The Sun. — London, England, 1840-11-09 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. nuestion. The brother, who was a soldier, died abroad in 180 9, and upon the death of his sister, Nancy, the wife of the Plaintiff, the defendant as administrator, possessed himself of the property in questien. For some time the plaintiff supposed 11C property in the hands of the defendant belonged to 415 children, but upon ascertaining that he was him - telf entitled to it, he instituted the present suit. The defendant, by his answer, admitted the receipt of the t " ° neY, but stated that he had lent it to a person named loafeswick, together with oneyv of his own, and that it was i however, on beiiio , khreatened to be eliars , ed with in it!eresthe denied thatTig had ever stated that he had lent 1 to ti denied Beswick, but asserted that he had kept it in his Possession ever since he had received it. The defendant wa,,a ordered to bring the money into Court, and, upon a :1 reference to the Master, the pla ; ..itiff was reported en- I . ed to the amount in questior„ and the case now came Delore the Court upon furth,„ ith'hc Loki) CHAN directions upon that report. CHANCEL-oR declared the plaintiff entitled qui t : o %Z ja Court , and referred it to the Master to in r.2l to th u., 0 tl:e defendant had m a d e of the money from Present ti rr f P , and , in case it shoulda pp ear that , L h o e r ridef r j r .dant had madeany profit of the money, t hen his co st ,'Lip intimatedthat h e s h ou ld order him to pay the ceipe , ,l t t o be geat m he :un u t i . th interest, from the time ho had re- S THE NEW LORD MAYOR. tdbhortly after two o'cl oc k, th e new L or d M ayor, atten d - Y the Recorder' thelate Lord Mayor, th e Sh er iff s , an d I‘lllth p i er eitY officers, app•iting" in Court, and invited his Lord. totho entertainincnell ILS' COURT.-(THIS DAY.) Th e in t -faster of the Rolls, in the early part of the morn "i,ttr . a the r ema i n i ng petit i ons. tii. i"cr un ster V. N oe l, B ow d en v . B ay l ey , S tuart v. ekT ur : rt ' and Plockten v. Lee, were struck out, neither solicitor, nor parties appearing. the fi Courtn the t list en spas roceeded with the cause paper, en d Bt u CHADWICK V. tIROADWOOD, klle e arne befor e th e C ourt upon a plea. The plaintiffkm° himself t o b e t h e h e i r - at -l aw o f Sir E. Chadwick, in i t : t e ging that the premises which he claimed, situate tapi r : cl dstreet, St. Ja mes ' s , were su bj ect to a lease which trued 'n t he year 1825, when his right to possession ac tientr,' s tated that he was about to commence an action of trov e ,. eut, and therefore filed the present bill for a d:s- Th e , 7 1 : 11 d the production of papers in aid of that action. 4 ver, eleudants pleaded the Statute of Limitation, and Yea rs c i ; l that they had had possession for were than twenty 'efore the bill was filed. the :44* GI RDLESTON and TEED app eare d i n support o f 5, , a d !qr. PEMBERTON and Mr, BIRD oppo s ed it. MAsrEtt of the Rou.s thought that as the plea .415 ti t state that which the statute required, namely 4 °t be When the defendant's right first accrued, it sustained. Plea, „ L G : t auLtarosE then asked for leave to amend the Th e '",' o l his Lo r d s hip accee d e d t o . 1 44 Co then p rocee d e d w i t h t h e case o f B a ll s v. eb r i a „ s e. which came 'octore the Court upon a demurrer of discovery also fil e d in aid of an action at law. vIC " C-C RANC.E.R.Y.—(THIS DAY.) tO 710 ar WARD V. FINNIN, &C. be s po g l'artents on ais case, uhich stood on the paper 1 , 1 114 (I n ' to, occupied the Court the whole morning, "ttl " ? ' 4) L:R will not sit on Wednesday next, in conse t3tHip):of havin g to go to Cambridge to attend the election S teward of that University. QU EEN'S BENCH-(THIS DAY.) (Sittings in Banco.) L erd t, I's THE MATTER OP RICHARD DUNN. tr th ENN IAN gave judgm e nt i n thi s case a t th e s i tt i ng 14 : i . . h ourt. I n t h e matter of Richard Dunn art:- zolanitl.ttrtter peace having been exhibited at the Court Sessions by Miss Burdett Coutts,. and t be ‘ing required the prisoner to find security to keep of IPee, Which he refused to do, he has sued out a writ %et a aheas Corpus to appear before us, and the return el se cL. these facts in general ternis c e Thedefendant has original order of the (`:reliht before us by certiorari theh lif ßd ?itlrt referring to the articles of . ea„a„v'tai which he submits are insufficient to give the . peace, and two to -` ttny authority to require him to give security, or Tri:lN:rant their sending him to prison. One of the 1/rls oti ,• w *c we is said 144 " ii , h have been urged to . remand the ere cr 15 At once removed. It tsee - "C u 110 W submitted to us that we Lee the . exercise of . oer II discretion , would undoubtedly feel it Qua rto tiut Y to take the same steps as proceeding ilr Sessions, hut against we may e h e e din C g our ti t icr o e hiak°ll° decisive objection. Whatever th e i of the d efendant's conduct her, essential part of it . is a and of which onnelayn. ihotietter addressed by_ him ambiguous letter,i it!, t eatract is given, and . t t h o at . o L f ' very ground rt."-; t 'S'e should have•requrred to see th A e oo e t n h t e ir r e 11; 4 (3 ' , to have any selections made. fl ed Was that the Court tion o before which Ittli t r i t q c ompetent jurisdiction, before to r both to , f Quarter Sessions exhibit te r have the power of facts Att?;eleutif i t. s h c e re P tio ae i e Lci . u to decide upon th . d p As to the fte ''lthich the drscretion was su exercise . . '4ltr objection it is enough on this . occasi e o a n se t s o . h ob as se e r o v i e t: 144 tae of Queen's Bench, 114 many timi Court ._the _ tr e M the decision of • Justices in a much greater dc- T6 ° ' The latter objection . requires more consideration. k,, k l'twer of the psi lies . iu this behalt is traced to a f 11 '‘I '' ll , l '' q Edward the Third, on which the commission o. tatitt-'Lis founded. Some have thought that that 'Llth •t:''' n ot warrant the Crown in grartirig so large an t .lOes u ri t u l ti ' t , We cannot, however, take upon ourselves to 44 (e t '4 validity of a commission which has been case, however, can the Vatien for centuries. In no the fair L'Stie go beyond the terms f of .il the person informs commission, r th n'ean'ng of which is, that if any i n fear and dange tte (2ourt br the Justices that be _ f g t ' h - r - eat , a nd v . i o o n le n n i e a e ; roPt:t:snal violence, by reassj . n .... " iy, t h at protectr il" ,lainis the protection of " `upon oath, tlaersuted. Unless such a nor can no_ ‘,.. lerisdietion of the Just! s appea c r e , of an in fje I"rer h mere eircurnsta d n . statement e d m o o e s n t be made jerisdiction from t e d ieti "14,11 assuming to act as if trate in the exerei it possessed that jurisse ent, or 'lt ; least of all cen saints' upor , an ex parte . statem . 0 4,4 tliscretionary P ower ' Opportunity must t b is t i ll ,, rPl e the subject of his au F d berty. the i Court, and unless that d e l t 4l ,_ tO try the right of 'th -e °Y Writ of certiorari,there is no means of doing so. ttia Prisoner makes this b - ection to the present articles, i t t 110 threat and no precedent has been found i ) , , 41 , *1)1 eh the exihsimbiatadreii has omitted to state that any threat bet etriployed- It4rt eXpressed Where that wes left doubtful the Court - great doubt whether it can put such a con ti„l44etion on it. In 1825 there was the case of the Mar it,„ ?f Hereford, who el.aimed the security of the peace ; t4;l It was a successfuli appli cat i on, a l though the word , I " 4 t did not appear in these articles, for an assault to 44D4committed, and there was no reason liii!elliet7 that th ddendant would repeat . it. case in 6th ithvern, la,. Justice Coleridge has found Pre: Mrs. Dennis and Dr. Lane, so a mewhat similar to the 4 11 5 " e , t1t . Mrs. Dennis was a widow, rt a o n ,, d ,h h o a m d a th d e a D ug o h e t t e od r r teed ",ae an heiress to 8001. a ye t a her , thereupon forba taetkisvr:.—...( A laugh.) tbci th hou se , }et he cameTailt,eanmoutbetradodaytegantdie there met ex- Y• ? upon the stairs. Notwithstanding Yerst,,,l ?Upon him to go forward, heioushe T d i i r n is t h o eh th a e . liere;4 , `"i rritin's chamber in a rude manner.oe that she sent for V.ieeds-r'elitened t h e mother so f u ° t ;t°, conduct her daughter to n , t th London, in of 'O/10e,°- 'laving intelligeece came which the i: d the y led the daughter, and came t q u i the same inn where the adjoining rooms to t he' 4cklge(l at night, and took up i ot 41°tiher and daughter, whereby they put the mother ''% 'i ci t) ta '"," fear, and the next , morning, as they were taking 41 e l a d th e Doctor assa ilted the gentleman that had put codt "Y into the coach and pursued them again that day', thg 4 e Out that he would force the daughter from them,. 111 4 t 4t t he Mother was fain to hire men the to guard the inn assizes at ti e , ,night. The Doctor, at last tll4l,Q.'urd, meeting the gentlemen who was the principal te i Ner of the family, and helped , w guard the daughter to 1 1 °4 44, he beingta barrister-at- a , (and a near relation hi e sly lady) ' " Q ,j„, S l y with a cane, whereuponthe Judge of Assize bound , h ''• to app ear the first day of this Term in this Court, and 1i,.. c4 all this matterbe a ir ss g ao p t together, and an oath by her ,:t the believed the . assault upon her kinsman to be in rttlance of his designs ucoe her daughter, and that h . l) t i' l oformed lie threatened her, and endeav o u re d to coin til4r,hee daughter's mat r , it , to facilitate his stealing the it, leer per cur i am , tl . l, :doctor cc.,m,rig in that manner, %eli es Pite o f t h e mother's prohibition, .a ty nd ot a t g h a e m p st ea h e e e r , kliii' "as good cause to requite . the security oar; ' s ° was the ensuing behaviour u th r e of se t e h o e rit D y o u et f o t r he o p n ea th e e e tiught , k condiy, this crernend o ‘ l ,,tie th ' Oe fresh after the fray, orcause given, ''lse ere fere it had not been for the . new.of the the Il ' S ' te' The Court would nct bind him t h o .r t o h r e e peace fur 4 4 -141'rin 9 ideiable time to elapse e. the de not party . was . 