The Sun. — London, England, 1847-06-29 00:00:00

I ed be ou ed law Mr. Frith struggling to get possession of the stall. Mr. Frith had his hand on the collar of Mr. De Grey's I Coat. Mr. Frith told Mr. De Grey he would either pull him out or turn him out. In a few minutes Mr. De Grey left the stall, and witness found him another seat. Cro-s-examined.—Told Mr. De Grey that Mr. Frith was a subscriber; but as he spoke in a very low tone it was possible that Mr. De Grey did not hear him. Wit- Siege was fetshed into the theatre by Mr. Frith. Witness had once before during that evening been applied to by Mr. Frith to interfere to get possession of his stall. Re-examined—Did not make use of the word sub scriber to Mr. De Grey. Had said that Mr. Frith had the bones for that stall. If that stall had bean parted with to some one by the owner of the ivory, the person who had got this permission would produce the ivory. Mr. Bodkin—l want the public to understand how these matters are managed. You tell me that if the subscriber lent or sold his ticket, that the ivory would be produced by the party accommodated ; but here is a case in which a card is produced without the ivory, and the party is shown into the stall. Mr. Hardwick—l believe the usual mode is, when a subscriber leaves his bone with a bookseller for sale, that the bookseller keeps the bone and issues a card. Witness—We do not ask a subscriber to shew his bone when we know he is a subscriber. Mr. Hardwick said, Mr. Frith appeared to be a sub scriber for the stall 170, and not for the stall 171. It was explained that Mr. Frith had a joint interest with the subscriber for the 170 stall, in both stalls. Mr. Bramwell, in a warm speech, contended that his silent ought to be the complainant, and that instead of his client having acted improperly, all the impropriety was on the side of Mr. De Grey. The Learned Counsel went on to apply some hard terms to Mr. De Grey, and to charge him with having come forward to state a falsity. Mr. Hardwick here interposed. He could not allow such language. There was nothing in the evidence to warrant the Learned Gentleman in using it. Mr. Bramwell was always unwilling to impute delibe rate falsehood to any man, but certainly he must say that the box-keeper's evidence established the fact that Mr. De Grey had not stated that which was correct. He was not about to deny that hands had been laid on Mr. De Grey; on the contrary, he admitted that an attempt had been made to turn Mr. De Grey out, and he main tained that Mr. Frith had a perfect right to do so. Mr. Frith had the same right to turn him out of his house if he intruded into it. Mr. De Grey had been rightly served; and, as a lawyer, he asserted that Mr. Frith was perfectly justified in acting as he had acted. The Learned Counsel went on with a good deal of the same sort of comment, and then concluded by declaring again, that in point of law Mr. Frith was justified in turning Mr. De Grey out of his own stall. If a conviction for an assault must take place the very smallest fine would satisfy the ends of justice. Mr. Hardwick—l am decidedly of opinion that a most unjustifiable assault has been committed. The cora plainant, Mr. De Grey, goes to the opera with a proper admission, signed by a proper authority, and he takes lawful possession of a certain stall. Shortly after this proceeding the defendant comes into the theatre, pro duces a bone, and states that he is entitled to this par ticular stall. The complainant is in lawful possession, under a lawful authority, and he justly disputes the right of the defendant to displace him from the stall. Applying the legal maxim of "in cequali jure potier est conditio possidcntis," the complainant, tor all that was known, might have a better title than the defendant. The defendant might have got possession of the bone of a subscriber, therefore there was just a probability that the complainant's title to the stall was really better than the defendant's. Then it appears that a dispute arises, and an assault is committed. The complainant was in lawful possession of the stall, and on that ground he stood and asserted his right to occupy it. With regard to the use of personal violence, the de fendant had no excuse whatever for resorting to it. If the defendant found that his stall had been sold or let, or so disposed of that he was wrongfully deprived of its use, he had his remedy against the management. Mr. Bramwell—lt was a bookseller who sold Mr. De Grey the ticket. Mr. Hardwick—That does not alter the case ; for the servants at the theatre acknowledge the authority of the bookseller to dispose of the stall by admitting the party who bought it. Every one who frequents the Opera knows there is an understanding between the manage naent and the bookseller with respect to Opera boxes and stalls. The complainant bought his right from the bookseller, and having paid for his ticket, he justly con ceived he had a right to the stall for that evening. The ticket is recognised by the servants of the theatre, who, as a matter of course, admit the ticket, and show Mr. De Grey into the stall indicated by that ticket; whether, therefore, the management itself or the bookseller gave the ticket, the ticket was a proper authority. Mr. Bodkin here called the stall keeper, and proved that the ticket presented by Mr. De Grey was signed by Mr. Nugent, the secretary of the Opera House. Mr. Hardwick—Then it is clear the plaintiff was armed with proper authority, and this authority having been recognised by the stall keeper, Mr. De Grey was entitled to the stalls for the evening, and any other per son coming with a bone or a ticket to claim the stall was not entitled to be attended to. It was no affair of Mr.. De Grey's, and the party claiming the sta l l must be left to settle the matter with the management. Certainly Mr. Frith had no pretence whatever to warrant him in turning Mr. De Grey out of the stall. There might be a mistake somewhere, but it was not for Mr. De Grey to set it right, or to give up the stall, for which he had bought and paid for a ticket. Mr. De Grey being, then, perfectly in the right with respect to this stall, the dc fendent was not in a situation to ask him to go out. The bone he produced was the bone of a gentleman named Vile, and it was impossible fur Mr. De Grey to know but what the bone had been disposed to some of the booksellers. The defendant, if he could not get proper accommodation, owing to some mistake, or for some other cause, had his remedy against the author of the wrong, but he could have no pretence whatever to use violence to en force what he might conceive to be his rights. For the defendant to use rude and insulting language in a place of public amusement, to lay hands on a gentleman in the way described and sworn, is an affront of a character which no gentleman could refrain from resenting, and Me , De Grey is, therefore, quite justified in bringing this case forward and asking for redress. It is not the amount of physical force to which Mr. De Grey has been subjected, but the disgrace of having been treated as an offender, and haling hands laid on him in a public assembly. Mr. 1)e Grey is perfectly right in seeking for redress by the laws of his country. In every Way Mr. Frith's conduct has been most unbecoming. He not only interrupts the performance and disturbs the audience; but he affixes a gross personal affront on a gentleman by laying hands on him in public, and treat ing him as an offender. For this assault I fine Mr. Frith 51., or one month's imprisonment. The fine was immediately paid. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S—MONDAY. In the course of the afternoon a considerable number Of horses were backed for the events of the current year, but not half a dozen for sums of sufficient magnitude to entitle them to special notice. We may select Stultz, Varopyre, Milliner, and Plover, for the Goodwood Stakes ; and the Hero and Dulcet for the Cup. The transactions on the July Stakes and St. Leger were trifling in amount and importance. Of the favoured few We have mentioned, Stultz and Plover figured most con spicuously in the betting on the Stakes,—the first at 9 to 1, and the latter at various prices, starting at 1,000 to 30, and finishing at 15 to 1. Dulcet was also a great pet, and the odds quotedere afterwards agst st the currently offered. Hero were taken to about 5001. ; they w Mendicant was scratched between one and two o'clock. The last prices were as under : JULY STAKES (TUESDAT NEXT.) 2 to 1. agst Colonel Peel's Teetotum. 4 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lodine 1C to 1 agst Mr. Etwall's Sister to JEgis. GOODWOOD STAKES. 9 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Staloff —taken n 11 to 1 agst Duke o f Richmond's Vampyre--take 15 to 1 agst Mr. Isaac Day's Milliner 15 to 1 agst Mr. Watt's Plover en taken 25 to 1 agst Mr. Whaley' s Burgundy -25 to 1 agst Col. Anson's Martext 25 to 1 agst Mr. Gratwicke's Flitch 30 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Hydrangea 33 to 1 agst Mr. Scholefi eld's Tommy Moore—taken 53 to 1 agst Mr. Elwes's Miss Elis—taken 100,) to 20 agst Mr. Robiuson's Morpeth—taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Lilly's Glory—taken (No price was named agst the Questionable, and the only offer was to take 25 to 1.) GOODWOOD CUP. 2 to 1 agst Mr. J. Day's The Hero 9 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Eryx—taken 10 to 1 agst Lord E. Russell's Dulcet —taken 11 to 1 agst Mr. Aumont's Fitz- Emilius 13 to 1 apt Mr. G. 1-1. Moore's Welfdog—no friends 18 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Halo—t. and aft. offd. ST. LEGER. sto 2 agst Mr. Pedley's Cossack-3 to 1 taken 6 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Van Tromp 12 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Red llart—taken 12 to 1 agst Mr. Pedley's Foreclosure —taken 12 to 1 agst Mr. Mostyn's Mr. Martin—taken 16 to 1 agst Mr. J. Day's Farm er's Daughter—taken and afterwards offered 20 to 1 agst Mr. Stephenson's Black Dwarf—taken and afterwards offered. DERBY. 