The Sun. — London, England, 1847-11-24 00:00:00

:iiti~+ i 1 ~__ A ~...~ rine) ifFiAtion SUN OFF ICE, Seven o' Clock. MORTALITY in th , t METROPOLIS. NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM A LL CAUSES REGISTERED IN THE WEEK ENDING SAI .I.7RDAY, r.: - V. 20, 1847. Epidemic, Endemic, and Con tagiouP, Diseases ~. 344 Di s eases of Uncertain Seat „ 1......... 89 Diseases of the Brain, New eS, and Senses... ... 132 Diseases of the Lungs, and other Organs of Respiration ... „, 293 ..• ••• •• ••• Diseases of the Heart ar .d Blood-vessels ... • ... 30 Diseases of the Stomp eh, Liver, and other Organs of Digestion... • .•• ••• Diseases of the Kidr , ey — s, sx. ••• Childbirth, Dines' es of the - Uterus, &c.... Diseases of the ? joints, Bones, and Muscles Diseases of ty, Skin, & c. ... Old Age, or Natural Decay ............ 40 Deaths by T ii o l ence, Privation, or Intemperance ... 24 Causes no' c specified ... DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES ... 86 ... 13 ... 13 Ponulatlon Enumerated, 1841. We.st Districts... 301,326 North Districts.. 376,396 Central Districts 374,759 East Districts ... 393,247 South Districts .. 502,483 Average weekly Deaths Deaths, 1842-6. in the Five Autumns. Week. 146 180 184 ... 167 • 196 ... 205 . 232 ... '262 . 288 ... 272 T0ta15........ 1,948,211 Males ... ... Females ... ... 1,046 I,OBG ... 544 ... 542 BIRTHS IN THE WEEK. Males Females ... 616 ... 640 Tot- A I . -.1,236 SALE, OF RAILWAY SHARES BY AUCTION.—(THIS DAY.) The sale of Railway Shares to-day, by Messrs. Lamond and Co., went off with spirit, and there was a good demand at prices showing a considerable advarce upon last week's quotations. The following are a few of the principal sales:— Great Northern .. ... Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock. 0 19 0 South Staffordshire .. North Staffordshire ... .... 7 11 0 Lancashire ;,iati Yorkshire (West Riding Union) ... North Britiaii, Thirds Shropshire Uuion and Canal 1 10 0 Reading, Guildford, any; I(eiglte 6 19 0 Arnbcrgate, Nottinizham, and Boston.- 0 12 6 East Lancashire 2O 10 0 Boulogne and Amiens IMP _.4.;1R1A ;, . PA ftLiAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. A numbel- of Aiembers NV ere sworn in, among whom were Sir Denham Norrcvs and Sir William Clay. ADMISSION OF JEWS INTO PARLIAMENT. Sir R. 11. IN GLIS presented a I ,2tizion sig-ncd by a large number of the clergy of Yorkshire, against the admissibility of Jews into Parliament. Also similar petitions from Lland,.ff, Liverpool, and Rochester. Mr. GOULLICRN prenenttd a petition f: , ,nri the Vice-Chancellor, Mast,rs, and scholars of Cambridge against the admission of Jews into Parliament. Pe titions to the same effect were presented from Leicester by Lord C. Manners and from Congleton by Mr. Jackson. Lord J. RUSSELL presented a petition from the English Presbyterians, of Chester, agreed to at a meet ing recently held at StoCkport, which stated that the petitioners objected to the laws which prevented Jews from taking their seats in this House, and praying them to remove this last barrier of intolerance, and admit those members of the Jewish persuasion with the Christian, when they were elected by the free choice of the people.—( Loud cheers) Mr. CARDWELL presented a petition from Liver pool, against, and Dr. Bowaiao one in favour of, their admission. TRANSPORTATION TO NEW SOUTH WALES: Mr. EWATIT presented a petition frun places in New South Wales, praying that transports might not be sent out to the colony, and in lieu thereof to submit such offenders to secondary punishment. THE BANK OF ENGLAND. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER presented copies of the correspondence with the Bank relative to the recommendation of the Government to enlarge its discount. Mr. HUME wished to know from the Right Hon. Gentleman, whether the papers showed the state of the Bank on the day on which the letter of the Government was issued, namely, the amount of notes, bullion, balances, and deposits ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER re plied that the papers simply contained copies of the correspondence which had passed between the Noble Lord, himself, and the Governor and the Deputy- Governor of the Bank of England on the sub ject. The letter of the Government was issued on the morning of the 25th of October. A statement of the condition of the Bank of England on the 23d, the preceding Saturday, had already appeared in the Gazette, and a copy of it might be moved for by any Hon. Gentleman. Mr. HUME said the Right Hon. Gentleman must be aware that the Gazette could be locked upon as giving official information to the House. What the House required was a statement of the operations of the Bill for two or three months previous to the letter of the Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Gentleman. THE CRISIS-RAILWAYS. Mr. J. MACGREGOR presented two petitions from the Chamber of Commerce and merchants of Glasgow. The first related to the monetary crisis, the other prayed that the time for completing the railways already authorised might be extended. THE POOR-LAW COIUMISSION. Mr. BANKES wished to know from the Noble Lord who had been appointed to the office of Presi dent of the Poor-law Ccmmission, and who was re sponsible for the operations of the Commission up to the time of such appointment. Lord J. RUSSELL replied that no appoint ment had yet been made to the office of President of the PoJr law Commission. When it was made, he would state the fact to the House. An order of Council was issued making the Commis sioners under the former Act responsible for the ad ministration of the laws. THE MURDERS IN IRELAND AND THE PRIESTS. Mr. HARRISON wished to know from the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland if any steps had been taken by the Government to bring to trial two priests, mentioned in the debate of last night, as having denounced Major Mahon from the altar, and who had, therefore participated in his murder ; and whether similar steps had been taken against a priest who gave evidence at an inquest that he had denounced the man on whom it was held, and who was shot a few hours after ? Sir W. SOMERVILLE—I have to state that no steps have yet been taken by the Government on the subject. Mr. F. O'CONNOR. wished to know whether any steps had been taken to bring to justice the three persons, against whom a verdict of wilful murder had been returned for having been concerned in the murder, in 1834—(Laughter)—of Major Forrest, Archdeacon Ryder, and Mr. Bagnell ? Sir W. SOMERVILLE—Perhaps the Hon. Member will have the kindness to give notice of the question. UNDER-SECRETARY FOR THE COLONIES. Mr. ANSTEY wished to know whether Mr. Stephen had resigned the Under-Secretaryship of the , Colonial -office, and if so, who was his successor ? Lord J. RUSSELL said Mr. Stephen was at pre- sent the Under-Secretary for the Colonies. He had claimed leave of absence for a stated period on ac count of ill health, which had been granted to him.' Mr. M er i vale State to the colo ts ies ti . le Under -Assistant Secretary of PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. Mr. EWART gavensotice that on Th urs d ay h e should bring forward his repeal of the punish ment of!ritol,n; raencdotmhmateonndiFnrgidtahye he should ask the GovernmeXa—questionwith respect to the Bank Charter Act. TIIE COUNTY COUR TS The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated, in reply to Mr. Bankee, that these courts were at present p a id bat the judges o f Y fees ' but that their salaries were fixed. FEES IN COURTS OF LAW AND F_qurry. Mr. Ii.OMILLY gave notice of his intention to move upon an early day for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the fees o f t h e Courts of Law and Equity. THE CASE OF CAPTAIN NORRIS. Mr. N. M A ILER gave notice that he would, to morrow, move for copies of the correspondence Which - had taken place between the Lord Lie N u vi t t e i n l an re t s of pec l t re to land and the Roman Catholic clergy certain attacks made by Captain Norris, of the Board of Works, upon the character o f the Roman Catholic clergy of that country. STATE Oh' THE REVENUE. Mr. HUME gave notite (,f his intention tom. ovp, ikfoii,nn early day, for the am:ointment of a Select Committee, to inquire irate the intent state of the ~~~-; 1 ,~, TIIE SUN', , ar revenue, with a view of ascertaining how far the system of taxation might be altered, and the present establishments reduced. Also, that he would to morrow ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was his intention to bring in any measure to modify or alter the Excise laws. DISTRICT CORONERS BILL. Mr. G. BERKELEY gave notice that he would, upon an early day, more for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the District Coroners' Bill. PRIVATE BUSINESS OF THE HOU SE. Mr. LABOUCHERE gave notice that he would to. morrow, at the time of private business, move for a Select Committee to consider whether any and what improvements could be made in the mode of conducting the private business of the House. ARREARS OF ADMIRAL NAPIER'S PEN SION. Lord INGESTRE wished to know whether there was any foundation for the report that Admiral Na , pier had used the influence of his position for the purpose of obtaining the arrears cf salary due to him by the Portuguese Government. Mr. WARD, in answer to the Noble Lord, said, I am much indebted to the Noble Lord for putting that question to me at this early period of the meeting of Parliament. I am happy to say that lam in a condition to lay before the House the most convincing proof of the utter groundlessness of such report. That proof shall consist in papers above all suspicion, from the character of the