4 fr:t c t i °I segcueritty.s,• t sibs that the as a great e (11 I, — , But here there being au old offence, ,,s w o h n ic g h iv o e n o r : 1 / 1 11.. . "(5 give security for, and a fresh occasion i grudge con" t il)t i c. „ 4 , 4ites notable reason to believe the 01 . ha, 4 ' the Court ordered him to givelse . cur 2 i r i t y ol to , keep the and that '4 t t ;' a t , cl took his own recognizances in Ro i d ''', o lore in WO/. each, but refused to time, him to his d ec d ''''ha'iour because of the length of tho v. ngh f they h th e Aral that if th :v h d come when the matter r ll4- 11.. (411 d have I.:Ohndt him to his good behaviour, and in a iota, grea ter sum. It must be at once o much th e o f t th e the articles in this case are very . cnt that the s t t h r a o t og th e e r ;' 4l ll °l,Pr"sent and well warranted the sta br e v then be said , . .` "p„ e „ r " " d beer; threateeed. The case may v in. t ve that the threats used were not by word of i mouth, iiot dee that "'eke and gestures may infer it, and that ce i s IA le(1' but o I rule d eic ed ac t. , the invariable is, where reliance lir P'',l these, and general facts are inferred . from . par ; 4 i pOr , (41:es, the party drew the inference himself, and th e the rt,s,..eorreetees' and did nut leave the . Court .`hick ,e4e'v Co urt t- utterer There was one ObSetWatlon . A , tl . l rn. n 40, felt .eiet.self bound to make. Considering l'i ' s ' s ri e t rice , °sl Y the happiness and comfort of the . applicant tthi/tYlit-,,lrt7trV, with by the prisoner's conduct, in one sense a L e at...... t- induced to decide that his conduct was !lib!lib q ° l ' 44d, if that conduct was repeated, and . brought , e tche Court • p r form, so as to fall within the die rulettnhaat proper been pointed out, there was_ ? e rF: , 4 ht bet that they would construe it as a threat b o! 441t1414/ Viulerite. Perhaps the law of England might c 45 tlasr4Proaehed with inadequacy to repress such conducthte t ` e ° f the prisoner, and one might n A a e t t u s ra le y te _ yec 4t:tt,flautiet B one of the nurnere s u o s 1 passed ch Po a lic case. Under all the t lit4tttitT:aueeYs;phrouwviesvioeur, fur r e Court was bound to decide ,Criate,Prisoner must he discharged. i gt ttrtial.rlg4NEr GENERAL, said if the Court did not think 1 4 ' It • -7e4 efficientS to require Mr. Dunn to . give . security t . tit P th e rp they would be of opn tha hocibas sufricient to require him to give security to be of Is4l,4vieur. . Cl up - , `) "lktae \\Te consider the whole reett7 ,-I , ;7 o os hee d . t ts,' 4 1,,,t, 1 t.. ^. •..''c 1 h a p tunic Win i,, is Ity i i 1,.,51, ,iiiit., All, , t' kr (4' any future application after what has taken place. . 1:, „ , 14•444 t hen left the Court. 41111 L le • or cer ab- Or lion or 11 thai be the 015 so o * °',- Guth the It the lit/ ith c rs 3 4 Vo cur a a it e ,f 0 q . I ! . • - I 4 • .1 BAIL COURT.-(THIS DAY.) (Before Mr. Justice PATTESON.) BURLING U. PATTESON. This vvas an action of trovcr for the purpose ; f tr 3 the validity of a bill of sale, given to the defendant by a person who had subsequently become bankrupt, and had afterwards taken the benefit of the Insolvent Debtors' Act. The Jury found for the defendant. Mr. RYLEY this morning applied for a rule nisi, calling on the defendant to show cause way the verdict should not be set aside and a new trial had, on the ground of the ver dict being contr to evidence, and also on the ground of Surprise. The affiJa‘its having been read, Mr. Juitice PATTESON granted a rule nisi. IN TILL; MATTER OF THE CHARTER-PARTY f.,F TILE SHIP RUBICON, Sir F. POLLOCK applied for a rule to show cause why the award of certain lay arbitrators should not be set aside on the grcund that they had put a perverse and illegal construction upon a written instrument. On the 17i h January, 1839, Messrs. Raylegit and Son chartered the ship Rubicon to proceed directly to Odessa after she should have discharged her cargo at Alexandria ; instead of pro cccding direct to Odessa, she was put up at Alexandria as a general vessel for Constantinople, took a cargo tw that place, discharged it, and in con.equence did not arrive at Odessa until the 24th of May. The char_ terer cemi,:aincd of this as a breach of the charter party. The matter was referred to lay arbitrators, who decided th a t th e c h ar t er -p ar ty h a d b een broken. at,d ve , awarded damages to the amount of 4471. 2s. 3d. against the charterers because the ship had gone to Odessa. Now he applied to have this award stat aside, inasmuch they has done that which they had no right to do, put a construction upon a legal document contrary to its clear and legal con struction, after having beer, warned on the subject. Mr. Justice PwTFESON said he would take time to con sider this decision. COMMON PLEAS.-(THIS DAY.) (Sittiligs In Banco.) 7 , IAGNAT V. KNIGHT. The plaintiff, brother Of Mr . Alderman Magnay, brought this action to recover 1701., the alleged balaute of his salary for troo, years, as a travel!er and clerk to the defendant, who is an eminent publisher. The difference was that the plaintiff had ro ecived salary at the rate of 1001. a year, which was ail that he had a right to claim. Mr. Alderman Niagnay, stated, on the trial, that the defendant engaged, through him, his brother Frederick Magnay, at the salary of 250/. a year. The witness himself was at the time no minally partner with the defendant, having advanced 10,0001. of the plaintiff's money, o❑ the condition that he should be at liberty to withdraw from the partnership when ever he pleased, and to substitute his brother in his place. In the agreement for the partnership it was stipulated that the plaintiff should be employed in the concern as an or dinary clerk ; unti', he should be of age, and thereby qua. idled to become a partner. Mr. Alderman Magnay also swore that he received no interest on his money, nor any share of the profit, during the time the plaintiff was in the employment of Knight. He withdrew the money before his brother left Knight's service. For the defence evidence was given to show that the plaintiff was employed as an ordinary traveller, and that the usual remuneration for such service in the trade was 100/. a-year. The Jury, however, on the evidence of Mr. Alderman Magnay, found for the plaintiff in the whole amount. Mr. Hill for the defendant obtained a rule nisi first for a nonsuit, on the ground that the engagement ut plaintiff having taken place upon the agrement for the partnership, that document should be produced, and being unstarnped, it was invalid ; and secondly, for a nets trial, on the ground of surprisal, Mr. Alderman Magnay's evidence having gone to the Jary uncontradicted, although proof was afterwards discovered that the Alderman had stated untruly that he received no interest for his brother's capital from the defendant, ror profit in the business. The SOLICITOR- GENERAL showed cause against the rule, And contended that the production of the agreement of partnership was not necessary to the plaintiff's case, and that the evidence of Mr. Alderman Magna) , was not dis paraged by his forgetting a part, which took place four years ago, and was not material to the case. Mr. HILL, replied, but the Caurt held that the verdict was good, and di*charged the rule. • lIAY V. ROSH. This was an action for false imprisonment, the defend ant having wrongfully taken the plaintiff into custody upon a charge of horse-stealing. For the plaintiff it was proved that he was arrested by the defendant, at threct fair, and taken in custody to the Compter in London, under circum stances of great exposure, and so tightly handcuffed that his wrists bled. The ground of action was that the warrant upon which the defendant acted was not issued against the plaintiff.—The verdict was for the plaintiff, 301. Air. Sergeant BoMrAS obtained a rule for a nonsuit on the ,ground that the plaintiff was the person intended in the warrant, although be was wrongly named therein. NIONEY and COMMERCIAL NEWS. CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. The Lisbon mail has arrived by the Iberia ; sailed from Gibraltar 29th Oct., Cadiz 30th, Lisbon 2,1 inst., and Vigo 4th inst. The weather being boisterous, sho did not communicate with Oporto. The only , news of consequence by the above mail is, that the relations between Portugal and Spain are in a very critical state at present, and it was expected that a consi derable Spanish force would have ere this approached the frontiers of Portugal. We refer our readers for further particulars to another part of the paper. Ten thousand pounds have been remitted by the Portuguese Government, by the above mail, to its financial agent in London, towards the payment of the half dividend of the bondholders. This sum, together with what has been sent by the last packets. makes up 40,0001. remitted for that purpose. The Linnet packet has arrived from the West Indies; sailed from Barbadocs 15th Sept., Tobago 16th Sept., Trinidad 230 Sept., Grenada 25th Sept., St. Kitt's 28th Sept., Tor tola 29th Sept., St. Thomas Ist Oct., Cape Henri 7th Oct. We have received Jamaica papers to the 2d Oct. The emigrants from Barbadocs, and other islands of British Guiana, have apparently become tired of their new abode, and are returning in numbers to their former homes. The Pandora packet, in twenty-seven days from Falmouth, on the 30th ult., got aground on the Christ Cnurch coast, a little above Pisten's Town, Barbadocs. There was a dead calm at the time, and the vessel making little head way. She was aground ten hours, but was got off by the steamer Kite, after having removed her guns, masts, and baggage" A slight shock of an earthquake was felt in this city yesterday morning. We have received Launceston Papers to the 18th June. It appears that the revenue was in a prosperous state, the surplus on the last quarter being 2,000/. in favour of the Government. Port Philip papers of the 4th of May, have been re ceived. The following arc extracts : " The blacks seem here, as in Sydney, to be getting more and more audacious in their assaults upon the set tlers. It appears they arc not only provided with mus kets and fowling-pieces, but with powder and ball. On the 4th of May, bread rose in Melbourne to 2s. 31 . the four pound loaf, but flour remained at 651. to 701. per ton, fine, and 50/. to 601. for seconds." The Barque Diana, arrived from New Zealand ( Bay of Islands), left the 17th of April, by which we have received the following intelligence :—T e Buffalo had arrived with the troops, &c. sent from Sydney, and proved a valuable acquisition, as before her arrival fears were entertained of an insurrection amongst the natives, which was supposed to have been instigated by certain worthless Europeans op posed to the establishment of the British Government. When the Diana left all fears on this score had subsided. Demerara Papers to the 20th of September contain no news of consequence. BOURSE OF AMSTERDAM, Nov. 6.