25 to 1 agst Mr. B. Green's Flatcatcher—taken 3000 to 90 agst Mr. Mostyn's Surplice—taken 1000 to 30 agst Col. Peel's Sesostris—taken 1000 to 25 agst Col. Anson's Corsican —taken 2000 to 50 agst Mr. B. Green's Beverlac—taken 2500 to 50 agst Mr. John Scott's The Stinger—taken 2000 to 35 agst Mr. Sandford's The Sheriff—taken 10,000 to 100 agst Captain Price's The Fowler, Bro to Woodpecker. --- We read in the Constitutionnel :—" A person named C—, a gilder on copper, residing in Paris, lost his son not long since, and had him buried at Belleville. The death of the boy caused him the greatest affliction, and he often went to visit the tomb. Two days back his wif e rece ived a letter from the husband, declaring that he was tired of life, and that his body would be found oil the tomb. The wife hastened to the cemetery, and, finding it shut, supplicated the keeper to admit her. The man refused, declaring that he had taken his round and had seen nothing. She then went to the commissary, and, on showing the letter, got an order of admittance. The keeper still refused, and it was only the next day that she could enter the ce meter y . The husband was found stretched on the tomb, expiring. lie had stabbed himself in various places with a poniard. fie breathed his last shortly after." The failure of Alessrs. Sewell and Co. is under stood to amount to about 50,0001., and the assets are not expected to yield a very favourable result . The late rapid decline in sugar, of which the firm were large holders, appears to have been the cause of the stoppage. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 28. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. Messengers from the Commons brought up several Bills, which were read a first time. CLERGY OFFENCES BILL. This Bill went through Committee pro formd, to enable the Bishop of London to introduce several amended clauses. PRIVATE BILLS AND BUSINERS OF THE HOUSE. Lord BROUGHAM, in rising to bring before the House the motion of which he had given notice, said he felt that he was not premature in introducing the subject to this House. It was well known to their Lordships that latterly the private business of the House had increased to an enormous amount, and in order to facilitate the progress of that business it was indispensa bly necessary that some change should be made in the mode of conducting it. After referring to those who held the office of receivers and " friars," and to the alterations which had been made in their duties from time to time, he proceeded to say that although these offices had become almost obsolete from being delegated to others, persons had been appointed to fill them even at the commencement of the present session. Twenty years ago he introduced a measure into the other 1-louse of Parliament for the purpose of simplifying the private business of that House, and great good arose from it; but as the prism..? business of their Lordships had now in creased to an almost incredible extent, he thought their Lordships would agree with him, that some further alterations were now necessary. In the courts of law the proceedings were not taken without chart and compass, and the chances of misdecision and corruption were more guarded against than:in the decisions of the House of Parliament. The amounts recovered in them did not generally relate to large sums of money, but to exceedingly small sums. For instance, when he attended the Spring Assizes of Lancaster in 1827, he found that out of two hundred cases tried there in fourteen days the average amounts recovered did not exceed 131. 15s. These courts, nevertheless, tried cases of the utmost im portance to the great mass of the people; they pre vented whole neighbourhoods from being de stroyed by the rapacity of powerful or tyrannical individuals ; they prevented the poor from be ing wronged without an appeal to a jury of their countrymen, and prevented an innocent man, charged with crime, from being punished from motives of revenge—in fact, the entrance of evil through any chink or cranny was far more guarded against in the courts of law than in the proceedings of their Lordships' House. Why had their Lordships confidence in the judges of the land? Why, because their Lordships knew that they possessed great professional skill; because they were far removed from the common affairs and strifes of life, and even abstained from taking a part in the political proceedings of the nation. Why, then, should not their Lordships trust them with the power of adju dicating in certain matters connected with the private business of their Lordships' House, and bearing directly upon the sacred rights of private property?—(flear.) It was a course which had long been recommended by Committees of their Lordships' House, and be confessed he could see no reason why such Bills as those which relate to canals, railways, and roads, should not be re ferred to a tribunal of this sort. The very constitution of the other House of Parliament precluded it from always acting with the strict impartiality of judges; or rather, he should say, its Committees from always acting with the impartiality of judges, who had placed between them and the suitors a brazen wall of incor ruptibility. The Members of the House of Commons could not help being influenced by their constituents upon questions relating to local Bills; and if it were only upon that ground alone, private business ought to be removed from their jurisdiction. Nothing could by possibility prevent a member of a Private Committee of the House seeing his constituency. He represented them, and they had it in their power to give him advice and information which might influence his decision upon matters which ought to be dealt with according to the evidence and testimony which might be brought before him in the usual formal manner. Again, Members of the other House of Parliament might bring about parti cular results by mutual arrangements. For instance, the Member for Yorkshire might be appointed to consider a Bill connected with Cornwall, and the Member for Cornwall might, on the other hand, be selected to ad judicate on the Bill relating to Yorkshire. The two Hon. Members, therefore, were those placed in a po sition to influence the decision of each other, and by means of a mutual understanding between two, the views and wishes of the circumstances of Yorkshire and Cornwall were carried into effect. Referring, however, these private Bills to judges, appointed by the Crown for that especial purpose, would ob viate all these objections ; and what reason was there why that course should not be adopted. The few Members of the House of Commons who formed the private Committees, had to adjudicate upon the evidence of witnesses, and the statement of counsel, without themselves being learned in the law. The various counsel, therefore, who appeared before them, often found no difficulty in misleading them upon points of law ; and very often their decisions, if not opposed to reason and common sense, were en tirely at variance with the justice and equity of the case upon which they had to adjudicate. All this required to be carefully and fully considered ; he, however, did not then intend to propose any remedy. The great proportion of Private Bills consisted of Rail way Bills. There ware 400 before them last year, and nearly 300 during the present session, and as the country had not yet " been covered with a net work of railways,' they might look forward to a considerable number of new Bills in the ensuing session; for instance, the existing companies would seek powers to sketch out branches, to connect them with other lines in all directions; but he wished an improved supervision to be exer cised over all Private Bills, and not exclusively over railway Bills, because the same imperfect system was pursued with respect to all. What he complained of was that a Railway Committee was not responsible for its actions. Cases had occurred in which Bills had been passed by Noble Lords or Hon. Members who, although members of the Committee, had absented themselves until the Committee came to the vote. He did not wish, however, to exclude legal gentlemen from blame in those proceedings, as many of them took ten briefs in as many Committees (H ear , hear) —so that it was quite impossible that one barrister could discharge his duty properly even to one company. Sir William Follett, for instance, fre quently received briefs when the parties knew that he could not attend, and he was only retained because the other side might not receive his services ; but where a counsel received an enormous fee for the express purpose of securing his attendance, and did not attend, such an act met with his entire disapproval.—(Hear, hear.) He did not believe that this was done when it was stated to him, and he did not believe it now. Then again persons intimately connected with railways were, in all directions, seeking to get into Parliament, as appeared from the number of advertisements which appeared in the newspapers from gentlemen connected with railways, and those railway men would, when they got into Parliament, lose sight of the interests of the public in their anxiety to promote their own interests, their closely serried ranks would be invulnerable against the voice of the public, the grossest jobs would continue to be perpetrated, and in everything connected with railways they would follow their leaders like sheep. The conferences with the other House, the mode of sending Bills to and receiving them from the other House, and many other minor details of the business of the House, required amendment. He had felt it his duty to bring the subject before the House, and he begged in conclusion, to move that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the mode of conducting the privateiirj sugge sting itEa businessD remedy.Es 3A olthe House, and for the purpose of E did not object to the appoint• ment of the Committee, but he considered that, at that late period of the ses s i on , an d f rom h demand for the Noble Lord's time on oth er Committees t e great no good could ari e from its appointment.