The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-02-08 00:00:00

reforms that may be necessary, you ttil A l although the Established Church of Irelap' tip united, with that of England, the pe o " pective circumstances will require a separat e , are are other subjects hardly less importal'' oe and welfare of Ireland, affecting the act' ice, and the local taxation of that counttP tion will also be required. OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, • the estimates for the service of the year° They will be framed with the most anxiot° fal economy. Nothwithstanding the lartg e &stimates of the last year, .I am happy ° all the extraordinary services which th e mes required, have been amply provided fa , avenue as compared with the public expe°_; fully realised the expectations that. we' of the last Session. the Peace, had caused a great sacrifice of human life, for noob ,`, as it appeared to him, than to snatch a single leaf from the which encircle the head ef the noble and gallant duke (of .;,e• li t "Hletan) near him, he owned he felt but little confidence in eetine e d dispositien . of that government for peac r e , . But, to i g „ to the actual condition of the two nations. 1 here was ke,,'°ovention, incomplete in its execution, and there was also 4 0 ,f e i r go on the commerce of England and Holland ; and what Phi„ was there of extricating ourselves from the difficulty ? negotiation was between the King of the Netherlands and hve great powers; and of these five no less than three had fp, ' Jed the recent proceedings to be unnecessary and unjust, u att, asserted that they would have no share in them. 'they 14,, , also declared, that any future negotiations could not, with 4 1 : !oecurrence, take place, until a stop was put to the war. 11, 44 er to put an end to the present state of things, the con ee of the five powers was absolutely necessary; for the lv"g - °f the Netherlands would never elmsent•to treat with ;ii h of the m onlv, and those two, as thev had proved themselves, t tterest eneinies. He could not clO so: and it was, there that by some means, this fatal intervention he indispensable, end; to, before the. negotiation could advance % L isle step. (Hear, hear.) How, under such a conviction, rfe he join in expressing a hope, in accordance with the from the throne, that this affair would be speedily settled, „,_eolariv when he recollected the hardi and unjust measure t 4 had been resorted to against the King of the Netherlands? leje were upon the table three goodly volumes of papers upon htLiCbject, of which that in his hand formed _one, containin g e e iTols, needs, notes, an d other eorrespond , e Q nc u e ld . e A st pnroobtole pi: had o n ce as k e d what was a protocol? k said his friend; to which he replied, "Quid est theme." 41 . ?wever, his friend did not know what a proto co l was , it f s ," not be, at all events, from a deficiency of the manufacture 4 , 1 ° article'. (A laugh.) If he were to examine these volumes ie h ours, before their lordships, the result would be only kore. effectuallv .to expose the incon s i s t enc y o f a ll the feedings which ° had been founded upon them. •He however, only odyert to one ; and he should be glad fe l 7'w why the negociadon was ever carried one step fur er tle,„ t he first treaty ? After the King of th e Netherlands had I l i, - Torled his ailies to mediate between himself and Belgiten— e 4 country he lost by following the stipulations of his allies k ti ' l B resolved that a separate existence s hould be given to Bel lew The allied powers, amongst themselves, without at all the King of the Netherlands, came to conditions k : r t . l they declared to be unalterable. Those conditions the H 11 nd • c -epted without any change or reservation. Le e o t. 1 ! _there were any thing like binaing conditions these should le e Zeen so, for the King of Holland was not even a party to e, akin g o f them. The pardes to whom they era to be tko,, s ive were told, over and over again, that they ware im. and that the five powers would not acknowledge any le,.qc of Belgium uu.ess he acceded to those cond tiouF, lere-the negotiations shouid have ended; but it did not do st . N e pts the only treaty which all the great powers a,:- ' l ll - ; and it was, therefore, the only one which France and fie, a , 4 ,(l had a right to exact the performance of from the King Vend. That Sovereign had made every sacrifice of his Jtk i l l i ai interests, but not those interests connect a e n d d w s( i ) th gr th ea e t !kr People which he had no right to sacrifice; 'tle't excitement in the minds of that people, that he doubted firs f Holland had now in his power to comply with ee ti ihe . treaty. Though he should . not propose any teelent to that. part of the address to his Majesty, yet he kik 14 , 34 4 see that convention followed,up without re cor d ing hi s 4 1 . h ., ` e sentiments. He could not help now alluding to the the Speech from the Throne with respect to 'Fur al In doing so, he would just re ad to th eir lordships what ht °-7t, the language of his Majesty last year upon this sub ,'l'l. 4 Was this conduct of the Portuguese Government, and the repeated in bs .' which my subjects have been exposed, have prevented a diplomatic relations with that kingdom. The state of 1,40" so long united with this by the . ties ot the most intimate "r must necessarily be to me an object of the deepest interest. ?_140 1.11 to Europe of the elder branch o f th e illustrious house of and the dangers of a d is p uted succes sion , will require my . Ittilalant attention to events , b y which not only the safety of t but the general interests of Europe, may be affected." ki . : l4 e down to the house, on the present occasion, anxious AND GENTLEMEN, the United Kingdom, with very few excer ace has been preserved; and it will be your I duty to promote by all practicable means , n.d good older amongst the labouring classed shall be ready to co-operate, to the utnao.El viating all just causes of complaint, and il l considered measures of improvement. 