—A tendency of de cline which bas prevailed for several days past in our National Funds, caused a reaction in the funds on the first news of a fall et Paris, which took place this day the fall at Paris, and the fear of seeing M. Thiers President of the Chambers, caused several sales, with a fall in the prices. The Foreign Funds followed the same way as those of the National. Prices from Amster dam of the 6th November—Two-and-a-Half per Cents. 421 ; Fiva per Cents. NI. THE FUNDS. Consols which left off on Saturday 88i a for the Ac count, opened this morning at 814-1-, since which may be quoted 89A-; Money, 88-, 7 -, 89. A good deal has been done, purchases have already been made to the amount of 80 to 100,000, and at present the market appears in a buoyant state, which may be attributed to the favourable intelligence from Paris of the election of Sauzet, as President of the Chamber of Deputies, as well as the prices coming higher. Exchequer Bills, 1 dis., 1 prem. ; India Stock, 242 244. Bank Stock, 159 160. In the Foreign Market Spanish Active 21 22 ; Deferred 10i A ; Passive 51 ; Portuguese 34i ; Three per Cents. 224 ; Colombian 23; 24.1 ; Mexican 281 29; Brazilian 73 75; Dutch Trio-and-a-Half per Cents. 5l -k; ; Five per Cents. 97 9S. We hear of a failure of a commercial Irish house, whose agent in Ireland has withheld 90,0001. PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE. RAILWAYS. Paid. Per Share. Bristol and Exeter 6O ...... ... to Great. Western Ditto New ... . 40 London and Brighton Londten and Croydon (Trunk)... 134 ll ...... to North Midland Ditto New York and North Midland JOINT STOCK BANKS. Union of Australia.. Union of London HALF-PAST ONE. The British Market continues buoyant, and some of the first rate br,kers have been purchasing during the morning. Consols reached in the early part of the day h9l- for the Account, since which they may be quoted 89k, both for Money and the Account. The privat letters from Paris state that Mehemet Ali begins to relent for his past obstinacy, and it is expected he will soon conform to the dictates of the Allied Powers. It was generally expected that the overland express would have arrived ere this, but up to the present hour we have no intelligence respecting it. Exchequer Bills, 2 prem., par ; Stock, 2421 ; ' Bank Stock, 160. In the roreign Market Spanish Active was looking up in the early part of the morning, since which it is not quite so good, it reached 22 : 4-; at present 21i ; Portuguese 34 ; Columbian higher, 24,+ ; Mexican, 281 ; Russian, 112;4; Dutch Two-and-a: Half per Cents. 511; Five per Cents. nothing done. The Share Nlarket has improved, with the exception of North Midland Shares ; Bristol and Exeter , 23 1 ; Great Westvrn, 84; London and Brighton, 27s 3 4 ; North Midland, 71 ; York and North Midland,67. Loan REcTott.—A meeting of the Conserva 'ti*#',' was held on Wednesday eveniLg i:! (Tht?g -7 1 11 .i.e. a Lord 111 o 3 lot 0e6,,,Ja. A motion in favour•of.his Grace the Duke of Wellington was proposed, and almost tutaaimously carried... Scottish Guar. PEACE OR WAR. acquired a high degree of wealth and seriously commen ce t h e conquest o f c i v ili ze d E urope . All these, and m any ot h er suppos i tions equa ll y absurd, the I will take for gr ante d as being prosperity, it shall inevitable conse quences of the ac qu i s i t i on of Constant i nop l e b y R uss i a . I will take the m f or granted in order to j ust if y the fears of those who dread such 'an event, and who con sider that it is necessary to avert it by every possible means. I now ask, have we adopted the wiseet course to defeat the views of Russia ?—( Hear, hear.) On the contrary, is not our policy the absurdest that human ingenuity could have imagined? We have formed an alliance with Russia, whose interests are hostile to our own. \Ve have lost the alliance of France, the only European power w h o h as an interest equal l y strong, and a desire eq ua ll y urgent with ourselves to prevent the occupation o f C onstantinople by Rusia.—(Hear, hear.) Who does not perceive that every woun d in flicted on Franc e by E ngland, or on England by France, must be a source of secret rejoicing and exultation to the northern barbarian, an obstacle removed from his path to Constantinople! As the fox in the feble, when the lions had disabled one another, seized the. prey for which they had been contending, so Russia, more vvily than the fox, urges us on to mutual de struction, in the hop e t h at when Our fortes are ex neosted she m a y carry o ff the prey we would save from her grasp.—(Ch eers .) Oh, miserable folly ! It is said ilea we interfere in the affairs of Turkey in order to avert the remote possibility of a European war, and the' immediate consequence of our actions is a European war. Can there be a more pungent satire on modeling diplomacy than this ?—(lleer, hear.) The question may be asked me, are then, the affairs of Turkey of no importance to England ; and i s the Russian to be per witted quietly to oc cu p y C onstant i nop l e ? I answer, by no ineaus. I answer that the true policy of Eng land is to abstain from interfering in the affairs of other nations, and to insist that a similar policy shall be adopted by the other Powers of Europe. This policy is in accordance with reason aud justiee. For what right have we, or any other nation, to interfere in the internal concerns of a foreign people ? It can only be on the pretext that it is for their advantage, or for our own ; it cannot be for their advantage, because it is utterly impossible for us to possess that local and inti mate acquaintance with the affairs of another people which would make us competent judges of what is most for their benefit.—( Hear.) A nation filly he a bad judge of its own interests, but it must be a far:better, judge of those interests than any other nation can he- If they choose to be ill governed, can we improve their condi tion by misgoverning them from a distance ? if they pi efer a despotism. can we compel them to live under a constitution ? If they are fit only for slavery, can we force them to be free ? Nor, let me add, is it for our advantage to interfere in the domestic concerns of other nations. All history, and especially of the last half cen tury, abundantly con fi rms this posi t ion. B u t omitting. from my consideration the disastrous wars, the lavish. expenditure, and the °enormous debt, which have been occasioned by our fruitless meddling with the concerns of other nations—l will take higher grounds, and ob serve that in the relations of nations, as in those of indi viduals, the best practical precept is "do unto others as you would be done by."—(Cheers.) Now, I ask you, how would you like Russia or Prussia, France or Au-s -tria, to interfere in our internal affairs, arid by a congress of diplomatists assembled in London to decide on our domestic concerns ?—( Hear, hear)—and, for instance, on the plea that it is possible that the peace of Europe might be endanghred by the dismemberment of the Bris • fish empire, to insist upon putting down O'Connell and the Repeal agitation in Ireland ?—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) • If once the eight of interfering in the domestic concerns of another nation be admitted, there is no limit to the application of that doctrine ; there is no domestic question which might not become the sub ject of foreign interference. The feetful consequences of such a doctrine are so self-evident and striking, that no nriornentary or se'ereing expediency steeuld induce us to adopt it for an instant, or to consent to violate the all-iinportant principle of the • independ ence of every nation in the management of its internal affairs. Nor even does temporary expediency require- at the present moment that this principle should be violated in order to preserve Constantinople from the Russians. On the contrary as I have already partly shown, and toil;still further prove, the best means o f avert i ng t h at danger is by strenuously insisting up on t h e pr i nc i ple of not interfering in the concerns of other nat i ons. I n my judgment the language which England should hold to Russia with regard to Turkey should b e to t hi s e ff ect. England should say—" We will not, either with or without your assistance, take upon ourselves to manage the affairs of the Ottoman empire. \Ve confess, that we are necessarily unacquainted with the interests, wants, and habits of the Musselman people. They may be bad judges of their own interests, but they must be infinitely better judges of those interests than either you or we can be, who are so distant from them, and who are strangers to them in language, manners, race, religion, and institutions. We cannot pretend to set tle their internal disputes—to decide by whom they ought to be governed—by whom they would be less oppressed, whether by the niche of Eeyet or the Sultan of Turkey. It is no concern of ours, nor of yours, whether the territories