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord was not correct in stating that om. mittees in that or the other House of Parliament were appointed by arrangements amongst the Members, as they invariably consisted of M ambers who had no in terest in the Bills which they were called upon to investigate. He feared, however. that the plan of the Noble Lord would not remedy the present sys tem. He was ready, however, to admit that evils had grown up in the mode of adjudicating private Bills, but he considered that the best mode of remedying them would be by revising the standing orders of their Lordship's House.—(Hear.) The recommenda tions to the Committee appointed to consider the desira bility of suspending the further progress of railway Bills this session advised that Committee to consider the ex pediency of revising these orders. He confessed that he could not agree in all the decisions arrived at by that Committee, but he doubted much whether a better tribunal could be devised. It should not, he thought, go forth to the public that they had no confidence in the Committees of their Lordship's House. The Duke of RICHMOND advised the Noble Lord to withdraw his motion, as it could lead to no practical result during this present session. At the same time, he was prepared to admit that the standing orders were defective in many respects, and ,that they required re modelling, which, he conceived, could be done early in the ensuing session. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE agreed with the suggestions of the Noble Duke and Noble Lord that the Noble and Learned Lord should withdraw his motion. Inconeniences had, no doubt, arisen in the mode of legislating upon Railway Bills, and their attention should be directed as to the best mode in which they could be remedied. In saying this, however, he wished to pay a deserved tribute to the ommittees of Selection, who had perf o rmed their duties in the most satisfactory manner. No doubt the review of the standing orders referred to would remedy the defects in their legislation with respect to private Bills, of which the Noble and Learned Lord had complained, the new railway board was, in his estimation, a great step in this direc tion. During the short time it had been established, no less than 70 or 80 reports on the financial condition of the companies had been presented to Parliament; and many inspections of lines had taken place. The question of whether a new tribunal (independent of Parliament, whose decision should not be final), should be appointed for the purpose of dealing with Railway Bills, would re ceive the attention of the Government, but by careful watching, he apprehended that evils might be avoided. Lord BROUGHAM said, after what had been said by Noble Lords, he would withdraw his motion. The motion was accordingly withdrawn. LEITH HARBOUR, AND DOCKS BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. IRISH CONSTABULARY. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented returns on this subject. BISHOPRIC aci O a F th tl a A t bl i 2 C e t I E a uSdTpEa passed e B d IL L• . THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY _MORNING, JUNE 2g, 1847. ROYAL MARINE SERVICE BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. PASSENGERS ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This Bill alio passed through Committee. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. June 28. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. Papers relating to the Unclaimed Prize Money of Chelsea Hospital were presented. REPORTS. The following Reports were brought up and received : Leeds and Thirsk (Leeds, Durham, and Newcastle Extension, &c.); Leah's Estate ; Hodgson Mule's Estate ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Rail way (Supply of Surplus Water to Manchester, Salford, and Stockport); Sutton Harbour Improvement ; York and Newcastle Railway (Main Line Improvement, &c.) SECOND READINGS. The following Bills were read a second time:—Bowes' Estate; Sir Henry Willoughby Rooko's Estate. iIIIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third time:—Dircct London and Portsmouth, Brighton and Chichester, London, Brighton, and South Coast, and London and South-Western Railways; Horne's (Ferguson's) Estate; Kingston-upon• Hull Dock Company ; Liverpool Fire and Lire Insurance Company ; Long's Estate ; Poyntz field Estate ; Surrey and Kent Commission of Sewers ; Tunstall Paving, Lighting, Cleansing, \Vatching, Im provement and Market ; Wakefield Gas ; Wyndham's Estate. REPORTS. The following reports were considered and agreed to: —Bingley Improvement; South Devon Railway Ex tension and Amendment; Wolverhampton General Cemetery. SOUTH DEVON RAILWAY. On the motion of Sir J. Y. BULLER (in the absence of Mr. Tuffnell), this Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. PAISLEY, BARRIIEAD. AND HURLET RAILWAY. The order of the day for the third reading of this Bill was discharged. MALT TAX. An HON. MEMBER presented a petition, signed by 600 persons, praying for the repeal of the malt-tax. LORDS' AMENDMENTS. The Lords' Amendments to the following Bills were considered and agreed to:—London and South-Western Railway (Widening, &c.); Southampton and Dochester Railway (New Forest Deviation and Branches); South ampton and Dorchester Railway (Weymouth Branch); Herne Bay and Canterbury Junction Railway; Eastern Counties Railway (Maldon, Witham, and Braintree Railway Purchase); Norfolk Railway (Yarmouth Ex tension, &c.); Nortolk Railway (Branch from Wymond ham to the Norwich Extension of the Ipswich and Bury Saint Edmund's Railway, and the proposed Thetford and Reedham Railway, near Diss); Great Western Railway (Branch to join the West London Railway Widening and Enlargementof West London Railway, and Branches to Hammersmith, and to join the London and South- Western Railway, near Lambeth) ; Swansea Valley Railway; Dundee and Perth Railway (Alteration and Extension, and Inchture, Polgavie, and Inchmichael Branches). GREAT SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. JOHN O'BRIEN presented petitions from the city of Limerick, and the towns of Bruff and Kilmarnock, in favour of the loan to the Great South-Western Rail way Company. IRISH RAILWAYS. An HON. MERDER presented three petitions from Londonderry and Athlone in favour of the grant to Irish railways. GRANTS FOR EDUCATION. Mr. BARCLAY presented a petition signed by 1,100 Roman Catholics, praying tha', they may be allowed to participate in the grants for education. HEALTH OF TOWNS' BILL. Captain PECHELL presented a petition from Brighton, numerously signed by the medical men of that town in favour of this Bill. They stated that the establishment of boards of health would materially add to the importance and utility of their profession. ➢IEDICAL REGISTRATION BILL. Mr. WATSON presented a petition from physicians :n Maldon in favour of the Bill. EDUCATION. The Tim MEMBER also presented a petition signed by the clergy and many of the laymen of Thornton in favour of Roman Catholics participating in the educa tional grant. Mr. HUTT presented a petition to the same effect from a place in Durham. DANISH CLAIMS. The HON. MEMBER also presented a petition signed by a number of merchants interested in the Danish claims, praying the House to take those claims into con sideration. INSOLVENT BILL. The HoN. TVIEMIER also presented a petition from two persons, who stated that they were interested in some proceedings in the Court of Chancery of Ireland, against the assignees of an insolvent debtor, which had been pending for some years, and praying that the new Insolvent Bill might not pass into a law, or it would materially affect their rights. SOUTH AUSTRALIA. Mr. HUTT presented a petition, signed by a number of the colonists of South Australia, complaining that the Government had alienated the " Royalties " con nected with the colony. The Hon. Member said that the petition was one of considerable importance, and that it was a matter fur regret that a petition which had come so many miles across the ocean should attract no more attention than an ordinary petition. The petition was then laid on the table. CHINA. Sir G. STAUNTON gave notice that, on the motion for going into a Committee of Supply on the China estimates, he should call the attention of the :louse to the services of Mr. Thom at Ning-Po, and suggest that some reward should be given to his family for the services which he had rendered to his country. PORTUGAL. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Aberdeen, praying the House to address her Majesty to prevent any interference of this country iu the affairs of Portugal. Mr. HUNIE presented a petition agreed oa at a public meeting at the institution in John-street to the same effect, but stating further, that the Government in 1532 had refused to aid the cause of the oppressed Poles, that they were ever ready to aid " Kings;" that the Queen of Portugal bad forfeited any right to the protection of the British from her un constitutional conduct, and that her Majesty ought to dismiss her present advisers, who had induced her to consent to the perpetration of so barbarous an act to wards the people of Portugal as the sending of a British fleet amongst them.—(Laughter, and hear, hear.) The Lors' Amendments to the following Bills were agree to:—Lowestoft Railway and Harbour (Alteration near Reedham); Great Southern and Western Railway Extension (I'ortarlington to Tullamore); Dublin and Drogheda (Branch from Navan to Kells); Glasgow, Barrhead, and Neilston Direct ' Railway; Gl isgow, Barrhead, and Neilston Direct, and Glasgow, Southern Terminal Railways Amalgamation; Macduff Harbour. HYLTON'S ESTATE BILL. Mr. GREENE moved that the examiners of petitions should hive leave to sit and proceed on Hylton's Estate Bill on Tuesday, the 29th day of this instant June. MN(l)oittiTonAy o agreed fr to. BOARD EMIGRANT SHIPS. Lord J. MANNERS wished to know whether the g o r f e a t h t emor emigrantali ty sh h i i c p h s ord a so t m he e Government taken p were lace n aware boa between Ireland and Canada? Nlr. HAVES was sorry to have to state that the Government had received several communications from the Governor and authorities of Canada, informing them of the state of things; but every step had been taken by the Government to mitigate as much as possible the dis tressing results of such a state of things. BRITISH PRODUCE. Mr. HASTIE moved, That there be annually laid before this House, a return, made out in parallel columns, showing the principal articles of British produce and manufacture exported from the United Kingdom, with the duties on such articles in the principal foreign countries to which they are exported, expressed in foreign monies, weights, and measures. Similar return, with the foreign monies, weights, and measures converted into English ditto, that the differences in the duties on the same articles in different countries may be exhibited at a glance.