The Sun. — London, England, 1847-07-03 00:00:00

• _ IMPERIAL. P - A,RLIAMENT. &OUSE OF LORDS, July 2. The Bookie sat to-day at Five o'clock. ROYAL ASSENT. . i3iila on . The Royal Assent was given to-day by Commissi to the following seventy-three public and private Naval Mutiny Bill—Naval Prisons Bill—Roy 'al 14arine Service Bill—Quakers and Jews Mar riages Bill Masters in Chancery Bill Bsetba and Washhouses Bill Cornwall Railway Bill London and North-Western Railway (purchase of Railway Ellesmere's interest, &c.) Bill—Vale of Ne a a r t b h ou ß r at ail_ Bill—General Terminus and Glasgow Rail way Brandies Bill—Gloucester and D . ean i F li n o ah re ir s e t Railway y (Construction of Docks) Bill—East Li (Deviation at Boston, and Branch tuorelGarbeya)t_GArimmbt and Sheffield Junction Railway at G gate, Nottingham, and Boston, ftildEaßstznehJeusncitniotno Railway (Alioration of L i neot and Nottingham)—Llynvi Val or near the Town of Isl Val ley Railway Extension A —Shrewsbury Birming ham Railway Act Bristol and South WalesmJun(eGtiloanagoßwa,ilwGaayrnaknirdk,Aatillsdt Perry—Caledonian Rai lway, _ Coatbridge Railway,B Br anch to Glasgow and Station) Caledonian and Dumbar tonshire Junction Railway (De viation between Duntocher Lime-w orks and Bowlin see — Midl an d Great Western Railwa y of Ireland—N awry veld Enniskillen Railway Acts Amen dment — Neu sport, Abergavenny, and Hereford Railway (Deviate - eis)— Herneßay and CanterburyJunction—London and South- Western Railway (Widening, &c.)—Dundee and. Perth Railway (Alterations and Extension)—Gleegow, Barr head, and Neilston Direct Railway (Branch to join the West London Mule fey, &c.)— aste ß rn ailw Co ay Counties Railway (Maldov, , Witham., and Brain treePurchase)—Greae 'Southern and Westert Railway Extension (Portarliagean and Tullamore)- _- Norfolk Railway (Branch from Wymondham to- the Norwich Extension of the Ipswich and Bury Ste :Ed mund's Railway, and the, proposed Thetford and 'Re;ed ham Railway, near Diss)—Glasgow, Barrhead e and Neilston Direct, and Glasgow Southern Terminus Railways Amalgamation—Southampton and Dorc-hester Railway, (New Forest Deviation and Branches) — Lowestoft Railway and Harbour (Alteration near Reedham) Norfolk Railway (Yarmouth Extensions)—Dublin and Drogheda Railway Branch from Navan to Kells—Southampton and Dorc'aester Railway (Weymouth Branch)—Swansea Valley Rail way—Manchester and Lincoln Union Railway De viation—Manchester and Leeds Railway (Branch from the Huddersfield Railway)—South-Eastern Railway (North Kent and Bricklayers' Arms Junction) — Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport Railway and Branch— Dundee and Ifewtyle Railway—London and North- W estern Rellwtry (Newport Pagnell, Olney, and Welling. borough Branch)—North Staffordshire Railway (Altera tions and Branches)---South Wales Railway—Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire Junction Railway— Dublin and Betfast Junction and Navan Branch Railway —Boston, Sta.meord and Birmingham Railway (Peter borough and 'Thorney Line)—East Lincolnshire Railway (Louth Navigation Purchase)—London and North- Western Railway (Coventry and Nuneaton Branches) — London and South-Western Railway (Andover to the Bishopstoke and Salisbury Branch)—Manchester, Shef field and Lincolnshire Railway (Branch at Bugsworth) —York and Newcastle Railway, and Wearmouth Dock Eulergemstit—hlidland Railway (Leicester and Swannington)—London and North-Western Railway (Atherstone and Whitacre Branch)-- Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan Railway (Amend ment and Deviations and Branches)—Birmingham and Wolverhampton, and Stour Valley iteilway (No. 1) — Shropshire Union Railways and Canal (Lease to the London and North-Western Railway Company)—Swan sea Docks—Croydon Commercial Gas ane Coke Com pany—Dunfermline Waterworks—Falmouth Water works. Macduff Harbour Improvement Wark worth Harbour—London, (City) Small Debts— Weetaiinster and Part of Middlesex Sewers—Bristol Building and Improvement Act Amendment—Bristol Commercial Insurance Company—Wyndham's Estate Bill—Long's Estate Bill—Poyntzfield's Estate Bill— Horne's (Ferguson's) Estate Bill—Hodgson Hinde's Estate Bill—Leigh's Estate Bill. The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, Feed Spencer, and Lord Denman. PUNISHING A SOLDIER, IN THE SEVENTH HUSSARS. Lord BROUG HAM wished to ask his Noble Friend a question with respect to the punishment of a soldier of the 7th Hussars, named Radcliffe, who had been charged with a very grave offence, namely shooting at his sergeant with a pistol loaded with ball. If the charge was true it was a very grave one. He wished to ask his Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) whether be had received any in formation that the colotel had ordered him to be marched to his trial on the following Wed nesday "t t receive the greatest punishment that could be inflicted upon him." This was an extra ordinary letter, hut he (Lord Brougham) supposed that it referred to the punishment he should receive if he was found guilty. The Duke of WELLINGTON said he had received information of the transaction. The fact of the matter was this, A e tlier of the 7th Hussars, of the name of Smith (not Radcliffe) shot a sergeant-major of the same regiment by the aid of his fire-arms. This was an infa mous and atr ;cious Act, and was particularly deserving of notice in Ireland, where it was too much the practice of the country at large to connive at the escape of mur derers.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham.) It was an Act deserving of the notice of the commanding officer of the regiment ; and it was incumbent on him to mark his sense of its atrocity, not only on account of the regi ment, but of the country,where it occurred. The sol dier committed one of two military offences, and the commanding r,eficer was riaitt in ordering him to be con fined, and in the other step he took to mark his sense of the atrocity of the , crime wi1iA.,h9 , 4.-beSil SOAP* found with him was, that he did not say, when he ordered the soldier's hair to be cut, what was the reason for which he heel given that order, for this might lead to the supposition that he was prejudging the case. He was , of opinion, however, that in the main the commanding officer had acted rightly in the course he had taken. Lord BROUGHAM said that his Noble Friend was quite right in describing the offence as a grave one, but his objection was against what had t Ikea place before trial, and elso to the terms of the order. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the man was not tried for being concerned in the murder, but for im properly using his own ammunition, or for purloining that of another. The subject dropped. QUALIFICATION OF PEERS (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion of the Earl of ROSEBERY, this Bill was read a third time. The Noises EARL then moied an amendment, giving power to a foeeign corml to administer the oath of alle giance in those cases that came under the provisions of the Bill. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH opposed that clause, as he thought ne such power ought to be conferred. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw; no division, however, took place. The amendments were then agreed to, and the Bill was read a third time and passed. POOR-LAW ADMINISTRATION BILL. On the order of the day for going into the Poor-law Administration (Ireland) Bill, Lord BROUGHAM said that he should not give his support to this measure, for in his opinion it was not im portant, in the administration of a law of this nature, to have an officer connected with it in Parliament, to whom any questions concerning it could be addressed. But there was one very serious objection to the method in which it was proposed to connect that officer with the general administration of the country. In all ministerial questions which were proposed, there must be one of two terteinations to the question—either the defeat of those who opposed the Govetnment, or of the Government itself ; and as this poor-law officer would be connected with tile Ministry, every question which was proposed by the Ministry and disputed in Parliament, must affect him and his office, as one of that Ministry ; so that, in stead of having a calm and unbiassed administration of these laws by that officer, the poor-law and its adminis tration would be shaken or affected by nearly every ques tion which wiss discussed in Parliament. Let them once agree to any such connexion with the Ministry, and every sort of cry that could be raised against the Ministry , would be faised, and every act of the Poor-law Commis sioners, though done with the very best intention, would be urged against them in every possible way. Acts which might be really humane in themselves, and have for their Intimate object the alleviation of the sufferings 0 1 the poor, would for their apparent severity be cavilled Min Parliament, and furnish a constant matter of corns against the Government of the dap. The exist ence of such an officer in connexion with the Ministry 'would famish an additional and fruitful source of political w e t -- e se and combinations, and while the question of be in mall:: P°° ..tte r s:. law was nominally raised it might would be in agis t aa m l i t be, the poor-lawson of a very different . sort t .cr it i a t tbut whatever the question . mi e nt had known a Government ts! saril Y with a small majority, an d 'c' be affected by it. He on for one or two years defy to pursue a steady such % ears ,„l ( leesernment he would 'respect to the poor law. It might be said that he nth be no hindrance to the commissioners doing t heir be The motto etelum might be " fiat justitia, runt ecelum"— eae t l . utterly nuuirilbeblYes from the heaven of Downing- street, beeit w impossible to hinder the moat serious being thrown in the way of this o ffi cer. This would be the consequence, and the inevitable consequence of the introduction of this officer into Government. S that