of the Pacha of Egypt are bounded by the Desert or embrace a portion or the whole of Syria, or extended beyond the 'fawns, even to Constantinople. It is no matter to us, oor to you, whether Acre or Beyrout, or Aleppo or Damascus, or the Holy Cities, or whether Constan tinople itself be misgoverned by the Porte or its rebel vas sal. These are strictly domestic contemns of the Otto man empire, in which we have no business to interfere. Our interference will only prevent the settlement of these questions, which must be accomplished by the in- I habitants themselves of that empire, in order to be per manent. If they be merely settled by an interference, with the cessation of that interference they will arise again, either in the same or another shape. Therefore I our interference in order to be useful must be lasting, or in other words, we must assume to ourselves the virtual sovereignty of the Ottoman empire, and for ever. This we are not prepared to do, or so foolish as to attempt. Nor ! Ala us say to Russia) will we permit you to make such an attempt. If you presume to interfere in affairs ehich are not your own and menace Constantinople, France uni'ed with England will compel you to desist." By holding this language, the peace of the world would be pre served, Constantinople would be saved from the domi nion of the Russian, and France and England would again be closely allied. For all that France demands at the present moment is that the Sultan and the Pacha ust be you fol lowed Europe an o of Egypt should be left t o sett l e the i r di sputes by themselves. lf, therefore, E ng l an d were to proclaim t he great principle of n o t i nterfer i ng in the domestic co ncerns of other nati o n s , t h at principle would be re cognised by by my l it:t r :t n, r ee'and our examples m powers. i en treat again not to consider this su bj ect as a party quest i on, or as tending to place one or ot h er party i n power— (Hear, hear) —but as involvi ng f ar greater an d more im portantinterests than any connected with the name of Whig or Tory.—( Hear, hear.) Ido not arraign the personal conduct of Lord Palmerston in his negotia tions, but I call into question the propriety of inter fering at all, in the; internal affairs of the Ottoman empire,--( Hear, hear, hear.) Ido not ask whether Lord Palmerston or M. Thiers have rightly determined what ought to be the limits of the dominions of the Pacha of Fgypt, but I contend that neither of them has any business to attempt to settle such a question. en reading their despatches, I have been struck with the ingenuity displayed in their statements and counter statements ; I have found it difficult to decide between their arguments, and impossible to attach any great importance to those arguments ; but my mindhas been filled with time deepest sorrow and amazement, when I have reflected that on these verbal and trifling contro versies depends the friendship or enmity o f• the two mightiest nations in the Universe , and that in the hands of these two men was placed the great question o f war or peace.—(Hear, hear.) Surely ther e must be some thing wrong in the arrangement which, i n two Countries possessing representative government, and where the people are said to be not an insignificant portion of the ruling power, intrust% such vast anti uncontrolled power for evil to a single individual.—( Hear hear, hear.) Hitherto the question of peace and war, an d of diplo-. niacv in general, has been considered to be almost a personal affair of the Monarch, and s a id to be a part of d the prerogative. Can this octrtne, whi c h h as already still cost the people so much , bemaintained in the nine teenth century ? And will the representatives of France and England permit it to he maintained? I hope not. I appeal from the Min isters to the_em to peopl e o f this coun- I call upon them try and of France.disregard the blunders of their respective Governments, and t o inter fere for the pure use of w i p in g out al l misunder s t an di ng, between two nations who ou g ht to be f r i en d s. (Cheers.) Words cannot express y horror of a war with France, or the importance which 1 attach to the preservation of friendly relations with that country. I n saying this, do not misunderstand I have tl Inc ; do not suppose that, as an Englishman ,the slightest apprehen sion for the honour and success of my country in any (Cheers.) Never was struggle, in which we m a y be com p e lled to emb ar k.— England better able to carry on a war than at the present moment. Never were the resources of the people greater. Never WAS victory more certain. Some persons indeed have attempted to deny our strength, and have represented our naval forces as weak and feeble. Those representations know are utterly false, and that the persons who have made them arc animated by the worst motives. I de nounce them to you as miserable and contemptible wretches, who have forgotten they are Englishmen in their base eagerness to further party objects. —(..ear, hear.) 1 hold them up to public execration and scorn, as the vilest detractors of their country,—(Cheers.) repeat that both by sea and land we arc powerful enough to bid defiacce to any one, and to maintain our position as one of the greatest of the European nations. War is not to - be dreaded by us for any fear of defeat, but triumphs and victory are to be deplored in so un happy and useless a struggle. Consider, I intreat you, some few of the consequences of such a war. Let us look at it in the narrowest and most selfish point of view, as a question of mere expenditure, omitting all GREAT MEETING AT LEEDS. On Saturday a very large meeting of the inhabitants of Leeds took place in the Cloth Hall-yard, for the purpose of hearing the sentiments of Sir William Moles worth, one of their representatives, upon the policy of maintaining peace with France. The following is a copy of the placard put fo-th the Hon. Baronet, summoning the meeting To the inhabitants of Leeds.—Fellow•citizens, on an occasion like the present, when there is immediate danger of a war, which threatens the best interests of yourselves and of the community to which you belong, you ought to be acquainted with the opinions of your representatives with regard to such an event, and by the expression of your sentiments, to manifest l your appro bation or disapprobation of those opinions. In a re presentative government, where the people posses; a portion of the sovereign power, it is their duty to make their voices heat d and respected, on a matter so deeply important. Your opinions solemnly proclaimed, will be listened to with respect throughout the manufacturing districts of England. " As one of your representatives, I therefore ear nestly and respectfully call upon you to meet me, in the Cloth Hall-yard, on Saturday, at twelve o'clock at noon.—Your faithful and obedient servant, " WILLIAM MOLES WORTH. " Leeds, 4th November, 1840." It was at first expected, in consequence of the un favourable state of the weather, and the excitement which had been created throughout the borough within the last week, by the municipal elections, that there would not be so great a number of persons as those who felt the importance to the inhabitants of a manu facturing district especially, of maintaining and preserv ing a feeling of amity and friendship with our continen tal neighbours, wished to see assembled. However, as the hour fixed for the meeting approached, all ground for apprehension on that score was removed, and by 12 o'clock there could not have been less than 6,000 per sons assembled in the spacious yard of the Cloth-hall. The number was greatly increased on the entrance of Sir William Molesworth, he being accompanied by an immense number of individuals ; and at the time the business of the meeting commenced (20 minutes past 12 o'clock), there must have beau' 7,000 or 8,000 per sons assembled. The address of the Hon. Baronet was listened to with the profoundest attention, and the I rain, which descended pretty briskly at intervals, had no effect in diminishing the number. On the motion of Mr. John Heap, seconded by Dr. Smiles, Mr. Council'or BITTTIZEY was called to the chair, and observed that that was not a partisan meeting, but a meeting of those who were favourable to peace. The worthy Councillor then introduced . Sir WILLIAM MOLESWOIITII, who was greeted with loud and long-continued cheering. The Hon. Baronet spoke as follows :—Fellow-citizens,--I am delighted to see so many persons met together on the present oc casion. 1 address you under feelings of the strongest excitement and emotion. I wish to speak to you, not as a politician, not as belonging to any particular sect or party, not as a Radical, which you know me to be be—(Loud cheering)—not, I say, as being a Radical, Whig, or Tory, but as an Englishman—(Cheers)— and more than an Englishman, a citizen of civilized Europe. I implore you to listen to me with similar feelings, to cast aside all passion and prejudice, and as men of common sense and plain understandings, to re flect on the present critical state of our foreig❑ rela tions. There is immediate danger of a European war, and of the most disastrous kind, namely, with France. The mere thought of such an event fills my mind with horror, when I reflect on the massacre of thousands of n•:y fellow-beings—(Hear, hear)—the destruction of trade and industry—the vast expenditure of treasure — the increased burthen of taxation—( Hear, hear)—the augmented misery of the working classes—the vile feel ings of national antipathy—the stop to all improvement, which must ensue from such a war.—(.Tear, bear.) Vou will readily acknowledge that, when a great and civilized nation like this is about to embark in a con test which threatens to convulse the whole of European society, it ought to be able to assign some good and valid reason for so'doing —(Hear, hear.) It ought io have some great and noble object •in view, of which history may approve, and which may afford ample compensation for the evil incurred. It ought to show, that not only the interests of its own people, but those of the • human race, are clearly concerned ; and that it only unsheaths the sword in the sacred cause of Justice and Truth, and when no other alternative can be adopted.