—Motion agreed to. CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. In answer to a question put by Mr. HUbIE, Sir G. GREY said that a Bill was prepared on this subject by the Lord Chancellor, and would he thought be brought down to this House in a few days. BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY LAWS. In answer to a question put by Mr. HUME, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said it was the in- tention of the Government to proceed as quickly as pos sible with the bill introduced in the other House, on the subject of the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Laws, and the proposed alteration in the Court of Review. MEDICAL OFFICERS OF UNIONS. Mr. FERRAND gave notice that he would to-morrow put a question to the Government with respect to a statement made by the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, with respect to the allowances made to medical union officers by the Poor-law Commissioners. NAVIGATION LAWS. In answer to a question of Lord G. BENTINCR relative to certain returns laid before the House, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he had no opportunity of testing the accuracy of the returns, because no notice had been given of the question, and he could not, therefore, speak with that confidence which he would otherwise have been able to do. He had ordered the returns of corn imported since the suspension of the navigation laws, and the Customs had furnished them. He would again apply to the Customs to-morrow to ascertain if the returns were cor rect, and report their answer to the Noble Lord. BOARD OF TRADE. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE wished to put a question to the Noble Lord at the head of the Government—Was it his intention, if Mr. INl`Gregor were returned for Glasgow, to continue him in the office of Secretary of the Board of Trade? Lord J. RUSSELL said that Mr. *Gregor, in noti fying his intention to stand for Glasgow, had stated to to him that, in the event of his being returned as a :Nlember, it was his intention to resign the situation which he then held. RAILWAYS (IRELAND, No. 2) BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the order of the day for the second reading of the above Bill. Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH would ask, whether it was just to risk the increase of taxation, in order to give Irish railways an oppor►tunity of borrowing money at 3 instead of 6or 7 per eent. It was said that rail ways would be a good „thing for Ireland, so they • would be, but why should loans of mousy be granted to Ireland it not to England also ? After the signal defeat which the measure had sustained on a previous occasion, who would have thought that such a measure as the present would have been pro posed by her Majesty's Government. The present popu lation of this country were suffering from the effect of the measures which had been passed to avert famine in Ireland. and was it fair, was it just to lay an additional burden upon the people for the construction of railways in Ire land? If assistance were to be granted to Irish railway companies, why was it not to be granted to the distressed artisans and manufacturers of this country ? The master manufacturers were fully , prepared to offer mor e va l ua bl e sec urity for such ad vances than any Irish Railway Company could propose, and they could also employ a considerably larger amount of labour. But it might be said that there were some special reasons for proposing this grail. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had said that he should not re.- quire the whole of the 8,000,000/. which he had borrowed for the purpose for which it was obtained, and therefore he appeared to think it his duty to spend the money in some way, good, bad, or indifferent. It would be better to let the 620,000/. of surplus loan find its way into the pockr'ts of the English people, leaving it to fructify there ratio r than squander and waste it upon Irish railway companies, thereby doing no good to any person or company whatever. Entertaining these opinions, he felt it to be his duty to move that this Bill be read a second time that day six months. Mr. WILLIAMS thought that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had done sufficient mischief already during the nine months he had been in office without incurring fresh risks and courting fresh dangers. He had already reduced the balances in the Exchequer from the sum of 9,000,0001. to 5,450,001., and had added 8,000,0001. to the national debt of this country. The railways which it was proposed to assist had not made out a ease to warrant such assistance being rendered to them. The state of the money market was not such as to afford the expenditure of so large a sum of money as was proposed by this Bill. The Bank of England and the commerce of this country was just emerging from a most dangerous crisis, and this measure would only have the effect of bringing about the same disas trous state of things ; and why was this danger to be run for the sake of assisting or speculating in some Irish railways ? Believing the measure to be wrong in prin ciple and injurious, he should give it all the opposition in his power. Lord J. RUSSELL had before stated that the pro posed measure was not at variance with the course usually adopted by the Government. The Government had felt it their duty to oppose the plan of the Noble Lord opposite on two grounds, one of which was, that there was before the House the prospect of an immense expenditure for Ireland, and the Government thought it unwise at that time to pledge the House to the expenditure of 16,000,0001. of money. Another reason was that the measure would not have afforded the requisite relief for the people of Ireland. He thought then, and still did, that railways were not calculated to afford such relief as was then required. The Government had, however, admitted that railways and other public works, were the legitimate objects of public assistance. There was nothing either in the arguments used by the Govern. ment, or the decision of the House upon that plea, which was to preclude the House for ever from making ad vances to any Railway. The House had sanc tion invariably the application of large sums of public money to the promotion of public works; the Bill before the House was therefore in perfect accordance with the practice of the House, and it was needless for him to enter into any arguments in order to show that this was not an exception to the ordinary rule. Looking at the course of Legislation for Ireland for the past century it would be found to be one calculated to degrade and to depress the people, and, as in the present case, thrown into a state of misery and starva tion in consequence of the failure of a single crop. It was idle to say, leave the Irish people to themselves ; the English people have done well, let the Irish do the same. That was an unfair argument ; there was no doubt that if the government of the two countries had been conducted on the same footing and in the same spirit, the Irish people would have been enabled to equal England in its prosperity.—(Hear, hear.) There were abundant reasons to be found in the late mis governed state of that country, for considering Ireland as a country not to be governed upon general or abstract principles, the present state and future prospects of Ireland were most discouraging ; there was, at all events, a considerable amount of reasonable danger with respect to the failure of the potato crop. The land owners of Ireland had, in his opinion, very justly been called upon to pay a large burden in supporting the poor of that country. Under all these circumstances, it was, in his opinion, the duty of the Government to assist by all means in their power the people of Ireland. With respect to the railways proposed to be assisted by this measure, it bad been clearly ascertained by very competent persons that they were such as would amply remunerate the outlay of the proposed capital. lie thought, therefore, that by passing this Bill, the House would be taking a step in the right direction towards the improve ment of Ireland. Measures had already been passed calculated to afford immediate relief to that country, and it was now the duty of the House to consider and pro vide measures calculated to raise and promote the future permanent condition and welfare of the people of Ire . land, too long delayed by unjust and imp - roper legisla lation. With respect to the charge brought by the Hon. Member for Coventry against the Chancellor of the Ex chequer with respect to the financial state of the coun try, the House would bear in mind the large amount of distress which the Government had to meet and to provide for. They thought that the proposed measure, as forming part of a general and comprehensive scheme, was one which ought to receive the sanction of the House. Mr. ROEBUCK thought that the Noble Lurd at the head of the Government should be greatly obliged to the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, for having, at an early period of the session, propounded a measure to extend over four years of legislation, calculated to pro mote the interests of the people of Ireland. The last was only part of a comprehensive scheme of th at nature, e o h f im the th s e pee gr c e h ate o s f t p tt a le in N , o v b iz le . t L h o a r t d, thu s m th ea e s o u l ie e that an sentence hg aw ,, o ould, if possible, en d e avour to convince the people this country what course the Government prop osed to adopt for raising the condition of Ireland. The Noble Lord had alluded to the state of Ireland, as resulting from centuries of English oppression, the real oppression and the real injustice was the Irish Church ; the legislation upon that subject had tended to make serfs of the Catholics, and to turn the Protestants into oppressors.