gentleman from whom they came, and the means which he possessed of ascertain ing the real facts of the case. Sir Hamilton Seymour has addressed a letter upon the subject to the First Lord of the Treasury, with permission to make use of the document. The letter is as follows : "My Lord,—As reports to the prejudice of the Gallant Admiral Sir C. Napier have been inserted in some of the English newspapers, I em induced to trouble your Lordship with the following statement. Upon the arrival of the Gallant Admiral at Lisbon, the Finance Minister expressed his regret that he was unable to pay him the arrears of his pension due to him, adding at the same time that he should make an effort to do so as soon as possible. The answer of Sir C. Napier was to this effect : That he had no wish to be paid before his companions, and that he would take his chance with the rest.' Sir C. Napier now acquaints me that four months' pension out of the fifteen months then due has been paid to him, and this amount only has been received. He further acquaints me that two months having elapsed since that part payment was made, thirteen months' payments are at the present moment due to him. The Gallant Admiral is thus placed in thejsame position as every other person vtio has claims for pensions upon the Portuguese Government ; he has not, therefore, abused the in fluence which his present position has given him. I do not hesitate to say that I shoul,l regret as a public calamity the occurrence of anything upon the part of the Gallant Admiral which should interrupt the great service which he is now rendering to the country by the performance of his duties at the post to which he has been sent by the Government of this country.—(Hear, hear.) The services which he is there rendering are of great value, and will, I doubt not, be of great service to the country." SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. Mr. FIUME gave notice that he would to-morrow move for returns of the number of her Majesty's :-hips employed by this country on the coast of Africa for the suppression of the slave trade ; els° the number of ships employed by France and the United States for the same purpose, in conformity with the treaties entered into with this country for the suppression of the slave trade. NEW ZEALAND. Mr. GLADSTONE wished to know whether it was the intention of the Government to lay on the table of the House the answer of the Governor of Yaw Zealand to the dispatch with reference to waste lands in that country ? Sir GEORGE GREY said that the correspondence which had taken place upon that subject would be shortly laid upon the table, and he believed it would comprise the answer to the dispatch alluded to by the Right Hon. Gentleman. LONDON, denouncing in. the strongest terms the crimes and , outrages which were occurring in the district. He had thought it nothing but common justice to the reverend gentleman to mention this circumstance, • and he hoped in future he would be dealt with more leniently. The next sentence in the Speech related to the poor-law, and he could state from his , own knowledge that it had proved highly . successful; but he regretted, nevertheless, to state that its success had been greatly perilled by a circular which had latterly been issued by the Secretary of State, requiring the funds in the hands • of the guardians to be paid into the hands of the civil paymaster in Dublin. It had not only perilled the law, but the peace of many parts of the country, and he trusted in future such proceedings would not be resorted to.— (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty then went on to state that she had heard with satisfaction that "the landed proprietors cf Ireland had taken advantage of the means placed at their disposal for improving their estates. He could answer for it the landed proprie tors had been prepared to avail themselves of the means alluded to, but he regretted to say Government had shown a tardiness in giving them the means. The Speech of the Queen went on to say that " in- L subordination had led to an organised resistance to legal rights." He would, in s peaking on this part, . forget that he was an Irish landlord, and that he had received much annoyance in fulfilling its functions. He should approach the discussion of the subject in a large spirit, overlooking these temporary incon veniences. The Hon. Member for Kilkenny rather taunted him with having gone over to Ireland with good intentions, but that he had abused them. He would not say how much of his income he had forgone, and now he would also have to forgo his rents for years to come. In Ireland the state of society was based upon the potato crop; it was the money as well as the food of the country; but had the Government proved equal to the occasion—had they come forward with great measures and not tinkered, the country might have been placed on a better footing ' • but now it ap peared to him that littl e was t o b e done save recon structing society in Ireland de novo. The Government of Ireland was in safe hands, and therefore it appeared to him that it was ungenerous to tauntLordelarendon with instituting the delivery of lectures upon agriculture. Although lectures might not do much good in the present state of Ireland, still there were counties in which the delivery of lectures and the em ployment of• agriculturists would do much good.—(Hear, hear.) The outrages which had taken place in the 'five counties were not, in his opinion, of an agrarian character. When men, and women, and children, were driven from their homes into begs and drains, he tires justified in this expression of opinion. They were the result of the proceedings adopted h‘ , parties who were determined at all hazards to obtain p,ssession of the land. Before he could agree to a Coercion Bill—to the suspending of the ordi nary laws—he must first see what measures the G,vernmens intended to adopt to improve the order of things.—(Hear, hear.) Though not disposed to strengthen th e hands of the Govern ment, and he admitted he had a high opinion of the abilities of the Lord Lieutenant; yet loooking at the present state of society in Ireland, he could not rush to a conclusion that coercion would do wellfor Ireland. It might, however, be a matter of grave doubt whether er not a more stringent law should not be carried out in the counties referred to. Coercion would be but a palliative measure, and he believed that a Bill repecting tenant right would :not go to the root of the evil, for its seat was deep.—(Hear, hear.) As long, however, as men were ill-housed, ill-clothed, and worse paid for their labour, they might depend upon it that there would be no safety for life or property. They were to devise means to raise the cohdition of the agricultural labour ; he did not, however, object to such a Bill, whether for England or Ireland. He would support any well devised measure which would put the relations of landlords and tenants upon a more satisfactory foot ing. Looking over th e p rogramme o f h er Majesty's speech he regretted to find that a Bill which would eventually do great service was unnoticed —namely, a measure to facilitate the sale of encumbered estates.—(Hear, hear.) Unless they could free land from the shackles which now op pressed it, they would do little benefit to Ireland. He therefore besought the Government to propose a large and comprehensive measure of this kind. The land must be improved by such means, per fas ant nefas. Though he did not desire to increase the power of the Irish Church, he thought that the arrange ment of the land ii. congregational, instead of territorial portions, would pave the way to an improved state of things in Ireland. He urged them at once to put the legislation for Ireland on 1 a sound footing, or they would have to go on in the same vicious circle from year to year. With reference to what had fallen from the Hon. Member ' for Kilkenny, he thought it was unworthy of him to listen to vague reports; and he trusted that he (Mr. Osborne) would not long bear the character of an absentee landlord. Lord G. BEN TINCK protested against the doc trine laid down by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that no debate should take place on the report to the address. He considered it as most remarkable, that neither the Noble Lord nor the Chan cellor of the Exchequer should have thought it worth their while to state the reasons vihich had induced them to give permission to the Bank to break the law, and to propose a new usury-law, raising the rate of interest and levying new taxes on the trading community of the most odious natnre. Why did they fix on the 25th of October, neither sooner nor later, to give this relief to the community ? lie did not regret that last :night the subject of Irish distress took precedence of the not less distress with which England was now inflicted, and im patient_ as the nation was to know the inten- tion of the Ministers with respect to banking measures, he was sure they would not regret that the first attention had been paid to Irish distress. But both would be disappointed if this de• bate should be brought to a conclusion without eliciting from the Ministry a declaration of their inten tions with regard to the Bank Charter Act. Last year his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exche quer had been urged by deputations from the mer chants of England and Scotland, and also by himself and his friends in that House, to relax the restrictions under which the Bank was placed by that Act ; but ' his Right Honourable Friend had re plied that the worst was passed.