—(Cheers.) On the other hand I will assert without hesitation, that to rush into such a quarrel merely for the sake of some miserable or petty interest, or under the influence of vain glory, jea lousy, national prejudice, or any other disgraceful pas sion, is the greatest crime which a nation can commit, and for which it would deserve the curses and dexecra tions of mankind.—(Loud cries of Hear, hear.) There have been great and noble wars, in which liberty of con science, independence of thought, and free institutions have been successfully defended by whole nations ; and these wars have done honour to humanity. On the contrary, however, too often the personal disputes of irresponsible rulers, the vanities, intrigues, and jealousies of their ministers, courtiers, or caurtezans, the tricks and intrigues of factions, and the lies and deceits of dip!o have covered the earth with havoc and desolation. These wars have been the reproach of our species, and almost degraded it below the brute creation.--(Hear, hear, hear.) Now, let me ask you, what is the character of the impending contest? I put the question to every man in this great meeting—what are we going to war' about ? Half a year ago such an event would have been considered impossible. What mighty and sudden chaise then has taken place in Europe Let any one answer me who can. Not one in ten thousand, I be lieve, can give me an answer, or has a conception of what arc the grounds of dispute.—(Hear, hear.) I will state them to you as briefly as I can. In a country, dis tant some three thousand miles from this, inhabited by a half-civilised people, strangers to us in language, race, and religion, and more than that for centuries the fiercest enemies of our race and religion, with whom we have comparatively but little intercourse and trade; in that country a rebellion has taken place. The leader of the rebellion, a man of superior energy and understand ing, and attached to European civilization, has wrested from his sovereign certain provinces. By so doing he does no wrong to us, he injures none of our fellow-citi zens, he does not diminish our trade ; on the contrary, he has the strongest desire to cultivate our fricndship,to cherish our commerce, and to facilitate our communica- tions with India. Why then should we interfere with him ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Why take part against him ?—( Hear, hear.) Those who would justify such an interference say, that it is to be feared lest in this contest between the Sultan and the Pacha of Egypt, (the two parties to whom I referring) Russia should in terfere, and sieze Constantinople ; and that the conse quences would he a European war. In order, it is said, to avert the calamities of such a war, England has formed an alliance with Russia and other powers ; and the object of that alliance is to determine what portion of the Ottoman Empire shall belong to the Sultan, and what portion to the Pacha of Egypt. Thus, in fact, we have assumed the sovereignty of that empire, and the right of managing its internal affairs. A most mon strous assumption, a most unnecessary meddling with matters that do not concern us.—( Loud cheers.) Have we not enough to do at home without involving our selves in the broils of other people ?—(Continued cheers.) Are our finances in so flourishing a condition— (Hear, hear)—are our working classes so happy and so contented—(Hear, hear,) —are our agricultural po pulation so highly educated—(Hear, hear, hear)—are our laws so excellent and so well administered—(Hear, hear) —are trade, and commerce, and manufactures in so prosperous a state ; in short, have we attained that point of unsurpassable excellence both physical and, moral, that we have really nothing to do at home, and in order to avoid idleness, must undertake the govern ment of the Ottoman empire, subdue its rebels, and de fine its boundaries?—(Cheers.) 0 most absurd attempt! Would that it was only absurd! By acting in this manner, we have offended France,' who is not included in the alliance which I have mentioned : and who considers that she is as well acquainted as we are with the affairs of the Mussulman—has an equal right with ourselves to determine the boundaries of the Ottoman empire—an equal interest in concerns which are not her own—an equal obligation to preserve the peace of Europe by going to war—in short, in every respect an equal claim to be equally absurd with ourselves.— (Lsughter.) We cannot deny her right. Every thing we can allege in favour of ours, she can allege in fa vour of hers. Re ason canno t d ec id e b etween t h e two parties, because both are equally irrational.—(Hear, hear.) . The cons eq u ence i s th at we are on t h e eve of a war with that country. For what ?—(A voice in the crowd—" Aye, there's the rub.") The only pretext that has ever been assigned, or that can be as signed, to justify our interference in the affairs of Turkey, is, lest Russia should interfere alone, and take possession of Constantinople. I will assume that the possession of Constantin o pl e b y R uss i a would be as great a calamity as some persons suppose—that it wou ld destroy our commerce in the Black Sea, and endanger the safety of civilized Europe—that the vast extent of its territories would contribute to its strength instead of being a source of weakness, and that its power and resources would augment in proportion—th at i ts scanty i population scattered over nterminabl.e wastes, would suddenly become as dense aid wealthy as that of England or France—that its wild hordes, differing from one another in language, race, and religion, would cor dially unite together as a civilized commu n it y , an d readily obey a central authority, distant some thou san d s of miles—that all its internal dissensions shall cease for ever—that its Government, which was on the brink of dissolution at the death of Alexander, shall be esta blished on a solid and urdisturbable basis. I will sup , pose, in addition to all this, that despising every la w , o f harm interest, Russia shall prohibit our corn ' r ' ll -- Al •intes'change et commodities with us, aria exe;uue us Irian the ports of the Black S ea ; ' i and that when by these 'strani - e means it has rapidly THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 9. 1810. the higher a nd no bl er considerations which ought to in- think well on this, and forgive one another if in aught fluency us, but w hi c h perhaps would produce less lin- they have mutually offended.—(Hear, hear.) We are pression on our p ract i ca l understandings. Passing by , but men, and so are they, subject to all the weaknesses the injury whi c h would be done to our commerce and and infirmities of human nature, liable to be led away manufactures, I ask you to remember what was the by passion and prejudice, and in a moment of anger and cost of the last European war ?—(Loud cries of" Hear, excitement to say and do many things of which cool hear.) It f requen tly e x ceeded forty m illi ons a year. I reflection would repent. L et there be no false pride Now calculate, I beseech you, the great and excellent between us to keep us apart. Nations, unlike indivi objects which might be obtained for such a sum of duals, snay make proffers of friendship without any sus money.—(Cheers, and a person exclaimed " The Go- picion of meanness. The noblest and wisest is the one vernment might build hastiles with it.") I have no who takes the first step in the path of conciliation—the wish my friends to build bastiles—(Hear, hear)--but worthiest of the name of a great and civilized people.— for less than forty mill . ons we might have th e b est (T re m en d ous cheering.) Gentlemen, I thank you for system of national educat.on in the world—a school in the kind manner in which you have listened to me, and, every village—a schoolmaster permanently endowed— in conclusion, I will only ask you to express your every child in the country t aug ht t o read and write, aversion or agreement to a war with Prance.—(The and carefully instructed in his moral and religious du- most enthusiastic applause followed the conclusion of the ties.—( Hear, hear.) Consider what en extraordinary ' Hon. Baronet's address and was • continued for some and beneficent change this would make in our social mieutes.) and political state. How much better, how much hap- Mr. CUMMINS then proposed the following resolution, pier we should be, if instead of throwing away forty amidst hearty cheering :—" That this meeting fully and millions on swords, soldiers, guns, g u n p o wder, and the cordially sympathises with Sir William Molesworth in other instruments of war, we were to put a school- his denunciation of war, and most earnestly desires to master in every hamlet. and a sc h oo lb oo k i n th e h a nd s co-operate with him in any means for the maintenance of every child.—(Hear, hear.) Again, for the same of a firm and honourable peace." sum applied to the material improvement of the coon- Mr. J. HEAPS seconded the resolution. He cordially try, what magnificent and useful buildings might we acquiesced with almost every thing that Sir William not erect ? What noble docks ! What excellent har- Molesworth had said ; but there was one thing he wished hours ! What. extensive 1 nes of railroads, connecting to notice, and that was, that the lion. Baronet had together the remotest portions of our kingdom ; every- said though we might be prepared for war, yet he where spreading 'commerce and industry, and augment- dreaded the consequences, Now he (Mr. Heaps) denied ing wealth and happiness! Or, suppose that the cost that we were prepared for war. He did not think tie of a single year's war were directed to the relief of the had the means ; for England was too much in debt al surplus population—(Heae, hear)—to the diminution ready, to think of rushing into another European war.