The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-25 00:00:00

TUE LONDON Pa` s& THE REFORM MOVEMENT. The advertisements in the newspapers, and the notices in.the shop-windows, announce that this is the day when the era fairly commences from which we are to date all the blessings and advantages which are to result to the nation from the passing of the Reform Bill. The Lord Mayor presides at Guildhall over an as sembly of the new constituency of the City of London, and the intention is to petition parliament to repeal the assessed taxes, to repeal the septennial act, and to amend the reform bill, by introducing the vote by ballot. It is announced that similar meetings are to be held in the whole of the metropolitan districts, and in all the large towns throughout the kingdom ; and it is expected that the instructions sent to the different representatives as the result of their deliberations will make them, with out further cons id er ation, adopt the measures so recom- ' mended. The principle f delegation will thus be recog nised and established. Nothing is said of the church in the requisition for this meeting, but we understand there was no necessity for it, because that point is already de cided, and the church is to be publicly condemned in the speech from the throne. It has transpired through several channels connected with the government that, as regards the church of Ire land, a new arrangement in the distribution of its pro perty is to be proposed. The revenues allotted to the established church are to be considerably curtailed, and the residue is to be apportioned among the Catholics and other dissenters. This is a very fearful determination, and no man of common reflection can long hesitate to dis cover that, as the Catholics of Ireland so greatly exceed all other sects in number, they will very soon bring about a.very different division of the property from that which -it is understood to be the intention of the goverument to propose. It is confidently stated also that the Primate of Ireland is to be the only bishop from that country who is in future to have a seat in the House of Lords! Whilst matters are proceeding at this rate in the sister kingdom it is not to be expected that they can lag far be hind in England. The dissenters consequently are active. ly on foot ; and it will be observed by the newspapers that a few days ago a large number of Dissenting Clergymen waited on Lord Grey to state their views of what it was : the duty of the government to do here. They brought to kis recollection how strongly he and his party were in debted to them for the station they now hold. They were assured that their representations should meet the most attentive consideration ; and they were recommended to hold public meetings for the purpose of making their sentiments known to the country, and that, after such appeals, the government would be more completely in a situation to decide on their propositions. The Conservative party have now a plain, though we fear for some time a hopeless, course to pursue, namely, that of lending all the aid they can to maintain the feel ings. of honesty and justice throughout the cummunity durinc , the eventful changes that are in progress, and which will, ere they stop, be carried to an extent greatly beyond what almost any class of persons have anticipated. In the House of Commons the Conservatives will, we have no doubt, feel it to be their duty to place themselves as a beacon to warn the country against the rashness and dishonesty of his Majesy's ministers, and the reck less destructiveness of the more openly avowed revolu tionists. They will avoid all league or intimacy with either; but wherever they can throw in their aid to pro tpct the national faith, and secure, for better times, the existence of the three estates of parliament, they will always be at their posts to discharge their duty. In the present temper of the country the government of it is not desired by them, because they could not conduct it with comfort and satisfaction to themselves; but when heated passions subside, and reason assumes its proper influence, they will be hailed as the persons under whose authority the industry and property of the country can alone look for stability and protection.—Morning Post. We perceive very manifest symptoin - s of a plan of fur ther revolution agreed upon, whether in concert or merely by common understanding, between the ministers tad the other section of the mouvement. The unofficed revolutionists are to begin the cry for the ballot and for triennial parliaments,—and the mini sters, affecting alarm at this clamour, are to call upon the conservatives, and particularly the conservative peers, to try to ride through the tempest by throwing some tub to the whale, yielding some such trifle as the church, or the repeal of the Irish Union. Now, it may be a useful preparation for those upon whom this practice is intended to be made, to consider beforehand the comparative value of the objects which it is proposed to preserve, or to sacrifice respectively ; se condly, the position in regard to character and influence, in which they shall be placed, as they act in one way or the other. . First of the first,—is it of more importance to maintain the church and