The Sun. — London, England, 1857-04-01 00:00:00

t experienced statesman of this country in the manage ment of foreign affairs would refrain at so critical an emer gency from performing such a duty. Well, it s o hap pened that, although these proceedings we re ver y sec ret, some communications were made to me of the terms upon which peace was about to be negotiated—(hear)—and they appeared to me to be terms which would prove most unsa tisfactory to the people of England and most injurious to the interests and honour of the country. My Information, although accurate, was not complete, and I was in such a position that I could not make so frank a use of i t as I can do at the present day. I brought forward a notion in the House of Commons —on the eve, I think , of the Whitsun holidays—asking the house on the statement I made to re solve that the ambiguous language and uncertain conduct of our Plenipotentiary at Vienna were sources of great dis trust and anxiety to Parliament. That was as much as I could do, but it was sufficient to warn the house as to the state of affairs, and to check the Government. The resolu tion which I brought forward, on the eve, I think, of the Whitson holidays, was defeated by a large majority—a majority of 100 ; and it was defeated bemuse Lord John Russell had at that time returned from Vienna and made a most warlike speech, in which he appealed to the spirit of * the house and the country. He was supported by the Prime Minister with so much apparent sympathy and cordiality that the house could not believe the impression I wished to convey was justifiable, and a majority was in favour of the Government. Now, it co happened, that the French Pleni potentiary, who worked with Lord J. Russell at Vienna, and who had counselled those terms which I considered ignominious, was very much annoyed that the negotiations failed, and that his own Government had not supported him as they promised to do, and as according to his instructions they were bound to do. He was no less distinguished an in dividual than M. Drouyn de Lhuys, a Secretary of State for France, and who had been Ambassador in England. He resigned his office, and not only did he do that, hot revealed in his own vindication all that had occurred. It happened, therefore, when Parliament met again, after the holidays. that these transactions were matters of notoriety, and several of the most distinguished members who had spoken and voted against my motion—some privately and others publicly in their places in Parliament — expressed deep regret for the course they had adopted. In consequence, I asked a friend of mine—a very dis tinguished member of the House of Commons, the repre sentative of a neighbouring county. who I hops will be a member of the next Parliament-- Sir Bulwer Lytton—to bring before the house the whole subject of the Vienna negotiations. He gave notice of a motion with that ob ject, and what was the consequence? The existence of the Government was at stake. An indignant House of Com mons would have terminated the existence of the Palmer ston Cabinet as it terminated the existence of Lord Aber deen's Cabinet, and the Government were only saved by Lord J. Russell coming forward and making himself their voluntary scapegoat. lam bound to say that Lord Pal merston offered to stand or fall by Lord J. Russell; but, as the majority against Lord Palmerston's Government would have ben overwhelming, Lord J. Russell himself offered to be the scapegoat, and I must say in justice to that noble lord, who has incurred so much unpopularity, that I think such unpopularity undeserved, because al though the terms of peace contemplated were, in my opi nion, unsatisfactory and ignominious, Lord J. Russell as al individual was not responsible for those terms, but the responsibility rested upon the Cabinet which he repre sented, and upon the Prime Minister of that Cabinet. It is necessary that sound ideas should prevail as to the con duct of public men, and it appears to me necessary to enter into these details in order that you may not suppose that I deviated from what I maintain was the patriotic course of the Opposition in supporting the Government in their conduct of the war by counselling that the resolu tion to which I have referred should be brought forward. I say, then, when we are told of the energetic manner in which the war was carried on, that something is due to the earliamentary Opposition of England during both the Governments of Lord Aberdeen and of Lord Palmer. ston. (Loud cheers.) At last we had peace. My hen. colleague has given great c r e dit t o L or d P a l mers t on for th manner in which he insisted that the terms on which peace was negotiated should be carried out in their tree spirit. I have also given Lord Palmerston credit in the House of Consumes for that conduit ; but allow me to tell you that there never would have been a question about the terms of peace if our negotiator at Paris had not com mitted one of the greatest blunders probably recorded in the history of diplomacy, for he agreed to a treaty of peace in which the priucipal object for which we went to war— namely, the freedom of the Danube--was entirely omitted. What Lord Palmerston, therefore, deserves every credit for is this, that, having discovered that we made a very great blunder, and that the country was deprived of the very object for which such great sacrifices of blood and treasure had been made, he determined, like a true Eng lishman, not to shriek from his demand, but to fight out of the blunder, feeling sure the country would back him ; and at last we got what we might have obtained without all this bluster and disturbance. In carrying through these details I feel that I am only doing my duty. We meet very rarely, and you naturally wish that those whom you send to the House of Commons, and especially those who, from circumstances, take an active part in public affairs, should, when they meet you on such occasions as the present, com municate with you without reserve. (Cheers.) I have now given you an account of my stewardship as ono of the Mi nisters of the Crowe, and as one of the representatives dur ing the great war in which this country has recently been engaged. Allow me next to inform you what, when peace was at last accomplished, I considered to be my duty to the country, and more especially to yon. I suppose, gentle. mon, you must all be aware from sad experience that the taxes of this country have necessarily been greatly increased during the late struggle. You must all be painfully con scious that the burdens upon your industry and your pro perty have been greatly augmented of late years, and it appears to me that, peace having been concluded, the duty of the House ef Coin •.s was calmly to survey the financial condition of the country, and to cocci ler by what prudent and proper means we could alleviate the burclensof the people and obtain what are the great blessings of puce—lighter taxation and a freer course for capital and industry. Well, gentlemen, it was with that object that I have expressed, and that my friends have expressed, our opinion that con siderable reduction should be effected in the public expen diture. The present Government claims very great credit for taking oft the income tax which is called the 'war nine pence," which might have been continued for another year. I am gratified, gentlemen, that you are relieved from that "war ninepence," but I am not perfectly sure if a certain notice had not been given in the House of Commons on the first night of the last session that you would have got rid of that taxation. (Cheers.) All I know is that the estimates of this country —as I have the highest authority for stating—were reduced I believe within 48 hours by the amount of 3,000,000/ , and you have upon records which anybody may consult evidence that those estimates which we