—(Hear, hear.) The sum proposed to be expended was not for the purpose of alleviating the distress of that country, for the Noble Lord had ob jected to the measure of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, on the ground that railways were not calcu lated to relieve the distress of the people of Ireland. The distress of the people of England ought then to be looked at in a case where an advance was proposed to be made which was admitted not to be required for the purpose of immediate relief. He stated it advisedly, that in this country the potato crop would prove a mise rable failure, the spring crops would be considerably below the average, and the crops of America were not calculated to be at all of an abundant nature. Was it, then, for the Government, with such a prospect before them, with empty granaries staring in their faces, to squander what little money they had in hand? Was it not their duty to keep the money by them, to provide for the necessity which would un doubtedly come upon them? Then the railways pro posed to be assisted were said to be of a most valuable nature, and likely to yield ample returns; if so, why then did not the speculators, who had already it ap peared half-finished them, complete them? The Bill proposed to take a large sum out of the savings of the people of England to assist speculators in Ireland with a view of regenerating the people of that country. It was a wild and absurd chimera, one of the wildest that ever entered into the head of the leader of any Govern ment. Let the Noble Lord attend to the legitimate concerns of the people of Ireland, and not yield to the rapacity of people on the other side of the channel. There was something very peculiar about railroads in Ireland, if they were so good why were they not finished? But really now were these railroads such as the Noble Lord, or any other Hun. Member would wish to invest his money in? During the mania patriotism in railroads rose to a great height, the panic came, and shares which pointed to a fortune fell down to the lowest depths of disappointment. W hat was the last r esor t o f t h ese speculating individuals? The unfortunate Chancellor of the Exchequer. He really did not see why the House should be called upon to pay up the calls, or make good the losses which any of her Majesty's faithful subjects might have sustained through excessive speculation. He thought that it was now the time for the House to step in and prevent this first step being taken in a course so ruinous as that proposed by the present measure. It was a rule which nothing could controvert, that the Governor of a country could not ex pend the public money in any commercial speculation with half the advantage that the people could do for themselves. The moment the state became a money lender, it became a money loser. Unfortunately there was a very large Exchequer to draw upon, but de pend upon it the time would come when the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be called upon to render a very strict account of his doings, and one of the severest ordeals through which that Chan cellor would have to pass, would be to account to the mercantile interest of this country how it was that he dared to lay his hands upon the hard-earned savings of the people of this country, in order to make amends for past centuries of misrule.—(Hear, hear.) Lord G. BENTINCK thought that the proposed measure was a step in the right direction. The loan to be advanced by this Bill differed in its terms from those proposed in the measure which he had the honour to bring forward. In his Bill, he proposed to lend the money at 3/. Gs. Bd. per cent. interest, whereas, by the present measure, the loan would be made upon 5 per cent. ; and the Government having borrowed the money at 3k per cent., would, by lending it out again at 5 t ahhN e l eal r oov e bwle s : t aeid , nsoßni b cel oryl dissuadedtdi hnwaea t crt h sort e nhaosienel f t wql hrryuaoea3eann consequence cc a p(pleo c rfo t t neoirtsotfhpsinaeiot.nnnhGgi the statement Government y r e per cent., clear 10,0001., in the shape of proposalin neaogrlet ey ian stl liwhiche would loan, he intended to submit to the House for th r s o a e n t r s na o n that gen made ethr byae Ipro posed a t n h c e comprehensive scheme for affording assistance to other railways in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then proceeded to set forth the securities which could be offered, the advantages to be derived from, a nd the claims of the Midland Great Western Railway, the Waterford and Limerick Railway, and other lines, to the same assistance as was proposed to be given to the railways named in the present Bill. He was quite pre pared to defend the policy of the Government in this circumstance ; and he was ready to go before the people of England and show that this Bill was not one intended to feed the rapacity of Irish landowners, but one calcu- Wed to improve the condition of the people of:lreland without the imposition of any burden or tax upon the people of Eugland. He most sin erely hoped that the Government would be prepared to bring in a measure to assist the railways, to which he had called the atten tion of the House, and he hoped the Hon. and Learned Member for Galway would support the claims of the Midland Great Western Railway to the assistance of the Government.--(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Bath had spoken of the fear which there was that the potato crop would prove a miserable failure. He believed that in that statement the lion. and Learned Member would find himself mistaken; for from every account which he had received from Ireland the crops were in a most healthy and promising state, and he had no doubt, trusting to the statement, " that while earth lasted seed time and harvest should con- thaw " that the potato and other crops of the country would prove to be exactly the reverse of the predictions of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. It had been said that the proposed measure would tend to lock up the money and derange the finaccial condition of the country. It could be proved, however, that the effect of expending money in railroads was the reverse of lock ing up money. The money already expended in railways in the United Kingdom, was 96,000,0001., and the gross revenue from them was, from passengers, 5,000,0001.; from goods, 3,000,000/.; but taking into account the charges previously made, these sums rept.. sented a con siderably larger amount of revenue than at first sight ap peared. The actual saving to the country by the railway system in the item of " travelling expenses " of the Poor law Commissioners, was upwards of 5,0001. since their accession to office; and the time saved in the travelling of the Commissioners was three years and eight weeks, out of the twelve years they had been in office. In the one town of Leicester alone, the completion of the Leamington Railway, saved to the town 60,0001. a year. It was nonsense to tell him that capital invested in railways was money thrown away—money locked up, and could never be used again. The sum of 160,000/. had been spent in aid of M. Soyer's soup scheme, and he hoped the country would next year contrast the advantages derived from that service with the advantage to be de rived from the advancement of the present 160,000/. to be advanced in support of Irish railways. Another re commendation in favour of the proposal was, that it in volved no expense for the support of a staff of officers.l At the present moment the country was paying nearly 100,000/. a year as the salaries of the clerks and officers engaged in superintending the execution of public works in Ireland. That expenditure was justified on the ground that it afforded employment to the people. Now, was not that a strong argument in favour of the present Bill ? Here were they advancing money to be employed in the _execution of public works wanted ; involving the country in the expense of maintaining a staff of officers to see that the works were properly executed. They were told that railways could not in crease the supply of food to Ireland. He, for one, did not think so. At present the counties penetrated by the Great Southern and Western, they depended mainly for their fuel upon burnt cow dung. The construction of the railway would so reduce the price of coal, that the cow dung would be applied to the improving the land in stead of used for the purposes of fuel. He urged the House, therefore, to pass this Bill. It would lead to the introduction of British capital into Ireland, and in doing that, they were taking a decided step towards putting an end to the existing unfortunate and lamentable state of the sister kingdom. Mr. Labouchere did not intend to follow the Noble Lord, or enter into details ; but there were one or two points in the Noble Lord's speech which he could not pass over without notice. No one in that House, he believed, denied the advantages of railways ; and no doubt they would be productive of great good in Ireland. But if they were to be encou raged in the extravagant manner proposed by the Noble Lord, they would involve this country in ruin without attaining the great object they must all have in view. What was that object ? Why the alleviating the dis tresses of the people while suffering from the effects of an unforeseen calamity, and it could be no remorse upon the Government that they had taken the means that they thought were best calculated to mitigate the suffer ings of the people. At all events, whatever the Noble Lord might say to the contrary, he believed the people of this country did not begrudge the money that had been expended in the execution of public works for the purpose of affording the people employment. He held in his hand the last report of the Relief Commit tee to be presented to-morrow, and from that report he saw that, at the present moment, no less than 2,600,000 people in Ireland were receiving daily rating. He felt, therefore, that had the Government not taken the steps they have done, not only Ireland, but the whole of England and Scotland, would have been involved in the most frightful distress and suffering. The Noble Lord had accused the Government with promoting useless public works in Ireland, for the purpose of exercising its patronage ; but he, as a Member of the Govern ment, felt called upon to deny that statement in the most positive terms.