the integrity of the empire, or septennial parliaments and viva voce suffrage ? We have spoken Already with sufficient frequency and distinctness of the importance of the church, even in a political point of view; and we have, also, on more than one or two occa sions, endeavoured to exhibit to our readers the disas trous consequences that must ensue to the success of Mr. O'Connell's repeal project. We shall, however, with all loyal respect, repeat to his Majesty King William the Fourth, that nothing but the churches of the United Kingdom, now for thirty two years united, kept the crown upon his father's head, and secured its descent to his brother or himself—that nothing but the church pre served Ireland to the empire thirty-four years ago,—that nothing but the church keeps the crown upon his, viz., King William's own head, and that the day after the ef fectual influence of the church shall be impaired, his Ma jesty may prepare for a republic. To the lords temporal, aye, and to such of the lords spiritual, too, as seem to think that in becoming prelates they cease to be churchmen, we shall just mention, that the church is now the only barrier between the actual condition of this country and the wildest democracy the world has ever seen. This is all, some of the unliveried lacquies will say, mere assertion ; " the people of Eng land will defend the throne and the peerage upon inde pendent grounds, whatever may be the fate of the church." We shall not deny that, as long as the crown and the peerage can pay for defenders they will have such de fenders, and so valuable as hire can buy ; but it is hard to hire those who can resist millions. There may be, too, those (though we never saw any of them) who will fight for names, when those names are the reverse of popular. The number of such, however, will scarcely balance the horde of revolutionists; and on one subject we are qualified to speak—the feelings of those who have hitherto stood by the throne and the aristocracy. They, `know, are neither corrupt, nor infatuated to any in tuitive worship of crown or coronets. They adhered to the King and the aristocracy, not (we mean no disre spect) from any sense of the personal merit of George the Fourth, or William the Fourth, or any devotion to the names upon the roll of the House of Lords, but because they believed the King and the peers the guardians of the institutions of the country, amongst which the church establishment holds the first place, as we firmly believe, is Ike mind and heart of every man who is not wishing for a republic. Let the crown and the aristocracy give up the church, and, whatever . new adherents they may acquire by the exploit, they will certainly lose those whom they have at present. Not that churchmen will. go igto mbellion ; no, they know their duty too well for THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. that, and they will do that duty, in whatever " state of life it shall please God to call them to," under whatever form of government. Now with respect to triennial parliaments, what evil will they inflict so great as this ? We have had trien nial parliaments before, and found no difficulty in getting rid of them when they became inconvenient; and in practice, parliaments have lately been little more than triennial. We had, indeed, a sexennial parliament from 1820 to 1826, which favoured the country by the ruin of its commerce; and another parliament of four years, and which expected to be of six, and that was the parliament which sat zn 1829, and successively supported the four several distinct, and in some instances adverse, admini strations of that and the preceding year. We confess there is nothing in our recollection of longer parliaments, to frighten us at the prospect of their being abridged by a triennial law. _ With regard to the ballot, it is, as we have often shown, a bad thing, per se; but it is the greatest nonsense in the world to look upon it, or upon any other modification of human conduct, as an abstract proposition. The bal lot is a bad thing, chiefly because it corrupts public mo rals, and disparages legitimate influence ; and are we, therefore, to utterly destroy the springs of public morality, and cut up all legitimate influence by the roots, for the sake of viva voce voting ? " Propter vitam vivendi perdere causas." What would have been the effect of the ballot at the late election ? It is our firm conviction it would have re turned a greater number of conservatives—it would, we are persuaded, have given all the county members, at least, to the conservative interest. What is the use of hunting from concealment those disgraceful acts, in which men learn to take a pride ? Do you expect that you will make a drunkard by sober arguments of shame, while you are making him more drunk by renewed supplies of li quor ? Nov this is precisely the wise policy of such as would give up the church to evade the ballot ;—they have made " the mouvement" drunk with success, and they propose to pl y it with further triumphs. Of the repeal we need say he less, because upon that point the mini sters themselves begin to get frightened. But let it never be lost sight of, that the union has been actually repealed in form by Mr. O'Connell; he has had a par liament assembled