afterwards had to consider were originally of much higher amount, for many lords-lieutenant of counties re ceived instructions with regard to the militia which were subsequently suddenly revoked in consequence of the ex penditure which the maintenance of that force would have occasioned. lam not at all quarrelling with or carping at the Government for making these reductions. Unless the Opposition sometimes performs such services to the people I don't see what the use of an Opposition is. One of the duties of an Opposition is to perform the part of a consti tutional critic upon the Government, and if we succeed in the object of our criticism I don't think we ought to "look a gift horse isa the mouths!' With reference to the income tax, the question whether theconatant complaints which are made of its inquisitorial character and of its unequal, un just, and unsatisfactory nature can be remedied by schemes which any statesman can devise has been frequently dis cussed. Almost all public men agree that auy scheme of that kind is quite impossible, arid there has been a general accord in the country that at the expiration of a certain period the income tax shall cease. Allow me to remind you that that period is now rapidly approaching, anti it is for you to consider, if you wish to get rid of that tax, whether you should support a policy which has a tendency to the reduction of the public expenditure, and therefore to the consequent probability of getting rid of the income tax !together. You have also in a time of peace war taxes upon your tea and upon your sugar, and therefore we have not yet returned to the position iu which we had a right to expect that eve should find ourselves after the lapse of more than a year since peace was concluded. In looking to the means by which a reduction of taxation may be effected— by which we may carry out the adopted policy of Parlia ment by getting rid of the war taxes on tea and sugar, and ultimately, iu 1860 altogether abolishing the lc mie tax, we have to consider the expenditure of the country, not only aeon upon the xnEtary arid naval, but upon the civil establishments, and we have also to consider the general policy of the country as it affects expenditure. It is a fact that the public expenditure has increased to an enormous amount during the last few years. The expenditure at the present moment shows, I believe, an increase of 6,000,0001, above the expenditure of lOoe-3, when the Goverument of Lord Derby was in office. When, therefore, we talk of reductions it is, after all, of reductions to the scale of a period when the estimates were very much increased, and when the public establishments of .the country were in a very efficient state. Without dwelling too much Upon this point, I may say I consider the general policy of the country, as I have described to be, one which entails con sidereble expense. It is a policy which lam told is airy popular it is a policy of perpetual meddling in every part of the world—(hear) —occasioning disturbances whichcause expense, and consequently lead to increased estimates. am told that this is a very spirited policy, that there is nothing like making the influence of England felt, and that there is nothing of which an Englishman should be more proud than to feel that he is like a itoman citizen in every pert of the world. But I must say I generally find that this spirit. which I have described as " turbulent and ag gressive," is always exhibited to weak and rot to power ful States. (Hear) I find that Greece and Perr.ira and China are perpetually the mew,s by which the glory of British arms is to be established and illustrated— (" hear," all laugh) —but that we receive insults from Russia and Aus tria, aid that two or thr ee years ago vreeven.recsived in sults from France, which are pasaed over lin ' ' *l e nee bat which, which, if theta States had b een weak, would h ' yaL re sented by the presence of edmirals ant goue o r n a r ls ' ex Te,;,i'prac tical effect of this policy i s t add to y two or three millionsa-year, end y ou must remember, it l i s i e r e you consider whether the in c ome t ax s h a ll be reducedw to 7d. or 5d., that the difference of 2,001,000/. between the sums rased by those r a te s of duty i s srehehl y t h e emeu 4 oF expenditure occasioned by the expeditions and inter f gences resulting from yourpresent policy. I have refereed. to the case of Persia, and I have shown you that, utit wr difficulties analogous to those which have recently tike place, we settled the Persian question without the expen diture of a single shilling. W hat will the course adopted by the present Government of Lord Palmerston cost the country ? Will your hill bo loss than 1,000 0001., or Id. in the pound of tho income tax? How, then, cal ;see, loots f e eweri". to getting rid of the income tax unless you exercise stria caetr d over the conduct of the Govsrnruent with re spect to interfunince in foreirn countries? (lie r.) This brings me to the qua tion which it is said led to the disso lution Parliament —our interference in China. lam told the news which has just arrived from China is itself a ju— tificetion of the course adopted by her Majesty's Govern: rent. In the first place, however, I sin by no means sure that news is true; but supposing for the sake of argument that it is true, I draw a totally different inference. I draw the inference that if the present Government had taken means to act upon the Emperor of China similar to those adopted by the Government of Lord Derby with regard to the Shah of Persia, we should probably have gained all the redress we required without resorting to the extreme, the wanton, and, I must say, the cruel proceedings to which we have had recourse, which have already involved us in great expenditure, and which may lead to increased expenditure. It is the fashion —the fashion at least of the present Prime Minister —to call all Oriental Sovereigns barbarians —(a laugh)—but if they are barbarians I don't see why we should send Minis ters to their Courts. (" Hear," and laughter.) I don't suppose tho Emperor of China is a greater barbarian than the Shah of Persia. Indeed I have always understood that as contrasted with the Shah the Emperor of China is infinitely more civilised. (A. laugh.) The Emperor of China is at this moment the bead of a very weak Govern • ruent, because his vast empire is torn by it - destine disturb encee, and rt civil Tsar which has lasted a COD siderable time, and way still continue for a lug poi iod, is being waged throughout the countrge He is therefore in the exact .po sition which would lead a Sovereign to be desirous me con cilisting foreign Powers. Fifty years ago, when China was perfectly undisturbed and tranquil—when the authority cf the Tartar dynasty was never impugned, but was regarded by the great bulk of the population with superstitious re verence, the Emperor might have received overtures fr om us with haughty superciliousness; but in the present de serted and distressed condition, engaged in a severe domes tic struggle, nothing could be more contrary to his policy than to enter into a contest with the greatest naval Power in the world. I believe the present Government, had they made the attempt, would have been as successful with the Emperor of China as we formerly were with the Shah of Persia. It is curious that at the very time when the Minis ter of this country was describing the Eastern potentates as barbarians, and impressing upon the people that other than diplomatic iuterference would be required to bring them to their senses, he was actually negotiating with a representative of the Shah of Persia, and has entered into a treaty with that representative, which, we are taught to believe, is quite satisfactory to her Majesty's Government, and will Bottle every question of difference between the two Powers. I say, then, if you want