13 11 t tty to observe that the disturbances in Ire' verted at the close of the last session, hacc ibordination and violence has risen to the , rendering life and property insecure, def; ' )f the law, and threatening the most falv t promptly and effectually repressed. that to your loyalty and patriotism I shad 1r assistance in these afflicting circumstances , )e ready to adopt. such measures of salutari entrust to me such additional powers as raj for controlling and punishing the disturber' , and strengthening the legislative union be' entries, which, with your support, and unde r vine Providence, I am determined to maill; ans in my power, as indissolubly connected tufty, and welfare of my dominions." crowded with peeresses and ladies, in fal / were not many peers present. t the House about a quarter before three ied to St. James's Palace in the same state' eh had much increased, loudly cheered I ed along. ellor took his seat on the woolsack at five I .me there was an exceedingly large asses'' ministerial benches being quite full. afterwards moved that the usual sessioav be read a first and second time. , I ICELLOR then read the King's speech, whim cl by the Clerk of the House. :::01 , 1YNGH AM in moving an humble addref e answer to his Majesty's most gracious col° house, stated it to be intention to supporta rom whatsoever quarter they . came. (Loa erting to the several topics relating to foreig ° the speech from the throue, and to the 0 ; eient church reform—such as was calculate', proceeded to touch upon that portion 01 ing Ireland. Connected with it as he o°, feetion, he couid not but look with grea t r affected that unhappy country. Torn bf iction—the arena for every heartless dews' hoped such measures would be introduce d from its distresses. Obedience to the law• be enforced, and he had no doubt but tb,L 4, afford the means to maintain the pubb° to hear that part of his Majesty's speeeP his determination to maintain to the utinae t between Ireland and the other parts of hi/ is. (Loud cheering.) A dismembermea t Id be a deathblow to Ireland. Whilst be a seat i that house, his voice should be no' pretext now. List year it was the se s ' w whatwould be the inst then epeal of the union. (Loud cheers.) tl 'te e - injuries towards n , ; u There was no such ided by moving an humble address to 13i V4 3tt atl th e present occasion but they were told that the as usual, a mere echo of the speech. , s t e -4 - 1 ' still continued. In the year 1.83 U, when his Majesty in seconding the motion of the noble mar s " e : B ed hi s intention of renewing his relations with Portugal, wished it to be most distinctly understood ib e 'colleagues of the noble earl said that such renewal t sincerely in every one of the liberal ex' th s e s e rt much too long delayed—he alluded to the Chancellor at noble lend. A .c 4 ''xchequer. He wouid not enter into thepersonal charac- DEEN said lie could not give an unqualifie d 4 , t r i Le King of Portugal ;he might deserve ail that had been moved by the noble marquess. 'the speec- tali.. em s ; but of this he felt quite satisfied, that, whatever led a wide field for discussion, which it waor th s ti " .- - 1 Y said of one, might with equal justice be applied also enter upon extensively. TO some parts i , ) a ttl iti otf ier.. (Al aug h.) This was a different question alto his entire assent ; upon others he would t „ t ,tes from the dispute between Holland and Belgium. The :ever; but every one must have heard with sts, i"„ 4B e, he admitted, was full Of difficulties ; but the diffi- Majesty's determination to resort to meiv 41, - -rais s andity and to establish the dominion of the ofd case of Portugal had been entirely cleated by the k 'r s ds Opposite. It might all have been ended by a single asurss to effect these objects he would s ag too nicely with whim they . originate" l eis' l 'ln that word perfectly consistent with the honour and l ' i lo te h t 'sts of Great Britain. He would ask the noble earl vever, must be accompanied with many re - t s „,. - -g this state of things was to continue ? The contest in he saw it was proposed to deal with the, wi t Zutry, of Ireland by a separate measure, he hove' , thi s it was notorious, was kept up by persons connects , -is country, and with funds awl munitions drawn from I also pause. He fo r b o r e t o en l arge upon the Lls,,. although - it had silted the views of the miuisters to what the measures were that would be pre " 1 lithe e Speech of his Majesty, from the throne, designate and eed then to notice those parts of the addle' I t' Se common sense of the people would easily civil war. (Hear.) He denounced that unnatural t 'hest 48 a war of Jews and jobbers. , He conjured the noble d that we are not at war with Holland; tbB- 'at 4 l3 -4 bse valued the interests, commercial and political, of ai exuberance offaney; an d t h at t h e cap ture e (1 ,. r itain, in the Peninsula, to put au end to this monstrous sr a judicial process than a war. But wild; ,ered",b-ings in the kingdom of Portugal. 'lt already had .shal (Gerard) say . ? Alter capturing ths 'fl e d 'easgi an d w ith opprobrium, and occasioned her to be he takes the garrison prisoners, and r now remain in France. Perhaps the!' fil 1 '41.1 4 a ll( Faisgraced in the eyes of foreign powers. (Hear.) tl s - JILT, in rising to reply to the noble earl who had just risoners of peace. (Ilear, hear.) In tile '4: l ' l. 7aid it was not his intention to follow that noble earl rifle .was we have laid an emb argo ell th e his long and desultory speech. Indeed he had hoped would just request their lordships to loo' • s si h",,nohle ea r l would have refrained from entering upon the piences. An embargo has bee n l a id le eh, ll ,ef the vast variety of topics which his protracted i friendly state, and he wished t o k no w o t e l eh e emb race d, until a more fitting opportunity should considered an embargo an act pert role . o ",, Qsa 4 pre sente d, by the documents connected with the va a war. (Hear, hear, hear.) `'her e . tiPtlations to which the noble earl had alluded bein" laid ere the injury ? Reprisal it cannot lt ed `'r lord s hip's' table, which his Majesty had .justiy in ma the opposition ben c h es .) upol ea l elBl , he had commanded to be done without dotty. The n, had this proceeding tak e n pl a ce '" " ' li nad g i ve n hi m (Earl Grey) credit for having at heart pon the paper which was to be l a id ben,' 'e a °l . l r and interests of the country, but insinuated that treaty between Great Britain and Fianc e . iisfr'ers were influenced by motives of personal vanity and By this treaty the surrend