at the present ti me — w h en the country was u u P pu posin tia eve of a general electio n — t h at such an officer were ot l e existence, and had laid down with the consent of the Government, a particular mode of administering the poor-laws, could it be expected that if the existing Government had a small majority, they would attempt in conjunction with this commissioner to carry into effect so obnoxious an order as the one upon which they were beaten the other night—namely, the separation of the sexes? The Government had been defeated the other evening in attempting to enforce this principle--a prin ciple which was a most proper one—and he for one tendered them his hearty and sincere thanks for resist ing the opposition which was brought against it. He thought that this Bill, if carried, would give a very unfair means of annoying the existing Government, without any eetteesponding benefit to the poor. He did not indeed think that such an officer was necessary, and it would be very difficult to get on e with the knowledge of the class over wh ose interests he would have to preside, and with the firmness which wo uld be required to carry into effect that which it w ould be his duty to do. Suppo s i ng t h at this officer were in office, and just as he had acquired all these i e sites suffi ciently for the disch arge o f his tamitifok d . duties, cl that he sh , old he compelled t o sto out of offic e by a , Ministry, w.mld :het not involve th e necessity etapnlF're• ag another o ffi cer in of fi ce, who, just as he haul learhiedinall that his predecessor had acquired, might leave his office at the same critical period? These were hie reeking 9u.1.44. ) . for not giving his assent to this Bill, and upon these 1 grounds he felt it his duty to give his vote against it. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he felt ne cessary to trouble their Lordships for some few moments in answer to the Noble Lord who had last spoken. He was very happy to say that, although there were few of the acts of the Poor-law Commissioners which were open to objection, yet their justification was of necessity given by a tedious and circuitous route, and lost with the public very much of the effect which the immediate and prompt vindication of their conduct would have,and which could be given, by one of their body publicly in Parini anent. A great deal of the objection which had been raised - to the Poor-law Commissioners bad been raised in con -sequerace of their proceeding, as it were, secretly and in the dark; and this provision would at once remove that iunfailing cause of disturbance and clamour. His Noble 7riend had stated many difficulties as likely to arise from the connexion of this officer with the Government 1 There were other officers connected with the Govetn went whose situations were quite as open to the attacks and strategems of the opposition for party purses as even this one could be, and he (the Marquis Lans downe) saw no reason why the gentlanan who filled this office should be particularly selected ", a the object of this sort of interference any more than those gentlemen who now hp',d officio; situ tions in connexion with the, Gover liment. ge would also say, to the honour of the crl l *.ry, that none of those gentlemen had, except, in rare 'lnstances, been made the object of any annoy',ince to 0 - .. e Go vernmen t b y un f oun d e d charges ; but, OP. the emitrary, any interference which had 'taken place, was only with the view of obtaining AP sw ens to fair and legitimate questions. The Secre 4,ary of Ste.te for the Home Department was an officer who was quite as likely to be math) the subject of these unfounded charges, for in his hands was the power of life and death; he had the power of deciding whether the criminal should suffer the last extremity of the law, and to him the relations and friends frequently came to intercede, and he issued his fiat unchecked or uncon trolled, for execution or otherwise; and yet be had never heard any instance in which any attempt at getting up charges for party purposes had been made. What had fallen from his Noble and Learned Friend did not re quire any further answer from him, and he hoped that their Lordships would go into Committee without feel ing that this Bill was likely to create those evils which his Noble and Learned Friend bad described. After a few words in explanation from Lord BROUGHAM. Lord STANLEY said that he entirely concurred in the statement which had been made by his Noble and Learned Friend near him. That the appointment of this officer in connexion with the Government should create some risk of undue interference with these laws for party purposes, but he did think that it would also be a check upon any undue administration of the law by the commissioners, by the appointment of on officer with a Parliamentary responsibility. He thought that if that officer had been appointed in connexion with the Minis try before the present time, many misrepresentations which had gained credence and gone abroad, would have been contradicted and satisfactorily denied. He thought, however, that the Parliamentary responsibility men tioned by the Noble Marquis would rest as much upon the Government generally as upon the officer appointed, and thus a connexion would be formed which would render it the interest of that officer to countenance and support the interference of the Government in these laws whatever it might be. Upon the whole, however re luctantly and doubtfully, he leaned towards the opinion that it was desirable to connect this officer with the Go vernment—for then much of that misrepresentation, and unfounded persecution, lately sustained by the Poor-law Commissioners would either be at once sustained and proved, or publicly and promptly denied. He thought that, under all the circumstances, the connexion of this commissioner with the Government was advisable, and, therefore, without going into any other principle of the Bill at that time, he should give it his support. Lord COLCHESTER very much feared that this plan would not secure to her Majesty's Ministers that secu rity from unfounded imputations which he (Lord Col chester) thought was one of the objects of this Bill ; for, inasmuch as this commissioner was to be connected with the Governrneqt, any charge brought against him must be brought against them all. Though he only would attempt to refute or deny any of these accusations. He did not dissent from the principle of the measure, but he certainly thought it capable of very material improve ment. Earl ST. GERMANS said that his Noble Friend had takeii off the half-and-half responsibility which was at present incurred by her Majesty's Government, par ticularly the Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment—with respect to the administration of the poor• laws—in common with the Poor-law Commissioners. That objection would still exist, even though one of these commissioners were to have a seat in Parliament, unless the whcle of the Board of Commissioners was re-constructed by the Government, before taking that step. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then rose, and ad • dressed the House briefly, but his observations were quite inaudible in the gallery. . . The House then resolved itself into Committee upon the Bill. On clause 1 being proposed, Lord ELLENI36IiOfTGH moved that the words— First Lord of the Treasury—be inserted in the list of commissioners to be appointed. Earl GREY said that he nil not think that the inser tion of these words would do any harm, neither would they be of the slightest use ; he did not think that any single beneficial object would be answered by the inser tion of these words. Clauses 1 to 9 were then agreed to. On clause 10 being proposed, Lord REDESDALE moved the omission of this clause—it threw a large amount of patronage into the hands of the Government, at the most dangerous time it could be done, namely, on the eve of a general election. -tes..t- some desultory ine tiouse divided, when there appeared-7- For the amendment—Contents Non contents Majority for Non -contents The Duke of RICHMOND then moved a clause to the effect—that if the board of guardians, after a period of three months, did not appoint a visiting committee, and that visiting committee did not perform its duty by visiting the workhouses to take care that the poor were not ill-treated by those placed over them. It should be imperative on the Poor•law Commissioners to appoint a visitor, and that visitor to be paid out of the rates of that union. This clause was, in his opinion, absolutely necessary for the protection of the poor who were re ceiving relief in the workhouses, and for the purpose of compelling the board of guardians to perform their duties. After a brief discussion, the clause was withdrawn. The remaining clauses of the Bill were then agreed to. The House then resumed, aria the Bill was reported to the House, with amendments. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and their Lordships adjourned until Four o'clock to morrow. ROUSE OF COMMONS, July 2. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) NAVIGATION-LAWS. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then moved that the Navi gation-laws Bill be read a second time. Lord GEORGE BENTINCK rose to oppose the motion. He did so because he thought the present mea sure was a pretext to undermine the present navigation laws. Since the suspension of those laws, innumerable vessels, in all parts of the world, had been waiting for freight and could not get it. There had not been more than one or two ships from the Mediterranean since the suspension of the laws, and at present .rates were every day falling at Alexandria, Constantinople, and Odessa. He therefore contended that the necessity for the further suspension of the navigation-laws had entirely passed away. With regard to the small vessels from the Elbe and the Weser, which formed so large an item in the re turn of the number of foreign grain-laden vessels, which had been laid on the table, the further suspension of the laws from September to March would be wholly inope rative.