance, and therefore u asked for this inq u i r y t o ena bl e t h e H ouse to legis l a te wisely upon the subject. Lord JOHN RUSSELL did net see the practical °I of going into thi s quest i on w i thout the information whic must soon arri ve . H e was not apprehensive of inquiry i n ts the conduct of the Colonial Office, for he thought the l e quiry would h ave the off.2et of removing misrep r e sen tation s that had been made respecting that department. 1 1 Noble L or d h a d not made out any case for a Committee() Inquiry, except that it might produce the materials oil which legislation, at seine future time could be founder To appoint such a Committee with a view to legislation in a distant part of the world at this late period of the sessio n appeared to him to be a very wild species of i nq uiryl (Hear, h ear .) Th e expediency of establishing colonic was admitted on all hands to be a question of policy for lb consideration of the Government. When this question was before a Committee of the House of Lords that Coln" rnittee decided that the question was one which should r e left to th e cons id erat i on of the Government alone, and (Lord John R usse ll) d i d not see how a Committee of the" House of Commons was to decide in what parts of t h l world colo n i es s h ould be established.—(Hear heer'' With respect to what the Noble Lord had said in referenc e to our right to New Zealand by discovery, be (Lord Job, Russell) n o t on l y t h ought that other nations might dispute the c l a i m , b ut as the claim had not only never been set up si nce 177 0, b ut had been absolutely disclaimed in solemn declarations of the Legislature. It would b e necessary to find out a new tithe. In the Act of Perlis' ment 4th George IV. it was set forth that " whereas Mtn; ders were com m i t t e d b y British subjects in Otaheite, Zealand, and (Auer places not in his Majesty's do l t nions," Hear, h ear .) Af ter that it could not '7„ said that th e ti t l e o f th i s country to form a colony in Ile" Zealand by pre-emption depended upon its right of dise e ; very. There were many reasons why New Zealans' should not he left a prey to the evils arising from the set' tlement of runaway convicts and other lawless persons': ( Hear, be ar )— an d upon this arose the question how War a colony to b o esta bli s h ed under the authority of the pr'' tish Crown. In the time of Lord Glenelg a propositi° was laid before the Colonial Office for the formation of Colonization Company, which, after every considerations was rejected by L or d G l enelg. The same propositie s was submitted to P ar li ament, and the Bill was th ro wn ou t ; There were two w a y s i n w hi ch (according to Vette!" a colony mi g ht b e esta b l i shed without infringing or i n the law of nati ons , or t h e r i ghts of the aborigines. 'I"- one was when the Government of any country chartered e body of its subjects, and authorised them to form a colon'' , in which they themselves should settle, and cultivate the lands, purchased, fairly and with free consent, from the uncivilized natives, as was the case with William Pen n ' The other was when a colony was sent out under the authority of the Crown, and with a Government establishe d by the Crown, as was the case in North America. But in neither of these ways was the colony proposed to be formed in New Zealand.—( Hear, hear.) It was not to b e formed by a company of persons who were themselves t° go oue and make purchases, and occupy and cultivate the land ; but it was to be formed by a company having a hig h large nominal capital, the shares not to be paid up, hut! large profit to be derived from selling parcels of lanu• Now let the House only think what the Government would have done if it had established such a plan._ t Hear.) It would form a precedent by which, hereafter,_ ant people i n any country might say that they shoal' make a profit by the sale of lands—(Hear, in the territory of uncivilized nations in any part of the world.—( Hear, hear.) It would establish a species of land piracy all over the world.—(Hear, hear.) Subset quently the Government sent a Consul to New Zealand (which had been recognized as an independent State) with authority to proceed in the manner described by S i nt" tell, to purchase lends from the natives of that country, and to establish, the dominion of her Majesty there with respect to the Commission for ascertaining titicg to land; surely that was better than to leave the titles open to per petual litigation. The Noble Lord had objected to the dependency of New South Wales. That arrangement was necessary at present, and the Governor had given military assistance to Captain Hobson to maintain his authority, and the latter being now supported by that force, and by the presence of one of her Majesty's shipa, would be able to maintain his authority, and to enforce the observance of just dealings with the natives. The price of land in New Zealand would be raised to IL an acre, when the land in the South Australian colonies reached that price. On the whole, he did not see what was to be gained by a Committee of the House of Com mons at this period of the Session, and in the absence of information which might arrive before it had concluded its deliberations, and might overthrow all its proceedings. The whole matter should come before the Parliament next St scion, and for all these considerations he opposed the measure. Mr. MA CK INNON said that the proper mode of legislating on such a subject was by appointing a Com mittee, in the first instance. as was clone in the cese_of I,IIA, Au,:i is i ,Vt:I applied fur Indeed, there were four of them—and he was one of that THE SUN, LONUON, WEDNESDAY, JULY of