in Dublin, by abuse of the King's writ; he has summoned this parliament by the name of "a National Council," at a time when the imperial par liament was not sitting, and, therefore, not with the jus tification which may be put forward in the case of meet ings of members during a session, to determine upon a particular measure or a particular line of conduct. The National Council in Dublin is, to all intents, a revolu tionary parliament. Say it is not of any strength—not an object of present terror ; neither was the honourable and robust member for Pontefract in his infancy. It is a beginning—a beginning of a course, which, if not ar rested by active measure, must lead to more than a re peal of the union. It is not enough that ministers now say they will rest on their oars with respect to Ireland. They must be compelled to do a great deal more. They have pulled us into the current which leads to destruc tion, and they must be made either to row us out of it, or to give place to those who will. We seriously submit to. the conservative party, whether it is not more impor tant to the general interest to save the church, and to compel ministers to save Ireland, than to babble on one side or the other about a triennial bill and a ballot, which, if adopted in 1833, would probably be laid aside in 1834. And now a word to the Conservative peers and rich Conservative commoners, and any higher person or per sons interested in the preservation of existing institutions. What carried the currency measures, that began the ruin of commerce, and sowed the first seeds of national discontent ?—Schedule A and schedule B. Who were the great doctors of political economy ? Schedule A and schedule B. Who carried the free trade measures that greatly ex tended commercial ruin, and made misery universal?— Schedule A and schedule B. Who carried the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts ?—Schedule A and schedule B. Who carried the Roman Catholic question ?—Schedule A and schedule B. And now that all is done, where arethey ? Dead and gone; slain in the consummation of the sys tem of change which they began ; entombed in the ruins wrought by their own folly, or cowardice. They who will not take instruction from such lessons, cannot be taught, though one came from the dead. The aristo cracy have now, we believe, their fate in their own hands; if they oppose a firm front to the enemy, they may yet, as we think, save themselves and the country by saving the United Church—and whatever may be the chances of ultimate success, even the faint-hearted will feel that the most dignified is also the safest attitude—back and front are alike vulnerable, but wounds behind are more difficult to be parried, as well as infinitely more base. The coward must be a fool, too, if he turn his back within reach of the enemy.--Standard. tlements on the continent of South America and the island of Trinidad (which has a great deal of very fertile land) were ceded to his Majesty. tinder the protection of this monopoly, and while their soil was unexhausted, the old islands became stocked with slaves. After the acquisi tion of the new colonies, the labour of slaves and the em ployment of capital became much more profitable in them than in the old islands, but the negroes could not be re moved out of the respective islands where they happened to be—there, or not at all, the proprietors were obliged to employ them. At the same time, importation of slaves into the new colonies being prevented, and the produce of the labour of all the slaves not being much too great for the home demand, plantations continued to be cultiva ted, which, under a free circulation of labour, must be abandoned. Supposing the negroes to work as diligently in their character of freemen as they do at present, they will of course carry their labour to the best market; and if they are really free they will not be confined to the market of the English colonies ; and while great tracks of fertile land lie open to them on the banks of all the great rivers of South America, we can scarcely conceive it possible, if the representations we hear of the comparative fertility of the islands and the continent be true, that any but the most favoured parts of our old colonies can continue to be cul tivated at a profit for the supply of Europe. We cannot conceive at all that they can be cultivated profitably by planters living some thousand miles from their farms. It will become necessary, therefore, to provide for the aged and helpless, who in some of the less fertile islands may be the only inhabitants left, some other fund than the rent, of land which will be less profitable than the clergy reserves in Canada- This we mention as one of the practical difficulties illustrated by a fact—it is but one of many which render it a matter of duty to the negroes themselves to obtain the4ullest possible information, al though at the expense some delay, as to the manner in which so great a change as the transition of a popula tion from slavery to freedom may be best effected.