The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-02-15 00:00:00

Zbe Eiberpool Atanilartl. FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 15, 1833. NUMEROUS as are the changes and innovations now cmtemplated in state affhirs, for the projection of many of which, and those the most dangerousove are indebted to the reform bill, and the unconstitutional means by which that measure was, in a great degree, forced onward into a law,—numerous, we say, as they are, the most im portant, perhaps, of them all is one which applies pecu liarly to our own craft—we mean the talked-of change with regard to the stamp on newspapers, and the duty on the advertisements which they contain. We 'are fully sensible how difficult and how delicate is the task which he undertakes who approaches this ques tion with a view to its discussion. Nor is this difficulty one which is usually, and_ mote especially at this time, overrated. We repeat, if there be any one question which, at the present crisis, exceeds all others in impor.. tance, it is the question whether, or not, the stamp on newspapers is to be removed; or, to use the new cant phrase of the day, whether the " taxes on knowledge" are to be continue 4 or withdrawn. Unlike the Times and some other London journals, -we have no monopoly of advertisements to guard; which, in their cases, would be utterly demolished by the re moval of the stamp duty ; a fact that will, of itself, ac count for the violent hostility of some of those journals to the measure either of abolition or-extensive reduction. On the contrary, we feel assured that our pecuniary in terest would be served by the change. But we take higher ground. It is as a subject in which are mixed up the most vital interests of the British empire that we treat it; and in that belief, regardless of the consequences to ourselves from the discussion, we propose to show the paramount importance of this question. To the presence of the "schoolmaster" we apprehend we are indebted for the substitution of the new term, " taxes on knowledge," for that which; in olden times, was sufficiently known by the more familiar- phrase—the "liberty of the 'press." For, turn it as we may, the lat ter then meant, what the former now 'means—the per mission for every man to print and publish whatever lie pleased, unrestrained by legal power or fiscal measures. In this sense, then, we will discuss it; and we would ask our readers, what, in the times in which we live, they think would be the consequence of such unrestricted li berty ? If, in looking at all that is passing around them on every side, they cannot furnish an answer to this ques tion, we will endeavour to convey one in the succeeding observations. So much has been said and written in fa - vour of the liberty of the press—such a mass' of . prejudices has been raised as a bulwark around it—so deeply is it interwoven with the frame, and so much has it contributed to the growth, of the constitution—it is so powerful a weapon for the defence of our liberties, and so' extensive a me - ilium for .the correction of error and the propagation of knowledge—to praise it is so sure a road to popular fa- Your, and to speak of it impartially is so certain of being construed into an attack upon its existence, that we ale only accustomed to hear it mentioned in terms of blind and indiscriminate panegyric; and the man who ventures to hint that it may be rendered the instrument of mis chief, and that it occasionally prOducPs evil, is at once clamoured into silence, and his principles and under standing are alike loaded with the most disgraceful im putations. In such a state of things to appear in public life has become altogether a matter of nerve, and not of intellect ; and those who, by rank or real talent, are the best qualified to adorn,high station, and to benefit their country by seeking it, wholly shun a conflict which is sure to cover them with mud, and to load them with derision. Reason teaches us that a free press may be rendered the means of propagating all kinds of useful knowledge— it may .be made the scourge of public delinquency—it may be converted into the most efficient check on the abuse of all public authority—it may keep public opinion in a healthy state, and from its boundless influence over the public mind, it may rouse the nation to resist all in fringements on its rights and liberties—may call forth all its energies to punish and resist foreign insult and ag gression, and rally around it everything estimable in the world for •its succour and protection; in short, it may operate as a law to which all other laws must be subor dinate; and may become that poWer on earth which makes the nearest approximation to• Omnipotence. But cannot it be made to effect the converse of all this? Cannot an engine thus mighty for good be rendered equally mighty for evil Cannot it be made the means of es tablishing ignorance, and of protecting it from the opera tions of true knowledge, by enclosing it in an impenetra•• ble fortress of prejudice and delusion ? Cannot it be rendered the scourge of virtue and honour, and the as sassin of spotless reputation? Cannot it be made an instrument for the overthrow of all legal authority ? Cannot it give to public opinion the most fatal direction ? 