—(Cheers.) The House would recollect that at a later period in September a deputation waited upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer from Newcastle, who foresaw that increased difficulties would come upon the commerce of the country, and they applied to the Right lion. Gentleman to remove the Bank restrictions. What was the answer of that Right Hon. Gentleman ? lie said that - he could not be expected to guard against the emergencies :of over-trading, and over speculation ; and that there was nobody who did not know that there was no undue pressure in the money market as regarded houses •of good credit. Why, good God ! this was at a time when exchequer bills were at 255. discount—when there were doubts as to whether the Bank would be able to continue its payments, and when, at all events, among the houses of bad credit was to be reckoned the Treasury, when exchequer bills went down to 40s. discount. On the 22d of Oc tober another daputation waited upon the Right -Hon. Gentleman, from Liverpool, and as they were leaving lais room, it was said that he gave them no hope. Time went on, and suddenly, upon the 23d of October, a deputation of bankers and others of the city of London waited upon the Right Hon. Gentleman ; the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam worth also came to town. He did not know whether he acted as amicus curia, in the matter, suddenly the Government began to relent at the same time Mr. Pease, late a Member of this House came up from Northumberland and paid a visit to the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Northumberland. Sir G. GREY—Not to me. Lord G. BENTINCK—That showed how neces sary it was that the House should be made acquainted with the whole facts of the case. Such, however, was the nature of the reports prevalent at the time. The Government at length listened to the cry which came in an appropriate moment from Northumber land and Durham. They were informed that the Northumberland and Durham Bank was upon the point of stoppage, and unless the restrictions were taken off from the Bank of England there would not be a collier in these counties who, upon the following Saturday, would receive his weekly wages, and a significant hint was given of the value of keeking the colliers in full employment. —_(Hear, hear.) It r was quite unnecessary for the House to know the reasons which had induced the Government to post pone the removal of the restrictions to the late period they did.—(Hear, hear.) Precedence had been allowed to the discussion of the late question, in order to allow of the question of the currency being brought forward upon a subsequent occasion. No compromise had been made upon the subject. There never was so gloomy a speech made by any , Sovereign as that which they were called upon to consider now.—(Hear, hear.) It had been stated by Honour able Members that 161,000,0001. had been expended in railways since 1841. Where Hon. Members got their information from he could not tell ; but were 12,000,000/, a pl t va th r they to be t o ld a f ter suc h statements that the country ey were told country. e d bt would be bro ug ht t o ru i n b y t h e expend i ture of year. It was not the hi g h p r i ce o f corn bu d e e s o ff f e c 3 t o s o o ,o f on free soldierstra de t a h n a d t took the gold . out oft U p this former n times o p a a t h f e e y w c could - l o d u s a p n a y d marines, but now railw a y l a b ourers bankruptcy.—(Llear without bringing England -to , hear.) Th ey had lately . theyl 1,086 LIBRARY COMMITTEE. On the motion of Sir It. INGLIS, the Library Committee was re-appointed. Several of the sessional orders having been dis posed of, The SPEAKER called upon Mr. Heywood, who sat at the bar, to bring up the report on toe Address BANK 6LIARTER, Lord G BENTINCK wished to know whether 'it was the intention of the Government to give a full explanation to the House of the circumstances which induced her Majesty to authorise her Ministers to advise the Governors of the Bank of England to infringe the Bank Charter Act of 1844. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he stated last night, in answer to a question that had been put to him, that he was ready and prepared to make that statement then ; but, in ac cordance with the apparent wish of the House, he statt,d that he would do so on Tuesday. Having made that statement, although he Nv w) prepared now to state the intentions of the Government, he thought it would he hardly fair towards the House to make it now.—(Hear, hear.) It was not usual to introduce subjects of such importance upon the bringing up of the report on the address. He thought it would be more consistent with the general intentions of the House that he should not make the statement now, but reserve it till Tuesday. He had laid on the table of the House that day the correspondence that had taken place ; that would be printed and ready for Members before he made his statement. REPORT ON THE ADDRESS. On the motion that the report on the address be brought up, Mr. OS - 10RNE, before that report was brought up, wished to make a few observations upon several" parts of her Majesty's speech. When be considered the paralysed state of the commerce of the country, the state of Ireland, and the relations of the country abroad, he felt bound to call the attention of the House to some of the topics in her Majesty's speech. Although the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated that he would bring the subject of the currency before the House on Tuesday, he must be permitted to say that he did not think the embarrassments in trade were of a merely local cha racter. He could not feel satisfied until the basis of trade was put upon a more sure foundation than it was at present. He would give no opinion with respect to the Bank charter, but this he would say, that he thought the Government had acted wisely in sending this matter before a Committee.—(Hear, hear.) Ile thought the Act of 1844 had undergone unnecessary odium. Only three banks of issue had failed during the late monetary pressure. With reference to that part of her Majesty's speech relative to the civil war in Switzerland, he deprecated any interference on the part of this country, thinking that the example they had had with respect to Portu gal was quite sufficient to induce 'them not to inter fere. But if any interference did take place, he trusted the rights and liberties of the people would not be sacrificed for the sake even of the blessings of peace. He came next to the paragraph which stated that her Majesty looks with confidence to the conti- I nuance of peace on the continent of Europe. Now there was only one man in that House who thoroughly understood foreign affairs, and that was the Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary himself, but he must be blessed with a superabundance of nerve who could look with confidence to the continuance of peace in Europe, when it was remembered that Spain, Switzerland, and France were in a very excited state indeed, and any spark in one of those countries might compromise not only the peace of Europe, but the peace of the world. He would not dwell long upon this branch of his subject, because, in the course of the session, it would be his duty to call the attention of the House to the incomplete and disgraceful state of our national defences, and then he should have another opportunity of reverting to this part of the speech. lie did not know that the para graph relating to the treaty with the Equador was of very great importance, but of all the serious humbugs that had ever been perpetrated in this country the attempt to put down the slave trade was the greatest. These attempts, instead of suppressing the traffic in slaves, had added to its horrors, and he hoped some Honourable Gentleman better acquainted with the matter than himself would take an early opportunity of placing this question before the House in a way that would put it upon its true merits.—(Hear, hear.) He now camel to the most difficult portion of the speech, namely, the l portions which related to Ireland ; and here he must express his regret that the debate last night had not been conducted with more calmness. He hoped, how ever, that the warning of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland would not be lost sight of, for every indiscreet word uttered in that House with regard to Ireland was productive of the most direful consequences in the sister king dom. The Catholic clergy of Ireland was a great body, and, like all great bodies, it was composed of two classes. The majority of them, no doubt, were go o d men, while there might be wicked and designing men amongst them ; but still the body, as Honourable Member la deeply avt hole, ought not be to animadvert with to denounced for the errors of the minority 11 regretted that an last night had felt it necessary a recent speech of a vsome degree of severity upon enerable Archdeacon of the Ca ts h p e o e l i: h C , h b u u r t c h t b. e y F m a r i be bt it t from him to defend that t k i into consideration that delivered it was of a the reverend gentleLn (Hear, hear, and most excitable temperamenot. laughter.) He (Mr. Osborne past the and he could assure the licZ e kn t e h w _, hi Tn wt•ll, a very good man. For some time he was reverend gentleman had been suffering health, and that, no doubt, rendered him throonmloiriel excitable. The Sunday, however, previous to the delivery of the spee ch, he preached a sermon, WEDNESDAY _ld: V .g_N IN G, NO VEMBE R, 24, 1847. heard the speeches of the Kings of Belgium and Holland, both of erehons congratulated their country on their recovery from all their difficulties. The French Minister, it was true, dwelt upon the large sums which had been expended in the country, but he did not talk of the country being reduced to a state of bankruptcy ly that depression. On the contrary, he congratulated his hearers upon the ge neral prosperity of the country. Look where they would, they found nothirg but increasing prosperiiy on the continent. Prussia was gradually progress ing, Si) was Bavaria. In both places trade had increased to a great extent. The same might be said of Russia, and thither tie famine extended itself to. It was supposed, indeed, that it had so affected the country that the Emperor would never be able to go to war again, and yet ev:thin the last few months he had been able to make large exportations of bul lion. W hat was it tlkn that had prevented this country from recovering from the effects of the famine? But it had recovered from the famine, and now it was suffering Iron causes that did not exist in the countries he had named. and he would tell the House what those causes were. The countries he had named protectre their own manufactories— .their own agricultualists—their own shipping—and gave them a decided preference over foreigners. Here, however, they bad pursued a different po licy, and the misery they were now suffer ing was the result of free trade.