to reduce the taxation of the country--and all persons at the present day profess a desire to do so—if you want to get rid of war taxation, and to fulfil the contract between the Government., the Parliamaut, and the people with regard to the income tax, you must impress upon the Adminis tration of this country that their perpetual and unneces sary interference with foreign States, and especially w ith weak States, is a policy which you will not sanction. (Cheers.) But if, on the other hand, you like the excite ment of it—if you like to get up in the morning end hear that Canton is in flames, or that a sanguinary battle has taken place between the cavalry of our tinny and the Per sian cavalry—if such excitement as this is necessary fur the satisfaction of the English people, be consistent. Don't complain of your expenditure ; don't complain of your taxes. Understand that you must pay war prices for the necessaries of life if you adopt such a policy. Agree that you will have a perpetual income tax if you want, all this glory which arises from vanquishing what we are told are barbarian potentates ; but don't say, " We will have fireworks and illuminations for constant victories," and at the same time complain if the Government and Parliament call upon you for increased taxes or for the continuance of war imposts. (Cheers.) I have now touched upon some of the principal circumstances which have occurred during the interval that has elapsed since I stood upon these hest legs. I have said elsewhere that the Chinese question was a pretext for the dissolution of Parliament. I believed it was ;pretext, and I believe so still, and for this reason, — on the evening when Lord Palmerston announced his in tention to dissolve Parliament, and to recur to the sense of the people, I thought it my duty to rise after him in the House of Commons and to express my sincere conviction :oat he had taken a wise course, because the issue then was clear. The House of Commons had censured the policy which her Majesty's Government had put sued iu China, and if tho Minister felt that the country was with him, that it entirely approved his policy, and was ready to back up Sir John Bowling and all the agents of the Government whose conduct 1 think has been un justly assailed in the House of Commons, because I fie lder° they acted entirely upon the instructions they hed received,—if that was Lord Palmerstou's opinion, I thought the dissolution was a wise and necessary course. But at the end of that night's debate Lord Palmerston, pressed by other members, announced that those very agents whose conduct was in question were virtually superseded, and that he was going to send oat a very eminent man to China. (A. voice—" They ought to has told you that be fore.") They ought. If they had done so there would hive been no division against theGovernmont. I say, therefore, that it was a pretext, because the issue that had boon 1)13cm:el before the people of Eaglarel—whether they approved the p act' of Sir J. Bowring, which was the policy of tee Go vernment—no longer existed, the Government having themselves virtually disapproved his proceedings. At the same time I tell you fairly I don't regret that the dissolu tion took place. (A v ice---" You won't like the result though." Laughter.) Well, I consider I am as good a judge of the results of the dissolution as my friend. (Cheers.) lie may possess bettor information on many subjects than do, and he may be able to do many things Which I cannot do; but, as I have been in Parliament fur 2J years, and as the principal object of my life has been to study the course of political events, I think the result of an election is one of those matters upon which I may suppose, without vanity, that I am as competent to form an opinion as the gentle man who interrupted me. (A voice--" Do you like the result as far as it is known ? Give an answer, and don't chaff." Laughter.) I will tell you why I am extremely glad there has been a dissolution, and why I shall be very well satisfied with the result. I think the tendency of this dissolution will be to bring back whet is ne cessary for the good government of this country—two great political parties with definite opinions. My friend already nods ale. oval. (Laughter and cheering.) I think there is nothing more disadvantageous than that the opi nions of the foremost man in the country, as the Prime Minister of England must, no doubt, always be—upon all vital questions of English politics should be unknown — (hear)—that they should be ambiguous, and that no two men in a country so essentially political should be aware what are the opinions of the highest political authority upon the most important political questions. (Hear.) I think this system, which prevailed in the last Parliament, would have continued for a very considerable period if the dissolution had not taken place, but I do not believe that ambiguity can now lung exist. (Cheers.) About a mouth ago Lord John Russell, who, I take it, is a very close an I accurate observer of public life, said there was very great apathy in the country on the subject of Parliamentary re form. I agreed, and I do agree, with Lord John Russell on that point, because, although we have heard a great deal of Parliamentary reform during the last fortnight, and opi nions in favour of Parliamentary reform have been ex pressed in quarters from which they could not have been expected, they appear to me to be attributable to the mo mentary excitement of the hustings rather than to a fair re presentation of she feelings of any great body of the people. I have often seen that questions in which the people did not take much interest, although the interests of the country were deeply involved, have, by the restlessness of a party or by the manoeuvres of a statesman, suddenly become sub , pets of very great excitement, and the country has been called to decide upon them without any preparation or pre consideration. The passions of the people have been ex cited; they have lexicon a course which they have after , wards regretted; and then they have complained that they , have gained so little from measures from which they ex , pected so much. I think, therefore, as persons of great authority have dwelt on the question of Parliamentary reform, it would hardly become me, if you wish it, to shrink from touching upon it on this occ,sion. (Cheers.) It is of the greatest importance that, if this ques tion should assume any magnitude, the people of Bucking hamshire should not be taken by surprise, and be led to oppose what would be advantageous or to support what could only lead to disappointment. Now, there are two aspects in which what is called Parliamentary reform may be regarded. There are Parliamentary reformers, who are what are called moderate men. They are in favour of what is termed " bit by bit reform." Then there is an other class of men who describe themselves as real and earnest reformers, in favour of what aro called " compre hensive measures." I will make ono or two brief observa tions upon those two classes, not to dictate my opinion ' you, but to offer some suggestions of which you may chew the cud - (laughter)—during the time that will probably elapse before I have the honour of meeting you again. I confess, myself, that I am not a " bit by bit " reformer. There are, 1 teink, many measures of Parliamentary change of a very moderate arid partial character, which appear very plausible when described in newspapers and speeches; but I have invariably found that a "bit by bit reform" as regards Parliament always ends in a job. (Laughter, and hear, hear.) Some years ago an immense outcry was made by—l don't mean the term offensively—the great Liberal party—or, in deference to my hon. colleague (Mr. Caven dish), I will say the Whigs—(a laugh)—against the close boroughs of the Tories, and the people, acting with the