'Cannot it unite the ignorant in a mass of disaffection, marshal them in opposition to the constitution and laws, and inflame their hostility against every thing which is essential to the honour and comfort of individuals, and the existence of society ? Let the present 'state of the country answer these questions. The means of inflicting injury in every contrivance of human power are exactly commensurate with those which it possesses for con ferring benefit. The sword which strikes to the dust the ,most deadly foe, may be plunged into the breast of the dearest friend; and the matches which, from the ship of war, pour broadsides upon her enemies, may, if applied to the magazine, blow the vessel and her gallant crew in a moment to atoms. These are truisms which it would not be necessary . to repeat, did we not live in times when (despite the "Schoolmaster") nothing is doubted but ex perience and demonstration. We wish it were in our poWer to say that the questions which we have here put were altogether hypothetical in their character; and, disclaiming their applicability to the existing state of things, we could adopt the more agree able picture which precedes it. Deeply do we lament to say, that we have no such power. Stubborn facts crowd LIVERPOOL STANDARD. opposite results here, to those which they have invariably hitherto brought about in all other nations since the creation. To doubt it we must doubt all that nature and experience have placed above doubt. Is this, then, the period at which we are to let loose the worst passions of the worst men, to add to the already too prominent causes of dissolution ? When the country is overspread with combustible matter ; accumulated, in no small degree, through the culpable indifference, if not by the still more wicked connivance, of the men who, for the moment, happen to rule over its destinies—is it at such a time that the responsibility of name and the security of vested property, the last remaining safeguards against the sweeping efforts of a revolutionary press, are to be removed—in order that every desperate scribbler, desti tute alike of character and principle, as he would be reckless of consequences and independent of the Law, might turn his pen into a fire-brand, and give his utmost aid in the creation of one general conflagration through out the country ? And yet, in the fullest sincerity, such, we believe, would be the dreadful issue. In deprecating, therefore, the abolition of the stamp duty upon newspapers, we do it against our personal in terests, but we do it conscientiously. We have been led into an examination of the question to an extent far ex ceeding our original intention. Our excuse is the cause —that cause, OUR COUNTRY. We call upon. all our fel low-subjects who love and value their country—and we doubt not of such is still the great majority—we implore them to abandon that supineness, the too frequent attend ant on virtue and sterling patriotism, and to press for ward, each in his sphere, for the conservation of all those venerable, and deservedly-venerated institutions of that country, which it is the dearest object of many of her un worthy sons to lay prostrate. If the eloquence of the immortal men of old—that eloquence whose thunders re verberated through the universe, and whose lightnings flashed into the darkest recesses of ignorance, and con sumed the . mightiest fabrics of error ;—which accom plished what armies could not accomplish, and which led nations captive in its chains of flame—if that eloquence were ours, in this holy cause would we employ it. We would call around us the millions who yet tread the face of our distracted and disgraced country, in all the dignity and grandeur of lofty spirit—unsullied honour—untainted principles, and enthusiastic patriotism. We would show them our countrywomen, whose loveliness, perfect as that of the fabled eastern daughters of Paradise, is yet less enchanting than their virtues, and we would say — shall these who supply, or give the zest to every joy, and who chase, or soften, every affliction, be reduced to one universal state of abject misery and want ? we would show them the conflagration of the Nile—the shot-torn captured colours of Trafalgar—the splendid trophies of Waterloo, and the colossal empire of France shivered to atoms, and we - would say—shall that race of men which furnished the heroes to whom these are owing be suffered to become the prey of rebels and infidels, and from being the pride and fear of the world; be ren dered its scorn, and the curse of their country ? We would show them in the wilds of America—in the flaming plains of. India, and in the death-fraught atmosphere of Africa, English Missionaries with their lives in their hands, —expatriated from their country, and without hope of earthly reward, distributing English Bibles, and showing the savage and the infidel the way to Heaven, and we would say—shall the CHURCH which sends these be over thrown ? and shall we, who have opened the gates of Heaven to three quarters of the Globe, be ourselves shut out? We would show them the CONSTITUTION, vene rable from age—unequalled in wisdom—resplendent with glory, and inexhaustible in blessings; and we would say— shall this sacred pale, which was raised by the consurn mate talents of ages—cemented with the blood of the noble, and consecrated by the worship of the world ; which gives wisdom to our senates, valour to our armies, victory to our fleets, and power, happiness, and life to our country ;—which has made us the mightiest among the mighty, and the noblest among the noble, and which, like the YEgis of the heathen deity, has shielded us from the united attacks of the world,—shall this be mutilated with impunity, and overthrown without defence ? If by such arguments we could cause the breast to throb, the eye to flash, and the cheek . to crimson ;—if we could make the sword leap from the scabbard, and call forth the sublime and electrifying shout of CHURCH, KING, CONSTITU TION, and COUNTRY, it