—Globe. DIFFICULTIES OF SLAVE EMANCIPATION. A case occurred in the Court of Chancery on Saturday, which shows the difficulties with which the Government will have to contend on the slave question—difficulties to which the benevolent men who are impatient at its con tinuance for another year. or even month; should" not blind themselves. The Earl of Crawfurd, who was owner of a West India estate, directed by his will that his slaves, 134 in number, should be emancipated in the present year. Among this number there are, as might be ex pected, several unable, by age and infirmity, to maintain themselves ; and the law of the island in which the ne groes are requires that, when an aged slave is emancipa ted, a sum should be deposited in the island treasury to secure a provision for him. It is obvious that such a law is wise and humane, for otherwise the emancipation of an aged negro would be resorted to by inhuman proprietors for the purpose of ridding themselves by his starvation, or by throwing him on the bounty of others, of the bur then of supporting the weakness of a, man after having derived their profit from his strength. But the whole money in the hands of the trustees forms a small fraction of the sum which would be required to provide for these infirm slaves. The difficulty might be obviated if the other slaves to be emancipated would consent to continue together on the land, which, being of no value without their labour, the trustees would gladly divide among them, giving to each a little freehold of a few acres. This the negroes will not even promise to do, and reasonably ; for, when they have their freedom, they can probably employ their labour more beneficially in some other place. Difficulties similar in kind, but infinitely greater in de gree, must arise whenever emancipation is suddenly ef fected on a large scale. As soon as the slaves are eman cipated, the land in many of the islands must cease to be ,of value, or rather cease to yield any rent, and, we be lieve, in many instances, will not be worth occupying at no rent. It will be necessary, therefore, not only to pro vide for the planter such a compensation as he shall be deemed entitled to, but to provide for the subsistence and protection of the aged and infirm negroes. The assertion that the land will be worth nothing ap pears, at first sight, inconsistent with the fact that it is now cultivated at some profit, or at any rate cultivated, by the planters and their slaves. But at present the law, in order to prevent a slave-trade between colony and co lony, prohibits the removal of slaves from one island or colony to another. The greater number of our Vest In dia colonies were in the possession of the crown, and en j eyed the monopoly of the home market, before the set•• CITY OF LONDON MEETING. On Monday a meeting of the constituency of the city of Lon don was held at the Guildhall, for the purpose of considering the propriety of petitioning Parliament to repeal the Septennial Act, to establish the vote by ballot, and to repeal the assessed taxes. The LORD MAYOR took the chair at one o'clock, and said, that when he, was elected to the office of chief magistrate of the city he voluntarily promised that the livery should have the use of the Guildhall when they desired to meet and discuss ques tions kw'ftich they considered connected with their interest. When the deputation called on him, and requested him to con- Nene the present meeting , he might have said, that he had pro mised to call meetings of 4he livery only, but he put a liberal construction upon his own words, and invited the whole of the constituency to assemble. (Applause.) He was not called upon to express any opinion as to the subjects which would come under discussion. The chair, whilst he filled it, should be a neutral chair. His lordship then earnestly exhorted the meeting to hear all parties. " I know nothing ," said he, "so cowardly as a majority to attempt silencing the voice of a mi nority; there is nothing so cowardly as for the strong man to trample on the weak ; there is nothing so cowardly as to ap plaud the sentiments of the majority, while you will not give a patient hearing to the minority. There is no merit in cheer ing on sentiments which accord with your own. You should hear patiently, and then judge. Remember, then, that as it has been stated in the placards, which is true, this is the first meet ing of the large undivided constituency of London for such a purpose as we are now met to determine upon. Remember you are the most important constituent body in the kingdom. No place returns four members, no constituent body in the king dom has such moral power; and I hope, therefore, that you will show yourselves worthy of such a pre-eminence and power, by your patience, forbearance, impartiality, and kind feeling." (Cheering.) His lordship then stated, that all the members for the city were present, with the exception of Mr. Alderman Waithinan, who was unable to attend from illness, but from, whom a letter would be read. Mr. F RANKS then proceeded to read Alderman Waithman's letter, but after he had proceeded to some extent — Mr. HUNT spoke to order, and contended, that they ought to proceed to the business for which they were assembled instead of listening to Mr. Alderman Waithman's opinions. The LORD MAYOR decided, that Mr. Hunt's objection was good, and the reading of the letter was dsscontiuued. The following is a copy of the letter : "TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON. • "Gentlemen,—With