Whigs, said, "This is a most infamous system, and we will put an end to it." Well, they put au end to the close boroughs of the Tories, but they quite forgot to put an end to the close boroughs of the Whigs---(cheers and laughter) —and ever since I have not found that, the Whigs were at all inclined to reform in that respect. (Renewed laughter.) After this great change hail taken place, iu the course of events the power of what is called the Con servative party--the party opposed to further changes of Parliamentary reform—was chiefly shoe n in the coun ties. The great demonstration of Conservative influ ence in the counties may be accounted for upon various grounds. Many years ago measures menacing the church were brought forward, and no doubt the clergy took gi eat interest in the principles which were then discussed. Sub sequently there occurred a great industrial controversy, which is now happily settled, and the great body of th e middle class, the larg e st e m pl o y ers of labour—the farmers of Eugland—believing that the source of their profit was menaced by the proposed changes, resented the intended legislation, and another great Couservative demouetration took place in the counties , . The voice of the counties on that occasion was against the Whigs, or the great Lib,rel party, and another " bit by bit reform" was proposed, tampering with the county franchise. I don't give any opinion as to any particular schemes which have been brought forward upon that subject, but the instant the close boroughs were against the Whigs they wanted to de stroy them, and the instant the counties were against the Whigs they proposed a " bit by bit reform"—a moderate measure"—in order to affect the seats in the counties. In both theee.ceses you will find that a party object wan really at the bottom of the measures, which were not brought forward after deep consideration for the general benefit of the community ; and, therefore, I ars entirely opposed to " bit by bit reforms," however plausible they may appear on paper. Let us look at what are called .comprehensive measures. It is well for you to consider how they NI ill suit your interest. I have myself no superstitious reverence for the Reform Act of 18:32. I relieve that whenever British statesmen bring forward a measure of that impor tance their primary consideration is the interest of their country, whether they be Whigs, Tories, or Radicals (Hear, bear.) That no doubt was the primary consider ation of the authors of the Reform Bill; but. there was a strong second consideration in the minds of the framers of that Act. The Whigs had been, unfortunately, so t of o ffice—(laughter)—that they determined to I f o ra n n g l e o tle constituencies of the country . in a spirit which might probably ins ure their own continuance in power. (Cries of a H ea r, he r." and laughter.) I believe there is no doubt that all the details of that measure were framed in oppoeition to the party with which I eyrie pathise, was done by those derails a to s t t h he e y d a is w a p n eoe d l tiii r o e ti a i g t oef i T n o i g u y st e i rConservative party, in respect betel° th a t, if a large preofloitrimealliipliowweerr.e I b g n e i f t o r v w e r a y r & P t 'boy the Tories, much of that evil might be rerm ()died ; but it would bo the greatest disadsantege to time country to have ' the two great parties competing for power by outbidding, each other on that, of all sebj :ens in reference to which thee general and permanent interests or tia country should lee cermsidered. (Roar, hear.) Ilecauee, whatever schemers might be devised by any party to establish and contiates their pawer, the prescience of man is limited, and is Ir De qnently falsified by the course of events. lerprierent mea sures are often 'wee,' for the purpos e of effecting a Pe,:‘,i caler object, and afterwards the result expected is never realised. Therefore, as far as I am concerned, mole:ober ing the great partiality and injustice of the scheme of 18;,2, I should look to any great change in the red eresenta lion with no prejudice, because I believe that inuc lr of that injustice and partiality might he remedied. E et when you come to these comprehensive sehemee, thee s are one or two points on which you should form your opinions. The earnest reformers—those who were in favoir 7 of great measures—were particularly attached to two. I.) pen these as they may be brought forward on any day, ? is desim - able that the people of Buckinghamshire should hive ma tured opinions—l mean the subjects of whet are called electoral districts arid the ballot. [A Voice—" Aye, that is the most important—that is real reform."] Well, thet ger tleinan wants electoral districts. [A Veice- -" Together with the ballot."] I will deal with both e übjecto but first with electoral districts. The proposition for electoral districts is founded on this principle—that re presentation should depend en population. (Hear, hear.,) A great many say that population and property are t no different things; and, to s roplify the argument, I Admit that • population and. property go together. Bntthe real point to cornijer ie that population and representation ?should go together', dud to effect that end it is proposed to have elector districts. Now, con Sal tthe condition of the country divided and cut up into different flieettral districts. Remember, there is no longer to be a county Ur Deckingharn. (A. Voice Quite right ") Buckinghamshire is to be blotted out of the political map, and probably you would have depart ments, a 9 in }re Lee, taking their names from the nearest rivers. There would be the departments of the Upper and Lower Thames. and are you prepared to have votes in the department of the Upper Thames, and not to be elector: . of Buckinghamshire (Cries of " Yes !" and "No r) There is an elector so false to the glory of Buckinghamshire and to the glory of his own position (cheers, and cries of " Nonsense") that he is prepared to set the Thames on fire. (Laughter, and an ironical cry of "That's sublime.") isio, it Is not sublime, it is funny. I have heard of a step from the sublime to the ridiculous, but my friend takes a step from the ridiculous to the sublime. (Cheers and laughter.) But, let us no longer exchange jokes, and let us try to resume the calm discussion in which we were en gaged. Now, I cannot believe that the great majority of the inhabitants of this county do wish that such a geogra phical, political, and social bhauge should take place as the blotting out and erasing the count of Buckingham from political existence. (A Voice—" Why not?") I will tell you why not. My opinion is that the traditions of the peo ple form part of their national character, and that a man cannot see the turfeu read of Hampden, along which the great patriot went with his Petition of Rights; cannot be hold the temple dedicated to the eloquence of Chatham at Stowe, or the oak at Beaconsfield under which Burke me ditated his reflections on the French revolution, without feeling proud of the country which was adorned by such distinguished characters. (Cheers.) I want you to con sider the question whether you would pmt an end to Buck inghamshire altogether. (A. Voice—"l would disfranchise it altogether.") (Laughter.) Ido not think you are one of the electors of Buckinghamshire. (The Voice—" Yes, I am !") Then you ought not to be. (Cheers and laugh ter.) I contend that, if you pursue this policy you put an end not only to Buckinghamshire, but to the country, for the country does not consist of mere animals having a vote and living on a territory, but of men proud of the past and hopeful of the future—men who aro animated to do their duty because they are the successors of men who have done their duty. (Cheers.) Therefore the policy which the hon. gentleman who has just interrupted me professes and adheres to is a selfish policy; which