— of competition in this densely-peopled country—were ( Hear, hear.) If Sir William Molesworth, or any one applied, for instance, to emigration —to the sending out else, could prove to him that they could get out of of a portion of our suffering population to the colonies debt by going into a war, he thought that would be the of the Southern Seas? With the sum I have men• best justification of war.—(Hear, and laughter.) tioned, two millions of our fellow-stibjects might be Sir W. MouswoßTH—l think youmisunderstood me. conveyed to Australia. In a few years a mighty em- Mr. HEAPS continued.—However he was an enemy Aire would sp r i t -, up, inhabited by a prosperous and to all war ; and he never heard yet of a war that could industrious people, from whom we might derive by corn- he justified. He hoped the tiete was come, when na 'Tierce an. incalculable tribute of wealth, far greater than Lions Would be so wise that war would be a game that we ever haves received from the East or West Indies. neither kings nor ministers would dare play at.— E tch and every one of these great objects, and innu- (Cheers.) Let them be at peace among themselves, merable others of eqUal importance, might be accom- and cultivate a spirit of kindness and charity, and ex plished with the expenditure of a single year's war; tend it throughout the world.—(Cheers.) He most and all of them together for the cost of a war of a few cordially seconded the resolution. years' duration.—( Hear; hear.) But if, instead of ap- The resolution was then put to the meeting by the l•plying it to these' noble purposes; we were to take the Chohnan, and unanimously' carried with acclamation. Whole of the vast wealth that we' should lavish in such Mr. CHRISTOPHER HEAPS proposed the next i'esolu a contesti'rand were to - cast ft into the profoundest tion—" That it is the decided opinion of this meeting depths of the ocean, or were to collect it into one enor- that the people of England might to be more closely allied , mous funereal pile, and were to consume it before the with the people of France titan with any other European lace of astounded nations, it 'would be better far than nation ; and that this meeting would deeply deplore and to devote it to the purposes of execrable war.—(Hear, condemn any course of policy which in any way would hear.) Gracious God ! are we rational beings ? Do tend to sow dissension between France and England, we vaunt our superiority over the brute creation, and and Would behold a war between the two nations with hor attribute that superiority to our intelligence and power rot, as being one of the greatest; calamities which could of calculating consequences? And yet do we only em- betal . Europe. That a humble address be presented to ploy the prerogative of reason to live in a more bestial her Majesty deploring the contest in which her Majes manner than any beast ? For they combat not, save ty's forces are engaged on the coast of Syria, and be for food, shelter, and protection, and meddle not with seething her Majesty to make use of ad honourable others when not interfered with themselves ; whilst we means to bring that unhappy quarrel to a speedy termi go about scekin; causes of dispute in the remotest cor- natidn." He hated war and war-makers of all sides tiers of the earth, and cannot behold a quarrel without and sorts.--(Cheers.) They might depend on it if they thrusting ourselves into the midst of it, and longing to were engaged in another war it was not those who got partake in its attendant misery.—(Hear, hear.) Gen- up the war who would have the piper to pay, but the tlemen, being most deeply convinced of the correctness expense would fall on the industrious classes.—(Cheers.) of the views which I have just stated to you, I have Those who got up the last war pledged their lives and been anxious to ascertain whether they meet with your fortunes on the cause, but they managed to save their approbation—( Hear, hear)—and I have felt it my duty lives to increase their fortunes and treble their rents.— to call you together, in order that 1 might know whether, Laughter.) It was upon the industrious classes of society as your representative, I might with your consent pro- that all the cost of the last war fell.—(Hear, hear.) test against war with France.—(Hear, hear.) The Whatever they did, therefore, they should avoid and manner is which you have listened to me, and the ap-- detest war, and exclaim against it. War brought misery probation which you have expressed,' induce me to hope of all forts, and the misery was not over when the contest that 3ou are as averse to War as I amea--(Cheers.) lam was over. It deprived the poorer classes of cheap bread, delighted, therefore, that this meeting has taken place, it deprived them of a great part of the necessaries and and feel confident that it will produce the most useful comforts of life, and therefore he would say to the effects.—(Hear, h ear .) Some few persons were op- . industrious classes; " Whatever you do, protest posed to a meeting, on the grounds that it might do against war." But whether the. war was commenced 'more harm tnangood. I have listened with respect to the by one class of governors or another, the people ought argume nts of those gentlemen, but I have been unable to to set their faces against it in every way.—( Hear, see any force in those arguments. According to them the' hear.) He regretted to see a warlike disposition mani expression of a wish on the part of the people of England tested among the people of France, but rejoiced that no fur peace, would encourage the French to make greater such feeling actuated Englishmen. He trusted, how demands than they do at present.: This I'utterly dis- ever, they would be brought to a better feeling, and the believe. I ask you, if, on a similar occasion, the only way to bring them to a better feeling was to show French were to hold out to you the hand of peace them that the people of England wished to evince a and friendship, would you take a mean and ungene• conciliatory spirit, and were anxious to cultivate rous advantage of their friendly feelings ?—(Cries of the arts of peace rather than the bloody and the brutal No, no) You answer .you would not. 'Nor will -the arts of war.—(Cheers.) He concluded by moving the -French, for they are as high-minded and generous a resolution, and expressing a hope that the meeting people as we are.—(Hear, hear.) The best mode of would support those views Sir William Molesworth dealing with the French, is by showing that time people had so ably brought forward.—(Cheers.) of England have a strong feeling of regard for the The resolution having been seconded by Mr. Robin people of France. The French complain, and not un- son, it was put from the chair, and carried unanimously. justly, of our apparent indifference to them. They Dr. SMILES; who was received with great applause, say, that for the last ten years France and England next addressed the meeting. He said—There is a cer have been closely allied ; that to their last revolution tain phrase which has been in general use during the we are indebted for the Reform Bill ; that without last two or three years—" base, bloody, and brutal." that revolution some of our most important cities, —(Cries of " the Whigs.") It is very unpleasant to use I Leeds amongst the number—( Hear, hear)—wouid hard words. We came not here to use hard words, neither have had representatives in the House of Coin- but to use soft words, and, by so doing, to " turn mons, nor local self.government ; that we ow' them a away wrath."—(Loud cheers.) But if there be any debt olgratitude, which our Ministers have ill-repaid policy which is more "base, bloody, and brutal" than by suddenly quitting their alliance, and uniting England another, it is that which will plunge us into a war with with Russia and therest of the Holy Alliance in opposition one of the most civilised nations on the face of the to France. This conduct has angered and mortified them; earth—(Cheers)—base, because it makes us break faith and when they "found the people of Eughod were silent, with a noble and civilised people, in order to take part and sceminglrearelese•ef their alliance, they became • I with a people who ore ; bloody, b ecause i t doubly itidignarreand angry. Hen ce th e fierce outbreak- ' will force us into a war, during wi.ieb there must be of passion which has lately taken place in France. The expended oceans of blood and millions of treasure ; and 1 best means, I repeat, of calming these feelings of irrita- brutal, because it, obstructs everything like progressive I tion on the part of the French, is by the people of Eng- reform, freedom, economy, and retrenchment.— land assembling and declaring their desire for a strict al- (Cheers.) We have been told—and lam sorry to see hence with that country. It is under the influence of so few of the leaders of what arc called Liberal opinions these views, that I have presumed to c a ll you together, in Leeds—but we have been told that the expression of to exhort you to declare your wish for friendship with our opinion might damage the Ministry. Now, the I France, and to advice the other great towns of England question is, not what Ministry will be damaged, but i to follow your example.—(Cheers.) It is also said that what is the truth, and what will most conduce to the such meetings as the present one might embarrass the promotion of peace, and, accordingly, to express an Government in their negotiations. Is not this the bits- opinion boldly and fearlessly, because lam convinced guage of despotism and hatred to popular control 'l that that course only will be adopted which the people (Hear, hear.) Undoubtedly, whenever the people in- of England consider to be right, just, honest, noble, and terfere and call their rulers to account, it is excessively generous.—(Cheers.) The question involves not so much embarrassing for them.