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord had been so desirous as it was stated to bring in a large supply of foreign corn cheaply, he might have spared the five steam-ships that were cru i s i ng off Portuga l f or t h at pur ' pase, and by this means he would have done far more good than by suspending the navigation-laws.—(Hear, hear.) This was the course pursued by France, and it was productive of the greatest advantage to the trade and commerce of that country. If this suspension of the navigation-latvs was to be considered as preliminary to the abrogation of these laws, he would ask the Noble Lord how he proposed to man the navy ?—(Hear, hear.) America had attained the great eminence which at pre : sent characterised the navy, not, as it was falsely ; stated, by relaxing the navigation-laws, but by giving her shipping the greatest protection. In 1814 the British navy was manned by 114,000 men, and now the number was not more than 30,000. It might be said that when the corn-laws were repealed the navigation :laws must share the same fate. He did not see the con :nexion which existed between them, or that the one followed as a necessary consequence of the other. It 'gave him great pain to see some shipowners supporting the abolition of the corn-laws at the time that measure was brought forward, and he sincerely hoped that they ;should not have occasion to regret the part which they inotfetrheestn.—(umHbeeraor,r grain laden that came to this country from the United 'lie lad ekhna against a a i p i n s st comparativethe statement. there otirotsheo w ths e e : te ;States of America, from the lOth of September last to i l t G h r e ea l t st 2, o r f it M . andT4hseoretwowere 2 u 9 n 4 i te v d es s se t l a s te b s. elon o g f in t g hes to e their voywhile there were 21 American; of 'anY accidentformtebracwkhiacnhdhaddismcoenttwiniuthe a weree i on si n a l l tit ysea,3obliged o. ft h t t2 o !thrown overboa were obliged to ,.. Arne _ there we re xican; and of throds there were 6 British and -I ere were 3 put h a a v n e d t l h 7 eircarg American; oe s and cheers.) This L l vre h 14 British, while the shipping skill ve o t h r e e energy ; ; pilot had not lost his cut-oiught" of destroying proved that the British r h e ad l2 b A ee la n er s ic tr a a n n ._ de ( dd c h a e r r i e h w e e a r r e , a believing this country, and of undermining their naval superiority, that this measure would nor the British sailor his 'l.cf"w?uld move that the months. which, more than any other their greatness and their power, Bill Lordb e read j. R a u s s e s c second ra time said, h that d d o ay: rider — and I hope that this House will not to °on" not Consider— that this is a question with regard to the navigation-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever may of the be the merits of these laws—whether it may be righmtatyo main twin them inviolate —whether it is right to make certain changes in them, or right to repeal them altogether — that is not the question brought before the House under the present Bill. AR that I will say, the.rpc ,, re, on that r , t; of au: supposition of the Noble Lord —and which inp.ii , d a - considerable part of bi- arldrt:bs to thy Ilou4e —is, that I beg to remind the House that, when the Committee upon the navigation-laws was appointed to siti it Was a question of the most serious importance to -- - scibtxati contributed interests to the teuntry, and in the consideration of the report of that ;'Committee, or the evidence which authorised any alte ration to be made in the navigation-laws, this House is ' bound to consider the burdens upon British ship owl tars, and take into consideration any disadvantage the 19'ay have to contend with, at the same time that it con gleAers any restrictions which are to be imposed upon for etgn shipping. That will be at last for our cons .sif lettstion; but the question now before the House is, W tether the present navigation-laws shall be suspended • 0-and it must be obvious to the House that we may suss feud laws of this nature without at all affecting the iPrineiple upon which they are founded. With respect te the very question of the corn-laws, the corn-laws save been, during the last fifty years, frequently sus pended; sometimes for six months, sometimes for a year, end sometimes for two years, the great majority of both ought not of Parli a m en t at t h e same t i me maintaining the poliey of th ese l aws , an d fi rm on the principle that they not to be altered. This may be urged in regard to tree navigation-laws, and I own that lam surprised at, ....ke . Noble Lord and his friends taking this course with regard to the navigation-laws at the present mo ment, having consented to the suspension of the corn laws. It appears to me that if you consented in prin ciple to the suspension of the corn-laws you will be perfectly justified in coming before the next Parliament and saying, "We have not given up the principle of protection,-the Parliament which has been dissolved a r e rror in in sliding d scale oii ora away y fixed with duly that o n principle, corn, afwonards that t a require i e s as y stem found upon a better policy than the total repeal of these laws." You would be perfectly justified in raising such an argu ment ; it is probably not a strong answer to such a proposition to say that you are precluded from making such a proposition, because you suspended the corn-laws during the past year. If that is the case with regard to the navigation-laws, it cannot be urged as coming against the navigation-laws, that there has been a certain period in which you proposed to suspend those laws. The Noble Lord, having consented to the suspen sion of the corn-laws, declares that the navigation-laws ought not tO be suspended. Now, what is the ground for suspending the corn-laws? It is expected that there will be a great quantity cf corn brought into this country, and therefore it is the policy of this country to use every means by which that admission may be free and open to all, and if that principle is good with regard to the corn which is to be admitted, why should it not be held good with regard to the vessels in which that corn is brought ? If you admit corn free of duty, you must also take measures to admit that corn as freely as possible, whatever may be the vessel in which that corn may come—we should not ask any questions with respect to the lading of these vessels, or their country, or the parties who own them; but because they bring provisions, on that ground we admit them. It appears to me that the two questions stand upon a perfectly similar footing, and it is quite inconsistent for the Noble Lord, having agreed to sus pend the present corn duties, to raise a new objection to the suspension of this other law, and thus impose a restriction upon the admission of corn from which the duty is removed. The Noble Lord says, and says truly, that I stated the other day that I was prepared to argue that if 500,000 quarters of corn came in under the re cent suspension of the navigation-laws, still I should be prepared to contend that these laws ought to bo further suspended. I did so declare myself, because I think that the necessity of the country is such that we ought not to impose any restrictions whatever, and that the best is to make the admission of corn as free as possible-- whether the benefit arising from that admission may be small or may be large. At least I have asserted that principle, and I have taken away any restriction under which corn is admitted. That as an argument is perfectly good, whatever may be the amount of corn admitted. The Noble Lord has agreed as to the quantity of corn admitted—he has agreed to those returns, which I believe, with regard to most of the ports in the United Kingdom from which those returns have been received, are correct. I find with regard to London and Liver pool the quantities are the same. Lord G. BEN fINCK—You have no return from Liverpool. Lord J. RUSSELL—With regard to some of the ports, I believe that the custom-house has made an error with regard to the quantity which might have come in if the navigation-laws had not been suspended, and there may be some alteration necessary in the general return, but as to the total amount which it represents it is pro bably correct as to what has been introduced. The amount introduced has been brought in by 508 ship amounting in tonage to 63,555 tons. The Noble Lord says that it would have been far better to have sent line-of battle ships, which could introduce corn from foreign countries. I argued this question at the commencement of the session, and satisfied one Hon. Gentleman, who made a motion upon that subject, that in the first place the amount of tonnage of the line-of battle ships which we should have at our command would have been small ; and, in the second place, it would have taken some time to have fitted up these line of battle ships so as to be prepared for the reception of corn ; and, in the next place, that it would have taken them away from any military service in which they might be required. Supposing that any question like the question of Otaheite, which arose a few years since, were to arise with any foreign power, it would have been a great disadvantage to the public, to have found ourselves crippled by the employ ment of these ships, so necessary for the service of the country for some other purposes. The last argument which.' used, and which was the strongest of all, was, that when the State interfered in subjects of this nature, the more it proclaimed that it was about to undertake to fur nish that which commerce usually furnishes, the more it had disturbed and checked and discouraged the natural enterprise and trade of 'the country.