would be a reward which we would not exchange for a diadem. SINCE the foregoing was written, the London papers of Wednesday have brought us the debate of Tuesday night, upon the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer " ;or leave to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the Law relating to the temporalities of the Church of Ireland." i'e have neither time nor inclination, at present, to discuss the question at the length which its importance merits; indeed it is useless to do so to any extent until the details are before us—since, to use the gentlemanly, but severe, reproach of Sir Robert Peel to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, "it is not fair to put questions, as the noble Lord is not prepared with the details of the measure." What ! when a measure is proposed which involves a complete overthrow of the Church establish ment of Ireland, and which violates, in the most direct way, the terms of the Union itself, if a few questions be put upon the simplest general principles which must, of necessity, be involved in its consideration, can no answer be found ? Is it so manifest to the ministers of the crown that the violent and consecutive attacks of the fifty repealers of Ireland upon the address, are only a fore taste of something more violent to succeed on every fit occasion, that they, the ministers, feel themselves com pelled to attempt their neutralization, by cramming them with this sop of crude, undigested matter ? Although the noble lord is not prepared to give us details of what he has in store, he is, at any rate, pretty candid in stating his views, so far as he was able to collect his scattered notions, upon the general question; for he tells us, that he will cut down two of the Archbishoprics and ten Bishoprics ; and that those of the latter class so abolished shall be joined with the favoured excepted; whose in comes, nevertheless, when doubling their duty, he will take especial good care to reduce. Has the noble lord, may we ask, already obtained per mission for this measure from their Graces and the Right Reverend the Catholic Lords Archbishops and Bishops of the several provinces and sees, —to which, we appre hend, they are looking forward with something more than " titular" views? But this is an idle. question. Doubtless all such trifling matters were comfortably ar- IC" J 1 1 all loUsi Ise!, at wh, ranged, over a bottle Of claret, at Dublin Castle ! 1 Doctor Doyle, before his Excellency, the L or d Li' nant's, visit to this country. We have 'a lurking 5 cion that our Right Rev. friend of Kilda r e and Le lin has had his little sop, also, in the hope of a pro t • early elevation to the metropolitan see, or, it glaff i province—whilst the primacy may be - reserved fb.!: Catholic brother of the noble Chancellor of the quer, whom we may also probably shortly hear of, as, dinal Spencer, Archbishop of Armagh, Primate ° Ireland. We say " probably"—for can any man what is intended; who reads the concluding portion • Chancellor's speech. After proposing the entire tion of church cess, vestry rate, first fruits, &c., his . ship goes on, " I do not mean to say"—this, be i. membered, is his lordship's languor, and we beg ta, press it upon the minds of our readers—" I do not . to say that this is the only measure that is required respect to the Church of Ireland. Ido not mean tea that there are not other measures with respect to nor!, sidence, with respect to pluralities, and for the pur of inducing the landlords to take on themselves the r ,r ment of tithes. All these measures must be brought,' der the consideration of the house ; they will necesn be so during the present session of Parliament; but is the measure which I now bring forward with resP e o i to the temporalities of the church." Again, " I vi, also observe here, that it does not lay down an abstr t principle. Indeed it was not necessary to do so for $ 6 practical purpose." "It was not necessary for the . vernment to decide whether Parliament had, or had r !; a right to interfere with the property of the chii is i.i The plan I have now sub m itt e d t o th e h o u se that so' his Majesty's Ministers feel themselves justified ifl , i i i present, proposing ,- and is not meant to preclude Par t ment, or indeed throw any difficulty in the way oL considering of the future di s po s al o f chu r ch propel to other purposes than that of the church. Parlial may or may not take up that subject hereafter." , 1 any man, any honest man of common sense—read language, and profess ignorance of its tenor ? W -113, its plain and obvious meaning? It i s this—" All k c do now is to make such an inroad into the Church I' blishment that its final overthrow may be a matter of ° future accomplishment. Ido not think it necessall moot the unimportant question of whether Parlifell l has or has not the right of interfering with Church 1 1 . , perty, or of appropriating it to other purposes than ,t of the Church. Parliament may hereafter do whoo pleases, I will legislate now, and leave to future time sl establishment, or otherwise, of the right or justice of measures." • that h Oil: 4r igitt ' B ., au the fork w hu h All ad va than " Sic volo, sic jubeo, stet pro ratione voluntas." His lordship's language means this, or it means thing. If any man doubt the interpretation, let him t to the speech of the great Irish fugelinan—for, with exception of Mr. Ruthven, in a s hort speech, and l Barron, in another, chiefly inculpatory of Dr. Lushil ton for his construction of the oath of Catholic membe the " great agitator" was the only Catholic speaker the night. MotiorAing his riotous troop into silence,. l oracle declared " the great satisfaction and dellA which he felt on the introduction of such a measure, that which the noble lord had described."