—(—(Hear, hear.) For eight years the stock of cotton had never been so low as it was in Manchester and Liverpool at the present moment. As many starved for cotton as for corn. What a spectacle this city presented from this ! The great importing city—the seat of staple trade was now in a deplorable state. The reason of all this was our restricted monetary system —the Bank Charter Act. It caused cotton to be sold 4/. less per big than formerly—sugar six shillings or eight shillings less per cwt., in Cuba or Brazil, and for less than it cost the ex porters in Canton. These were the results of free trade doctrines.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") In the presence of cotton merchants and millowners, he said that the prepared fabrics they manufactured were sold by them at less than their original cost. Would this bring back the golden image worshipped by the Right lion. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) ? Surely not. The countries he had mentioned, instead of throwing away their revenues, as we had done, turned them to great advantage. America, for in stance, had not followed our ruinous example. More than two thirds of the revenue of the United States are raised out of the produce of British in dustry. The United States have drained us of our gold to provide for the Mexican war. Her Majesty, while alluding to Switzerland, was ise and politic to abstain from allusion to Mexico. The United States had said that Lord Palmerston must be silent if the y chose to annex Mexico and C ana d a , b ecause t h ey had depended on them for cotton and sugar. AVe had sacrificed India, and given America to the monopoly of the cotton mar ket, which she had used so well that the cotton rater -chants of Liverpool had, last yeas, lost to America 2,000,0001. at least. If this stoppage of our menu factures was owing to a deficient crop, how came it that it did not operate on the manufactures of the United States. While our cotton manufactures had decreased, the cotton manufactures in the United States had increased during the last year 10 per cent. They present au increase of ten per cent. in their manufactures, notwithstanding they are suffering from the dearth of cotton also. While the Govern ment was passing the Bank Charter Acts to saturate the country with gold as the Hon. Member for Liverpool had informed the House last session, other ntries were enlarging their curt ency. NeitheeFrance, Bavaria, or Russia wore pursuing the same destruc tive policy as this country, which was now, on the one hand, retracting its currency, and, upon the other hand enlarging its currency. r The consequence was, that England, which, a few years since, was the pride of the world: now presented a spectacle of brnk-- ruptcy, ruin, and shame at which the finger of scorn was pointed by every civilised riation, from the United States to the walls of Canton. [LEFT SPEAKING.] QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY. (Sittings in Banco.) CRIMINAL INFORMATION.:-BRoCKMAN, M. 1., V. RIGDALE. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he applied for a rule to show cause why a Nitninal information should not be filed against a person of the name of John Rigdale for the publication of a di , gusling libel reflecting on the character of defendant, who was a gentleman of the highest respectability, and for many years had held the office of recorder for Hythe and Folkstone. He also represented these boroughs in Parliament. up to the last election had lived in respectability and repute in the neighbourhood, when, being a candidate to represent the borough, he was shocked ace horrified to hear that there was in current circulation among the electors a report of the most disgusting and distressing nature. The matters alleged to have been committed were said to have taken place ten years ago. The prosecutor commenced an active inquiry for the purpose of tracing to their source these malicious slanders, and he was enabled, by the affidavits of several gentlemen, which he should produce, to !trace them to a person of the name of Rigdale, who carried on the business of a farrier, and was formorly a tenant of Mr. Brockman. He, therefore, came to the Court on the present occasion, solemnly pledging himself before their Lordships, upon oath, against the correctness of the charges made against hirn.—Mule granted. BISHOP OF MANCHESTER,- THE QUEEN ON THE PROSE• CUTION OF REV. JANES LEE V. CUTTERIDGE. Mr. Gutteridge, the defendant in this case, showed cause in person why the rule for a criminal informa tion which had been made against him, for a libel on the Rev. Dr. Lee, the Bishop elect of Manchester, should not be made abolute. Mr. Gutteridge adverted minutely to the affidavits put in on behalf of the pyosecutor, and said he avowed the authorship of the various circulars which contained the charges against the prosecutor, a n d was rea d y to take all the responsibility which could morally and le gally belong to them.—Rule made absolute. THE HEBREW CHAIR OF EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY. —We learn that in consequence of the interlocutor which has been pronounced by Lord Robertson, interdicting Professor Macdouall from exercising the functions of Pro fessor of Hebrew in the University, notes have been pre sented to the Lord Ordinary by the agents for the magis trate and the professor, to prohibit the clerk of the bills from issuing the certificate of the interdict and the passing of the note; so that the case will in this way come immediately before the inner House, where Lord Robertson's judgment will be reviewed. We also understand that the reclaiming note for the Presbytery will not be taken up till after these notes are boxed, which in all likelihood will be the case in a few day 3.—Caledonian Mercury. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, Nov. 23. THE ADDRESS. Lord STANLEY (in continuation from our Third Edition) proceeded to say —I think her Majesty's Go verment ought to declare what are their intentions on this point, for her Majesty's Speech leaves the matter entirely in doubt.—(Cheers.) I no ti ce d i n t h e Add ress some diff eren ce, some little variation, from the terms of the Speech, though I was not able, from the hasty man ner in which the Noble Earl read the Address, to catch the precise terms of that variation. When there is no intention to call on Parliament for an expression of opi nion on any particular question, it has hitherto been customary, as a matter of form, that the Address shall be as close a copy as possible of the Speech from the Throne. But the Speech proce e d s t o sa y th a t her Majesty "has great satisfaction in being able to inform us that the law has not been infringed ;" and, therefore, if the Address be an exact transcript of that, I cannot agree with it, b eca use I believe that the law has been infring e d, th oug h no t by the Bank.—(Cheers.) I will not now go into the merits of the law, as to whether it is only fitted for fair weather and incapable of standing a storm, or whether in certain cases some modification of its restrictions were not neces sary, which being so was in itself a condemnation of the law ; but the law prescribes that the Bank, except a cer tain amount, shall not issue notes unless she has the bullion. In the present case the Bank was brought so near that point that it was impossible to issue another note ; and that whereas, under ordinary management, the reserve ought to amount to 3,000,000/. or 4,000,0001., the actual amount of the reserve was only 1,300,0001. or 1,400,000/. At this time the commercial pressure was at the greatest, and f rom t h e k now l e d ge that under the ope ration of the Bank Charter Act it would be necessary for the B a nk t o suspen d i ts i ssues , and anticipating that she would bo unable to give further ac commodation, the private banks and many l arge houses hoarded up in their coffers a far greater amount of bullion to meet the coming pressure than would have be en or di nar ily req uired. Thus, in the ' coffers of the p r i vate b an k s , and in other private hands throughout Engl an d, t h ere was a large amount of bul lion locked up by the indirect operation of the Bank Charter Act, and the panic prevented any man from bringing it out except for his own necessities. At the same time gold was coming in; that is, .the Bank had reason to expect that gold would come in, And yet, tnder un th ab e le str t i o ng is e s n u t e la n w ote o s f , ItBh4o4ugh s , the Bank of England was i ,000,000/. of gold lay untouched in their coffers.