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what will the tonnage of the Q ueen , th e T ra f a l gar , the Albion, and the Rodney amount to if they are estimated ? The Queen, 3,104 tons; the Albion eci "a Oi n . equal fl amnnt7 ; a 7 iTiirli t' 'sV, 'we - would have had 12,000 tons available for these purposes. 63,555 is the amount of tonnage which foreign ships have introduced into this country, and which could not have been introduced except by a suspension of the navigation laws, and they have left you to have the employment of these ships for any other purposes you might require. The Noble Lord lies introduced an assertion in' his speech which has nothing at all to do with the present discussion —namely, the policy pursued in Portugal. That has nothing whatever to do with this subject, be cause if these ships had not been in Portugal they would have been in the Mediterranean. They are part of the k m i i n l d itary o f fmarinee h ono which the ntry, etohnnioo, country yd must are re l y the in case of any sudden danger. But these foreign ships have done all this work—they have done five times as much as these vessels could have done for the benefit of the country, and without the expense. They have sent these ships, and they have done it without any expense further than the natural payment or profit charges which are paid and expected by merchants. Therefore I entirely dissent, as I said at the beginning of this session, from this plan. I disagree with the plan of bringing out a corps of line-of-battle ships for the pur pose of bringing foreign eorn into this country. But beyond this, let this House consider for one moment this question apart from the question of the navi gation-laws. What has been the immense . impor tation of corn which has been carried on by the trade month,rsKos haat. itmonewge this d o.t fiar m on eu u w nt oh i t trpehyr effortsefh c o ae o vd d ee . nb wt ee l hd V ni e chchi h aghr a har y iyp e e etir i had, bcoeene of this country f or the purpose of supplying the United been tnaosmcalaondrseneh corn, but oy l b l rumtth r oe e au s tts e r n aet pt xdh l y ee. tent. So me ti me ago the im ua p atr o tt r ho t er a s t r, io ab n t en o t o f f d c tn o w r r ei n nl vg w e was millions l t i lo t a h ns e st a n n i d ne in tn de i e ll d io l n a s tte o r f ly cl , r ra t .s i i c nb u e l e s i . ei r ist z a : n e w k hi s me i n. t kmtohhfnaeesonqwaseucexnacorost accounts r nd s tesd i in the rh ea tma y am e d a eo r u , and onutt;, t but h in a a t some l t t h og e r e et pa rticular weeks it has exce eded t hat amount ; but altoget he , im an p d or l ta s t h io o n u — ld asagyretahtaetr nimotpolretsastitohnanthsainx emveilrfiwonass of our people may have been fed during the present year by that importation from foreign countries. Compare that with with any effort which could have been made by line• of-battle ships. Compare this immense amount of corn and shipping, owing solely to the enterprise of merchants and importers. Compare these with any , efforts the Gov ernment cou ld make, and then you may estimate the fact th at , b y throwing open the ports , and giving the intercourse with foreign countries, you have saved the people from suffering from want of food. But the Noble Lord seems to think that this must be a repeal of the navigation-laws, because there are no extraordinary circumstance—that the neces sity has passed. He says that there are no circumstances which require this. Lord G. BENTINCK—I said that the necessity would have passed away by the Ist of September. Lord J. RUSSELL —Now let me ask the attention of , the House to the extraordinary circumstances which have occurred in the last few months. Thereha3 been in France a very great failure of the crops. It was estimated that . , France at one time had only 18 days' consumption, at an , other 25 days ; and some went so high as to say that 40 days' consumption of food was wanting—that the supply was to that extent deficient. That deficiency extended to .Germany to a very great extent, so much so, that corn , upon the Rhine had risen at one time to 90s. per quar ter, and the peace of the country was disturbed in Prus sia; and in other parts, owing to the extraordinary rise in provisions. This has called for importation from all parts of Europe and America from which any supply was to be had. There has been an extraordinary supply from America, and there has been, as I have stated, a very great importation to this country. Prance had re quired a great part of the importation from the Black Sea, and that corn which, if there had been a good harvest in France, would have been brought here, has been taken to France for the consumption of that country. In the month of January we thought the case so urgent, that we proposed a suspension of the corn duty and the navigation-laws, and that suspension was at once ag,reed to. The average price for the preceding six weeks to that time was 635. 10d. per quarter, and in one week preceding the price was so high as 70s. 10d. per quarter. ' Under these circumstances, the House agreed una nimously to the suspension of these laws. Since that week., by t h e - 1 1 1 a 5 n s e . rise per on one time there has been a most extraordinary ri se i n t h e price of corn, and we have seen to 1003., 1085., and, c o rn in I believe Mar k quartet. —(Hear, day, t.x _....(lfear, hear.) Th e . price has again fall en , b ut the average for the last six Gazette, is 945. 10d unanimously to the suspension of the navigation-laws, let me per quarter.—(Hear, hear.) Th e repeat, when the House consented price of corn, was 635. 10d. per quarter ; and now, when the price is be continued. The Noblo up on the Ist of September, the Lord says that, Who can tell that for in 945. Lod. per quarter , I am told that it is unreasonable me to a s k th a t s uspension to necessity w ill have passed away . Who this co intry the necessity will have ptised away ? Lord G. whole question. J. RUS..7',WLIThe for ships %Tin -t have passed away : that is my whole argument; if we 31 CTINC, 1 X—I snic! the .aee.!;;Eity for :ships; have a necessity for corn there is a necessity for ships to EVENING, JETTY 3l 1847. bring it. My argument is that if you have a ship which brings corn to you, you ought not to say " this is American corn, it has - been taken from on board; it has been landed at Havre, and brought again here. I will not admit it—you must take it back again." My argument is that if you admit corn —if you have a necessity for the admission of corn, it ought to be admitted in whatever ships it may come. What are the prospects fir the next year? Who can tell, however sanguine may be the expectation at the present moment, the weather of the next six weeks will give us a bountiful and abundant harvest ? Who can tell whether the harvest of the continent of Europe will be bountiful? Who can tell whether the great abundance with which America has been blessed during the past year will be continued in the present year, and that we may not have at another time, not only the difficulty of getting supplies of corn in England, and Europe, but the difficulty of having the large sup plies we have had in the present year from America? Let us not forget, with regard to this subject, that the price of corn has lately been as high, taking into consi deration the depreciation of the currency, as it was at any period of the past year ; and let us not forget what is the most remarkable part of the present subject—that there is an extraordinary consumption. But there have been very large imports from the seats of foreign trade, and there have been a very great num ber of railway works ' • and I believe that they have in many respects diminished or alleviated the calamities under which we are suffering by causing a considerable demand for labour. But, at the same time, when I look to the amount of calls upon railways from January to this time, and I find that there has been em ployed twenty one millions, of which somewhat more than eighteen millions are required for the United King dom, it is impossible not to see that the expenditure of a very large portion of this sum must have led to a con• siderable consumption which would not have taken place if there had not been so extraordinary an expenditure. That consumption again leads to an increased price, and of course leaves less of the whole amount of food to be divided amongst the people of this country. But the construction of railways has in one sense tended to the augmentation of the diffi culty, for I believe that they have mainly caused the consumption which is so much greater than has ever before taken place with so high a price of provisions— for this extraordinary consumption must tend to make the quantity of food in the country last for a shorter period than it would otherwise do. Taking all these circumstances into consideration, the general result is that the policy of Parliament ought to be to throw open the ports as widely as possible for the admission of food, and to take away every restriction which would prevent one single quarter of corn from coming into this country, if you mean to keep up at all the good condition of the labouring people, and, lastly, if you look to the state of the revenue in connexion with all these circumstances, you will find that you ought to pursue the policy of free and indiscriminate admission for corn. Having come to this general conclusion, I again refer to the plan of the Noble Lord, and again re peat that we will not on this question discuss the pro priety of the existence of the navigation-laws. That sub ject will most probably be brought under the con sideration of Parliament when the evidence which has been taken by the Committee has been considered, and for my part I promise to pay serious attention to that evidence whenever it shall be produced. I think that there is no question which has so many various sub jects—as relates to our commercial marine—as relates to the state of our naval power, and as relates likewise to the general principle of freedom of intercourse—there is in fact no question which can be put on so