—No one &Pi. it.—" He thought that the measure now proposed WI respect to the established church was a wise one ; it 0 1 tained within itself the seeds of future amelioration —q. destruction.—"He greatly approved of the Bill, cause it was clear that it recognised a principle ichl, would be applicable to all property of the same desert! on."—ls this intelligible ?—" The measure proposv' though it should have his support, did not give so iitl ii relief as he could wish. It was, however, founded valuable principle, since it recognised the right of vernment to look into the state of ecclesiastical prope hereafter."—Need we go on ? Is there in Englac • man so besotted, so wilfully blind, as not to see of ' character that measure must be which could elicit f j such a man such observations as we have here quetvy We, for once, give the honourable member for Dub credit for sincerity. As a true Catholic his delight ill, 1 haVe been unbounded. The bill, if ever passed into Law, will, indeed, " recognize a principle which would applicable to all property of the same description." 0 will establish a precedent which will be followed-4i and promptly too—first, for the complete extinctioit i , the Protestant Church of Ireland—next, by that of t,jl Established Church of England—and, successively, the subversion of every right in every species of co perty. We caution my Lcrd President of the Council, li Lord Fitzvvilliam, arid his Grace of Devonshire, i' . . 1 ) 1 many othert, to look well to the Titles of their tr i t i Estates. We will take another opportunity of hinii • to them some little matters touching those Estates, whi n are not out of the minds of our Irish neighbours. I), Grace of Bedford, too, may hug himself with over-re is( security in the possession of his princely income, if 10 should give his vote for the "recognition of the valuabof principle" which is embodied in this projected act spoliation. When, in our preceding article, we charged the l l ' I ; ' nisters with making our venerable institutions "theme foot-balls of their ambition, and their gradual destr v , tion the stepping-stones to the acquirement or ret e l l tion of place," little did we think the next day w° ll l ,', bring with it this ample verification of our opirt i N But will the Protestants of Ireland submit to this ? /i'd the members of our own venerable establishment lef l o their aid to the immolation of this victim—assured:. they may be, that the next will he that Church of iv;: t l , c i r they are members; and which they will, by this t' as ,, first act, bind ready for the sacrifice, and make al l e . prey to the slaughterer ? Will they, can they b e ''° supine as to suffer the minor details of the measure-7 those which are calculated to ameliorate the condition ''' the humbler classes of the Clergy; with which will no man find fault, but which every one ma heart approve—will they, we again ask, allo partial measures of humanity to close their eyes a understandings to that baneful " principle," whi' admitted, may overturn, not merely this or that but vested rights of every species throughout the Empire ? TO CORRESPONDENTS• 1;1 ti 114 s to th ;110, - hat We thank Anti-Radical, Fair-Play, and Justus, for t, munications relative to • ihe Exchange News-room; after the arrangement which has been made by the CI further notice of this subject is unnecessary. For the same reason we must decline the insertion of J. addressed to Mr. Thomas Bolton. MEucATou is received, and will be inserted in our next. If VINDEX will favour us with his name, and take the n lily upon himself; we will insert his letter. There may be, as lOTA thinks, "no harm" in insert Letter; but we do not see that any good can, by any pons result from it: NlcilotAs's communication is incomprehensible: FIDELIS and several other communications likewise in necessarily postponed. 14 7 e thank H. for his poetical communication; but his not adapted to our columns, LIVERPOOL;—Printed on Tuesdays and Fridar, in Union John Street, and Published at No. 7, Hi,' -street, Exel SAMUEL FRANCEYE, Stationer ! Of No. 7, Anson-street. 0: Advertisements are also received in London by Messrs. ft Co., Warwick-square, Newgate-street; and Mr. BA! Fleet-street. lunio7ohl Lst in h , o r the a nd thei , Lich, on t churc ,e Briti their 000` t; perhaf :7ommitte d, B's kite ( ' re s p on sibr rerting " 4 ' possiLilitylr t 'n, type a rt 1 . lines are Builditg 4 , hang(', Orders an NEWII2!,: ARKBR, around us on all sides in such profusion, that no one can, with the slightest shew of reason, doubt the tremendous evils which the press has lately produced. It may not be without instruction to institute a short comparison be tween the state of the press from ten to fifteen years ago—when it was deemed necessary, for the 'safety of the country, to subject it to new restrictions—and its present situation, when it is sought to relieve it from all fiscal re gulations; which, as we think we shall be able to shew, is equivalent to placing it above the power of the law. What was the conduct of a large portion of the press at the period to which we have just alluded ? Of that portion which was chiefly read by all classes in the state below the respectable tradesman? It abused the King— it reviled all Constituted Authorities—it vilified the Tories —it equally vilified the Whigs—it slandered and ridiculed the Clergy—it insulted the Law—it scoffed at Religion —it derided Morals—it promulgated the most direct incitements