—(Hear, hear.) These were the circum s t ances un d e r which her Majesty's Go vernment, wisely, a n d I give them credit for so doing, interfered.—(Hear, hear.) In the firs t place, with laudable intention to prevent undue issues and lavish accommodation, and distrusting; the pru dence of the B an k, th e Government, though it autho rised the Bank to increase the accom modation at the risk of violatin g th e l aw , i m posed an invidious and un worthy condition. The Government, under their hand and seal, under the signature, I believe, of the Prime Minister and of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, au thorised the Bank of England to violate the law on their responsibility, by issuing a larger amount of notes than they were able under the Bank Charter; at the same time, imposing a condition, in the first place unconsti tutional, and in the next, of a character wholly un worthy of a great country, or of the Government of a great country—(Cheers)—for the purpose of getting usurious interest on all accommodation.—(Cheers.) This was neutralising with one hand the boon you held out with the other to the commercial sufferers from your Bank Charter.—(Cheers.) This was unconstitutional, because it was intended to raise money on the subject, not only without the express consent of Parliament, but in direct contradiction to the law. It was an wholly un- worthy condition, namely, that the Government should go halves in the profits, which, by fixing the minimum rate so high, they calculated on wringing out of the ge neral distress.—(Cheers.) I say it is no answer that the Beak did not exceed the lawful issue. The Government authorised them to exceedit, andfor that the Government must come to Parliament for indemnification—for the sanction of Parliament ex post facto. It is no satisfac tion to me, if I exhort or authorise a murderer, that he did not meet with his victim. I authorised the perpe tration of the crime, and morally and legally I ens as respensible as though the crime had taken place.— (Hear, hear.) If her Majesty's Government undertook to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act without the consent of Parliament, in order that they might be able to ar reef, without form of law, any persons under certain expected circumstances, it would be no answer to us that the circumstances did not arise, and that no man had been subjected to unjust imprisonment.—(Cheers.) The Minister issued that authority to the Bank, and they are as liable to account for having done so as though the Bank had committed au undoubted breach of the law. —(Hear, hear.) But there is a much more important question remaining behind, and one which will produce the deepest anxiety in the minds of the reflecting people of this country, and require at the hands of Parliament the most careful investigation. The avowed object of this law was to regulate the currency of the country, and by applying the screw at the proper time, to check undue speculation, and so prevent, or, in fact, to ren der impossible, those panics, of which we have seen none more disastrous than the present. From 1844 to 1847 no pressure occurred in which the law was fairly tried and brought to bear; all the circumstances of those years coincided with the law. But at length the time came, and now the test has been applied. The Govern ment, under the pressure of the times, feel it necessary arbitrarily to interfere and alter that law, which was found to be unequal to the emergency. Now, I ask the Government what they mean to do with that law?— (Loud cheers.) That, too, is a question which the coun try has a right to ask, and it is a question to which the country will have an answer from those who are charged with the responsibility of Ministers.—(Cheers.) If the law was wise, and just, and expedient, and, above all, practicable, how is it the Government is to be excused for violating that law; and, in defiance of an Act of Parliament, suspending its operation? If, on the other hand, it be only applicable to fair weather, and not for the adverse circumstances for which it was intended to provide, then it is your duty, charged as you are with the affairs of this great country, to say we do riot in teed to maintain that law in its integrity—(Cheers)— and I ask you what are the amendments of that law which you intend to propose?—(Cheers.) That is a question which I have a right to ask ; and with that question I will now dismiss tlfe subject altogether, re pt acing, at the same time, my belief that her Majesty's Gel ernment acted, on the whole, with wisdom and dis cretion in suspending that law.—(Cheers.) Recurring to the universal character of the present distress, I have a right to ale the Noble Lord who proposed the Address, and who must have found it a ratter difficult topic to deal with—l have, I say, a right to ask the queetion—whence is this commercial dis tress? There may be, and no doubt, is a part of this commercial distress arisir.g from improvident invest ments in raiheays, but I stn inclined to think that is by no means the largest part.—(Hear, hear.) Here we have a Speech from the Throne, giving an account of grist commercial distress; and a supporter of the pre- Lenz Government, and the mover of the Address, attri bu•ing it also to the importation of 9,000,000 quarters of foreign corn; but I recollect alien in the discua.ion on the conelaws, two years ago, my statement met with coete niptuous ridicule from the Noble Lord near me —( Lord Brougham) —when I said that when there was no extraordinary supply, and prices ruled mode rately, we might lot,k for an importation of 4,000,000 quarters annually—(Hear, hear)—the Noble Lord laughed that statement to scorn; but what are the facts of the case? I will take figures furnished by the Noble Mover of the Address; and I recollect there was no provision made by sowing a single additional acre of corn, which was considered in Inv calculation of 4 000,000 quarters. According to the result of the Noble Lord's figures, in nine or ten months 9,000,000 or 10,000,000 of quarters of foreign earn have been brought in. —(Cheers.) And the Noble Lord, iu moving the Address, attributes the commercial distress of the country at this moment to the large sum which we have had to pay for foreign corn.—(ltenewed cheers.) On the part of a supporter of her Majesty's Government and a free trader this is a valuable admission; and I must sav, for myself and friends around me, the event in a most rema r k a bl e manner h as ver ified the an ticipations we ventured, in 1841, to prognosticate as the result. How differently have the prophecies made by our opponents been fulfilled! I have had sent me, by this morning's past, the reprint of a letter published by Mr. Cobden in March, 1841, addressed to the working men of Stockport. He says, " You will eat bread, made from American flour, at lid. per lb. ; you will then have full employ ment at advanced wages ; every spindle and every loom will be set in motion ; every shopkeeper will be pros perous ; every house will be tenanted ; your numbers a ill increase ; and new mills, new houses, new churches and chapels, will b e b u ilt, and everything will flourish ; if the corn-laws be taken off directly, and a free impor tation of corn be allowed."—(Cheers.) Now, mark ; they have now a free trade in corn, such as the most sanguine supporter of free-trade doctrines could wish, or indeed ever dreamt of—in nine months nine millions of quarters !—(Hear, hear.) But it is not said th a t w e export more manufactures. The increased exports have been, as we told them, exports only of bullion until the time when it rises, and the price of all commodities fall ruinously low at home. By dint of hard work, low wages, poor fare, and stinted time, our manufacturers have been forced into a glutted market, despite hostile rivals. There has been an importation of foreign corn large enough to satisfy the free- trade prophets, but how different the result from their prognostics ! So far fr -m the mills being crowded, never before were there so many mills standing still, so many men upon short time, so many families unemployed, or wages fallen so low.— (Hear, hear.) The exports, it is true, hare fallen short but not so short as to justify this great commercial de pression. The fact is, my Lords, it is the home market which has failed ; proving, by experience, that ail foreign markets are insignificant as weighed in the balance with the greatest and best—the home market.— (Cheers.) Ido not, however, attribute the whole of our commercial distress to the repeal of the corn laws or to free trade ; but I say the failure of the crop in England has anticipated the result of the corn-laws, and showed its inevitable tendency to cause large ex• ports of bullion from the country, and great disturb ances of the currency. It has also shown the utter fallacy of those predictions of prosperity, and that, in stead, it tends to the ruin of both farmer and manufac turer. Ido not hesitate to say that the period at which many large undertakings were commenced, large returns might have reasonably been expected ; and that the effects of the Bank Charter produced much of that de pression and suffering to which, more than an actual want of wealth, might be attributed the panic. The want has bee n the want of some exchangeable medium in which all parties could have confidence, and the absence of which has caused the paralysation of trade we have so recently witnessed—(Hear, hear)—a state of things which has been, to a certain extent, remedied, and which would be still further remedied if the Bank of England, acting in co-operation with the Government, would, on approved security, grant that temporary ac commodation which might be the means, as it were, of oiling the wheels of commerce, and of preventing; so to speak, its machinery ;rem standing still from the want of some available medium of exchange.