many various bases as the navigation-laws. I am most unwilling to discuss such a subject towards the close of the session with the Committee sitting—(Hear)— and taking evidence upon it, and I should not be justified in proinsing any determination to be taken upon such a subject. I shall be ready to consider any determination to be taken with reference to the general principle of commercial policy —with reference to the effect of these laws upon it—with reference to the altered state of the world—and with reference, lastly and chiefly, to the naval farce and naval supremacy of this country. Mr. RICARDO said that he did not think the general question of the navigation -laws at all involved in this dis cussion. He was surprised that the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn had made a charge against the Government that they were seeking to wish rmine the shipping interest of the country, and he could not help thinking that in opposing this measure the Noble Lord had some electioneering manceavre in view. The measure in his opinion would do no injury whatever to the shipping interest, but if they adopted the suggestion of the Noble Lord to bring line-of-battle ships into competition with the merchantstraders, it would be in flicting an irreparable injury upon the free commerce of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped the time was coming when the wood old days would be revived, and when they should see English and American ships crossing the Atlantic with ballast and returning laden with goods or corn. The period was fast approaching when, in his opinion, these laws must be altogether abolished; and he thought, when the House was put in possession of the evidence taken before the Navigation Committee, it would be inclined to agree with him.—(Hear.) Mr. LIDDELL said the present was not a fitting op. portunity to enter upon a discussion of the merits of the navigation-laws, and he should, therefore, confine his observations to the Bill before the House. It did not follow that because his Noble Friend, the Member for Lynn had consented to a further suspension of the corn-laws, he ought to agree to this measure. The navigation laws had already been suspended for a sufficient length of time, and he could not see what advantage was to be derived from con tinuing the suspension during a period when the trade of many countries was shut up by national causes. The Honourble Gentleman who last addressed the House ridiculed the idea of bringing line-of battle ships into comnefitier -•;el• •--• h. T _l3) .eoagnt tne non. Gentleman Dad mis understood the remarks of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn. The Noble Lord did not make the sugges tion attributed to him by the Hon. Gentleman. What he said was, that at a time when several ships laden with corn, and bound to this country, were unable to obtain egress into the Atlantic by stress of weather, there were several ships of war cruising off Portugal and doing nothing, which might have been better employed in assisting these ships out of their difficulties. —(Bear,) He would not detain the House any further, and he would sit down imploring the N o bl e Lord at the head of the Government to give his most serious and at tentive consideration to the subject of the navigation laws, and not too hastily come to a conc l us i on upon i t. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he wished to tell the Hon. Gentleman that he had understood him (Lord John Russell) quite correctly, and he questioned if the navi gation-laws ought to be left for future deliberation. Mr. TRELAWNY supported the Bill. Mr. S. HERBERT said, so far as this Bill was con cerned he had no sort of objection to its passing. He was most anxious that there should continue to be an ample 'supply of food in this country and in Ireland, particularly during the fruit season, and without giving any opinion upon the large and important question of the navigation-laws, he was not disposed to resist the progress of this temporary measure. He did most sin cerely regret that the Government had abandoned a Bill which, if calculated to be useful at all, would be pre eminently useful in the present year. Mr. MITCHELL would confine himself to the ques tion of the expediency of these laws, and the question was, could ships be chartered at a lower rate of freight than at present ? He affirmed that they could not, and therefore that did away with the necessity of the Bill. last year. It should pTeark cent.in g all higher the t f h r e a i n g t h h t e s y tog h ad e t been h er, the freights were 30 be recollected that the greater part of the British ship ping was employed in the conveyance of corn, which they took in preference to other freights. He did not see, therefore, that any necessity now existed either for sending ships of war to bring corn to this country, or for the suspension of these laws, Mr. AARON CHAPMAN fully agreed with the Hon. Member who had just sat down, that it would have been imprudent to have used ships of war in the carrying of corn, and he as fully disagreed with the ar guments of the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Trelawny), who appe are d t o f ou nd all his argum ents on his knowledge of the Royal Yacht Club.—(Laughter.) In his opinion the safety of this country depended upon our navy, and the efficiency o f t hat navy depended up on th e encourage ment of th e s hip p i n g now employed i n commerce. He thought that the Bill was not required, and should not be proceeded with. Mr. TRELAWNY explained. Lord JOHN MANNERS said that after the declara tion of the Noble Lord that he would give this measure his unbiassed consideration next year, he (Lord J. Man ners) was not disposed to oppose the further suspension of the navigation-laws. Mr. HUDSON said that he did not think it would be wise at present to obstruct the Government, for he was prepared to grant that some interests in the country might be benefited by the suspension of the navigation laws for a time. Mr. FORSTER hoped that the Protectionists would not at the forthcoming election raise a cry in favour of the shipowners similar to that which in 1841 they raised for the agriculturists, because the former interests would be very apt to imagine that their fate would be the same.—(Hear, hear.) Lord G. BENTINCIi said, after what had been said he should not put the H ouse to t h e t r ouble of a di v i s i on, and should withdraw his amendment. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday. CUS TODY OF OFFENDERS BILL. The House then went into Committee on this Bill, and the clauses, after sonic verbal amendments, were agreed to.--Report on Monday. PRISONS BILL. Lord MAHON wished t o k now whether, aft e r w h at occurred, the N o bl e Bill during th e and the absen ce Lord inte n d e d to proceed with thi s present session He thought, con sidering the p er i o d of the session,e of many H onourable Members who took much interest i n the matter, it would b e advisable, an d more conducive it were withdrawn. Th ere public certainly was no haste fo r e it; and he tr us t e d, therefore that the Noble Lord would not press it on a th i n House, but adopt his suggestion. Lord JOHN RUSSELL would take the Noble Lord's suggestion into consideration, and his Right Hon. Friend (Sir George second -iN - r T reading E of EXEMPTIO N this 111 being BILL. Grey) would, on Monday, state the course whi c h th e Government intended to adopt with respect to the m easure. STOCK-IN-TRADE the Sir R. IL INGLIS deprecated the changing of the law without discussing it s principles and its influence on those moved, On who would be affected by it. He considered that the Bill proposed too sweeping a cha,,ze in the I , w, and that any ch::nge thould be f.;radu a L......(llear.) Unless they were prepared to bring in a general Bill they would do great large portion of the country. If they were prepared to rate stock in trade, the owner of tithes had no right to complain ; b ut if they did not do so they would inflict a grievous injustice upon them. He did not intend to divide the House ; but, unless the Right Hon. Baronet gave a pledge that he would bring such a Bill as the one he had recommended next session, he shoulc; be compelled to do so. Sir GREY admitted that the subject was fraugh' with difficulties. The Bill had been brought in in ac cordance with a decision of the Court of Queen's Bench. He was ready to admit that the subject required future legislation, and, uo doubt, mature consideration might lead him to bring forward a more general and unobjec tionable measure than the one before the House.— (Hear.) He did not think any greater burden would be placed upon the tithe owner than on the owners of any other description of property.—(Hear.) Sir JOHN TROLI OPE would rather that this Act should be made a permanent one than that the question should be mooted annually. He did not think that the statements of the Right Hon. Baronet were so explicit as the House had a right to expect. Mr. HENLEY thought it would be impossible to make the Act permanent. He admitted that the subject was one that ought to be looked at with a very jealous eye. If the law was not either put an end to or suspended, it would lead to eternal litigation. After some observations from Mr. NEWDEGATE, Mr. HUDSON expressed a hope that the Government would turn their attention to the rating of railways, as at present he thought the mode of rating those under takings was most unjust. In some instances railways paid two-thirds of the rate of the county through which they passed. He trusted that Government would either bring in a Bill on the subject, or grant a Select Committee to take the matter into consideration. After a few words from Colonel ROLLESTON, Sir ROBERT INGLIS said that he would not press the House to a division, but he hoped the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Home Secretary would take the subject into consideration during its recess, and bring forward a mea sure next session for the purpose of removing the evils which at present existed on the subject of rating. After a few words from Mr. B. ESTCOTT and Sir C. BURRELL, Lord G. BENTINCK thought the subject too im portant to be discussed in such a thin House, when there was no Cabinet Minister present except the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment. This was one of the evils which resulted from their working double time. He should, therefore, move that the House be counted. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but there was a sufficient number of Members present to form a House. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday next. The House then adjourned till Five o'clock. The House resumed at Five o'clock. SUTTON HARBOUR IMPROVEMENT BILL, Sir J. Y. BULLER moved that the report from the Committee on the Sutton Harbour Improvement Bill be considered forthwith, prints of the amended Bill having been deposited on Wednesday, the 30th day of June last. Mr. GREENE suggested that the better course would be to recommit the Bill. Sir JOHN Y. BULLER would consent to the re committal of the Bill, provided that the Committee were allowed to sit on Monday next. This course was agreerl to. COMMIS-lON IN THE LORDS. Sir Augustus Clifford, Usher of theßlack Rod, appeared at the bar and summoned the House to the bar of the House of Lords, to hear the Royal assent given by commission to several Bills. The SPEAKER, accompanied by several Members, left for the House of Lords. On the return of the SPEAKER, he announced that several Bills (tor which see Lords' report) had received the Royal assent. LORDS' AMENDMENTS. The Lords' amendments to the following Bills were considered and agreed to : Ashton Gas Caledonian Railway (Branches to Canonbie, &c.) Chard Canal and Railway (Extension and Amalgamaton) Dublin and Drogheda Railway (Purchase of Navan . _ • Branch, &c.) _ East Lothian Central Railway Eastern Union and the Ipswich and Bury Saint Ed mund's Railways Amalgamation Eilinburgh Waterworks Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway, and Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock. and Ayr Railway (No. 1). Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway, and Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway (No. 2). Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle Railway, and Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway (No. 4). Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway, and Glasgow and Belfast Union Railway (No. 1). Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway (No. 2). Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway (No. 4). London and North-Western Railway (Portobello and Wolverhampton Branch, &c.) Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway, and Manchester and Lincoln Union Railway, and Ches terfield and Gainsborough Canal Amalgamation. Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland (Extension from Athlone to Galway). Newport, Abergavenny, and Hereford Railway (Exten sion to Taff Vale Railway). Northampton and Banbury Railway. Parkgateand Chester and Birkenhead Junction Railway. South Staffordshire Railway (Cannock, Wyrley, and Norton Branches, &c.) Swansea and Amman Junction Railway. York Improvement (Lendal Bridge and Approaches). Colonel SIBTHORP presented a petition from a great number of officers employed in the administration of the, poor-law in England and Wales, praying that the Go vernment would grant 4suner.n.uation fund. tto3l THE LOtins Messengers from the Lords brought up the following Bills, which their Lordships have agreed to :—Baths and Washhouses Bill—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lin colnshire Railway (Branch at Bugsworth to join the Peak Forest Canal Tramway, and Amendment of Acts) Bill—Midland Railway (Leicester and Swannington Railway Widening, Deviations, and Branches, Enlarge ment of Leicester Station, and extending Powers as to Branch) Bill—and to Amendments to Hodgson Hinde's Estate Bill, without Amendment;—Juvenile Offenders Bill—Midland Railway (Erewash Valley, &c.) Kilmarnock Police and Improvement Bill—Boston, Stamford, and Birmingham Railway (Wisbech to Sutton Bridge, &c.) Bill—Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Burntisland Pier, &c.) Bill, with Amendments. RELIEF COMMITTEES. Mr. B. OSBORNE presented a petition from Long. ford, in Ireland, praying that the House would institute an inquiry into th e o p era ti on o f t h e re li e f committees in Ireland. Hon. Members and the public with respect to the state ment which had appeared in the newspapers respecting his matter. The House was, no doubt, aware, that .vhen a perso❑ was convicted of a criminal offence, -us property was forfeited to the Crown ; but he practice had uniformly been to grant 'he property to the relations who might petition the Cro.vn for it. In his case Mrs. Tawell presented a memorial to the Trea ,-,ury, praying inquiry, and to have the property vested the Crown for her use; and an inquiry had been made, and it would be disposed of for her use.—(Hear, hear.) He was rather surprised that a statement should have ~ o ne forth in the newspapers imputing the grossest in humanity to the Crown, especially when it was borne in mind that the inquiry was made at her own request. MALTA. Dr. BOWRING wished to ask the Under Secretary of the Colonies whether the memorials and petitions' from Malta on the subject of the grievances of that island have received the attention of the Government, and whether any measures are in progress for their redress ? Mr. HAWE'i said the memorials had been received, and were now under the attention of the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department, and until he came to a decision, he thought it would be imprudent to say anything more on the subject. SUPPLY. Mr. lIUME inquired when the Noble Lord proposed to go into Committee of Supply? Lard JOIIN RUSSELL:--I intend to bring on the supply on Monday. SITTING OF THE HOUSE TO (THIS DAY.) In reply to fr. SPOONER, Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated that he did not think it would be necessary for thetHouse to sit to-morrow. BORNEO. Mr. EWART wished to inquire of the Under Secre tary for the Colonies, what measures have been adopted for the establishment of a settlement in the island of Labuan, on the coast of Borneo, ceded to the British Crown in December last. Mr. HAWES said her Majesty's Government were fully aware of the importance of the island ; but there was no desire on the part of the Government to mag nify the colonial establishments ; parties, however, had been appointed, who were competent to give the fullest information, whose reports would shortly be presented to the Government. IRISH LANDLORDS. Sir D. NORREYS adverted to his motion on this subject. He considered, that he had been badly used by the Noble Lord in this matter, as he had refused to reply to his question. He said if any parties had been guilty of misconduct they should be held up to the scorn which they deserved, and he called upon the Noble Lord as an act of justice to say whether all were to be implicated i❑ these disgraceful proceedings or not. Surely the innocent ought to be discriminated from the guilty. lz;rd J. RUSSELL said the report of the commis sioners stated that there were 1,700 committees, and that amongst them some abuses bad occurred; but the Hon. Gentleman would have it that that inferred that all were equally guilty.—(Hear, hear.) He did think that it was impossible to state this more clearly than the commissioners had stated it. He thought that the publication of all the names, and the institution of an inquiry, for both of which the Hon. Baronet asked, would be productive of great evil.—(Hear, hear.) The more prudent course to adopt would be to take the statement as it was, and when the parties who had acted improperly were appointed to the magistracy that an in quiry should be made into their conduct. _ _ ;fir. B. OSBORNE said if a Committee were ap pointed, that it could not accomplish the task which would be assigned to them under a year, and that the re sult of their labours would fill one of the largest blue books that has ever been printed. Lord CLEMENTS supported the view of the Hon. Baronet, and, considered that the motion ought to be agreed to. Lord J. RUSSELL explained that the cases referred to were the exceptions. Mr. WAKLEY considered that an inquiry was due to those who had not been guilty of the abominable prac• tice which had been imputed to many landlords— namely, placing their servants for support upon the rates. The matter then dropped. COLONIAL IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. In reply to Mr. NEWDEGATE, Lord J. RUSSELL stated that he would make inqu. ries respecting the returns for which the Hon. Gentle man had moved. CHINA. Lord SANDON wished to ask the Noble Lord at the head of the Government whether the recent naval and mili tary operations in China had been carried on under the sanction of the Government at home, or whether they had been entered upon on the responsibility of the Governor of Hong Kong? Lord J. RUSSELL—In answer to the Noble Lord's question, I have to state, that the Governor of Hong- Kong reported certain insults and injuries which were inflicted on British subjects, and the answer of the Government to him was, that he ought to demand from the Chinese Government redress for such injuries and insults. After he had sent these reports, other cases arose, of which an account did not reach this country until a short time ago; but the Governor of Hong-Kong, on taking into consideration that he was desired to demand redress in certain eases, and these other cases having occurred since that time, upon consulting with the general commanding, thought that the only way of obtaining effectual redress was to ask the officers com manding the naval and military forces to co operate with him, and, certainly, in a naval and military point of view, their plans were well designed