some surprise and much regret I learned that a meeting of the whole constituency of the city of London was called for Monday, the 21st instant, for the purpose of de liberating upon the propriety of petitioning the House of Com- . mons on the repeal of the Septennial Act, on the voting at elections by ballot, and on the repeal of the assessed taxes. On two of these subjects, . particularly that of the vote by ballot,' great differences of opinion are known to exist, though no one in or out of the house, can object to the repeal of the assessed taxes, however much he may doubt about its immediate prac ticability. " My present indisposition will prevent me from attending the meeting; but as you have recently approved my past con duct by again electing Me' as one of your representatives, 1 hope you will suffer me, wjth great deference, to offer some suggestions for your consideration. " When the Government lifougiit forward their plan for amending the representation of the people, the most ardent Reformer was ready to allow that the extent of it greatly, ex ceeded his expectation. It was, indeed, so bold .in its design, so comprehensive in its provisions, and so well calculated to effect its object, that Reformers of all descriptions concurred in their enthusiastic approbation of the bill. No measure in any period of our history was ever received with more heartfelt satis faction or hailed with more rapturous applause. "The city of London, which has ever taken the lead in pro moting the popular giving cause, and in a salutary impulse to the national sentiment, thought it right to confer the honour of its freedom upon Earl Grey, Lord John Russell, and Lord Althorp, in order to mark its sense of their services, and to tes tify its confidence in the integrity of their principles, and in the steadiness of their patriotism. Have the Ministers forfeited this confidence? Have they betrayed the people ?—or have they done anything to render their honesty suspected? Have they not, during the short time in which they have been in office, done more to alleviate the public burdens than all their prede cessors during more than half a century ? Did they not begin the work of retrenchment with a reduction of their own salaries ?—and did they not thus exhibit a splendid pro - of of their high-minded disinterestedness ? To a Minister patronage is power, and what Minister ever deprived themselves of this power to a similar extent ? " Since, then, we have seen these men doing so much for the people, why should we not give them credit for doing more ? Why should we embarrass them with petitions, or press them with remonstrances, till we know what they mean to do or not to do ? It appears to me, that at present there are questions of more immediate urgency than those of shorter Parliaments and the vote by ballot; and though I am far from underrating their im portance, I think that their consideration may be postponed with out any public injury or inconvenience. But can we with safety postpone other questions of perilous moment, and of vital inter est? Can we lose sight of the alarming state of Ireland ? Is not that one of the tcopics that most forcibly claim the attention of Ministers ? Without a happy mixture of prudence and energy in removing or alleviating the complicated evils of that unhappy country, what is much longer to preserve the union of the two kingdoms, or prevent the explosion of a murderous civil strife? Does not the state of the church, both in England and Ireland, and particularly that of Ireland, require an unmediate reforma tion ? Are not both filled with abuses that require to be re moved, and can the enormities of the Irish church, and its sin gular unfitness to the wants of the people, any longer be endur ed ? Are not tithes a grievance of a more pressing kind than the want of the ballot, or the existence of a septennial Parlia ment? Do not the melancholy situation of our own poor, and the heavy pressure of the rate upon the capital and industry of the country, call for some instant legislative remedy ? Can we be blind to the sufferings or deaf to the cries of the poor childrdn in the factories ? " When, then, the Ministers have subjects of such great and overwhelming interest and importance demanding their instant attention, and when they have hitherto shown themselves ex emplary for their trustworthiness, liberal in their principles, enlarged in their views, and disinterested in their conduct, ought. we in common fairness to force upon them the premature dis cussion of subjects which may safely be deferred to a more favourable opportunity ? " As the more urgent necessities of reform have been satisfied by the destruction of the rotten boroughs, and by the glorious triumph of the people over that selfish faction by which they ; have been so long oppressed, why should we endeavour to kel the people in a state of feverish agitation in order to obls , minor points, which the course of events is likely soon to,. pr tt"hr====tmgmem-212trammir t . il duce? Does the virtue of Reformers consist in collec mg al I sere materials and fanning the flame of an interminable exciteme d t As we are a commercial people, do we not need some repo b - e t o 'iety c ; ar th ri a e t