e r o f A n twere tit ee • He wished the noble earl had expressed whom he . is, but it was to be surrendered in ace' tsAttlore explicitly. (Cheers.) The noble person to whom, and under what eircemstan ces we ha I t ° : t (h . it, the noble earl meant to allude (Lord Palmerston, it tisN :iations he was at a loss to ima g i ne . ' t hePosed,):was as incapable of any act that was at variance Ts had declared that the confetence was e' ,S qt e best interests of the pountry, even as the noble earl :he five powers had taken a diff eren t vie tc'titi (cheers) ; 'and his great sagacity and a bility i n c on- English governments. . The conic ; ence 0 kis. l ß difficult matters, involving conflictink , interests, must be sh government had maintained that Ali t ' I l i lit lVl edged by all who had seen, as he (Earl Grey) had, the n the hands of the Dutch. Seeing that "le k i en of those qualities that so eminently belonged to the his proceeding the execution of the Licari . 4 s i i ts rson in question. If he had erred, he had erred in coin ss to be reli:a upon, h e presumed th e 04 '' him (Earl Grey) and all the rest of his colleagues, for he 13th article of that treaty, which ge 3 ,l I t. ‘‘o, a tneasure of his they had. almost fully concurred. , f eight millions four hundred thedsp i i N not follow the exampie'of the noble earl in attributing iy we were parties, we engage, n0f, 4 ,1 ) - ts ' 4 ,,ka u ethers ; but, if he could imagine a person who felt iut that we will see this money ". I ," er In'stit s t , -- etilharrass the government at home—to continue the tracted for the employment of an' °‘, 4 , -- a t ;" 4 111)e - "k r of a ffairs with relation to Holland and Belgium — for instance,—the employment of 1 7, - d -441 I's e 'Natments, to create discontent and disgust, (Cheers) ct might suffice ; but having guaratir-i lets % th a ' S it appeared to him, could be better pursued by such I be paid, we were h ol m& to see ju'l L td - ' - (tf,mkl that which the noble earl had laid down for him is to enforce it. The K i ng of p e ig n iu , are day,—" I have remitted taxes hi-, a , so l ders.) - what good purpose, he would ask the noble .y fructify in the.p . ockets of m y subjec_rs• t vr th4 t h` t he present disemision answer? Yet he (Earl Grey) r ang 'th : Must say something in answer to the noble earl. we are bound to its fulfilment according ar and good faith. — It . via's must essential . 414 ')s e a - ' had the - present government found the question of rtai st s t 'd Holland when they came into office ? They found olland should know now how this ua -8 . a il - ee the n existing which had separated the two coma ed. It was not sufficient that the debt ti the .ora the great book of Belgium to that of : b eet ti e r ‘ ,_noble duke at the head of the late administration the treaty between France and England I "'m ar — that the re-union of those countries was a thing 1 s ter itr iPossible. Thus situated, what was the duty. of le had no knowledge but its' execution. i extent, compelled the Dutch.to nom bB tt s h ? s Why to take up the work as they found it, and niake. terts - "'"d they could of it, with their best abilities to establish ore this the Scheldt was open to all the , e 0 eel to the French, English, and Belgian=' Intit independence of Belgium. He (Earl they) was i lide l "lcin that it was for the interest of Holland itself that I captured Antwerp, a nd an. English I , s i,,tekndence should be established, and he had the iiis,cur glish ports all the Dutch vessels he could ° lla -44 t °Pinion of some good authorities, namely, the were unsuspecting and unprepared for bilo r Y 1 -le Witt and King William the Third, who differed 5 contest Holland . ha d ga ined a ll the ho; 14 i.st every other poiot.' The noble earl said that Belgium it, and England the 'disgrace, (LOU, e . L u at e s: liable subject to be over run by France; . but would !ct, except a love of war, could Front me, seeing that, without war, she costa i " 4 " a ble to that fate when she had an independent ex iss.B she would be with a discontented population, to whom I from the 'condescension of his Maies - • tii"Dendence was denied ? Did the stale earl wish to 's.) All her wants might have been IP; 4 i4 5 b oundary of France extended to the frontiers of to war; but he could not help thinkl u 7 ally , Much had been said about Holland as our old friend ar did actuate the present ministry 0 e ils but had Holland always stood in those relations to us? 3at the head of that m i n i stry . Franc t li s je last and most important wars in which this country sion of Algiers without a war, or withou, 1',51 1 ' engaged she had sided with our enemies, already ies on the subject; she had also made ' 1 - 5 at , 8 , enough ;in the American war, for instance, when we if report spoke truly, was about to aUg . ti i t 'ur superiority at sea—when Plymouth was blockaded France was permitted, too, to send 4 a r t olllting enemy, every hour expected to land—when one to Lisbon, against our ancient ally, alit„, '1 sii `''Ps of war was captured in sight of the shore, and our eaties; and not only was all this perra.it il/41teriority was only reasserted and assumed by the er triumPhs, she was a llowed to cato rea, t v g,etory . off the Dogger Bank by Admiral Parker. In ai, an acqUisition that would have grate,., s ke rena l war, i n sh appeal to the experience of all an of Marlboroueh. What, then, could , s r t , h B who served i Holland, notwithstanding the inere so long as the comnlaisance of the nob!f Apt of the noble earl, whether the population of 5 . , ' to saciifice,to their love of' peace eye .s _ -st t h t-- -s„ not hostilely co-operate with the French army h Jul ire to obtain Still, looking to the in te 441 ; e liritish army ? He mentioned this to show that, if vernment, and beholding in that minis k i(l e 'iliurieg had been inflicted, they had not been all on ment *hen he had in his pocket the lacw ' 4 _ B respected Holland and this country. lie acknow- TUE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. thoroughly persuaded that the noble earl would not be able to disprove one word of what he had advanced, as it was founded upon the contents•of the documents themselves. (Hear, hear.) A singular mistake seemed to have been made on the subj ec of the navigation of the Scheldt; it had never been disputed