and ably carried into effect. This is the only general answer I can give to the Noble Lord When the papers on the subject are produced, they will, no doubt, show why the Governor io and why also he thought he could not obtain redress without adopting that course. HEALTH OF TOWNS. On the order of the day for going into Committee on this Bill, Mr. HORSMAN wished to put a question to the Noble Lord (Lord Morpeth) with respect to interments in crowded cities. He wished to know whether the Government intended to take any measure for the pur pose of putting an end to such interments, which he said not only demoralised the people, but physically deteriorated them. This and the past session had passed by without any mention of a measure on the subject, and as the public attention was becoming every day more and more directed to it, he thought that the Government ought to give an explicit answer to his question, and if they were not disposed to introduce any Bill on the subject, to state what secret obstacles pre vented them from doing so. The Bishop of London 25 years ago, when he was a poor rector, stated that no one, unless devoid of humanity, would hesitate to do all in his power to put an end to such an obnoxious system ; but notwithstanding the increase of the population, they were as far from any measure of reform as they were 25 years ago. Mr. HUDSON said he had been repeatedly among respectable inhabitants of York to call a meeting on the subject. The inabitants were altogether adverse to in terment in the City. Lord MORPETH—As soon as I shall have succeeded in passing this Bill with respect to the health of towns, I shall feel myself bound to mature and introduce a mea sure, and hope to carry it, for the prevention of burials in towns; but I must say, I shall despair of carrying this measure if you do not at once go into Committee upon it. Mr. WAKLEY said the subject was most pertinent to that of the health of towns, and strongly urged upon the Noble Lord to lose no time in bringing forward a measure to prevent interments in crowded towns. Mr. HORSMAN protested against the statement of the Noble Lord, that he wished to obstruct the business of the House. This he considered was the most im portant part of the whole subject of sanatory improve ment, and he could not b ut think it strange that provi sions with respect to it had not been inserted in the Bill. Lord MORPETH had no intention of addressing the Hon. Gentleman in an une.eirteous manner, but the rea son why he did not deal with the subject of burials at present was, the physical difficulties which he found in his way. Mr. MACKINNON trusted the Noble Lord would redeem the pledge he had given —that as soon as he had passed the present measure, he would bring for ward, next session, a measure for the regulation of burials in towns—and that being the case, he hoped the House would allow the Bill to be proceeded with, After a few words from Mr. P. BORTHWICK, Mr. HENLEY objected to the Nobie Lord charging them with delaying the progress of the Bill. Hon. Members only adopted the Course which was legitimately open to them, in calling attention to subjects that ap peared to them of importance. The House then resolved itself into Committee. Upon clause 8 being proposed, Mr. SPOONER proposed a verbal amendment, with respect to the propriety of the notices referred to in the clause being posted up on all the churches. After some discussion, Lord MORPETH said he had no objection to insert the words " on the door of one or more churches." The clause, so amended, was then agreed to. Colonel SIBTHORP would like very much to know what sort of persons these inspectors were to be, and what salaries they were to have; for, as the duties they were to discharge were of an inquisitorial character, the public should have the information he required. If the Noble Lord refused to give him a satisfactory answer, he would repeat the question at every clause till they came to the 58th—(Laughter) —but he hoped he would not give him that tr ouble.—(Hear, hear.) Lord MORPETU hoped the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman—(Laughter) —the Hon. and Gallant Member would not ask him to travel over again the same ground he did last night when he replied to that question. He then said that the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury would fix the salary when they were aware of the amount of duty the inspectors would have to discharge, and heco s u u ldn e ot t em sa r yti u ll ne th ra e tn forniowhat the servicesamountth towouldb think e perorme,-I f The Hon. Gvntlejnan talked of 100 i nspectors being appointed, but he had already stat. d that he did nut think wore than half a dozen at the utmost would be required. Clause 9 was agreed to, the words from " or," in line 19 to line 21, being left out. Clause 10 was agreed to. On clause 11, - Mr. lIENLEY objected to that part of the clause pro viding that the offices of the town clerks should i - o open for one month, for the inspection of the plans, without rpmitnorati,in. Tlle ATTORNEY- defended the clause, and said that the aAlaiission of the principle laid down by the Hon.Gentlemin would lead to the ii.reatest abuses. After sonic (1':::•;sion the clause was agreed to. On clause 12 being proposed, Mr. SPOONER moved as an amendment that the Act should only be extended to such towns as really re quired it, whether under the management of a corpora tem or not. He should propose that only in cases where three-fourths of the rate-payer 3 of any town petitioned that they should be included in the operation of the Bill, the measure should extend to them. Lord MORPETH said that this subject had beet, very gravely considered by the Government, and theli t,king into consideration the many interests at work towns, determined that this Bill should extend to ail, He could not, therefore, think of altering the clause to meet the wishes of the Hon. Member for Birmingham. Mr. HENLEY said that the Noble Lord was running counter to the opinions he had always promulgated, that the subjects of this country should have the right of choosing their own representatives. Now he said that these towns were not fitted to choose their rulers for themselves. Mr. AGLIONBY said that while he fully agreed iti what had been said by the Hon. Member for Oxford shire, he, at the same time, did not agree with him — (Laughter)—because he believed that in every town there were parties at the head of those towns who were not prepared to take such care of the heal!ll and Core* forts of the inhabitants as the Government would. After a few worth from Mr. NEWDEGATE, Mr. J. COLLETT wished to know if this Bill was intended to extend to Wales, because he saw by the title that it was designed for England. The ATTORNEY GENERAL said that all legal documents which stated in the title that they were fof England were understood to include Wales also ; and, therefore, the Hon. Member would not again, when scanning an Act of Parliament, require to be informed upon this point.—(Laughter.) While he was upon his legs he might say that this amendment of the Hon. Membef for Birmingham was altogether without precedent. Great privileges had been conferred upon towns on the simple petition of the inhabitants, but the idea of rate pas era was altogether a novel one. Mr. SPOONER suggested that the amendment could be very easily altered to the inhabitant householdertii and that perhaps would obviate the legal scruples of the Learned Attorney-General. Mr. WAKLEY said this Bill was intended pattithe larly for the poor, but if the householders were only id be taken into consideration, the Bill would not reach the classes under them at all. Colonel SIBTHORP said that he opposed the Bill. He had no doubt there were many filthy places in Pins. bury—(Laughter)—and the Hon. Member was, per haps, right in advocating it ; but they required nothing of the kind in Lincoln.—(Loud laughter.) The Hon. Member for Finsbury laughed ; if the people of Lin coln were mustered and compared with the people of Finsbury—(Roars of laughter)--not only would they be found cleaner than them—(Laughter) —but no cleaner people would be found to exist.—(Laughter.) The House then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment For the original clause Majority for the original clause The clause was then agreed to. On clause 13 being proposed, which excluded any place within ten miles of St. Paul's, Mr. DUGDALE said that if supported by any Metne ber of the House, he should move that this clause be expunged. Mr. REDHEAD YORKE supported the last speaker. Mr. KEMBLE said that if it were moved that this clause be expunged, the Bill would never pass (Laughter)—he meant not pass this session —(Con tinued laughter)—and therefore he should support the retention of this clause. Mr. HUDSON could not understand why one of the Members, connected in some degree with the metropolis tan district, should vote for this clause. He thought it came with a very bad grace from him.—(Hear, hear. and laughter.) Fever abounded in London, and yet London was to be excluded from the operation of Old Bill. Fever did not abound in York, and York was to be included. The Bill would be unjust to one portion of the kingdom and partial to another, and its ultimate effect would be to stultify itself. After a few words from Alderman HIIMPHERY, and in answer to two questions from Mr. SPOONER, Lord MORPETH said that be had extended the cir cuit around the metropolis from four to ten miles, in order that the waters which had their springs generally speaking, at nine and ten miles off, might be included ; and the answer to the second question was, that he could not include London, because he had been informed from every quarter that, if he wished to do anything at all, he must exclude the city of London. The very' association which had taken the great e st inter e st in all matters contemplated by this Bill, had waited upon him when he had framed his Bill, to include the city of Lon don, and bad said that in trying to get all he would lose all. For these reasons he was induced to exclude the city of London from the operation of the Bill. Mr. ROEBUCK said his Hon. Friend made him (Al derman Humphery) represent one great corporation — (Laughter)—and the Right Hon. Secretary opposite (Mr. Hudson) represented another large association --- Laughter)—but the Right Hon. Gentleman's corporation was rather smaller than the corporation of the Hon Member beside him.