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I will pass over without any particular com ment that passage of her Majesty's Speech in which it is stated that " the abundant harvest with which this country has been blessed has alleviated the evils which always accompany a want of employment in the manu facturing districts," though I must confess I do not under stand the object of inserting that paragraph in the speech from the Throne. Ido understand that every good har vest with which we are blessed is an increase of the capital of the country, and that such increase of the capi tal of the country is naturally beneficial to its commercial and manufacturing interests, a subject which the Go vernment will do well to bear in mind, inasmuch as there is nothing that can compensate for that great deficiency in the national capital which arises from any great di minution in the cereal produce of the country.—(Hear.) My Lords, I turn now to the state of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) I believe, my Lords, that great exertions have been made in Ireland to alleviate the sufferings of the people, and to carry into effect, at great sacrifices, and under great risks, the law which last year received the sanction of Parliament for the relief of the poor in Ire land.—(Hear, hear.) The landed proprietors of Ireland have, it is my belief, exerted themselves to the utmost of their means—in many instances beyond their means—in availing themselves of those tfacilities which had been placed at their disposal by Parliament, and in endea vouring to mitigate the pressure upon the poor.— (Hear, hear.) I do not wish [so we understood the Noble Lord, whom we occasionally found it extremely difficult to hear distinctly] —I do not wish to enter upon the question as to how far it may be necessary for the liberality of this country to extend itself to Ireland. Burdens have been imposed upon the landlords of Ireland, and those burdens, whether deserved or undeserved, the landlords of Ireland must bear • but, my Lords, y ou must not i mpose upon the landed' pro perty of Ireland that which the whole property of that country is unable to bear. There are districts in Ire land, where if, at this moment, you were to take every shilling of the rent—nay, even the fee simple of the district itself —it would not be sufficient to maintain its poor.—(Hear, hear.) And, my Lords, you must not fail to remember, else, that there are places where those very landlords on whom you so loudly call to maintain the poor around them, to give work and employment to the people, and even to borrow money to enable them to effect these desirable objects, are themselves rendered absolutely penniless by the prevalence of an organized conspiracy to resist the payment of their rents.—(Hear, hear, from all parts of the-douse.) My Lords, I am not myself in a distressed—at least, comparatively—l am not In a distressed part of Ireland ; and though I believe I have as good a set of tenantry as most proprie• tors in Ireland, and have been ready, when it has been necessary to make abatement, the rents being generally punctually and fairly paid, yet such was the expendi ture to which I was subjected by the state of Ireland, that, during the last half year, I did not receive one shilling from my property in that country.—(Hear.) I am speaking now of a comparatively comfortable, and of a well-disposed body of tenantry ; let me, then, ask your Lordships what must be the state of those land lords whose sole resources consist of rent derived from an impoverished tenantry ?—(Hear, hear)—.and who are, nevertheless, called upon to perform all the duties of property ?—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, it is a sense of the duties that are demanded of them, and not a feeling of self interest, that maintains such men at thi it posts under circumstances such as these—(Cheers) that maintains them at their posts though even at the risk of their lives.—(Hear, bear.) When, then, my Lords, I speak of the state of Ireland, I say that I am justified in repeating that such a condition is worse than a state of civil war.—(licar, hear.) Dreadful, as WI, questionably it would be, to be enlisted in the ranks against a nation of one's countrymen, still, such a contest is an open struggle, and you meet your enemies— though those enemies are your countrymen with arms in your hands.—(Hear, hear.) But now the best landlords—those who have expended both time, labour, and wealth in certain parts of Ireland—those who have sacrificed everythirg, and abandoned all the comforts of civilised life, in order to do their duty by their tenantry and dependents—these very men are now—nay, I could name Members of this House who are in this position— (Hear, hear)—prisoners in their own Louses—(Hear, hear)—and driven to the necessity of fortifying their houses and gardens—(Hear, hear)—with the knowledge circulated through the whole surrounding country that their-names are down upon a " black list," end that they are mat ked out for assassination.—(Hear, hear.) And yet, my Lords, they remain at their posts—they are not deterred—(Cheers)—they still remain, and endeavour to do their duty, whilst they enlist, I trust, the sympathy of ycur Lordships mid of their country.—(Cheers.) They see their neighbours cut of by the hand of the assassin, and they wait till that slow but certain hand, against which there is no protection, shall come upon themselves when unguarded, unassisted, and unprotected, or, if protected, protected by the daily presence and espionage of the police—(Hear, hear)—and this, perhaps, at, the very moment they are on their way to the board of guardians, or engaged in some other duty connected with the relief and assistance of their fellow-country men. One by one they fall victims to the assassin's blow —a blow of which they have been publicly forewarned —and this, tpo, in some cases, in the bosom of their families, and, perhaps, as in a recent unhappy instance, in the very arms of their wives, in the open day, and with the full knowledge of the connivance of half the county in which they live.—(Bear, hear.) Thus is it that these mu are, to the disgrace of a civilised coun try, cut eff by the hand of th assassin; and this, my Lords, is tt e state of things with which you have to deal in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) This country (Eng land) has no doubt been disgraced by many and great crimes; but here the sympathy of the whole countryi ever in favour of the victim of assassination.—(Cheers.) The whole country is awake to vindicate the law, and, at all events, to bring the vengeance of the law to the punishment of the perpetrators of such nefarious actions. But one feeling prevails—a desire to vindicate the law, and to secure the punishment and repression of outrageous crime. But, my Lords, this is not the case in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) There, throughout the whole country—whether from timidity or some other cause—no hand is raised to stay the assassin's blow— (Hear, hear)—and, worse than that, after the blow is struck, no voice is raised to denounce the assassin— or, it' a voice be raised, it is at the peril of him that shall dare to raise it —(hear, hear.) My Lords, in Ireland it is safer to violate than to obey the law.—(llear, hear.) But, my Lords, I now ap proach a far more painful and serious question than even this. And here let me add that I hope I shall be for given for entering upon these painful details, forced upon me as they are by the present lamentable circum stances of Ireland, and referred to, as those circumstances are, in the Speech from the Throne, and particularly at a period when I feel there is no subject that more impera tively demands the immediate attention of Parliament, or a hich Parliament evould be more fully justified in legislating upon.—(Hear, hear,) I speak, my Lords, with all respect of the Roman Catholic clergy. I be lieve that it they are not all men of education, yet that they are all pious and indefatigable in the discharge of their religious duties, that they are devoted to their flocks, and that they spare no pains, time, or trouble in the performance of those duties the discharge of which they believe to be incumbent upon them. But, my Lords, whilst I say this, I must not conceal—it would be a crime to do so—that however much the Roman Ca tholic clergy, as a body, are desirous of suppressing offeneee, they do not, as a body, lend themselves to the support of the law.—(Hear, hear.) I believe there is a rivalry of authority, in regard to criminal offences in Ireland, between the Roman Catholic clergy and the law.—(Hear, hear.) I believe that the system of confession to the elegy in Ireland, and the sacred. ness in which that confession is held, is carried to a degree that is dangerous to constitutional government and to the peace of the country.—(Loud cheers.) The secrets of the guilty man are confided to the Roman Catholic clergy at confession. Now, I have heard many denunciations of informers in Ireland, and informers in Ireland are all men who are the means of bringing offenders to justice in that country ; yet, though I have heard these denunciations without end, I have never heard of any recommendations having been either pub licly or privately given —either in pastoral letters, or in private communications, or yet in the chapels of God— of the duty of every member of the community not only to abstain from crime himself, but also to de nounce to the authorities those he may know to have been guilty of premeditated crime. —(Loud cheering.) Among all the merits of the Roman Catholic clergy —merits which I by no means deny—l do not find that they recommend and c :force, as a solemn duty, the denunciation of crime which they know to be pre meditated, and of those who may hale afterwards perpetrated it.