by the King of the Netherlands; and the treaty of 1815 gave him six florins per ton upon all shipping entering that -river. The King of the Netherlands, when the question was raised, him r;self offered to make the navigation free. But the noble earl stated; that the treaty could not be carried into execution. He ,should like to know why it could not be carried into execution ,as far as related to the interests of Holland in the town of Ven 'loo ? The fact was, that Venloo was to be ceded to Holland by Belgium, and therefore the treaty could not be carried into execution. It was said also, that •this was no war. He did not pretend to be sufficiently Skilled in the law of the question to be able to say whether it did or did not come within the de finition of a war; but this he knew, that it was very -much like it, and that an embargo had subsisted for three months, which had been imposed by the King in council. He had thought it necessary to say so much upon one part of the subject, and he would now address a few Words to their lordships on the war in Portugal. There was no country in the world in which it was more the interest of the British ministry to prevent hostilities than in Portugal. By treaty we were bound to defend , Portugal almost as if it were England, while our engagement with Spain was to preserve neutrality. The magnitude of our commer cial establishments, and the nature of our commercial rela tions with Portugal, required that we should preserve her in a state of independence; yet, how had our interests been neglected, and our duty abandoned by the present ministers ! The present state of Portugal was called, in the King's speech, "a civil war." It was a revolutionary war (cheers)—a war carried on by means furnished from England, and for the sake only of plunder. (Hear.) It was supported by persons who had no earthly interest, but that which was derived from the hope of plunder. (Cheers.) Yet this was the war which the King of England was taught-by his servants to call " a civil war ' between two princes of the house of Braganza. He knew something of war in general, and something . of war in Portugal, and he would teil ministers how they might put a speedy end to existing hostilities there. If, indeed, they wished to restore peace, let them issue a proclamation, calling all the Kiiig's subjects from the service of either party. (Cheers.) Let thetn at, the same time carry into effect the laws of the country. (Hear.) Let them not, when the commissioners of customs had seized vessels laden with men and means, interpose to pre vent adjudication. (Cheers.) Let them allow the law to take is course, and judgment to be given in such cases in the proper aibtinals, and the war in Portugal would terminate of itself and at once. (Hear.) If ministers must employ fleets, let them send them where they were necessary—to the Levant, 'instead of crowding the Douro and the Tagus with British ensigns. Let them do this, and peace would be restored in Portugal in a much shorter time than a war had been kindled there. With respect to the proposition that measures shall be taken to dis tribute the revenues of the Church. of Ireland, he must say that he could never consent to entertain such measures until the measure for ameliorating the condition of the clergy had first been well considered. (Hear.) It was said that the Church of Iceland was to be considered separately. Did the noble earl recollect the act of Union by which the Church of England and Ireland, was made one and the same,when he put this expression into his Majesty's speech ? He was afraid this doctrine of " se parate consideration " would lead to dangerous consequences. He was happy to see that Government had determined to come forward with strong measures in respect to the disturbed state of Ireland; but if by other measures, they . led the Protestants of Ireland to think that they meant to injure the church esta bishmant of the country, they might depend upon it, their coersive measures would be without effect (Cheers); for they must have the co-operation of the Protestants of Ireland to make their measures effective. They should not lose sight of the fdct, that the Protestants of Ireland were the real friends of England. He would also remind them that his Majesty had sworn to preserve inviolate the Church of England, and that the time when the Dissenters, and.the Roman Catholics were emancipated, a certain form of oath was framed, by vs hich they were bound not to interfere with the Church as established by law. Against these oaths Parliament ought not to run counter, and he trusted it would not. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of RonEN expressed his determination to support, by every means in his power, the Government in their efforts to repiess outrage and violence in Ireland, and he could assure the House, that it would be supported in carrying into effect any suph measures-by the Protestants of Ireland. He trusted that every care and caution would be manifested in the measures about to be introduced respecting the church establishment; and he was exceedingly glad that the church of Ireland was to be separately considered. (Hear, hear.) The 'notion was then agreed to; and (at ten o'clock) the House adjourned. HOUSE OF CODISiIONS. MONDAY, FEB. 4. • The SPEAEER c entered the house and took the chair soon after half-past l2 o'clock, and the swearing in• of members pro ceeded With but slightintermission during the day. Among those moo. took the oaths this day we noticed the LORD Anvo- CATE of Scotland, .Lord CAVENDISH, - Mr. GULLY, Mr. A. BARING, and Mr. HODGES. 