never can make the country great or keep it famous. (Great cheering.) Well, all I can say is that I am entirely opposed to any change of that kind, and that I believe it is a policy which would end in the degradation of England. (Cheers.) wish to impress particularly on the dwellers in the south that if this new scheme should find favour you will sink in politi cal and social importance. This, instead of being a county which heel acted a groat part iu history and produced fa mous mon and passed great measures, would only le a por tion of an insignificant district, and you, the inhabitants, never would enjoy that conscious feeling of pride and su periority which, as electors of the county of Buckingham, you have a right now to fuel. (Cheers.) I think the feel ing of this meeting is not in favour of electoral districts, but Ido not wish to force or elicit any opinion. Let me make one or two observations on the ballot. I know there aro many pers ms, for whose opinions I feel great respect, ill favour of the ballot, but it is of the utmost importance that we should calmly consider the conditions on which the ballot is to be established. In the first place, I think all must agree that the ballot without a very great extension of the suffrage is impossible. It would be a tyranny un supportable that the electors of this country, who now under the law enjoy, and for centuries have enjoyed, the g 3 of voting —for the power of voting is a privilege, and not a righter trust—l say it would be intolerablethat the elect. re should exercise this privilege in secrecy, with. out being subject to that fair criticism and control which all possessors of public privileges ought to experience. (Great applause.) Her Majesty has privileges; her pre reorrstoid" in s a are secret, i•lLengdesi't but uturt they be aanreinitlontiteplyrivlegaells exmi nority who would for a moment entertain the idea that with the present electoral body the ballot is justifiable or endurable. (Hear, hear.) I assume. therefore, that if the ballot were introduced it must be introduced together with a great extension of the suffrage. Well, you will have to consider that which is an important question, but which the supporters of the ballot like to evade--whether the ballot, if introduced, must not bo accompanied with plurality of voting. Understand, you are to have in con nection with the ballot a very extensive suffrage, say household suffrage exercised in secret. Well, do you mean to say that a lord-lieutenant of a county is to have no more influence en the legislation and government of the country than 80010 man, perhaps, in his service, and receiving weekly wages, but in consequence of the tenure of a house exercising the franchise ? There must, then, be plurality of voting ; but how are you to fix the limit and the degree? Is the working roan who gets in manufactories It. or 255. a-week to have ono vote, and the man with 50,002/. to have 59,000 votes I (Cries of "No !") Then, where is the limit? (" He is only a man," and laughter.) I for one say I would rather have an equal and open vote than a secret vote and be subjected to plurality of voting. (Hear, hear.) [An Elector—" I want the voters to be protected."] Do you mean that every man is to have a vote and to exer chi° it in secret ? Do you mean that property is to have no influence on the election of members of Parliament The experiment bad been tried in other countries, and what had been the result ? The French aro not inferior— perhaps they are superior—to us in intelligence, and only a short time back they elected their Parliament by ballot and universal suffrage. They elected a body of men who exercised no control or influence upon opinion. Depend upon it the reason why the Parliament of England, with all its faults, lasted so long is that it consists of men to whom, en account of their family, intelligence, property, or character, tue great body of the country has always looked up. You may have a fleeting and vagabond popu lation in Parliament. Men may come in and go out at a general election by accident; but if a man is a considerable time in Parkameet you may be sure that, whatever his deficiency, and however little any party may sympathise with him, se has some root in the sympathies of his coun try. (Applause) The very first moment that this Parlia ment in France did not do exactly what the people wanted they naturally said, " Who are you ? We are as good as you." And when the French Parliament was in danger from another authority the people never rallied round it, and it was instantly swept away, and a military despotism established. I believe that to be the only government suitable to that spirited and intelligent people. I believe the came thing would happen in this country. You would go on chanting and changing your Parliament until at last it would become tithing that you yourselves would despise. (Applause.) When we remember how much of the great ness of this country is attributable to the ability and fide lity of the Parliaments of England, I think that an insti tution so venerable and so influential ought not to be spoken of in a light and superficial spirit. (Loud cheers.) The right hon. gentleman concluded by thanking the elec tors for the kindness and good temper with which they had listened to him, and expressing his deep sense of the hon our they had done him in again choosing him as their re presentative. A vote of thanks to the High Sheriff, proposed by Mr, Du Pre and seconded by Mr. Cavendish, concluded the pro ceedings. ,o THE AUSTRALIAN HOMEWARD MAIL. When the Austrian Lloyd's steamer left Alexandria for Trieste, on the 24th ultimo, neither the Oneida nor Simla had arrived at Suez with the Australian mails, though the Simla was due, and the Oneida considerably overdue there on that day. Great disappointment will be felt if the next news from Egypt brings no account of the arrival of the Simla. at Suez, as confident expectations were entertained that she would bring home the Australian mails at the ap pointed time. She ought to bring news from New South Wales up to the 11th, and from Melbourne to the 13th of Feb. The Oneida is now overdue eleven days, but she is not under contract on her homeward voyage, so that the European and Australian Company arc not liable to any penalty oat account of her non arrival. Her arrival, however, at Suez is required, because the contract for conveying the outward Australian mail from that port commenced on the 11th ulc., so that she is at least 13 days overdue, as far as the outward mail to Australia is concerned ; and if none of that time can be made up from Sues to Australia, a penalty of 4,5501. will already have been virtually incurred, which is more than half the Government pay for the whole voyage. The Australian mail to ken out by the Jura from England on the 12th ult, should have arrived at Suez on the 27th ult., so that it is not improbable that there will be two mails from England for the Oneida or Simla to take on to Australia, and which consist of at least 550 boxes of letters and papers, each weighing about three-quarters of a hundredweight, the largest mail that was ever carried in *no ship to any part of the world. The arrival of the Oneida out at Australia from Euglaud by way of the Cape of Good Hope has never yet been announced, so that it cannot be ascertained where she has been delayed, whether from the Cape of Good Hope to Sydney, or from Sydney to Suez. The Simla is a crack ship of the Peninsular and Ori ental Company, and was chartered by the European and Australian Company. She is one of the fastest ships in the world, and was believed to be admirably a ispted both in size and power for the Australian mail service. She left Eng land three weeks after the Oneida, and in the race to Sydney and from thence to Suez, a distance of 23,000 miles, many considered that she would overtake