—(Hear, hear.) I must say that, in the recent instances, accounts of which I have seen, there have been addressed to a perhaps too excitable peasantry such denunciations of individuals as could hardly fail to stimulate the people to acts of violence — (Hear)—and, in one recent and most melancholy case, the assassination followed but two days after the priest had asked, and from the altar, whether " such a man deserved to live ?"—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Speech holds out the expectation that some measures may be asked for on the subject of crime in Ireland; and I will say for myself; and I am sure I may say for my Noble Friends near me, and in the name of England, of hu manity, and of civilisation, let those measures, what ever they may be, be effectual, and let them be prompt. —(Cheers.) Do not let any fear of loss of support — any apprehension of being taxed with inconsistency, or being accused of acting in opposition to theories of con stitutional government—let not any such considerations sway you against doing that which you may feel to be your duty on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) Throw yourselves upon the generosity of the country, and the justice of Parliament, and believe that you will re ceive from us no unworthy or ungenerous taunts—no hesitating or ambiguous support.—(Cheers.) You (the Government) are responsible for the security of life and property, and life and property are above all constitu tional theories; they are the foundation and basis of all constitutional rights, and you are the Ministers that are charged to maintain them.—(Hear.) Demand of the Irish landlords what sacrifices you will—see that they do their duty —compel them to do it, if you will; but, in God's name, let them be protected, and their helpless dependents.—(Loud cheers.) I well remember, my Lords, that, many years ago, and in another place, I was almost cried down for giving utterance to an opinion which I entertain now as strongiy 'as I entertained then, that " the law in Ireland must be feared before it can be loved"—(Cheers)—it must be looked up to for protection, and as a check to the designs and ciirues of ill-disposed men.—(Cheers.) To you, then, are the lives and properties of your fellow -countrymen confided. I give the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland my cordial meed of praise, and feel that he has done all that he could do, and acted to the fullest extent that the law allows him—that he has executed the law with vigour and fidelity—(Hear, hear)—but the more fidelity and vigour he has shown, the more manifest is the proof that the present law is not sufficient—(Hear, hear)—that further powers are required—(Hear, hear)—and it is upon you, the Government, that the responsibility rests of asking for those powers. And I will not believe, my Lords, that this House or the other—that the represen tives of the people,whose prime object ought to be the pro tection of the people, the preservation of property from destruction and life from assassination—l will not be lieve that either in this, or in the other House of Par liament, you will find any resistance against granting you such further powers as, upon your own responsibi lity, you may come forward and prove to be necessary. —(Loud cheers.) Lord Grey was as consistent a Whig as any Noble Lord whom I see on the opposite side, and he did not hesitate a moment to ask Parliament for full and sufficient powers; and I trust, too, that you will not fail to do the same, and that you will not hesitate to ask for such measures as you feel to be requisite to arrest this " reign of terror" in Ireland— for such it is —(Hear)—and so to save the people of Ire land from a contingency I will not imagine possible to arise. —(Hear, hear.) My Lords, the subject on which I have just been speaking is one of so great importance that I hardly know how to refer to other and less impor tant topics of her Majesty's Speech. I confess that, on the subject of our foreign relations, I thought that some allusion would have been made to the war now carried on in Mexico by the United States—(Hear, hear)—and, with reference to interference in the internal affairs of other countries, I advise her Majesty's Government to interfere in such matters as little as possible. You did interfere last year in the affairs of Portugal. I then took occasion to remonstrate against that interference, but that remonstrance was disregarded. You said that the civil war in Portugal was at an end, and you un dertook to guarantee the performance of certain condi tions you then made with Portugal ; and I now as' you if you have been able to fulfil those conditions ? and whether the Sovereign of Portugal has implicitly followed the advice of those by whom alone her throne could he saved, or whether the result is not this, that whereas you have undertaken the anomalous duty of " Minister of the Interior" in Portugal, after a system of intrigue, of violence, and corruption of the Cortes, you now see the restoration to office, and that under British influence, superintendence, and surveillance, of that very Minister whose arbitrary conduct bad been the cause of the late rebellion against the throne and Go vernment of Portugal ?—(Cheers.) I say nothing more on this subject: if the Portuguese accept that Minister, in God's name let him be Minister; but this I will say, in respect of interference in the affairs of foreign coun tries, that I protest against this country undertaking tasks that she cannot perform, and of which the results must inevitably be such, as in the case I have referred to they have been in Portugal. After a few words on the subject of the civil war in Switzerland, which we could not hear, the Noble Lord said—But, my Lords, I hold the affairs in Switzerland to be of infinitely less importance than that struggle between antago nistic principles now going on in Italy.--(Hear, hear) es —and at the head of which, on one side enlightened sovereign, though one religious matters—(Hear, and a laugh)—that existence revo lution in Italy, which nearly threatens the most a arbitrary ary of the balance of power in Europe. I know not what is, that they are altogether however, on the the Government are doing on b is st s a ti m bi n ec g t ; fr a o l m l I m hos) . dline• with it.—(Hear, hear.) I think,. it might have been decorous occasion of an extraordinary taosseh made P so a m rl e iam re e f n e t : there is no truth rence to this matter; and I only hope m ay b e lin ea g ad o in the report that a member_ef her Majesty's Govern- men t and Cabinet (Lord Minto), now on a journey of pleasure or business, has taken a part, either on way or the oil': r, and I trust that he has not expressed his own opinion, or said anything which can be cone mind into the opinion of his Government in regard to the independence of Italy. My Lords, it appears that her Majesty has concluded with the Republic of the Equator a treaty for the suppression of the slave trade But, my Lords, I really was not aware that that Re public had any shipping or any port whatever.— (Lsughter.) 1 doubt not, however, that the Noble Lord in the other House of Parliament (Viscount Palmerston) and that Noble Marquis in this, will lay this important treaty on the table.—(A laugh.) This is not, at all events, my Lords, what Parliament was called together for. With respect to the suppression of the slave trade, I do not say that the Acts which you have passed for the importation of slave-grown sugar, and the en couragement you have thus given to the slave trade, have not raised the price of slaves, and given a greater stimulus to the traffic; and if I had to choose between the restoration of the slave trade and the withdrawal of all your squadron of cruisers from the coast of Africa on the one hand, and on the other, the maintenance of y our eresent system of cruisers, and the encouragement y ou have given to the importation of slave-grown sugar, I say that the far more effective, and far more innocent of the two, would be the withdrawal of your ships and the res toration of theslave trade.