—(Laughter.) But then arc we the interests of the Ministry as the interests of the to permit our rulers to involve us in a disastrous war, people. And, therefore, let the people speak without raising our voices against it ?—( Hear, hear.) out. (Hear, hear.) We have come here to We assemble and express our opinions when we disap- speak out not from factious or party motives, but in or prove of laws or taxes, or when we desire a change in der that the sound sentiments of the people of Leeds our institutions ; are we then only to remain silent when and of the people of England may be expressed on this the greatest interests, when the destinies, I may say, of most momentous and vital question.—(Hear, beer.) our country, are at stake ? Surely not. Then, more It is lull time that the people should take up this than at any other lime, it behoves us to be energetic question, involving, as it does, the lives and properties and stirring.—(Hear, hear.) What is the use of a of our fellow-creatures. These lives and properties have constitutional government, what is the use of represen- too long been committed to the hands of those who have tatives, except to give utterance to the opinions of the no sympathies with the people, and whose interests arc people ?—(Cheers.) And how can a representative opposed to the interests of the people ; and, therefore, know the opinions of his constituents on an extraordi- it becomes us to speak out and demand that the Go nary occasion like the present if they remain silent ? vernment should go on progressively—that we should ( Hear, hear.) I ask you to inform your representatives claim a union with the people of France, in order to of your wishes. I ask you, are you or are you not perpetuate peace, harmony, commerce, and civilization. averse to a European war ?—(Cries of " Hear") —the —(Cheers.) We are told, forsooth, that by so doing duration of which no one can foresee. Foi a European we shall " let in the Tories."—(Laughter.) What are war once commenced, as there is no reason for its com- we now doing, but actually letting in the Tories.— mencement, so there will be none for its termination.— (Hear, hear.) Hare we not returned to the policy of (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") With the continuance 1792—t0 the old Holy Alliance policy of the despots of war national jealousies will be excited, national an- of Europe—(Hear hear)—when they armed themselves tipathies will be aroused. In the numerous contests to crush the rising liberties' of the people ?—( Hear.) which will take place, the alternate victories will only have we not gone back at least to the point from excite the combatants to redoubled exertions. The which we started ten years ago, when, by so unanimous defeated will desire to revenge himself—the victor to a movement, we drove the Tories from power, and car maintain his superiority. The English will swear that rind the Reform Bill ?—(Hear, and loud cheering.) one Briton is equal to three Frenchmen ; and the ig- We are letting in the Tories because we are permitting nor ant and infuriated and stupid multitude, wild with our Ministers to get us into a war of which the Tories passion and prejudice, will respond to the cry, hy ex- are certain ere long to assume the management.— claiming, " War, war, war !"—(Vehement cheering, (Hear, hear.) It is only by the unscrupulous policy of and cries of " Bravo, bravo!") On the other hand, the Tories and their superior tactics in conducting the the French will appeal to their national glory, honour,and reins of a physiCal force Government that any ed h European renown ; they will count over every battle they gained war can be carried st o a n a . lau T la h t e ed poli to cy b n ri o a w g atdhoop t'Toriesorieys against allied Europe, forgetful how noble was that Nlinistew .in Any expression of opinion, therefore, which I rsm a s truggle in behalf of national independence , freedom from into power . tyranny,and of self-regeneration; theywill lash themselves shall have the effect of checking Government in its into fury by calling to mind every contest with England, present course, is the duty of the friends of freedom, ' every injury done to them by England from the time progression,aante present occasion. —(Cheers.) The and h enfranchisement, and this duty we are of the Norman to the ever to be lamented restoration performing a of the 13ourbon—( Hear, hear)-- , -from the battles of question is between enfranchisement and not what political party shall be in power, Cressy and Poictiers to the fatal field of Waterloo. — but it is a question non (Hear, hear.) Who can foretell the termination of such enfranchisement—between retrenchment and lavish ex a war? When the hell-hounds of strife are once let penchture—b etween national waste and national economy loose, who will undertake to enchain them again in —between bloodshed and peacefulness — between edu their infernal abode, till they .are sated and glutted cation and ignorance—between religion and cavagery— with slaughter ?—( Cheers.) Are these not harrowing - between morality and civilisation and the arts and and dreadful thoughts ? Consider, I entreat you, who sciences , and all the powers of destruction, rapine, and they are with whom we are about to commence this plunder. (Cheers.)You may perhaps haveheardthe hateful and abominable conflict. A noble and generous story of a cer t a in elo q uent recruiting sergeant who, on people—our equals in the arts and sciences—equally a certain occasion .a was holding forth to a crowd of sim attached with ourselves to liberty and free institutions plc and ad min g rustics around him, what a glorioui and war ; when a witty and wise old soldier —desirous of good government—longing for self-itne noble thing thing near exclaimed, excla;med, holding up his wooden leg, improvement — unsurpassed by any nation in . power ; and , standing when united with .us, capable of resisting the wo r ld in "Arid behold the end of it !"—(Laughter.) Now, na_ arms.—(Much cheering.) They are at the bead "of tious who go to war should recollect there is also a na- European civilization—the best type of that civilization tionalwooden leg.—(Cheers and laughter.) The peopl e —our equals in all respects—in some, perhaps, our dearest of this country are now peeing upwards of twenty-th ree. periors. Does not nature point them out as our su millions per annum, as the cost !of their last conti and nearest allies ? Ought not similar interests and ? nental bat a tles d ; we are now overloaded with taxes, we wants to link us together in indissoluble friendship . are burth nc wirh an iniquitous corn - tax—(Loud ries Have we not the same great 'task to accomplish—to of" Hear, hear ") —every measure of improvement has obstructed , in 'consequence of that war,the human the progress of civilization, and to improve the Inimao race ?—(Hear, hear.) - Is it. not a miserable, an lbitem.endsooofdethheochnuermtlileesoosfolfibtehretypehoapylee are eend strengthened What a miserable and lamentableH national execrable, and accursed policy which would sow dissen- by rt,. tion and discord between us, and strain our energies to crea d m a n a g. leg is this to stand u on —( ear,ayhebayr, day a h y e a i r n . -- t - - he (L ph a h u p g i l e ite h r f mutual destruCtion and massaere?—(Hear, hear.) woo One of the greatest of our statesmen has foretold that , More ha t a h r l a n g)— 'th a a n t, d itit is a s i a mp P r a o ss t . t ih e l n e t o hnaet a w t hia n h o remote period a war must arrive in Europe, and e 'would be a war of opinion, in which liberty would this' co untry will be disposed to stand on that leg any have to contend against tyranny,and free institutions must longer.—(Cheers,) It is not enough that the people and enter the field of battle against despotism. Now , if the press of England. declaim against w h a t we such a struggle were to take place, on wh ich side I call the furious and intemperate language of our French ask you , ough t England to be found ? With neighbours —our duty is to offer them the right hand Russia and the despotic Powers of Europe, with of fellowship, and ther e b y en d eavour. if we cans to ; the Tartar , the Hun ; and the barbarian, or with F rance, thro w oil upon the troubled waters.—(Loud cheers.) freedom, and•nivilizatin" ?—( Vehement cheering.) I put Gentlemen, in th at sp i r i t I have come forward to pro the question to - you, and await your answer. — (Loud pose that an address should issue from this meeting to the people is of ,a s France, which address I will notv.read to and .generals cries of " With France, with FranCea.a"). you. he " With Franc e ," This I expected of you. You reply, Then is not every injury that we do to France, or that " TO THE PEOPLE OF -FRANCE. Franci does to us, a gain. to th e cause of the despot-- " People of France L»-For the last ten ye ars our re a source of rejoicing and exultation to him and his spective nations have been closely allied in friendship, minions?—(Hear, bear.) Let Eogiand and France and that friendship so advantageous to both countries, EVENING EDITION.- _, ; Iwe hoped and believed would be lasting. Now, how— ever, it seems that these hopes are in danger of being blasted, and that France and England are about to commence a disastrous and deplorable conflict. wlott, we ask of you and our fellow -countrymen. are the tw, -, D oightiest nations in the world goi ng to war about ? The' answer of our Government i s , t h at a quarrel has tak place betneen two semi•barbari ans i n a remote cornerthe earth ; and that the E ng li s h, Government has int, nrfered on one side, and the Fren c h Government is about . to interfere on the other side. .,, `Thus war between us is . 4.0 be the consequence o f th e , ors in affairs whi c h unnecessary meddling of o.:v ruo concern neither you nor us. nor of England Th u ,l for a dispute i n which neither th e people of Freo n have the slightest inte r est, we are to' Us compelled to slaughter on e a n o th er , t o destroy our flasin...shi°g com merce, to ruin our trade, to incur vast debt, to burthen our people with enormous taxes, to put a stop to . 