the Oneida, a circum stance which has probably by this time happened. The Jura, with the second outward overland Australian mail was due at Alexandria on the 54th ult. As soon as she arrived there the Etna world leave that port for England to take out the third overland Australian mail from England on the of this month. As far as regards the homeward Australian mail, the European and Australian Company's steamers aro not under mail contract until the 11th of this month, on which day one of them will leave Sydney and be due here on 6th June. It is assumed that the Aden and Ceylon mails, sent out by the Australian Mailsteamer Etna on 24th February last, have been taken on from Suez by the Indian mail steamers, which left the latter port about the 19th of last month, If the Etna has left Alexandria without the Oneida's mails, which is now almost certain to be the case, the Jura will pro bably bring home an enormous double mail, consisting of one from the Oneida and one from the Simla. Up to the latest dates from Suez the Oneida had been out from England 156 days, and the Simla 132 days. (AnvEansnultsr..l—The indefatigable researches of Dr. Livingstone have suddenly made us acquainted with one of the happiest people in the world, of whose very existence little was hitherto known in civilised Europe generally. In their ailments they never have recourse to cod liver oil, and they are equally independent of physic and the physician, for Dr. Livingston found their staff of life to be the Revaleuta Arabica Food, which keeps them perfectly free from disease, "consumption, scrofula, cancer, <lle., having been scarcely heard of, and the smallpox and measles have not been known for 20 years." In England also the Rovalenta Arabica has pro duced a wonderful improvement in the health of the people, removing cough, consumption, asthma, oebility, indigestion, (dyspepsiit) constipation, nervous, bilious, and liver com plaints, and restoring the faculty of digestion, and nervous muscular energy to the most enfeebled, as proved by testi monials from the cel;brated Professor of Chemistry Dr. Andrew Ure ; Dr. Shorlaud ; Dr, Harvey ; Dr. Campbell ; Dr. Gattiker ; Dr. Wurzer ; Dr. Ingram ; Lord Stuart de p e cies ; the Dowager Countess of Castlestuart, and - 50,000 other well known individuals, whose health has been restored by this useful and economical diet, after all other means of cure bad been tried iu vain for many years, and all hopes of recovery abandoned. Its effect ou the progress of population is most favourable as exhibited by the Registrar-General,show iug fOr Loudon ail average of 1780 weekly births against a mortality of 1200, leavinga happy gain of 580, or near 50 per cent, in favour of progress ; a result most cheering to all classes, as it opens a fair prospect that by the more general use of Du "ar‘ry's Revalenta Arabica Food the Europeans will B°°u enjoy the seine freeckm from disease as the West Africans. It is sold in canisters, Ilb., 2e. 9d. ; 21b., 4s 6.1. ; Sib., 225. Th e 121 ' o, carr i age free, on receipt of post-office order. Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street ; Fort "um, Kasen, and Co. 182, Piccadilly; Abbis, 60, Grace. chureli.street ; 63 and 150, - Oxford-street; 330 sad 430, Strand, London, o ... 1 o 1 1 ... 0 1 ••. 0 0 1 • • • 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 ... 1 0 1 0 ... 1 ••• 0 ... 1 1 ... 0 . 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 ... o 0 ... 1 1 0 ... ••• 0 1 0 1 ... 1 0 Z 0 ... ••. 1 0 0 ... 1 1 ... 0 0 ..• 1 0 ... 1 ••• 0 SOO 1 ... ... 1 ... 0 ... 1 0 0 1 . •• • es 1 1 ~ 0 ... - 0 ... 0 1 0 1 . o . o ... 1 ... 0 ... ... 0 1 0 1 0 0 ... 1 1 ... 0 0 1 1 ... 0 1 0 0 ... 1 1 0 ••• 1 ~. 0 ... ... 0 ... 1 ~• 1 ~, 0 1 0 1 0 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 0 ... 1 1 ... 0 0 1100 1 0 111111 1 ... 0 1 ... Sir J. Haumer FROME. rHE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY _EVENING, APRIL 1, 1857 FINSBURY. Mr. T. Buncombe Mr. W. Cox .. _Alderman Challis (M.. ) FLINT. ... ... 1 .., 0 Ministerial. Opposition. 1 0 1 ... 0 1 ~, 0 Mr. D. Nicoll Major Boyle (M.) GATESHEAD. Mr. Hutt GLOUCESTER. Alderman Sir R. Carden Mr. Price ... Admiral Berkeley (M.) GLOUCESTERSHIRE, EAST. Mr. Holford. Sir C. W. Codrington GRANTHAM. Mr. W. E. Welby Hos. F. Tollemache Lord W Graham (0.) GREAT YARMOUTH. Mr. M'Cullagh... Mr. Watkins Mr. Ilumbold (H.) Sir E. Lacon (0.) GREENWICH. Sir W. Codrington Mr Townsend .. Mr. M. Chambers (M.) GRIMSBY. Lord Worsley Earl of Annesley (0.) GUILDFORD. Mr. R. D. Mangles ... Mr. Bovill Mr. J. Bell (M.) HALIFAX. Mr. F. Crossley Sir C. Wood HARWICH. Mr. Bagshawe Colonel Warburton Mr. 13. Waddington (0.) HASTINGS. Mr. P. Robertson Mr. North ••• ~, HAVERFORDWEST. Mr. Phillipps HELSTONE. Mr. Truman Sir R. Vyvyan (0 ) HEREFORD. Mr. H. Clifford... Mr. Clive ... HERTFORD. • Sir M. Farquhar Right Hon. W. Cowper Mr. T. Chambers (M.) lIERTFOHDSHIRE. Sir H. Mont Sir E. B. Lytton Mr. C. Fuller ••• Mr. Abel Smith (0.) HIGH WYCOMBE. Sir G Dashwood Mr. H. T. Smith HORSHAM. Mr. W. R. S. Fitzgerald HUDDERSFIELD. Mr. Ackroyd Lord Goderich (0.) HULL. ... ... el. 1 ... 0 ... 1 ... 0 o ... 1 0 ... 1 ... 0 1 ... 1 ... 0 ... 1 0 1 ... 0 ... 1 0 ... 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 ... ... 1 0 0 ... 1 ... 1 ... 0 .., 1 ... 0 Mr. Clay ... Lord Ashley Mr. IV. D. Seymour (Af.) HUNTINGDON. Major General Peel Mr. T. Baring HYTHE. Sir J. Ramsden ~, Mr. Brockman IPSWICH. Mr. J. C. Cobbold Colonel Adair ... KENDAL. Mr. G. C. Glyn KIDDERMINSTER. Mr. Lowe KNARES BOROUGH. Mr. Woodd. Mr. Collins ... Mr. J. D. Dent (M.) LAMBETH. Mr. Roupell Ur. Williams Mr. TVilkinson (M.) LANCASHIRE, NORTH. Col. J. Patten Lord Cavendish Mr. J. Heywood (M.) LANCASTER. Mr. Gregson Mr. Garnett Mr. T. Greene (O.) LAUNCESTON. Hon. J. Percy , LEEDS. Right Hon. M. T. Baines Mr. R. Hall Sir G. Goodman (M.) LEICESTER. Mr. Biggs ~, Mr. Harris ... Sir I. TValms'ey (M.) LEICESTERSHIRE, SOUTH. Viscount Curzon Mr. Packe Sir Halford (0.) LEOMINSTER. Mr. G. Hardy Mr. Willoughby Mr. J. G. Phi Wilton (0.) LEWES. Hon. 11. Fitzroy Hon. W. Brand LITCHFIELD. Lord. A. Paget Viscount San4on 1 0 1 ••• A 1 ~, 0 1 ... 0 1•• • 0 1 ~, 0 1 •. 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 ~. 1. 1 ••• , •• 0 LINCO..N. • Mr. Heneage ,„ Major Sibthorp LINCOLNSHIRE (NORTH). Mr. J. B. Stanhope .„ Mr. Cholmehy Right lion. R. A. Ilonnilton (0.) LISKEARD. Mr. Grey ... LIVERPOOL., Mr. Ewart Mr. Horefall • LONDON, CITY. Lord J. Russell ~. Baron Rothschild Sir J Duke Mr. Crawford Mr. Masterinan (M.) LUDLOW. Col. Herbert Mr. Botfield Lord W. Powlett (0.) LYME REGIS Colonel Pinney... ... LYMINGTON. Sir J. R. Carnac Mr. A. Mackinnon Mr. B. J. hutchins (M.) LTNN REGIS. Lord Stanley ... Mr. J. H. Gurney ... MACCLESFIELD. Mr. Brocklehurst Mr. Egerton ... MAIDSTONE. Mr. A. B. Hope ... Mr. Scott ... Mr. ll7tafman (M.) Mr. Lee (M.) MALDON. Mr. Western Mr. B. Moore Mr. Peacocke (0.) MALMESBURY. Mr. T. Luce ... MALTON. Hon. C. Fitzwilliam Mr. J. Brows Mr. J. E. Denison (M.) MANCHESTER. Sir J. Potter Mr. Turner .„ Mr. M Gibson (0) Mr. Bright (0.) MARLBOROUGH, Lord E. Bruce Mr. H. B. Baring MARLOW. Col. Knox Col. Williams MARYLEBONE. Sir B. Hall Viscount Ebrington MERTHYR. Mr. H. Bruce MIDHURST - Mr. S. Warren MONMOUTH. Mr. C. Bailey MONTGOMERY. Mr. D. Pugh ... MORPETH. gir G. Grey ... NEWARK. Earl of Lincoln Mr. Handley._ Mr. Cr. IL Vernon (0.) Mr. J. IL M. Sutton (0.) NE WCASTLE-ON-T YNE, Mr. G. Ridley Mr. T. Headlam NEWCASTL E-UND ER -LINE. Mr. W. Jackson Mr. fit. Christy! NEWPORT (ISLE OF WIGHT.) Captain Mangles Mr. Buxton Mr. B. IV. Kennard (0.) Mr. Massey (M.) NORFOLK, WEST. Mr. H. Beutinck Mr. B. Gurdon_ NORTIIALLERTON. Mr. Wrightson NORTHAMPTON. Mr. V. Smith Mr. Gilpin Mr. It. Currie (M.) NORTHAMPTONSHIRE, NORTH. Lord Burghley Mr. A. Stafford ... Mr . Maunsell (O.) NORTHUMBERLAND (SOUTH). Mr. W. B. Beaumont... Hon. 11. G. Liddell ... NORWICH. Viscount Bury... Mr. Schneider ... Mr. S. Bignold (0.) Air. Warner (0.) NOTTINGHAM. Mr. J. Walter ... Mr, C. Paget —. • NOTTINGHAMSHIRE, SOUTH. Viscount Newark Mr. W. 11. Barrow ... OLDHAM. Mr. Cobbett Mr. Platt,' Mr. IV. J. Fox. ~. 