d th o e n pe w o i p til le a w e s n y t s te to m a n o d f 1 1 A W hile in the slave states, as he emphati and front their several places of and must not the further want of it be destructive of our interests and adverse at once to individual happiness and to eel. public weal ? , oere the viva voce sy-stetn of voting w "I am, gentlemen, your faithful and devoted servant, e el " of crime, bribery, strife, and eve IL -tuner of corruption, was most discus "ROBERT WAITHMAI 4 that gentleman's character for Mr. WI Let AMS said,—Brother electors and fellow-citizenq. k . e Stanley or any other man. (Hear the requisitionists have intrusted me with the task of introdta, g a ~ereat way for the purpose cing to you the first resolution. That resolution embradt 6 3 'ballots; they have travelled 3,0 W m the three great important topics for the consideration . but why have they not crossed , - "oltece at the population of France ? which you are assembled here this day—namely, to petitia:f ce ala •• for triennial Parliaments vote by ballot, and for a repea the ballot, would theyhave returned the assessed taxes. Gentlemen, I and you, as well as the . coes 11 , t ( 74 , t t h i a ll t la F te ra l T , ce ef h e a le d d E, try at large, expected there would have been no occasion r o consider the propriety of petitioning for the ballot and the 'd; ". i ":i f these peal of the Septenial Act, as it will be in the recollectiour orated majority who, in the Chamb, Charles from his thr on e and counts you all that Lord. John Russell, when he brought forward ti Reform Bill, did promise not only to the House of Common en, the Frenchmen of all parties reg but to the country at large, that as soon as the Reform ] 3 f eted shield at elections. (Cheers.) should be carried, those two important questions should "g• N ose of the inhabitants of that ci brought forward in a distinct manner. Those measures we : not introduced to the last Parliament, because every one AI, r ; 4 nYyarty who thinks of doing away • * estre of altering the ballot to open v could read saw that they could be introduced into the Refo 411 0: at our own. Look at the scenes of Parliament with much greater certainty of pieces,. We the f : l 3's gentlemen, should we travel into • fore expected that one of the first acts, in conformity with s. tavt_.h.paevet, and Norwich. They tell us l e . disgraced'the proceedings at 1 promise made by Lord John Russell, of the reformed Parllth 'l i ,! candidates actually gave the sum of meat would have been to introduce these two' great measur but to our astonishment several of his Majesty's ministers . D -all myrtle plant. Another gave 10 g I lildfoid. Look at the riots at Coven ticularly Mr. Stanley, have declared it their determinatio 4,1 Hertford. Look at all these scenes that the ballot is not necessary ? Lo resist and oppose them whenever brought into Parliamc That expression of Mr. Stanley and the Ministers has cal' le t ession that has been exercised at St he hich freemen dare not exercise thei the greatest alarm, astonishment, and dismay in the mind Re principle of the ballot is so self-evid , the people. (Loud cheers.) That is the principal cause of meeting this day. Gentlemen acquainted with the histor . , een any argument urged against the I - 0 to advocate it, or point out its goo( their country know that it was the custom, from the ear periods of our history, that the. Parliaments were elected an with tenfold force in its favour. ear that I have too long trespassed on ally, and the salutary custom continued for a series of yea, f PIY until the period of the Stuarts. One of Charles L's family ! veral gentlemen to follow me wh away with that custom, and that led to that monarch's lose eliv er their sentiments, I will not dee his head on the scaffold, and ultimately to the expulsion i • next subject is the assessed tax that family from the throne of this country. The successors a Ile the Stuarts, William and Mary, almost immediately on est Will •ke but one observation, bee who will follow me is so well lishing themselves upon the throne caused an act to pass to stay 1 0 . 1. 11 z,i, , e , ct that he will be much better a tie that most important question, the preamble of which ° °1:1 than to enable the 10,000 persons i P who were deprived of the franchise that, whereas, by ancient laws aud statutes, Parliaments ye will however, observe, that if the re more frequent, and that their frequency tended to a good wge , s, 13' their taxes, to do so, it will effect a p went between the King and the people, it was enacted that f Parliament should sitaonger than three years. Unhalon v be speaker concluded by moving the fir succeeding generations, shortly after this act Passed e ouse will be pleased to repeal the stun 1715,—the act having only passed in 1694,—in the first year' t l'olintieeffct Commons' hHateuitseisefexppaerdiiieatefic the reign of George 1., that most daring act of usurpation, Septennial Act, was passed, which did away with the act, , daring that frequent Parliaments produced a good agreedins, reig n of King George 1., commonly . f e t ; and also to pass an act to cause serve in Parliament to be at all futu between the people and the King. The reasons assi g ned . all rye and also to pass an act to repca the passing of the Septennial Act, were, that frequentslecti o e' and further praying tl might favour the designs of the Papist faction, and lead t ( ss t es b sed rane ta h x o e f s, the taxes which is coma] hellion and the invasion of the country, and that they quent elections) were burdensome, by reason of the reat e s 1 'lased to pass these acts with as little delay Jr. NICHOLSON stood forward to sewn pense attending them. Happily, none of these reasons . is exist. The Reform Bill has done away with the necessity •‘-a—After what has fallen from ths expense at elections, except merely the cost of the hustin addressed you, it would be bad ha our time by any argument to prove th and no candidate who possessed the confidence and esteem q ' t 1, -`; the Septennial Act. Mr. 