411 in ternal improvements, to excite the vilest feelings at na tional antipathy and hatred between us, to let loose the hell-hounds of war, and to cover the earth with fury,. havock, and desolation. And all for what ? To de termine wheth er th e S u l tan o f T ur k ey or t h e P ac h a .of Egypt shall possess a tew leagues, more or less, of ter ritory ? " Can it be possible that the people of France and England will quietly submit to such a proceeding, and will permit their rulers to involve them in war for so insignificant and unworthy an object ? As a portion of the Ecglish people, we protest against it in the name of reason and justice. We call upon our fellow.&tizens to imitate our example, and to denounce war with you. As Englishmen we entertain the kindliest feelings to wards you, and think that we ought to be more elosei'v allied with you than with any other European nation. As inhabitants of this borough, we are deeply indebted to you. For to your last revolution we owe the Re form Bill ; and thus that we possess representatives in the British Parliament, and enjoy self eovernment. Without that revolution we should have,h e ad no voice among the Commons of England—nn one whom we could instruct to demand peace and friendship with you. Influenced by these feelings, we deeply deplore and con demn any policy which tends to sow dissension and dis cord between France and England ; or which would ally us unnaturally with the Northern barbarian, instead of with the most civilised nation of the earth. We should behold a war. with you with the greatest horror, as being one of the worst calamities which could befal Europe. We ho!d out to you the band of peace and friendship. We call upon you and the people of Enc . - land to disregard the blundering of our respective Go vernments, and to deere that there shall be friendship between us, and for ever. We confidently believe that you will respond to thee sentiments. We are convinced that you are of far too generous and noble a nature to suppose that in these proffers of friendship we are actu ated by any unworthy or ignoble motive—by fear, or any servile feeling. Of such sentiments two great na tions of equal power, like France and England, are ut terly incapable. It is not because we are afraid or your strength, or you of ours, that we ought to be friends ; but because the interests of France and Eng land are the same—their institutions similar—their people equally animated by an ardent love of freedom, and superior to all others in the arts, sciences, and re finements of life—because in power, whether by sea or land, they are unrivalled by any European nation, and when united are capable of resisting the world in arms —because they have the same duties to perform towards the human race, for to them is confided the noble task of carrying on the progress of civilization and of improv ing the moral and social condition of mankind—and, lastly, because nature has placed them close to one an other, as if the God of nature had decreed them to be indissoluble friends. War between two such nations, we therefore pronounce to be execrable and impious." Mr. GREEN seconded the adoption of the address, which was then put and carried unanimously amidst loud cheering. . Mr. CumenNs sin moving ,the next resolution, re marked that it had been observed by their friend Dr. Smiles, who he was sure they. would be glad to see on all occasions, and to receive with smiles —( Laughter)— that he regretted those who were usually the leaders of public opinion in Leeds were not present; but he thought there was no- need for such regret—they were not now the leaders of opinion in the town—the real leaders were present, and he thought they might very gracefully perform their functions by .following them.—(Cheers and laughter.) lie begged leave to propose a resolu tion which he was sure every man present would heartily agree to :—" That this meeting, looking upon Sir Wil liam Molesworth's efforts upon this question as a bright illustration of his consistency in principle, do hereby offer him their best thanks for his services as their re presentative."_ Mr. JOHN HEAPS seconded the motion, which was put from the Chair, and agreed to without a dissentient voice, with three rounds of cheers for the Hon. Baronet. Sir WILLIAM Mot.Esworalt in returning thanks said, Gentlemen, I am excessively obliged to you for the flat tering manner in which you have received the last re solution.—(Cheers.) I assure you nothing can give me I so much pleasure as to receive those marks of approba tion from persons whom I esteem and respect so much as I do my constituents of Leeds.—(Bravo, and loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I am only known to you by my pub. ; lic conduct. lam only known to you by the advocacy of the principles which I stated to you when I first became your representative—(Hear)—l think I may assert that I have faithfully and tearlessly adhered to those pria. ciples.—(He4r, and loud cheers.) That I am the same uncompromising Radical that I always declared myself to you to be—( Loud and repeated cheers)--that I am still as favourable to the extension of popular rights and privileges as I ever was—(Loud cheers)—and that as long as I retain my energies, so long will I continue to exert myself in support of the popular cause.— (Loud cheers.) I have called you together from a conviction that it was my duty to exhort you to use every means in your power to prevent war, because I feel convinced that once engaged in war, there will be a stop to all internal improvement—( Hear, hear)_ that there will be no hope for augmented popular insti tutions for many and many a long year—(Hear, hear) — and that we shall be thrown back at least half a century by an European war.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it was with these convictions that I called you together, and I am g!ad to find that you approve of my conduct.— (Hear, hear.) Much has been said to dissuade me from addressing you on this occasion, but I was firm to my purpose, and determined on my course of con duct.—(Loud cheers.) I was decided to know the opinions of my constituents, and ready and willing, if I found that they did not coincide with those opinions I have expressed, to come forward and resign my seat.— (Loud and repeated cheering.) You are satisfied.— (" We are, we are.") You have gratified me more than words can express—(Hear, bear)—and I cast down the gauntlet of defiance to those that say such meetings as these can do any injury to our cause.— ' (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I now thank you again ; and permit me, in termination, to move the best thanks of the meeting to our worthy Chairman.—(Loud cheers.) Dr. SMILES seconded the vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN returned thanks, and said that he regretted his abilities were not such as to enable him to point out to the meeting as strongly as he telt, the necessity of keeping peace with all the world.(Cheers.) The immense assemblage then quietly dispersed. THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.) CORN EXCHANGE. Last week's arrivals were small of every description except Irish Oats, but there was a moderate fresh supply of all kinds of Corn.. The run of Wheat was nearly all tender, and the prices declined Is. to 2s. per quarter. Barley, Is. per quarter lower. Beans firm at former prices. Boiling Peas are cheaper; Grey unaltered. Oats met a good demand, chiefly for sheep.feeding, and they obtained rather mere money. The Flour trade very dull, at former rates. PRIMPS OW BOARD OF SPIV Wheat, Red (old) —s. —s. Beans,Sinall(lew) 43. 450. --.. White (old) —O. —l. (old) Red 11340) 565. 60s. Fine 625. 645. Superfine 645. 0355. —White (184 ( ') 553. 63 3. Fine 645. i)73. Superfine 645. 70s. —Foreign free 565. 70s. Bye 3Bs. 40s. Barley 30s. as 5 . -- Grinding 'Ss. 325. --. Malting .375. 38s, Malt 565. 6'•ls, .--- Fine New 634, 645. Pease, they, New Iss. 40s. -- Maple New 423. 435. White 40s. 425, ---- Boilers 425. 445. - Tick .........33 40,-. 42, 44t Harro‘w (new) 40s. 42s (old) ..... .. 445. 4P f . Brank .... A --I. Oats, Feed s IS -- New 20: 13s. Poland 4 —6. New 25,. ,s. Potatoe 6 a , ...,..m..,.... No w °ss. 30s. Scotch • 7 76.3)6. --- Irish 18s. ... 215.246. Flour Town (per sack) .... 555. MO. Seconds 526.545. —.1..- 1.1..rth Country SCs. 517. Bran lls. 12 , . ARRIVALS OF GRAIN IN LONDON DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Flour English ish Ir I , ,,reign —"-- 31,140 1439 es, S,S.O 770 3,020 SMITHFIELD MARKET. The supply of beasts was good, and prices about the same as on Friday, there being a fair proportion of fine beasts. The quantity of sheep was moderate, and trade somewhat brisker. The best Downs fully realised ss. per stone, but few calves at market, and prices were on the sdvance. Very little prime Pork at market, the greater part being large hogs end stores. Beg, inferior, 3s. 4d. 4 to 3s. Bd. ; ditto, prime, 4 s. 4 d. t o As. 6d.; Mutton, in ferior, 3s. 4d. to 45. ; ditto. p rimel . s. 4d. to ss. ; Veal, inferior, 4s. to 4 s. 4d .; ditto,. prime, 43. Bd. to 4d. ; Pork, inferior, 4s. to 45." 6d. ; d itto, prime, 4s. Bd. to ss. Beasts, 3,158; Sheep, 21,730 ; Pigs, 672; Calves, 74. TEA MARKET. The demand was extremely dull ; in fact there wa s e reno thing doing in the article in consequence of the non-arrival of the mail from India. All parties are anxiously on th look-out, and it is fully expected thaetxeseopmtethwei very finest 11 b th e ceived duriog the da ti y. OP Pr A i i c A es ß n eK o c m iEf i rro n r a . l. the ' c a f ga m in os s t u k ff in er i e s d o a f d H e o p p r s e , ssiono an p d res t e h n e t. mar Th ke e t trade being stock c c i asi o i; i u c hd e reuYl s Pls o :o r ti t rch s tees , s, however, were still sought after, and com mand full late prices, say from 161. to 201. per cwt. The duty is still called T a A b L ou L t O 3O W ,OO i O m L AR KET. The transactions were upon a very limited scale. 0,1 quality Could be bought at. 494, per cwt. . ,