1 ... 1 ... 1 0 . 0 : 1 1 ~ 0 OXFOAD, CITY. Mr. Langston ~. Mr. Neale ••• ... Mr. Cardwell (0.) OXFORD UNIVERSITY. Mr. Gladstone Sir W. Hcathcote OXFORDSHIRE. Right Hon. J. W. Henley G. G. V. Harcourt ... Colonel North ... PEMBROKE. Sir J. Owen ... PEMBROKESHIRE. Viscount En3lyn PEN RYN, Mr. Baring Mr. S. Gurney PETERBOROUGH. Hon. G. W. Fitzwilliam , Mr. T. Hankoy ••• PET ERSFIELD. Sir W. Jolliffe PLYMOUTH. Mr. Collier Mr. White Air. Roundell Pa!iner (0.) PONTEFRACT. Mr. M. Milnes Mr. Wood ... Air. Oliveir (H.) POOLE. Ministerial. Opposition Mr. D. Seymour Mr. G. Franklyn PORTSMOUTH. Sir J. Elphinstone Sir F. Barine , Viscount Mo'nci(ll.) PRESTON. Mr. C. Grenfell Mr. Cross ... Mr. T. Parker (0.) Sir G. Strickland (II.) RADNOR. Right Hon. Sir G. C. Lewis RADNORSHIRE. Sir J. B. Walsh READING. Mr. F. Pigott Mr. S. Keating REIGATE'. Mr. Hackblock... Mr. J. S. Cocks (0.) RETFORD. Viscount Galway Mr. Fojambe RICHMOND. Mr. Rich Mr. M. Wyvill RIPON. .., 0 ... 0 1 0 1 ... 0 1 ~. 0 ... 0 ... ••• ... 1 0 1 ... 0 Mr. Warre Mr. Greenwood Mr. W. Beckett (0.) Hon. E. Lazoilea (0.) ROCHDALE. Sir A. Ramsay... Mr. Miall (0.) ROCHESTER. Mr. P. W. Martin Sergeant Kinglake Sir H. Maddock (0.) RUTLANDSHIRE. Hon. G. J. Heatheote . Hon. G. J. Noel RYE. ... 1 ... 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 ... 1 1 0 1 ... 0 ..• ° ..• 1 ... 0 1 ... 0 1 1 0 ... 0 ... 1 Mr. Alex. Mackinnon SALFORD. Mr. Massey Mr. Langworthy (M.) SALISBURY. Major Buckley Mr. Marsh ... Mr. W. J. Chaplin (M.) SALOP (NORTH). Mr. Dod Mr. Hill SALOP, SOUTH. Lord Newport ... Hon. R. W. Clive SANDWICH. Lord C. Paget Mr. Huguessen Lord, C. P. Clinton (o .) Mr. M`Gregor(o.) SCARBOROUGH.. Sir J. Johnstone Lord Mulgrave... SHAFT ESBURY. Mr. Glyn Mr. iv. B. Portman (H.) SHEFFIELD. Mr. Roebuck Mr. Hadfield SHOREHAM. Sir C. Burrell Lord A. G. Lennox SHREWSBURY. Mr. Tomline Mr. Slaney ••• Mr. Baldock (0.) SOUTHAMPTON. Mr. Wilcox ... • ••• Mr. Weguelin SOUTH SHIELDS. Mr. Ingham SOUTHWARK. Sir C. Napier ... Mr. Lock e •.. Mr. Pellatt (0.) STAFFORD. . Mr. Wise Lord Ingestre STAFFORDSHIRE (SOUTH). Mr. Foley . Mr. Forster Earl of Uxbridge (0.) Hon. E. Littleton (0.) STAMFORD. Sir F. Thesiger o Lord R. Cecil ST. IVES. Mr. H. Paull ... Capt. Laffan (M.) STOCK PORT. Mr. Kershaw ~. .„ Mr. J, B. Smith ... STOKE-UPON-TRENT. Mr. J. Ricardo... Alderman Copeland ... lion. J. L. Gower (M.) STROUD. Mr. Horsman Mr. G. P. Scropo SUFFOLK, IN EST. Capt. Bennet ... ... Mr. Waddington ... SUNDERLAND. Mr. G. Hudson ... Mr. Fenwick SURREY, EAST. Mr. Locke King ... Mr. Alcock SWANSEA. Mr. L. Dillwyn _ TAMWORTIL Sir It. Peel ... ... Viscount Raynham ... TAUNTON. Mr. Labouchere Mr. A. Mills Sir J. Ramsden (Jr.) TAVISTOCK. Hon. G. Byng ... ... Mr. Trelawny Mr. R. J. Phillimore (0.) TEWKESBURY. Hon. Mr Lygon Mr. J. Martin Mr. H. Brown (M.) THETFORD. Earl of Euston . Hon. F. Baring TIIIRS K. Sir W. GZ.wey TIVERTON, Viscount Palmerston ... Mr. J. Hcathcoat TOTNES Earl of Gifford Mr. T. Mills TOWER HAMLETS. Mr% Ayrton Mr. 0. Butler Sir TV. Clay (M.) TRURO. Mr. A. Smith Mr. Williams ... 2114. 11. 11. T 7 o,ian 31r. J. B. Vivian (0.) TYNEMOUTH. Mr. W. Lindsay ... WAKE FIELD. Mr. Charlcsworth Mr. Sandars (0.) WALLINGFORD. Mr. Malins WALSALL. • Mr. C. Forster WAREHAM. Mr. Caleraft Mr. .Drax (0.) WARRINGTON. Mr. Greenall WARWICK. Mr. Ropton Mr. Greaves WELLS Mr. Hayter Captain Jolliffo ~. WENLOuK. Hot). G. Forester ... Mr. Gaskell WESTBURY. Sir D. Lopes ... ... Mr. Wilton (M.) WESTMEI,ISTER. Lieutenaut-General Evans Sir J. Shelley WEYMOUTH. Colonel Freestun Mr. J. Campbell Mr. 0. M. Butt (0.) WHITBY. Mr. R. Stephenson WHITEHAVEN: Mr. Ifilclyard. WIGAN. Mr. Woods Mr. Powell Col. Lindsay (d.) Mr. J. Acton (M.) WILTON. Mr. A ntrobus _ _ WILTS, NORTIi: — ••• Mr. Long • *** Mr. T. H. S. Estcourt WINCHESTER. Sir J. D. East ••• Mr. J. B. Carter ... WINDSOR. - Mr. W. Vansittart Mr. C. Grenfell ••• Mr. S. Ricardo (M.) WOLVERHAMPTON. Hon. C. P. Villiers Mr. Thornely WOODSTOCK. -Marquis of Blandford WORCESTER. Mr. Laslett ~„.; Mr. 0. Ricardo MEMBERS RETURNED FOR THE NEW PARLIAMENT. The country having been appealed to by Lord Palmer• ston to decide between him and the late Howe of Com mons upon the question of the Chinese hostilities, we have distinguished the members returned as Ministerial and Opposition according to their declared opinions upon that subject. The names of the late members who have loft their seats, or have not presented themselves for re. election are given in Italics:— Ministerial. Opposition. ABINGDON. Mr. J. T. Norris Major Reed (ff.) ANDOVER. Alderman Cubitt Mr. Forteseue Mr. H. B. Coles (0.) ANGLESEY. Sir It. Bulkeley ••• ARUNDEL. Lord E. Howard ASHBURTON. Mr. George Moffatt ASHTON-UNDER-LYNE. Mr. C. Hindley... AY LES BURY. Mr. Bernard Sir R. Bethell Mr. Layard (0.) • BANBU RY. Mr. Tanered BARNSTAPLE. Sir W. Frazer ••• Mr. Laurie ... Col. Buck (0.) Mr. R. S. (Mines, (O. ) BATH. Sir A. Elton Mr. W. Tite Capt. Scobell (0.) BEAUMARIS. Mr. W. 0. Stanley Lord G. Paget (M.) BEDFORD. Mr. Whitbread ~, Mr. T. Barnard ... Capt. Stuart (0.) BEVERLEY. Hon. W. J. Denison Mr. Glover ... Mr. Wells (M.) Hon. A. (Jordon (0.) BEWDLE Y. Sir T. Wilmington BIRMINGHAM. Mr. Muutz Mr. Scholofiebi.... BLACKBURN. Mr. J. Pilkington Mr. W. 11. Hornby Major Feilden (M.) BODMIN. Captain Vivian._ Mr. Wylcl Dr. Michell (0.) Mr. Sawle (IL) • BOLTON. Capt. Gray Mr. J. Crook Mr. Barnes (51.) BOSTON. Mr. 11. Ingram Mr. Adams Mr. B. B. Cabbell (0.) BRADFORD. Mr. Wickham Gen. P. Thompson Mr. B. (11.) BRECON. Mr. Watkins BRECONSHIRE. Sir J. Bailey ... BRIDGENORTII. Mr. Whitmore... Mr. Pritchard BRIDGEWATER. Colonel Tynte Mr. Kinglake Mr. B. S. Follett(0.) BRIDPORT. Mr. Hodgson Mr. Mit.hell Mr. J. P. Murrough (0.) BRIGHTON. Admiral Pcchell Mr. Coningham Lord H. liervey (0.) BRISTOL. Hon. F. Berkeley Mr. W. Gore Langton... BUCKINGHAM. Sir H. Verney .. General Hall Marquis of Chandoa (0.) BUCKS. Right Hon. B. Disraeli Mr. Caledon George du Pre Hon. C. C. Cavendish BURL Mr. R. N. Phillips Mr. F. Peel (M.) BURY ST. EDMUNDS. Earl Jermyn Mr. Hardeastle Mr. Oakes (O.) CALNE. Sir W, F. Williams CAMBRIDGE. Mr. Macaulay .Mr. A. Steuart... .Col. Adair (M.) Mr. Mowatt (M.) CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY. Mr. L. Wigram Hon S. Walpole CANTERBURY. Mr. Johnstone Sir W. Somerville Mr. Lasliington (0.) CARDIFF, Col. Steuart Mr. W. Coffin (M.) " CARDIGAN. Mr. E. P. Pryse Mr. L. Davies (0.) CARLISLE. Mr. W. Hodgson Sir J. Graham „, MFergu son (M.) CA.RMARTHEN.. Mr. D. Morris ... CARNARVON. Mr. Hughes ... CARNARVONSHIRE. Hon. E. D. G. Pennant CHATHAM. Sir F. Smith ... Cap. L. Vernon (0.) CHELTENHAM. Capt. Berkeley ... CHESTER. Earl Groavonor... Mr. Salisbury ... • ... Mr. W. 0. Stanley (M.) CHICHESTER. Lord H. G. Lennox Mr. J. A. Smith CFIIPPENHAM. Captsin Boldoro Mr. R. P. Nisbet CHRISTCHURCH. Admiral J. E. Walcott CIRENCESTER. Mr. Mullings Hon. Mr. Bathurst Hon. A. J. Ponsonby (M.) CLITHEROE. Mr. T. Hopwood Starkie (O.) COCKERMOUTH. Mr. John Steel... Lord Naas ... Gen. IVyndlzain (0.) COLCHESTER. Mr. J. G. Rebow Mr. Miller ... COVENTRY. Right Hon. E. Ellice Sir J. Paxton CRICKLADE. Mr. Neeld •.. Mr. A. L. Goddard CUMBERLAND, EAST. Hon. C. W. G. Howard Mr. W. Marshall DARTMOUTH. Mr. Caird . • Sir T. Hobart (O.) DENBIGH DISTRICT. Mr. Main waring JI - est. DERBY. Mr. Bass ... Mr. Beale Mr. L. Heyworth (0.) DEVIZES. Mr. Taylor ... Mr. Griffith Mr. G. H. Hen,eage (0.) Capt. Gladstone (0.) DEVONPORT. Sir E. Perry Mr. J. Wilson ... Gen. Berkeley (H.) DEVONSHIRE SOUTH. Sir J. Y.' Buller ••• Mr. Palk „.. DORCHESTER. Mr. R. B. Sheridan Captain C, Sturt 1... DOPER. Mr. B. Osborne Sir W. Russell Lord Chelsea (0.) Mr. Rice (M.) DROITWICII. Sir J. Pakington DUDLEY. Mr II Sheridan Sir S. Xorthcotc (0.) DURHAM. Mr, Atherton Mr. Mowbray DURHAM, NORTH. Lord A. V. Tempest Mr. R. D. Shafto EAST RETFORD. Viscount Galway Mr. Foljambo lion TV. B. Buncombe (0. ESSEX, NORTH. Hon. W. Beresford Mr. Du Cauo Sir John Tyrrell (0.) EVESHAM. Sir H. Willoughby Mr. Holland EXETER. ... ... 