'Williams, the electors need be at any other expense. As to the Pop has given you the history faction, that did not now exist, because, happily, our breth and fellow-subjects the Catholics are now admitted to i r ? , ' at ' subject, Parliament was elected for three ye rights with ourselves. Will any one now say that we are t re . je t i 'llk the • made was that y did no cued with invasion from a foreign enemy? No, for we are ; V " to exist for seven treeyears and the peace with all the world. When the act passed it well deser -. eda . 3 sting, and that their children she , a : tion of the Lords, that we might be the character given it by an eminent writer, Junius, said it gave to the members of the House of Commons , years for transgressing and one year for repentance. (Laugh That act generated all the evils which this country has e o ` u oi se g House Lerds o . f (Lead Commons, . l , ballot, it was left as a question for since endured. Its first child, nursed with great fondness, iu e.) uni°° the borough-mongering system, and that laid the foun a' h atd John Russell, when he introduc. of the long and bloody wars which immediate y I ensued p tit' k ••ou of what has taken place in , - ' cularly that against the American colonies, which endedin and at Stafford ? I happened to be loss of those colonies to this country ; and that against thee of the election, and the first da liberties of France, which lasted 20 years, and which cost us ~.;_ ' £1 to £lO each, but the last day 1 much blood and such countless millions of money; it made up _ „ ' .( £lO to £2O. And by whom ?—by 1. - debt of £800,000,000, which was before but trifling; ed the establishment of not less than 300 barracks, and a sta s ! Covered with hair. He offered a fai I " t e six voters £lOO, but they demanded ing army of 100,000 men in time of peace, to compel pe f op a e , pay taxes which ground them to the earth. It laid the foul'' ;ltrket price having risen. 1 cannot tell non of four Admirals being appointed to each ship of the .osite candidate was, who had re and three or four Generals to a regiment of horse. It lei l d4 1 1 those bought voters, to see them the dead-weight of £6.4J00,000 for sinecures, and pensions, s r v to vote against him. They di to a host of women pensioners who were living on the vital? q - 'e Poor men who had got wives al the country; it led to the passing of the dungeon and gaggi t r t , and who therefore thought it the wi bills, and to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, bvt t.E2O as the price of their votes. (Cries tyranny of Pitt, Dundas, Castlereagh, and Sidmouth. t - I ould that have been the case if we has that act which has led to the misrule, misgovernment, and ' s e t '` No, no.) In some places, howe pression of Ireland, till at length thatcountry has been redo . s , e 're served in a different manner. Wh to a condition which makes it impossible for the people t a ; t - ventry on the top of a coach, I saw longer to bear them. To enumerate all the ills of the Sep ,t Li t a e - vill a Me.Ellice. I asked what was -e Me that the corporation was buyinp. uiai Act would be a great waste of your time, and is perie! , tit the old members. Well, said I, do s unnecessary, as I dare say you are sufficiently convinced t:2 O ? their existence. If Ministers are determined to stick by r` Yes. Right ; but how do you vot declarations, and not *peal the Septennial Act, it will p b r t o l l iat they voted honestly, according . to th that their wish is to coerce.the people and make them to su • ;a.ittst the favourites of corruption. (t eubl e to injustice. But how can Earl Grey instruct his fellow Min i s , you farther (cries of " Hear, I tors to oppose a motion in favour of the ballot brought forty ' an d it is a curious thing, and you will by a member for London ? (Cheers.) I find that, in a r hea r it. The Times newspaper—mind, it lion presented to Pistliament in 1823, by the noble Earl, h I' ? speak of that mighty engine (a laugh) ii 1 . t e signed by his own hand, there is a sentence runs thus—" F Tnnes is here, I will not object t in , 'lines, may please to put in, or anythi ly, to shorten the duration of Parliaments, and to remove cause of that confusion, litigation, and expense which now , seutd rattier that they would confine th, frequently occur at elections, and render them what our anr, ilw, %hat is the case ? The Times titine against the ballot for the last five tors at the revolution asserted them to be, the means of i