—(Roars of laughter, induced by the rather pointed allusion to the corpulency of both the Hon. Members.) He trusted, however, that the Noble Lord would pa; attention to neither, but trust to his own good sense, and taking what he could get now, would, at the first opportunity, introduce a special Act for London, which would have the effect of improving its sanatory condition. After some observations from Mr. NEWDEGATE and Mr. WILLIAMS, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that Hon. Members argued as if it were proposed to exclude London from all sanatory measures. Their object was to give a mea sure to the rest of the country, and to bring in a Bill for the City of London in the next session of Parlia ment. They had nut lueludod London, because the insertion of clauses affecting the metropolis would only lead to further discussion, which would defeat this Bill altogether, and he was sure that the Hon. Gentle men opposite, if their zeal for sanatory improvements was any criterion, would be extremely sorry if this were the result. Mr. WAKLEY said that he intended to vote for the expulsion of this clause, and he believed that all his constituents were agreed with him. The opposition did not arise from the metropolis, but from the city of London alone.—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Hudson.) He might be allowed professionally to observe to the Hon. Member for Sunderland that his excitement would do bins no good.—(Laughter.) It was advice without a fee—(Continued laughter)—and he would add to it by informing his Right Hon. Friend that if he did not take care, he (Mr. Wakley) as coroner, and the Righ Hon. Gentleman, might be yet better acquainted. Some further discussion took place, in which Mr. HENLEY and Viscount NEWPORT took part. The gallery was cleared, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the amendment For the original clause Majority for the clause —42 The clause was then agreed to. On clause 14 being proposed, Mr. P. BORTHWICK objected that the clause, taken in connexion with the preceding one, was not easily understood. It was, in tact, capable of two meanings, and would, if not amended, give full employment to legal gentlemen in another place. • Lord MORPETH said that he should consult with his Hon. and Learned Friend the Attorney-General, and if the clause should bear such construction, as the Hon. Member for Evesham seemed to ascribe to it, he would amend it. _ _ BORTHWICK—I have not another word to say. The clause was then agreed to. On clause 15 being proposed, which provides, that any corporate town, not within 10 miles of the metropo lis, might obtain the intervention of the Bill if the re quest was supported by the signature of 300 inhabitants, some discussion ensued. Mr. DUNCOMBE contended that populous districts, like Islington and Kensington, which had no public lamps, would be altogether exempt from the Bill if the clause stood in its present form. Mr. NEWDEGATE then moved as an amendment-- That a majority of the inhabitants should be required, instead of 300. The galleries were cleared for a division, but none took place, the amendment having been withdrawn. The clause was then agreed to. Clause 16 was also agreed to. On clause 17, which relates to the payment of the travelling expenses of the commissioners, Colonel SIBTHORP said that they had sat nearly since twelve o'clock. It was now midnight ; and as he intended to move the omission of the clause, and as no doubt considerable discussion would arise upon it, he should move that the chairman report progress, and ob tain leave to sit again. Lord MORPETH said he did not intend to proceed with any clauses beyond the one before the House that night; he trusted the House would allow the clause to be disposed of before the chairman was desired to report progress. Mr. HENLEY and Colonel SIDTHORP declared that the discussion of the clause would occupy more than an hour, and urged the Noble Lord to suspend any further proceedings to-night. Lord JOHN RUSSELL had no objection to accede to the suggestion of the Hon. and Gallant Member, provided the House met at twelve o'clock on Monday, for the purpose of proceeding with the Bill. The motion was then withdrawn. The House resumed. The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again at twelve o'clock on Monday, which was agreed to. TURNPIKE ROADS (SOUTH WALES) BILL. This Bill was read a third time. RAILWAYS (IRELAND) BILL. Report brought up. COMPENSATION FOR DAMAGES (IRELAND) BILL. The Compensation for Damages (Ireland) Bill was read a second time. POST OFFICE BILL. Report brought up. DRAINAGE OF LANDS (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill went through Committee, and was ordered to be reported on Monday. NEW ZEALAND COMPANY'S BILL. This Bill also went through Committee, and was ordered to be reported on Monday. HOLYHEAD HARBOUR BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. SHANNON NAVIGATION BILL. This Bill went through Committee, and was ordered to be reported on Monday. JOINT STOCK COMPANIES BILL, The third reading of this Bill via 3 postponed, After c. short di , eussion. INSOLVENT DEB FORS BILL Bill passed through Coinruittee.—lieport oA Monday. EXCISE LAWS. Mr. EWART presented a petition numerously signed by wine and spirit dealers, praying for a revision of that part of the excise law which prohibited the sale of more than two gallons of spirit by retail ; also a petition in favour of the Health of Towns Bill. Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. WARD moved that the Committees on public and private Mils have leave to sit to-morrow. Agreed to. Lord J. MANNERS moved an address for copies of the correspondence between the Lord Primate of all Ireland and Sir Robert Peel, relating to education in Ireland in 1845 ; and also between the Lord Primate and Lord John Russell, on the same subject, in 1847. Agreed to. PUNISHMENT IN THE ARMY. Major LAYARD wished to put a question to the Secretary at War respecting the death of John Rad cliffe, late a private in the 75th Regiment. The circum stances of the case, which he gathered from Saunders's News Letter, were these :—" The man Radcliffe was charged with shooting at his sergeant-major, but it would seem that the man fired with a blank cartridge. Nevertheless, Colonel Halifax, the commander of the regiment, made a severe order of punishment, and the man, in consequence, cut his throat with a razor. The jury that sat upon the coroner's inquest returned the following verdict :—" We find that the deceased came by his death in consequence of having inflicted a wound upon his throat while labouring under temporary insanity, produced by the severity of the order made by Colonel Halifax." The order alluded to in this verdict, was to the effect that the hair of Radcliffe was to be cut close, that he was to be kept in strict confinement, and if any man spoke to him he was im mediately to be put in confinement. He was to be paraded before his comrades, and then marched to Ath lone, to take his trial before a district court-martial. Now the question he wished to ask was, had the Horse- Guards received any report upon the subject? Mr. FOX MAULE said Colonel Halifax was a gen tleman of high military standing and honour, and a man suite,] in every respect to be placed in command of a body of men. Radcliffe, who was a private in the 10th Hussars, fired at his sergeant-major, not with a blank cartridge, as stated by the Hon. and Gallant Member opposite, but with ball, and Colonel Halifax being naturally jealous of the honour and anxious to maintain the high cha racter of his regiment, made the order in question. From the inquiries he had made, however, he did not think that under all the circumstances, the man com mitted suicide in consequence of the order, for on a former occasion, after he had been found drunk upon the march, he made an attempt upon his life; and on another occasion, while anticipating the . result of bad conduct, he threatened to put an end to his existence. IRISH LANDLORDS. Sir D. NORREYS wished to know whether the No ble Lord would have any objection to comply with the following motion :—On going into Committee of Supply, to move that there be laid before this House so much of the correspondence or reports of the inspectors under the Act 10 Vic. c. 7 (with the name, rank, and residence of the parties referred to), as sustains the statements made by the Commissioners of Relief in their third report, condemnatory of the conduct of committees, or of indi viduals in carrying out the provisions of the said Act. Lord J. RUSSELL could not hold out to the Hon. Baronet that he should consent to give the name and rank of the parties. The Lord Lieutenant had dirt cted that extracts should be made from the various reports, ire pueming the conduct of magistrates and others ; and according to the replies he received t h e L or d-Lieutenant would determine what course he would adopt. Sir D. NORREYS emphatically, and with much ex citement, asked the Noble Lord if he thought that the Irish nation would be satisfied with such a reply?— (Cries of " Order.") He appealed to the Speaker whether he was or was not in order. Tim SPEAKER was understood to say that the Hon. Baronet was not in order. MRS. TAWELL. Dr. T- 1 0 \a; wished to ask the Attorney-General Whether the property of 'remelt, who was executed for rnurder, and respecting which an official inquiry has 9t,!13: treu•r plarN). instead of escheating to the Crown, be restored to his widow? The ATTORNET-GENERAL wished to undeceive URDA