1 ... 0 - 1 ~ 0 Mr. Divatt MI Gard J. Duckworth (0.) 0 ••• 1 it E. Kerrison 0 1 ••• ••• FALMOUTH. Mr. S. Gurney 1 0 ••• Mr. F. Baring 1111 ... 1 ••• U Mr. Gwyn, (0.) Mi. Freshficki (O.) EYE. Ministerial. Opposition; WORCESTERSHIRE •(EA,ST). Captain HOn. G. Rushout Mr. J. H "Fol , WORCESTERSHIRE (WEST). • 'Mr. Eltnley Mr. Knight WYCOMBE. Sir G. Dashwoml Mr. M. Smith ... YORK. Colonel Smyth Mr. Westhead Sir TV. Milner (11.) YORKSHIRE, WEST , . - Lord Goderieh Mr. B. Denison IRELAND. CLONMEL. Mr. Bagwell ... COLERAINE. Mr. Boyd • Lord Naas (0.) CORK (CITY). Mr. Fagan Mr. Beamish DUBLIN (CITY). Mr. Grogan Mr. Vance ENNIS. Mr. Fitzgerald... ENNISKILL EN. Mr. Whiteside ... KINSALE. Mr. J. I. Heard LIMERICK (CITY). ' Mr. F. W. Russell Sergeant O'Brien LONDONDERRY (CITY). Sir R. Ferguson WEXFORD (BOROUGH). Mr. J. Devereux YOUGHAL. Mr. I. Butt 1 0 1 0 1 0 ... •. 1 ... 0 1 0 1 ... 0 SCOTLAND. BANFFSHIRE. Lord Fyffe BERWICK. Mr. Stapleton ... . . Mr. D. C. MaijoribankS Mr. J. Forster (M.) BUTESHIRE. • Mr. J. A. S. Wortley DUMFRIES. Mr. W. Ewart ... ' DUNDEE. Sir J. Ogilvy ... Mr. G. Duncan (M.) EDINBURGH. Mr. Cowan Mr. Black ... EDINBURGH (COUNTY). Earl of Dalkeith FALKIRK. Mr. J Merry Mr. J. Baird (0.) FORFARS HI RE. Lord Duncan ... GLASGOW. Mr. Buchanan... ... Mr. Dalgleish . . Mr. Alex. Hastie (M) GREENOCK. Mr. A. Dunlop ••• HADDINGTON. Sir T. H. Davie lIADDINGTONSHIRE. Lord Elcho INVERNESS (COUNTY). Mr. Baillie KILMARNOCK. Hon. E. Bouverie KIRKALDY. Lieut.-Col. Ferguson LEITH. Mr. J. .Moncrieff LINA:AT riGOWSHIRE. Mr. G. Dundas MONTROSE. Mr. Baxter PAISLEY. Mr. Archd. Hastio PERTH. Hon. A. Kinnaird STIRLING. Sir J. Anderson ST. ANDREW'S BURGHS. Mr. Ellice, jun. Country Markets. LIVERPOOL-MA.llm 31. There was a greater disposition to purchase wheat flour and Indian corn to-day, and in most cases an advance on the low prices of Friday last was paid. The improvement of the week was nominal; about 2d per bushel on wheat, 9d to is per barrel and sack on flour, and is per qr. on In dian corn. Oats brought full prices, but oatmeal, from scarcity of fine quality, was 6d per load dearer. Beans and peas sustained last week's prices ; no briskness, how. ever, in the demand. LEEDS, MARCII 31. We have soft damp weather, and the condition of grain does not much improve ; dry wheats are scarce, but trade is so dull that sufficient is found for the demand, and the prices still tend downwards. Barley a slow sale, at is de cline. Beans and - oats scarcely make late rates. Other articles as before. Average prices of grain—Wheat, 55s 2d ; hubby, 48s 7d ; oats, 25s ld ; beans, 41s, Od ; peas, 451 Od ; rye, —s. —d. HULL— MARCH 31. • To-day we bad a fair supply from the farmers, condition better than might have been expected, and the market fully Is lower than last week, but a little firmer feeling perceptible. Nothing doing in foreign. Rather a large supply of barley, and the market is ls to 2s lower, but for fine qualities there is a fair demand. Oats is lower, and beans maintain their value. Linseed is dull; for cakes a fair consumptive demand. There are some nice green feed• ing rape cakes now on the market at our quotation. ■ IS Wheat, English, red 5-1 to 56 Ditto white 56 to 60' Dantzic and Konigs berg Pomeranianand Ham- S. /• Peas, grey and black tp - 'Linseed, Black Sea... 66 to 70 (Ditto Potersburgh ... 5i to 66 Ditto Rigaand Arch- burgh Danish,Holstein and 48 to 56 I Di a tt n o g K el on - igeberg and Me Memel 50 to 58 Friesland 45 to 501 Russian and Odessa 50 to 601 Oats, English Ditto Danish Ditto Friesland Ditto Russian 26 to 301 Barley, malting Ditto grinding 35 to 38 Beans Ditto foreign Peas, white and yel 4O to 42 Per Ton Lins.c., Hull 0/ Os to 10:155 Od Ditto fine for. 6/ lOs Od al On Ditto inf. for. 0/ Os Od to II Oa Rapeseed__ 00/ Os to 00/ On Rape cakes Od to 137. 64 'Tares, English Ol. to --n Ditto foreign Guano OOl Os Si to 13! 104 Bones 1305 Od to 135 s Od Flour, per brl. 30.. 35.. COURSE OF EXCHANGE.-YESTERDAT. Amsterdam .• . .. 11 ,f 1 1 , 5, Gibraltar .• .• •.•• •• •• •• Ditto, three months .. 11 183 Leghorn - .... 29 45 Rotterdam ........ 11 l 8 % Genoa . 25 75 Gru3sels •• ........ 25 50 Venice.... ..... ilamburgh •• •• •• •• •••• 13 8 ' Naples •• •• ...... .• 43 Aitona •• •• •• •• •• •• •• •• i Palermo •••• • ..... •• .• 130 Paris 25 27% Messina ... ... 130% Ditto, three months .. 25 67% Lisbon .......... 52% Marseilles ............. 25 67% , Oporto ..............•• 52 g our d e ,,,, I Rio Janeiro...... •• .. • • Frankfort-on- %lain° 119% Buenos Berlln •• •• •• •.•• •• New York,6o days' sight -- Vienna .......... •• 1 10 29 Philadelphia • ...... •• • • 0 30 ?alma OF BULLION, pies oz. Petersburg ............ 37% Foreign Gold in Bars £3 17 10 Madrid 49% Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 Cadiz : ........ • • 50 Mexican Dollars .... 00 0 trceona • • .. •• 3oviile.. • • •• •• •• •• ••• • • New Dollars ...... 0 0 0 iiiver in bars ...... 0 6 1% LOCAL SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, Menu 31. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market has been very active today, and prices of all the leading stocks have advanced. London and North Western, 1061 6 7—Ditto, Eighths, new, is. 3d. par.—Eastern Counties, 11 Caledonian, 35 --Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 3N- North Eastern, Berwick, 21/ 22—South Eastern, 21/—Midland, 836 —Great Western of Canada, 264 —Ditto, new, 3f prem.—Grand Trunk of Canada, 153—Lancashire and. Vorkshire, 10,; e. MANCHESTER, MARCH 31. STOCK EXCHANGE.--The market was doing an active business to-day, and prices were slightly improved. East Lancashire, 994—Great Western of Canada, 2o4—Grand. Trunk of Can a d a , 154 }—Eastern Counties, 114 7-16 4_. Midlands, 834 Sheifields, 394 4—Ditto, 61. Pref., prow- —Londous, 1061 7—London and South Western, 1034—East Lancashire, new, 1-16 pm.—Dovers, 23 Leeds, 103 4—Crystal Palace, 24. BIRMINGHAM, MARCH 31. STOOK EXCIIANGE. — The market had a quiet appear , ance to-day, but prices were firm London and North- Western, 1064—Ditto, Eighths, 2a. 6d. dis.—Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Stour Valley, at 9—Stour Valley Guaranteed, 61 —Birmingham. Bank, 33—Birmingham Canals, 92—South Staffords, 94. BIRTHS, OP A SON. On the 31st ult., at Great Pulteney-street, Golden• square, Mrs. Frederick Rose. On the 31st ult., at 9 i, Guildford-street, Russell-square, the wife of Edward Jackson Barron; Esq. • OF A DAUGHTER. On the 30th ult., a Ealing, the wife of the Rev. Albert Aitkens. On the 31st ult., at 21, Marlborough•hiil, St. John's wood, Mrs. Samuel Palmer. MARRIED. On the 27th ult., at Neuchatel, Switzerland, William Gritton, Esq., to Elizabeth, youngest daughter of John Tilbury, Esq., of the Bank of England, and Brundenell place, Now North-road. On the 27th ult., at St. Clement Danes, Henry Wilkes Masterson, Esq., late of 11.M.'s 20th Regiment of Foot., to Helen Esther Hunt, youngest daughter of the late Wm. Henry Hunt, Esq. DIED. On the 30th ult., Benjamin Hutton, Esq., of 114, Pa r k.. street, Grosvenor-squ are , age d 7 i. On thE. 31st ult., Aix. Thomas Suiflen, of Harley-street, Bow, aged 714 0. Lt.. ootil ult. Mr. Hen r y B e l' ringer, of the parish of St. Mary-le-Strand, and of 2, Theresa-terrace, Hammer. smith, aged 69. Ou ihe3oth ult., at Leytonstone, Williv.m Young, Esq., Paytnaster .11. N., aged 66. LONDON : Printed and Pnblighed by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Princer, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct cf tho Savoy, in the county of llitldleez, Wednesday, April 1,185 T. ;~.~,:,.: a ~,