'At four o'clock the House adjourned until 12 o'clock to-mor row (Tuesday.) We understand that since the election of the Speaker, up to the adjournment of the .House to day, no less than 411 members have taken their oaths' and their seats. _ TUESDAY. When the SPEAKER returned from the House of Lords and resumed his seat, • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave notice that on Tuesday next he would bring under the consideration of the House a measure respecting the state of the Irish church; and that on Thursday; the 14th, - he would move for leave to bring in a bill for regulating the corporations in England. On Thursday, the 21st, he proposed to bring forward a bill for effecting a commutation of tithe s i n E ng land. Mr. STANLEY gave notice that on Tuesday, the 19th, he would move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the grand jury laws in Ireland; and on the 21st for leave to bring in a bill for the regulation of the constabulary force in Ireland. - Mr. Grum gave notice 'that on the 28th instant he would move for leave to bring in a bill for taking the election of mem bers to serve in Parliament by vote by ballot. (Hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that on Thursday, the 7th ilia. he would move for leave to bring in a bill for the abolition of all laws authorising the payment of vestry cess in Ireland; on Thursday week he would move for leave to bring in a bill for the total extinction of tithes in Ireland. (Hear.) On the fol lowing Tuesday he would move for leave to bring in a bill to amend an act entitled "an Act to amend the Representation of the People of Ireland;" and also to bring in a bill to amend the system of registering voters in Ireland, and to substitute other provisions for those of the existing bill. On that day week he would move for leave to bring in a bill to restore the common law in Ireland, with regard to the subletting of lands and tenements; and, on the same day, for leave to bring in a bill to amend the grand jury laws, on the principle of represen tation. He also gave notice that on that day week he would. move for leave to bring'in a bill to amend the laws relating VI special juries, and juries in criminal cases, in Ireland; and on that day week for leave to bring in a bill to restore to the peo ple of Ireland the right to elect conservators of the peace in that, part of the United Kingdom, and to regulate the mode of electionand the authority of such conservators. (Hear.) Mr. Waits gave notice that on the 21st of March he would move for leave to bring in a bill to prevent the duration of Par liament being longer than three years. Mr. F. 13urroN gave notice that, unless his Majestv'S government took up the question, he would on Tuesday, the 19th inst., move for leave to bring in a bill for the abolition of negro slavery. Lord ASHLEY gave notice that on the 19th inst. he would move for the renewal of Mr. Sadler's bill respecting the em ployment of children in factories. Mr. WARBURTON wished to know from the noble lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether it was the intention of his Majesty's government to abolish the duty on newspapers ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he felt persuaded that every one acquainted with the subject must see the dis advantageous effects of this tax, and his wish was to amend the tax in that respect; but at the present early period of the year, before he could know any thing with regard to the state of the finances ? it was, quite impossible he could pledge himself either upon this or upon any other measure. Mr. E. L. By wEli gave notice that he would, upon an early occasion, move for the appointment of a committee, with a view of removing the taxes on newspapers—taxes which were so much detested throughout the conntry. The SOLICITOR GENERAL gave notice that on the 14th of February, he would move for leave to bring in a bill for the abolition of fines and recoveries, and also a bill to amend the law respecting dower and courtesy. Mr. respecting wished to know whether it was the intention of his Majesty's government to fill up the sinecure office now vacant of Governor of Berwick, and also the sinecure office now vacant of Director-General of Artillery. '1 he CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was intended to fill up the office of Governor of Berwick, but with regard to the situation of Director-General of Artillery he could afford no in formation to the hon. member. Alr. HUME then gave notice that on Thursday next he would bring forward a measure for the abolition of all military sine cures whatever. Mr. Holum°rsi gave no ice that on the 26th instant he would move for the appointment of a select committee to revise the. system of taxation, with the view of substituting a regulated property tax instead. Members were then sworn up to four o'clock, at which hour the speaker withdrew, and remained absent till within a quarter to five. Oh th e right hon. gentleman's return the Sessional Bill was read pro forma. It being proposed that the discussion on the sessional orders should stand postponed till to-morrow, (this day,) Mr. Bums said it would be convenient if the house should now fix a period for receiving private 'petitions. The CHANCELL OR of th e EXCHEQUER said he should propose, to-morrow, that Mr. Speaker should take the chair at twelve o'clock, and sit till three. for the purpose of going through pri vate petitions, and all other matters of that nature, and that public business should commence at five precisely. After some further conversation, in which Mi. Cobbett took part, Mr. O'CONNELL said it was his intention to take the sense of the house upon the question that the house tihould sit at. eleven o'clock each day, and not continue sitting 4 later than eight o'clock at night. He also intended to bring forward a proposition for rendering effectual the non-in erfei ence of peers at elections,' and also to tender effectual the prevention of bribery. Lord J. RUSSELL said it was his intention to bring forward his motion of last session on the subject of bribery. The motion for the postponement was then agreed to. The SPEAKER then proceeded to read the King's speech; and when he had concluded— • Lord ORAIELIE (who was dressed in the regimental uniform of the Life Guards) arose arid addressed the house, concluding by moving a humble address to his Majesty, which, as usual, was an echo of the speech itself. Mr. MARSHALL, the member for Leeds, seconded the motion. The address was then. read from the.chair. • • Mr. O'CONNELL spid he rose to oppose the address; he thought it a brutal and a bloody address. It was a declaration of civil war against Ireland—it was au address which would occasion many a wail—it was such an address as had been put forth in the case of America, where;•also, with brutal perseverance, said the honourable member, you sent your secretary to write your orders in blood ; but • now, as then, your perseverance in sa - guinary councils will terminate in your utter disgrace. Again