to every species of vice and crime; it called aloud for general pillage and bloodshed, for the destruc tion of the Constitution, and of every sacred establish ' ment in the country. There was nothing estimable in the nation, either of persons or things, which was not covered with its shameless falsehoods and scurrilities; and its beastly praises were reserved alone for those pub lic men whose conduct and speeches harmonized with its own views, and promoted its wishes. There was no ruf fian of the'French Revolution whom it did not defend and eulogize, and there was no demagogue of its own time whom it did not bespatter with its panegyrics. There was no wickedness which it did not inculcate, no virtue which it did not cry down, and no blessing of which it did not labour to rob mankind. . Frightful as is the catalogue, such was a portion of the press from 1819 to 1823. What has it been in 1831 to 1833? Does it abstain from abusing the King? Yes— so long as the King consents to be dragged in the train of the revolutionist, but no longer. Witness occurrences within the last year. Has it ceased to revile the Consti tuted Authorities Let the same answer suffice. Does it still vilify the Tories ? The publications of any week for the last two years will meet this question. Does it still vilify the Whigs ? We are saved the trouble of going back out of the present year for a reply to this enquiry. Does it persevere in its slander and ridicule of the Clergy ? in loud calls for the destruction of the Constitution, and of every sacred establishment in the country ? in scurri lous abuse of all that is estimable in the nation, whether of persons or things? or, in exclusive praises of those public men whose conduct and speeches harmonize with its own views and promote its wishes? To all these questions we are constrained, by a regard for truth, to answer in the affirmative. But here let . the catalogue rest. It were tedious again to travel through the re mainder of the disgusting detail. Too true, however, it is, that no evil existed in the conduct of the press in those days, for which the present period will not furnish its parallel. Had they their Registers—their Black Dwarfs —the horrid blasphemies of Carlile, and numerous other publications of the same description ? So have we the —but no—we will not increase their mischief by adding to their notoriety. The existence of numberless pe riodical, and other, works of the same demoralizing character, is, unfortunately, already too notorious to need our enumeration of them. But there are features peculiar to the present time. At the period to which we are referring in our com parison, we had ministers, who, to the honour of having saved our beloved country from the assaults of its exter nal enemies, added the moral courage to plant them selves in the breach to repel the more dangerous attacks of its internal foes. They were men who well under stood, and sufficiently valued, the institutions under which we live ; and were ever ready to defend them from violent encroachments. Unfortunately, and we grieve to say it for our country's sake, their places are now occupied by men who seem to make those venerable institutions the mere foot-balls of their ambition—and their gradual destruction the stepping-stones to the acquirement or retention of place. And by what aid do they effect these' their 'objects ? By what, but by the aid of a seditious and cringing press, and of those monstrous excrescences of the body politic—Political Unions ;—associations alternately the servile sycophants and the tyrannical .masters of the ministers ;—bodies of men not merely. unknown to; and unrecognized by, the constitution, but acting in defiance of its very spirit, and in the teeth of the letter of. the .Law ;—men who one day laud their sovereign to the skies as something super human—and the 'next beard him in his palace with trea sonable cries and revolutionary emblems ! And yet these are the men to give the tone to the ministry of this once great country !. Poor England ! how art thou fallen 1 . What are the,..conseqUences already to the nation ? The lower ranks and the upper are placed in a state of direct hostility to. each other ;—the former are inflamed into a paroxysm of political frenzy, and are employing their gigantic strength to make us commit political suicide ;—public justice in some parts of the empire, has been totally disarmed ,—the House of Peers has been clamoured and threatened into a state of comparative impotency, and swamped by the elevation of the syco phantic followers of the minister, and the rejected of the people ;—the honour of the country has received a stain, in its foreign relations, which nothing can efface ;—its industry and enterprize are paralysed ; and a pestilence is rapidly sweeping away its good feelings, its morals, and its religion. The Throne is open to the return of those. assaults which, as they have been before, may again, at the bidding, or in defiance, of the ministry, be directed against it; the Church is threatened with ruin, from incessant battering, and every institution of the State totters on its foundations. It needs not the spirit of prophecy to foretell what will be the consummation if this state of things (and the seditious part of the press has had its full share in producing it) be suffered to proceed. It must be the destruction of the Constitution, and the total breaking up of society. This, we say, must be the issue, unless the age of mirages be revived ;—unless the immutable principles of cause and effect be inverted ; unless the very same feelings and conduct lead to directly Black fou n d blishn