—(Hear, hear.) He would not de tain the House further than to express a hope that the House would pass this measure. He would not pre tend to say that it would be the means of relieving all the distress under which Ireland was suffering; but he would say that it was calculated to go far towards re ducine•'d the distress, and it was that conviction which in duce him to entreat the House to pass this measure without further delay. He did not agree with the Hon. and Learned Member, that this country derived no ad vantage from its connexion with Ireland; but, even sup posing that were the case, was it right that rich and affluent England should forsake her fellow brethren in Ireland when they were suffering from extreme distress and suffering.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. LEI ROY said he should give his most decided support to the measure of the Government, and he only regretted that the sum to be advanced for Irish railways was not larger. Still he must thank the Government for having introduced the measure, and for the hope they held out, that should any railways be found worthy of assistance, the Government would not be indisposed to render that assistance upon its being shown that they were likely to turn out profitable and useful works. Some thing had been said upon the state of the potato crop this year. He cared not for what had been said upon that score. Some of the letters he had received from Ireland held out hopes, while others were no less desponding, but he must say that at this early period it was useless to speculate upon the condition of the crop.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted, most sincerely, that the great distress Ireland had latterly been suffering under, would affard a useful lesson to her people and teach them to depend upon a more certain food than the potato.—(Hear, hear.) The state of Ireland had been cruelly exaggerated in that House, but he saw with satisfaction that it had arrived at the period when it was determined to take a step in the right direction. Upon these grounds he gave his support to the measure with very great pleasure. Mr. SHEIL was not unconcerned in the success of the Great Southern and Western Railway, which passed near to a small property with which he was connected, but he supported this measure not so much upon that ground as upon the conviction that it would be pro ductive of great good to the country at large. Justice to one country was perfectly consistent with generosity to another, and those who carped and cavilled with this measure must bear in mind that Eng land was not giving this money, but only lending it. Then, in lending this money, he maintained that they were doing justice to their country, because it would tend—it must, of necessity tend—very materially to im prove her manufactures. It was pernicious, then, to say that this grant was only intended to improve Ireland. Mr. Porter, in his "Progress of the Nation," proved that the trade between England and Ireland had increased to an enormous extent, as from time to time the one country had assisted the other. At the present time the trade between the two countries could not be less than ten millions sterling per annum and if they continued by measures of this sort to increase the necessity consumption continueof t o in thee c e r e e p as te e of this country. He was ready and willin g , and did t t u h r e i y ng musttr trade othre Ireland,manufce ac knowledge the great generosity this country had evinced cowards her sister ally, and he sincerely hoped, indeed he felt confident that the gratitude of the people of Ire land would be commensurate with the generosity of the people of England.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by passing a warm eulogium on the late Mr. O'Connell, and urging the House, now that the present Parliament was expiring, to give the people of Ireland some pledge of its sympathies for their severe sufferings and distress. Mr. W. R. COLLETT supported the Bill. He said that the Government would clear 50,000/. by the loan. At first the Government threw cold water on the lend ing of,money to Irish railways, but now they found that the Irish railways would afford permanent employment to the poor, they came forward with this Bill. He thanked them for it. Ile repeated what he said some time ago—that the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath (Mr. Roebuck) had shown much ignorance on the sub ject of Ireland. Why he should wish to become trus tee of his Irish estate he was at a loss to know.— (Hear, hear.) He bad taunted Irish Members with wishing to promote this Bill for the sole purpose of advancing their own interests ; but he (Mr. Collett) held no shares in any Irish railways save the South Western, but he held only a sufficient number of shares in that company to qualify him to act as one of its directors. He should continue to promote the wel fare of his suffering fellow-creatures, notwithstanding the invectives and sarcasms of the Hun. Member. Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL also supported the Bill. He said the political-economical arguments of the Hon. Ba ronet the Member for Southwark (Sir W. Molesworth) sounded very well as mere abstract pieces of reasoning, but they came a day too late; they should have been de livered at the commencement of the session. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Bath through out his speech had said nothing which could wound the most sensitive; and this was rather remarkable from one so prone to sarcasm as the Hon. and Learned Member. But there was this novelty in his speech—he be , came a prophet, as he said that not only would the potato crop fail, but that the corn crops would be blighted. It was impossible, how ever, to tell what would happen. He dragged the Irish Church into the debate, but it appeared to him (Mr. M. J. O'Connell) that the Hon. and Learned Member would be found wanting when any proposition was before the House for altering the constitution of those churches. But these matters were not strictly before the House.—(Hear, hear.) The great object which all the friends of Ireland should unite to obtain was employ ment for the people irrespective of the land, which from its being the sole means of employment hitherto afforded to the people, had led to much of the misery under which that unhappy country laboured, and as a great step in that direction, he should support this Bill. Mr. M. GORE said as he had supported the measure brought forward by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, he should support this Bill; but if it had extended to other lines, it would have been still more deserving of his support.—(Hear, hear.) In support of this view he read a statement from a work by Sir R. Kane, showing how the internal resources of Ireland had been neglected, and what great national benefits would accrue from their and with the aid of their own money, they succeeded in being opened up by means of railway communication; he I constructing the line ; and if the lines in question were also referred to the last report of the Irish Railway C ,m- left unaided and unassisted by Government, the Quer missioners, which was to the same effect. All other gies and exertions of private enterprise would in the statements efts' reports he had seen, strongly urged the c o urse of time construct them. He contended, then. extension of railways in Ireland as a great means of im- that independently of its being opposed to all sound proving the wle le country. He said there was nothing in , principles, there was no necessity for the vote.— the Irish character to lead one to believe that if facilities (Hear, hear.) They were told the rails and lo were afforded them, they would not become as industri- comotive powers had already been purchased for ousand as enterprising as theirfellow-subjects in England. the railway, and the money to be voted would be The port of Galway was one of the most important expended in the continuation of earthworks. Now that ports in Ireland, and presented an eligible situation for was directly opposed to all past experience, and if it a harbour of refuge and a packet station—(Cries of were true, it was certainly the first case where the rails "Divide.") The Hon. Gentleman cited, amidst loud and locomotives had been purchased before the perms calls for a division, the opinions of the D u ke o f Welling- " l ent way was constructed. It was proposed to take this ton, Sir John Burgoyne, and Professor Ford, in favour grant from a balance in the Exchequer; but how had of the construction of a harbour of refuge on the western that balance been obtained? Why, through the medium coast of Ireland. The railway communication between of a loan.