—(Hear, hear.) This brings me to another topic, and a most important one, involving one of the great causes of the distress alluded to in her Majesty's Speech. That distress may have been aggra vated from imprudence on the part of certain persons, and from undue speculation, but there is not one who will get up and say that the last blow to the prosperity of the great interests involved—the last blow which brought down the great mercantile houses connected with the colonial sugar trade—was that Act, not yet wholly consummated, by which you placed upon 5 11 equality, with all other things different, your own sugar-growing colonies with these countries which appear as their rivals in the market, and whose pro duce is the result of sieve labour. (Cheers) I read the other day, and I tell your Lordships I did so with the greatest pain, the speech delivered by Sir George Grey to the Legislative Chambers of Jamaica. Speaking in the name of the Government whom he re presented, and speaking, too, I am persuaded, against his own convictions, and with ruin staring in the face of those who listened to him, he told the Chambers it could not be expected that, when protection was with drawn from corn, it could be maintained for sugar. Well, the next thing the West India interests say, and they say it with some reason—l do not complain of it, it is a link of the chain which has been forged in this country—if, say they, we are to be protected by no ad vantage in the markets of England, if our produce is to receive no favour, if no consideration is to be extended to us for the difficulties and obstructions which have been thrown in our way by the Imperial Legislatures which do not exist in the way of our rivals, at all events do not subject us to further difficulties and obstructions . Let us send our produce in the cheapest ships, and at the lowest rates. It has been said that because protection was withdrawn from corn, therefore it ought to be withdrawn from sugar. I entirely differ from this view. It may be said, if protection is withdrawn from one class—if, under the operation of free trade, the s in id t e t r i a e t d io e n a a re o s t t n is at t i o on b a e l p i a n r t a e m re o s u ts nt a , principle of buying in the cheapest market and se llin g so our downward course, it be an object to reduce prices t o the nedashtionngouars—idief,all "a. lowest pass, then protection ought to be withdrawn from all other interests. I differ from such suicidal policy in the ease of a country whose property is el largely dependent upon its colonial possessions , and a hose maritime commerce operates as a nursery for tt 4 navy. If such policy is to be adopted, if we are to bow before the levelling principle of free trade, then England must submit to become an inferior and second-rate power aongtnit to this, the nations of the world. If we are not prepara to m ule then, instead of extending the principle which has proved so disastrous in its effects, let us paus e before it is too late; let us retrace our steps in the dangerous path upon which we have entered. The, deficiency of the means of meeting the expenditure en the country, and the necessity of further expenditure being provided for, owing to causes arising out of the present state of things, has also been brought under the notice of the House. (His Lordship here q uoted thts portion of the Speech which expressed her Majesty hope that under the blessing of Providence prosper" would soon be restored.) If it be desirable that industry should again be prosperous, the course of policy caleir lated to secure it must first be adopted. I have heard it reported, but I trust that report will prove to be erre" neous, that a desperate attempt will be made to egg"' vete the pressure which at present exists in the country' by increasing the amount of direct taxation. It IS stated that the income-tax is to be increased. I hope that such is not the intention of her Majesty's G meat, and that the attempt to impose any suc h additions! burden at such a time as the present will be resisted. A trust a sounder policy will be adopted to raise the necessary revenue. I trust you will not think yourselv,e wiser than all the rest of the world, and that if a deft-. ciency in the means of meeting the exige ncies of the country has to be provided for—and God forb id that I OTO11 1 : should be a party to advise the placing of any in 3 Pe di ; nsent in the way of this country meeting every demand which may be made upon her for the maintenance of ber credit, or any other legitimate purpose—the dangerone principle of extending direct taxation will be avoided, and that the sound, the sensible, the old, the universally adoptedwi revenuellbe rbseyyssottrehtmeedloe o f raising legitimate nt p eg r preference. e ec re o en n us s c i eo d .f e_r d a n b (t l G e i portion eraenapthe nil imports will of your The Noble Lord concluded by stating that he did not N ish wish on that occasion to adopt any course calculated 50 cnT; disturb unanimity on the subject of the address to be presented to her Majesty in reply to the address from the Throne. He did not wish to disturb the unanimous assurance that such measures as were submitted by be e r Majesty's Government should receive the dutiful and respectful attention of the house. For himself he could say that all measures which had for their object th e preservation of order and the restoration of prosperity to the contr should reive as warm a support him as though he had his s ce eat on the opposite side dale! House. (His Lordship resumed his seat a midst loud and long-continued cheering.) erotic. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said , with ref erence to the course which the Government had taken to avert the evils consequent upon the m onetar y pressure, tits Noble Lord seemed to think that a Bill of Indemnity from must, of necessity, be brought forward for the protectiott of her Majesty's Ministers. But on what had he founded. there lation on the part of the Bank, and neverthelesss Go his opinion? He had stated that there bad been a vie had been a violation on the part of her Majesty rjo ti in fact. rested on a word, which word had no foundationt o order vernment. The whole argument of the Noble rd Her Majesty's Ministers claimed no authority and direct the Bank, and the Bank took the._ the course had been taken in consequence of a respon sibility upon itself. But the Noble Lord admitte.deathal commercial distress, such as was without a parallel say (the Marquis of Lansdowne) was not prepared to been that, if the distress had not lasted—if it had only be et ! the cause of that inconvenience which must follow over' speculation—that, in such a case, her Majesty's Ministers would not have been justified in taking such a course,_e_ for lie need not tell them that the events of the last _f r y ° months had disclosed a state of insolvency for whichno_ Government could provide. The Noble Lord was. quite right in his statement that the amount of gent of the Bank had been reduced so low as the faun ~L, 1,300,0001. He could assure the Noble Lord that to' was 1,600,0001. lowest amount to which the reserve had been reduced Lord ASHBURTON thought that it had been dow n as low as 1,100,0001. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE belie ved the went to be incorrect. Returning to the question of t h e state' Government's advice to the Bank, his L ordship gives was a fact that from the instant that ad vice was glue': the panic began to subside. A combinati on of cir?u stances, which were never heard of before, had the interests of the country in jeopardy , but had _ ts= removed by prompt and efficacious assistance. v_ri regard to the distress in Ireland, his Lordship aske u ,,.. the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) knew that one of objects of free trade in corn was to provide for the con: tingency of a famine by encouraging the growth of e ()111 in foreign countries? and as for the origin of that die ' tress, the Noble Lord must be aware that it was caused by the destruction of the potato crop. This could only be provided for by the increased importation of corn; and he believed, under those circumstances, that no Per' son could with justice support the continuance of pro hibitory law. His Lordship then referred to the obser' 'rations made by the Noble Lord who had preceded fetal_ upon the policy of Government interference in the affairs of Portugal, believing that the Government bad taken that course in order to prevent the military interference of foreign powers, which would necessary lead tonge calamity. His Lordship concluded by briefly, a, e tt to the subject of the treaty with the republic ni e n, Equador for the suppression of the slave trade, ww e . he conceived was only in accordance with the an" - slavery principles which it was to the interest of evert nation to adopt, and which should be equally out in places of greater or less importance. Lord ASHBURTON understood that one of the„ chief objects in calling Parliament together at t1 f 3 . , 1 ;', period of the year was to pass a Bill of indensnitii certain things which the Government had recommenueef The Royal Speech stated that " the embarrassme nts trade were at one period aggravated by so general. feeling of distrust and alarm, that her Majesty, for t: 1 3: carrieu purpose of restoring confidence, authorised her Blle le s e tars to recommend to the Bank of England a coursueru_s proceeding suited to such an emergency. This c , ? might have led to an infringement of the love, i _., d however, appeared from the speech of his Noble Bill that not only did the Government require no , • to ate"' indemnity, but that it was not their intention et _ any way the Act of 1844—the Bank Charter set: Now, if that Act had not been the cause of all ther t "; tress which had existed, it had greatly aggve otherwise and made that a serious calamity which would have been attended with but little or no distre , —(Hear, hear.) It was well that the country shoal —(Hear, that it was not the intention of the Gs° must nsent to interfere at all with thatan d l ie t he say he hoped, if such intention was persevered in, sense of Parliament would be taken on the subject, other cause he was sure that if one opinion more than 4 11 was general in the country, it was that of ascribing ss. • the Bank Charter Act all the evils which the contleeie, cial world had suffered.—(Hear, hear.) H e did he mean to apply any blame to Sir Robert Pee ae, direct author of that Act, for it involved Prolog which, when they came to be tested, the most sag7leear.) might find they had been mistaken upon--ale ar t ece of It was a great experiment—a most complicated pi machinery; but when that experiment had indeed,heelltr and had most signally failed, it was blindness , that nnot to see the result.—(Hear, hear.) He h elief h b the o t former pressure bad been equal to that which e country had experienced during the last four von 1 1*,