i repeat it—this is a brutal and a bloody address. When I hear the noble lord, the member for Perthshire, tell us that, a Re formed House of Commons will be more attentive to the affairs of Ireland—when I hear the hon. member for Leeds talk of at tention from an English legistature to the concerns of Ireland, and tell us how much better under the coming state of things the conduct of men in office in that country will be watched; when I remember how much was expected there from this ses sion of parliament; r can readily conceive the bitter laugh of scorn and derision with which the Speech and the address will be read in my country. They will be considered as they are— a declaration of civil war. Let me ask this question :—Why was it that my country was cast as a spoil to this Secretary? We had been told in his Majesty's last Speech before the disso lution of parliament, that measures were in progress which would tend to retard the increase of crime. - I beg that his Majesty's Speech on closing the last session previous to the dissolution of the late parliament be read as far as it relates to Ireland. Here the Clerk of the- House read the passage, which- was as follows :—" I have still to lament the continuance of disturb ances in Ireland, notwithstanding the vigilance and energy dis played by my government there in the measures which it has taken to suppress them. The laws which have been . passed in conformity with my recommendation at the began-mug of the session, with respect to the collection of tithes, are well cal culated to lay the foundation of a new system, to the comple tion of which the attention of parliament, when it again assem bles, will of course be directed. To this necessary work my best assistance will be given, by enforcing the execution of t ie laws, and by . promoting- the prosperity or a country blessed by Divine Providence with so many natural advantages. As con ducive to this subject, I must express the satistictiou which I have felt at the measures adopted for extending generally to my people in that kingdom the benefits of education." O Mr. 'CONNEL L here stopped the clerk, and continued—l would ask, then, this right him. secretary for Ireland this one question. How comes it that a country which has been blessed by Divine Providence with such advantages as Ireland has been—a country which possesses such advantages as (I do not say Scotland only), but such advantages as even England does not possess equally; hew comes it that this is a country with respect to which Providence is blasphemed when we term advantages ble,sings ; how happens it that, where Providence has done so much, her rulers have done SQ little, or so ill ? How is it that her landlords flourish and her farmers starve ? that her people are so poor, her church so rich ? After seven centuries of in's-government to which my country has been subjected, is this to be our remedy ? Is there to be yet another cry for blood ? If Irishmen had had the management of their own affairs; if all the disorders had taken place unaer Irish man agement, then, indeed, might there be some excuse for having recourse to force; but•when I hear the noble lord talk of dis orders which have arisen while you have been governing for us; when I hear you complain of us after sven centuries of mis government on your part; I throw back on you the chat ges .vhich you lay onus; to you "impute our miseries, and on you redounds our shame! If it is so; if it is your Misgovernment which has caused our disorders; force will but incease the evils. There is but one remedy—to do justice. I ask again; Why is it that .Ireland has fallen as a spoil to to the right hon. Secretary ? Tkle noble lord (Ormelie) the member for Perthshire, has cond. cended to make a speech. ' A speech, toe, received with much applause by many in tho house—the nob l e lord has condesended to make a speech at me; he has poured forth the vials of hs wrath on my head—insupportable infliction ! In these times there is r o popinjay that walks the streets, no scion of the infer.o. superior nobility, who does not venture his sarcasm on I e land. 1 have suffered this infliction ; bit I throwlit back wish scorn. Why, again I ask, has helium been left as a spoil to this Secretary? Is Ireland now more quiet? On the contrsrv, have not crimes inciea.seu tenfold ? On this point all paitits are agreed. There is no difference of opinion on that subject. '1 he only question on which it is possible for us to differ is , how it is that crimes have thus increLsed. (Great 'cheering.) Whence have those disorders originated which we all know have spread so wide, and are still spreading? There - are two modes of accounting for their increase. The one is that which has been adopted by the noble lord, the mover of the address. He attributes all Ireland's errors and all Irelands's crimes to me—to me, the agitator. (Hear, hear.) Such has been the language of the noble lord. Oh !, do not these right honourable gentlemen on the opposite side know that they themelves, but last iyear, were as loudly 'aCcused, its they now accuse me, of this same crime of agits*ln ? Last year they were the agitators of the people of :England. Not one of these terms is there, of which the noble lord is so liberal to me, which was not then, and with equal propriety, applied to the right hon. gents. on the other side. 'Then they treated these terms with contempt. Wr.h contempt, then, do trea.t,tmC:.4 terms when-they are applied to me. Oh I have these crimes, indeed, arisen from agitation? They have been created by misgovernment—not by agitation • they have been c rea t e d by deeds—not by words. The noble lord calls me a bird of prey, and asks for my co-operation in measures for quieting Ireland. Am Ito quiet Ireland? Has not the noble lord seen the right hon. Secretary for Ireland, in that country for two years • and what has he Acne during so long a period of suffer ing and o! crime ? Nothing. He has given to-night some notices on the subject—some rhodomontade of a Grand Jury Bill—some measure for increasing the constabulary f irce; and whether I be a bird of prey or not, I know that the e are n o t the measures which will quiet Ireland. It cannot be worth while, indeed, to ask counsel of a bird of prey. (Hear, hear!) All the noble lord's metaphors, and his birds of prey, are