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that was another Dublin and Galway would, he said, render that port one strong objection against this measure, and he of the most eligible for this purpose on the western coast could not help thinking, that if they carried it, they of Ireland. would find in October next that there would be a Mr. TRELAWNY considered that the Bill would good deal more coin to be paid than they create a dangerous precedent, as in any season of pros now anticipated. It was, therefore, highly desirable sure they would be called upon to take a similar course, that Government should give them some further expla and this countr y w o u ld be impoverished fur the purpose nation upon the subject. Was this rate intended to be of feeding the famishing poor of Ireland. Ireland should the commencement of a new system for improving the support her own poor, and this she might be enabled to condition of the people of Ireland, without the aid of any do by removi ng th e disabilities under which landed pro- exertions on the part of the people themselves? W as perty laboured. Th e y should emancipate promis•ng Ireland to be told that, although the people of England land, and supp or t th e s t rong arm of the law, in order and the peop le of Scotland had g ot rid of their difficultie s that capital m i g ht circulate and labour find a market. solely by their own energy and industry, she need not At present, in many places in Ireland, a " reign of exert herself in the least, for the Government were pre- Terror" existed, as mobs of desperate men and women pared to come boldly forward to her rescue at the ex had, by force and menace, regulated the price of bread, pense of the other two members of the kingdom? It was and rendered, in consequence, life and property pre• a dangerous policy, and though he was not disposed to carious. become the slave of any pedantic political principles of Sir JAMES GRAHAM had observed the impatience economy, as the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury had de. of the House, and should not, therefore, read any docu- scribed it, he should, nevertheless, vote in oppositioa to ments —(Heer, hear.) He had not the pleasure of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) hearing the whole of the speech of the Hon. Member The House then divided, when there appeared— for Dungarvon (Mr. Shell) ; but it appeared that For the second reading he made two statements, one of which he considered Against it apposite, and the other inapposite. lie (Sir James Majority Graham) had had the misfortune to differ with MASTERS IN CHANCERY BILL. the late Mr. O'Connell; but it appeared to him The House then resolved itself into Committee on the that it would not have been altogether just in Masters in Chancery Bill. a Roman Catholic Member of that House, who h a d The Chairman reported progress, and the House for so many years taken an active part in the resumed. struggle for the liberties of his fellow citizens of the same religion in common with Mr. O'Connell, if he had allowed this, the natural opportunity of paying a passing tribute of gratitude to that distinguished person, to pass unheeded; and, though they might differ as to certain portions of his public conduct, every Member of that House who had had an opportunity of sitting with him in that or in any former Parliament could not fail to admit that it was not unseemly that some passing tri bute should be paid to the talents of Mr. O'Connell by some one, but no one more appropriately or eloquently than by the Hon. Member.—(Cheers.) The inapposite portion of the Hon. Gentleman's address was this—that be hoped before the session terminated, that this coun try would do something to relieve the distress of Ireland. Already they had voted 8,000,0001. for that purpose, and this, he believed, was the first measure that bad met with any share of opposition. He was at a loss to know the principle on which this Bill was supported, as the Hon. Gentlem an , the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had opposed a similar, nearly similar one, brought for ward by the Hon. Member for Lynn. He supposed, however, it was brought forward for the purpose of meeting the present condition of Ireland. 260,0004 derived from the Exchequer fund was, it appeared, ap plicable for the extension of public work s , an d out of that sum he supposed the grants would be made. If he was right in saying that every shilling should be ad vanced for the purpose of increasing the amount of food in the country, then he would just say in passing that the Government in withdrawing the Bill for the cultiva tion of waste land, appeared to have themselves been of a different opinion. lie agreed with the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, that all the arguments which were directed against the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, were equally applicable to this Bill, and the Noble Lord, in his speech of that evening, had clearly shown that the Bill should not be confined to three railways in Ireland, because, if the principle holds good in one case, it ought to do so in all, and it was proved in this House that the case of these three lines was peculiar to the whole of Ireland. He should, before he sat down, wish to notice one or two other points brought under the notice I of the House by this Bill. There were inconsistencies on this subject. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had lately told the House that green crops were flourishing, that the disease in the potato had not re-appeared, that the deep sea fishing was in a state of improvement, and that, generally speaking, the country was in a better state than it had been before; then why, he would ask, did they urge on this measure, when their financial affairs were in:such a state of embarrassment, and when, in the opinion of all right-thinking men, the resources of the country ought to be husbanded? This measure was, he thought, fraught with all the dangers which the Govern ment had themselves pointed out . on former occasions, and thinking, therefore, that this measure was opposed to all sound principles of Government, he should feel it his bounden duty to vote against the second reading of the Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did not anticipate that the Bill at present before the House would have met with the opposition which Hon. Mem bers gave it, nor did he imagine that the objection would have been raised that this was not the best time for the introduction of the Bill. Many objections, it was true, had been urged against the measures that had been adopted by the Government ; but these measures, he conceived, were the very best which could be adopted under the circumstances. He would not retrace the weary course of the discussions in the House on this pt,stion, but he thought at least that no objection should he urged against a measure like the present, which proposed only to lend li.oney on undoubted secu rity, and which would be altogether expended in remunerative labour. However much they might differ as to the measures best fitted to relieve the distresses of teat country, in this at least they were all agreed that it was essentially necessary that the population should have profitable labour provided for them. Did the Ministry content itself with railway Bills only? Were there no fishery Bills introduced ? no Bills for the cultivation of agricultural produce ? no Bills for the encouragement of manufactures and the extension of trade ? The Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Baronet charged the Govern ment with having exhibited a favouritism in the advances of these meneys, and they instanced the Waterford and Limerick as one of the railways which should feel ag grieved by this state of things. But the reason why the Government chose to advance these sums to the Great Eastern and Western was, because they thought the effect of the completion of the line would be to increase the national wealth and afford employment to the starving SUPPLY. In answer to questions from Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. Osborne, and Lord G. Bentinck, Lord J. RUSSELL said that if the House would get through the Bills before it, they would go into supply on the same day. Wednesday, after some discussion, was fixed upon. DRAINAGE OF LANDS (SCOTLAND) BILL. _ _ _ This Bill was read a third time and passed. POLLING AT ELECTIONS (IRELAND) BILL. Lord J. RUSSELL moved that this Bill be read a second time. Mr. FREWEN suggested that the provision. should extend to counties as well as boroughs. After a few words from Mr. LABOUCHERE, the Bill was read a second time. TURNPIKE ROADS (SOUTH WALES) BILL. The House then went into Committee on this Bill, and passed its several clauses. The House again resumed. BANKRUPTCY BILL. This Bill was read a second time atter a short discus sion, in which Sir James Graham, Sir George Grey, and the Attorney-General took part. NAVAL MUTINY BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. HERRING FISHERY BILL. The Committee on this Bill was deferred till Thursday. CANADA CONSOLIDATED FUND. This Bill passed through Committee. HOLYHEAD HARBOUR. The Committee on this Bill lit7t;ini been proposed, Colonel SIBTHORP moved that the House be counted, and tbere not being forty Members present the House immediately adjourned at One o'clock. population. Mr. DISRAELI said that this question had occupied the attention of the House at the beginning of the ses sion, and it appeared to be likely to occupy the attention of the Legislature to its close. But he could not un derstand how Hon. Members, who were so eloquent against the proposition of his Noble Friend in the month of February, who had represented in such brilliant colours the injurious tendency of the principle of the Govern- went relief, should now come forward and vote for this measure. The Right Hon. Baronet had placed this ques tion in its proper light, and had maintained his consis tency even to that hour upon the subject. Hon. Members for Ireland said, " Why do you not legislate for Ireland as you do for England," and the Noble Lord at the head of the Government for the first time that evening, admitted that the fact was so. He (Mr. Disraeli) denied it. He maintained that the English people did that for Ireland, which the Irish people did not for themselves. here was a statesmanlike measure brought forward by his Hon. Friend in February last, a measure which was a practical one, and opposed to mere abstract notions of political economy—here was a measure, which was de seated by a majority brought to the vote by her Ma jesty's Government—here was a measure which, at the beginning of the session, was defeated by the Ministry, who now brought forward at the fag end of it at the ter mination of the session, and when they were about to appear before their constituents, as the panacea for the miseries of Ireland. He aad the party with which he was connected were contented with the result at which they had arrived, and they were prepared to vote with the Government, but how were the Hon. Gentleman oppo site the Member for Southwark, and the Gentlemen who agreed with him in opinion to answcr to their consti tuents for their votes on this occasion ? These consti tuents would not be satisfied with dry and musty apothegms of political economy; they would tell them that Ireland was now a portion of the common country, united ininterests and friendship, and they w ould also tell them that the time was gone by for mere political enun ciations taking the place of action. Mr. HUME acknowledged that the Hon. Member who had just sat down had made out a triumphant case against the Ministry and those who with them had voted against the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn's motion in Fe bruary, but who were prepared to vote for it on that occa sion. lie was anxious. however, to state to the House and the country the reason why he opposed this measure. He considered it to be a violation of principle. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had challenged the House to go to the country upon the question. Well, he for one, was prepared to do so. His principles were based upon equity and justice, and he could see no reason why money should be granted to one railway in preference to another. The granting of this money was opposed to every principle to which the public purse ought to bo applied. It was against all principle and reason, and if this Bill were carried, Go vernment could not refuse to grant money to English and Scotch railways. Government were getting into a maze, out of which they would find a difficulty to ex tricate themselves, and he considered this a most unprin cipled and unconstitutional vote; he should give it his decided opposition.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. CARDWELL said, before they went to a division on the question, the House ought to know whether this vote was an exceptional case, arising out of the evils and miseries of Ireland, or the commencement of a new policy under which the country was in future to be governed. It would seem, from one part of the Noble Lord's speech (the First Lord of the Treasury) that it was, but after the address of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Shrews bury, it became the more necessary that they should have the question more definitely explained to them. With regard to the vote itself, why could not the Dublin and Cashel Com.p.lny make their own line. The lines which were intended to connect the metropolis with the towns of Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Holyhead were at as grea t a discount as the Dublin and Cashel Railway, but they did not ask the assistance of Government, a nd wh y should the Dublin and Cashel Railway" Compny have it? When th e L on d on and Lee d s line was being made there was gr ea t an d pres sing country—th ere was great difficul ty distress in employm en t f or l a b o ur the moneymarket in a m ost d e p res sed state, in the proprietors was of the London and Leeds line did not come to the Go vernment asking, for assistance. They exerted them selves to the utmost degree, and by dint of great energy COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and their Majesties the King and the Queen of the Belgians walked yesterday in the garden of Buckingham Palace. His Royal Highness Prince Albert left Buckingham Palace for Oxford at niae o'clock yesterday morning, attended by Colonel the Hon. C. B. Phipps, Colonel Bauverie, and the Hon. and Rev. C. Leslie Courtenay. His Royal Highness went to the terminus of the Great Western Railway at Paddington, where he was joined by his Royal Highness the Hereditary Grand Duke of Saxe Weimar, attended by Count de Beust. Their Royal Highnesses left by a special train at twenty-five minutes past nine o'clock. Prince Albert and the Hereditary Grand Duke of Saxe Weimar left Oxford at half-past four o'clock ; in the afternoon he returned to Paddington by a special train at six o'clock, Prince Albert proceeding to Buck ingham Palace, and the Hereditary Grand Duke to Marlborough House, the residence of her Majesty the Queen Dowager. Her Royal Highness the Hereditary Grand Duchess of Saxe Weimar visited the Queen yesterday. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester visited their Majesties the King and Queen of the Belgians yes terday at Buckingham Palace. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal took a carriage drive yesterday. Their Royal Highnesses Prince Alfred, the Princess Alice, and the Princess Helena, took their usual airings yesterday in the Royal pleasure-grounds. The Roynl dinner party }esterday at Buckingham Palace included the King and Queen of the Belgians, his Excellency M. Van de Weyer, the Duke of Wellington, the Marquis and Marchioress of Douglas, the Countess Vanderstraten, the Earl and Countess of Clarendon, Vi.,eount Melbourne, Lady Beauvale, Lord and Lady John Russell, the Right Hon. Sir Robert Adair, Major de Moerkerhe, and Dr. Carswell. The band of the Royal Horse Guards attended during dinner. The following had the honour of receiving invitations for the evening :—Madame Van de Weyer, the Marquis of Douro, Viscount and Viscountess Jocelyn, Lady Byron. Mr. G. E. and the Hon. Mrs. Anson, Colonel the Hon. C. B. Phipps, Colonel the Hon. Sir Edward Cust, and Mrs. Bouverie. The Queen had a musical performance for the gratifi cation ot• the august party. Mrs. Anderson presided at the pianoforte. Her Majesty's private band was in attendance, under the direction of Mr. Anderson. Lord Kingston had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday at the Home Office. Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the Stamps and Taxes, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Dispatches were sent off last evening frcm the Colo nial•office, for the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yes terday. Judgment was given on an appeal from Jamaica, " Gordon v. Horsfall.' An appeal from the Court of Arches, " Phillips v. Phillips," was part heard. The Master of the Rolls, Lords Brougham and Campbell, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall, and the Judges of the Admiralty Court were present. HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.—HIS Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge honoured the performances at her Majesty's Theatre on Saturday evening with his presence. The Queen's box was occupied by a party of the royal household. There were also present—the Prince Louis Napoleon, the Conde de Montemoin, at tended by Don Juan de Montenegro and Don Francisco Merry, his Excellency the Comte de St. Aulaire, the Count Louis de Noailles, Baron Nicolay, Count Strogonoff, the Marquis and Marchioness of Donegal, the Marquis of Huntley, the Marquis of Ailesbury, the Marquis of Douro, the Earl of Lonsdale, the Earl and Countess of Sheffield (who occupied her Majesty the Queen Dowa ger's box), the Earl of Munster, the Princess Juka Gagarin, Count de Barke. the Prince Troubetshoi, Lord Templemore, Mademoiselle Olga de Lechner, Lord and Lady Charles Wellesley, Lady Quentin, the Count de Revel, M. C. de Koudriaffsky, Lord Otho Fitzgerald, the Lady Clementina Villiers and party, Lady Hastings, Lord Ernest Bruce, Lord Southampton, Lord Gardner, Lord Harry Vane, Lady Howard, Mr. Broadwood, M.P., Mr. Barry Baldwin, M.P., the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, Lady, and the Misses Carroll, Sir H. Webb, Sir W. and Lady Fremantle, Sir R. Howard, Mr. Bridgeman, Hon. Miss Irving, Mr. T. Duncombe, M-P., Colonel Wildman, Mr. Bateson, M.P., Hon. General A. P. Upton, Hon. G. Byng, Mr. H. Baring, Sir G. Womb well, Major Baring, Colonel Bowers, &c. Mdlle. Jenny Lind has been engaged by Mr. Howard Glover for two concerts to take place at Edin burgh and Glasgow, at the enormous sum of 4001. THE ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS, REGENT'S PARK.— The third promenade of the season at the Zoological Gardens, Regent's Park, was well attended on Saturday. The stillness of the day gave great effect to the very ex cellent selection of music performed by the band of the Grenadier Guards. Much has been done of late to make these gardens attractive, both on the promenade and on ordinary days. In the former a great improvement has been effected by the substitution of one large band for two or three small ones. The public, who can only hear one at a time, are much the gainers by the change. The efforts of the present management are unceasing to ob tain the rarest and most :..urious animals which our' com merce brings constantly within the reach of science; and their endeavours are nobly seconded by the liberality of their chairman (Lord Derby), himself the possessor of the finest zoological collection in the world. LOSS OF A PICTURE OF NELSON.—Prior to the battle of Trafalgar, Lord Nelson presented to the Nelson Hotel, at Milford Haven, a fine full-length por trait of himself (said to be the only one for which he ever sat), by Leonardo di Paluzzi, en condition of its not being removed, but to remain an heir-loom of the house for ever. About two years and a half ago the painting was taken away, i n order sent to London to be cleaned, and it hai n.ot to be.e b n e returned to the hotel to this day, 9 jury of Mrs. Pritchard, the of persons visiting the and to the great n t es p o ndents give any house. Can Can any of our . c t o u r r . e, so as to lead to its resto worthy botshteesl3:ocfutnhiaerlotienc, mation respecting this plc ration / Cambrian. discovered as a fisherman On Saturday e b s o t u m t in te s n er o:cl r o l ck g , e, t b•d he M UTI LATED Bo DY FOUND IN THZ THAMES.— was on the ri ver and he was surprised at finding part of something floating with the tide, which induced him to ro w to the spo t, n:r°rnnlrg ear ' i V a he b o dy of a man in a dreadful state of decomposition , Ind almost in a state of nudity. With assistance he got it to the dead house in High-street, where it was found to be the body of a man who had been in the water ap parently about eight or nine months. The left leg from the knee was quite gone, while the ribs were also bare, and the chest could be seen through. Whatever cloth ing the deceased might have had was gone, except a piece of old shirt and a boot, the other having probably gone with the leg. It is impossible to account for the body being in such a state of mutilation, for it is seldom they remain for such a length of time in the water as this has evidently done, and there is Dot the slightest clue ii to 17)&9;11 tilt party rarY