light, compared to some of the epithets to which I was accustotned during the time of agitation. the conduct of Ins Majesty's government will cause me to agitate again. Ministers ari agi tating for me, and far more than ever. Ireland has arrived at that state of inanition which generally precedes the political death of a state, a state which can be cured only by the san guinary remedies of civil war. The repeal of the union is a measure which is now necessary, not only for the good of Ire land, but for the safety of the King's throne. Honourable members last year were in the habit of talking of the repeal as a thing so distant, so improbable, so impracticable, that it scarce deserved a moment's consideration. This year all parties in Ireland are reconciled to it. Formerly, the right honourable secretary used to talk of it as a subject which would never be come a serious question; nol,ody now denies that it is a sub ject which requires discussion. It would be more advisable in any case, if the subject must be put down, that it should be by moral truth, and not by force. - If any man will say that agita tion has produced the present state . of Ireland, he is totally ig norant of what every statesman ought to know, the history of the country which lie governs. The whole history of Ireland proves that agitation has not been the cause of the evils in which it has been involved. If they be right, and can so prove it, then agitation ought to be put down; if not, is it just that England should once more be called upon to send an addi tional force of bayonets and of bullets into my unfortunate (For the remainder of the debates, see last page.) ledged the separation of Belgium from Holland was in itself untoward. To make her in sonic degree amends, by the terms of the late arrangement, Holland would have a larger terri torial possession than she ever had prior to the union of Holland and Belgium. The papers to be produced to the house would, he thought, prove that nothing had been exacted from Holland which was injurious to her interests compatible with the security of Belgian independence. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl said that the Scheldt is closed. If so, he (Earl Grey) was not aware of the tact. It was closed, certainly, against France and England, but there was nothing singular in that, seeing that both those countries have still an • embargo • on Dutch vessels, an embargo that must continue until Hol land shall have surrendered the two forts of Lillo and Liefken shock, belonging to Belgium, which she' now holds. The French army would have been justified, according to the con vention of toe 2nd of October, in not withdrawing • after the surrender of Antwerp, un til those forts were given up, or, in taking them by force, which, notwithstanding the noble earl's views of the difficulties attending it 9 they might soon have done; but, acting in the best spirit of good faith, the French army withdrew immediately on the surrender of Antwerp, the allied powers deeming it sufficient to compel the giving up of those forts by continuing the embargo. The noble earl.had said that the five powers could have compelled Belgium to act as they pleased. Did the noble earl mean that they should have com pelled Belgium to submit to Holland? If so, he would have bad a war indeed, and Europe would have been set fire to at its four corners. A war of principle would then be lighted up, and not soon to be extinguished. (Cheers.) With respect to Portugal, looking also at the situation in which his Majesty's present mi nisters found the affairs of that country when they came into office, he (Earl Grey ) could see nothing for which they could be censured. They found Don Miguel on the throne of that country, in violation of treaties and of oaths, and in usurpation of the rights of another. That was no work of his (Earl Grey's). When the late administration went out of office, it appeared they had intended to recognise this usurpation,. but that recog nition was never effected, because, even with them, there was a. condition of an amnesty that Don Miguel never fulfilled.; on the contrary, lie redoubled his persecutions ;—ladies of the first) rank in the country were thrown into the same dungeons with malefactors, and men of the highest character and station suf fered on the scaffold, or were banished to an inhospitable clime. Were they to interfere with the right of Don Pedro, the father of the legitimate Queen of Portugal, to declare against one whom they looked upon in the light of an usurper? (Hear.) The only other course, then, that they could pursue was neu trality. That course the noble earl (Aberdeen) said had not been followed up, and he instanced the seizure of ships form ing part of Don Pedro's armament, which were afterwards given up. The question of the seizure had been submitted to the. law authorities of the crown, and when it was found that the seizure had been improperly made, the vessels were, conse quently, given up, audit could not be otherwise. Would the noble earl have counselled the government to act in opposition to the advice of their own law officers, and maintain the seizure? In pursuance oi their neutral policy, the Admiral (Sartorius) commindin , Don Pedro's fleet, had been dismissed the naval service of this country. But the noble earl said they had a squadron in the Tagus. True they had, but they did not send a naval force to Portugal, until they were importuned to do so by the petitions of the British subjects residing in Portugal. (Hear.) That squadron now remains there to protect British interests, and so tong as British interests require its protection; so long will it remain there. The neutrality of Spain, as respected Portugal, he considered to be . perfectly necessary. 'mere was a cordial union between the government of Spain and that of this country, in endeavouring to make a permanent peace in Portugal. With respect to the latter part of the King's speech, which referred to the necessity of strong mea sures being resorted to in'lreland, he could only say, as one of the King's servants, that it was the intention of his • Majesty's government to uphold the authority of the law, to put down violent disorder, and to crush every attempt that might be made to put an end to the legislative union—any attempt to do which, he agreed with the noble mover of the address, would lead to a dismemberment of th ese coun t r i es , an d t en d to the ruin of Ireland. Ni ith respect to the question of Church Re form, the government had determined to effect such a settle ment of the c:ergy as would prove not only conservative of the church of II elanu, but also productive of prosperity and peace. It was their intention to remote the abuses which, it was not to be disguised, had created so much dissatisfaction even amongst toe sincerest and the aunt stanch of the friends of that esta blishment, and to place it upon a footing which would com- - mend the respect as well of its friends as of those who were dissenting from the church of Ireland. Such, in brief, were tile views of the government, and if acted upon to the extent of which they were capable, he was convinced that they would tend to tne ultimate. amicable settlement of the dissensions . which had so long agitated the unhappy country to which they were to be applied. (Cheers.) The Earl of ABERDEEN roseto explain. The noble earl had accused hini of acting on this occasion on personal motives, and of being actuated by a wish to excite animosity and discord. lie could truly, and with cordial sincerity, assure the noble earl that he was far from entertaining such confined notions of his duties as to suffer himself to be guided by other than feelings of interest for the general welfare, and in particular with respect to the course he had pursued with regard to the Belgian and Dutch question. The Duke of WELLINGTON said the noble earl (Grey) throughout his speech kept finding fault with his noble friend (the hart of Aberdeen) stating his views of the policy of his Majesty's Government iu respect to Holland in place in Parliament. The noble earl imputed to his noble friend, and to those who acted with him, that he and they acted in this way with a view to encourage the King of Holland in opposing the acts of the British Government. Something of the same sort had already appeared in certain public newspapers, in which it was more than insinuated that they (the opposition) were ad vising the King of Holland as to the course he should pursue.' If he (the Duke of Wellingtou) had advised the King of Hol land as to the course he should adopt upon the occasion, he could tell those who made the charge, that his Majesty's Minis ters would have had much more difficulty than they already had in carrying into effect their embargo upon Dutch vessels. (Hear, ileac.) • For several days previous to that embargo be ing laid on Dutch vessels the mouth of the Thames was com pletely open, and was quite unprotected from any enemy wish ing to take advantage of such a circumstance, to revenge them selves fur an injury done to them. (Hear, hear.) It he had_ advised the King of Holla n d, w ith a view to enable him to in jure this country, he probably might have pointed to the unpro tected state of the 1. hames. But the King of Holland acted more wisely when he adopted the • resolutions with respect to British vessels, and in his (the Duke of Wellington's) opinion he would have acted still more wisely-if he had taken off all re strictions from British vessels. By so doing he would have set at defiance that most unjust and illegal embargo which had been laid by this government on Dutch vessels. (Hear, hear.) He, therefore, thiew aside, with the contempt they merited, those imputations which had been cast upon them who had espoused the cause of the King of Holland. (Hear.) The noble earl (Grey) had adverted to his (the Duke of W.'s) opinion respecting the re-union of Belgium and Holland. He admitted that he did say, a few days after he had quitted office, that a union between Belgium and Holland was then impossible. tut from the line or conduct adopted by the noble earl, in in ducing the Prince of Orange to offer himself to the people of Belgium, it was evident that he had the same feeling - him Self. It was not right, therefore, to charge him exclusively with en tertaining that opinion. (Hear.) The noble earl said that in everything which had been done due regard was had to thein . - terests of the King of Holland. But it was his (the Duke of Wellington's) opinion, that the moment the present negotia tions respecting Belgium and Holland were entered upon, that moment the government abandoned the cause of the King of Holland, which had been the first grand principle upon which the late government proceeded. Indeed it was the only business of the late government in all that they had done in these trans actions. In the progress of negotiations like those, it was im possible to imagine a greater blunder than the recognition of the independence .of Belgium. It would have been bad enough had it stopped there ; but every step in the negotiation made matters better for Belgium, and worse for Holland. Holland was left to make her way out of the difficulty as she best could, though it was professed to conduct everything upon the most equitable principles. The negotiations, which were at first conciliatory, were next mediatorial, and ended in war; and that was called a due regard to the interests of Holland, and a maintenance of those principles of a distribution of p o w er an d territory upon which the European system had been already based. As soon as Holland was abandoned by the British mi nisters, the British ministers were abandoned by three other powers, and in proof of it he might mention that the plenipo tentiaries of the three other powers were not authorised to give their approbation to the treaty of Jan. 1832. The negotiations were afterwards recommenced, and considerable progress to wards an adjustment was made, as,the King of the Netherlands did not hesitate to make considerable sacrifices - in order to . avoid a bleach. When, however, matters were in this promis ing condition, the King of Belgium interposed, to state that he could not consent to any alteration in the treaty of November; unless Antwerp and its citadel were first placed in his hands. • The business of the British cabinet at such a juncture should have been to have persuaded the Belgian minister to give up this point; but they did nothing like it. The King of the Ne therlands sent no answer to the proposition, and from that mo- . ment the capture of Antwerp was the great object. He was •