t, government, and a liiippy union between the King an 'orrow morning (a laugh)—no, it may I people." But, if Earl Grey should act in direct opposition h et a letter from Berkshire (laughter)—b this his declared condemnation of the Septennial Act, ' -nrsday next, you will find the 1 hues , I ,t. to the fullest extent. (Cheers and are now in a very different position from what we used to . We have a reformed Parliament, and are not dependent u ,p hand. for my reason. I have got the the of any Minister whatever. (Cheers.) I trust a hand. (Cries of " Read, read.") 1 that arilPment will act in accordance with the desires oft'ti 11 allow me. Observe that Mr. Walt people. (Hear.) The next important question founded upon , erkshire, is the proprietor of the Tim resolution is the vote by ballot. You will find that all the . evs to you, to be sure. (" No, no.'' foyers and expectants of places and the spoil of the moll & t here ? This is his report, ill hi. both Whig and Tory, with all their hireling press, are c.lsahle...‘ does he say in this part of his ous in their abuse of the ballot. They say that Engh ! In adverting to the first Parham. 3 1 "; lie could but express his regret th: are courageous, and desire to give their votes in an open 0 ot woven made as perfect as it might ha manly way. Englishmen are courageous, but they are t hliament, so that it might have enabl kind-hearted, and feel for the miseries they inflict upon e , , 0 give his vote without coercion, and families ; and you know there are some Englishmen who , s! I eanscience. In that case, his two ho, not vote as they wish without the risk of being ruined by b e o s tyrant who has power over them. How many men have filet have secured their election wit! deprived of bread, how many thrown into the workhouse, P inconvenience ; but that defect in - Times that speaks, not me ;—laughter turned out of farms and houses, for not obeying the dictate e a , sdi _ ~ eu He had once thought that the those who have power over them! It is said thatth th b er i l t a final measure ; but when he found t is un-English, but what a droll charge is this, when. .i. ees held out a , junist honest poor men, not an institution, not a club-house, not a district in the i co , is ‘l t ing as tl•sy wished, he owned he c try, where the elections are not conducted by ballot. (Ghee t something m or e remained to be do Look at the benefit societies of the artisans, for labouring so and you will find them all carried on by the ballot. Loo tasure of ref or (Cheers and cries of ' w, I know fr om several gentlemen, m the great clubs at the west end of the town, which count for t . 4 • ' S committee that if lie had had the members all the great and rich nobility of the country,--:, las ed 1 ate) votes. great members of the church,—all those who hold commissi r o; more than he did. Lc ri m more part of the world—from Italy in the army and navy,—and there all the elections are cars ;ter elaces, wrote to their £5O tenants, on by ballot; not 'even a Royal Duke can be admitted Its :r , .v. , ~. atter toey must quit their land. (CI them without the use of the ballot. At all our great charitr t . ( I .. Sha me. __.„ ) Would not that be sot institutions with which this country abounds—the hospi A,' i t t l ap , eu_amte useal r even the Royal hospitals, which are munificently endowc t ff a I t .e ? "e, I° the ballot ? Is it to th e of Essex in support of m Christ Church, St. Bartholomew's, and St.Thomas's Hospiwit ~ r d i Chandos who moved the 150 tenai the elections are all carr i e d on b y ballot. Look, aga i n, at 4 1 ~ras that clause which had turned out ' our scientific institutions, such as the Royal Society, the Ho l 4 [l 4 been vote by ballot Western and la Antiquarian Society, the Society of Arts, and a long lists '‘-ti returned. (Cheers.) Now for the sr sides • in all these the elections are carried on by ballot. „I. k es, i aud sine fin persua ed I shall have the London University the elections are also carried on by il o 'a I h , u 1 6 -au time I could lay a statement b lot. Is this proceeding then un-English ? (Hear, hear.) a sv L ail - , Inost distinctly - its terrible and monsti at the Bank of England—the directors of that immense ,„. de; i i ' hear, hear.") I have been au advocas powerful establishment, who exercise more power over the 00 i: assessed taxes for above twelve year! fillies of the country and its wealth than any other body in lot- v . , v• it does not require argument, but country, except parliament itself, are all elected byban,, t i se ought to be laid before y - ou. T Then turn to the East India Company, and you will find . .P . ' o o B ,l, 0 Y partial, and consequently terri the directors, who exercise a monarchical sway over 80 milliy, o n ratios . IQ 1 took the trouble this mortal of human beings, are elected by ballot. Yet it is said hat i" l° factq l . , and from the petition which I hi is an un-English proceeding ! (Cheers and laughter. I lotil t iou about to be aclopted by this meet. if we except parliament itself, there is no whereinstitution .la t_ o I led with abundant illustration of my ballot is not in use. We are told to look at the Unitet(llSit i t s u at.,;(l e are 52 counties in England and Wail of America, 17 out of 22 of which adopt the ballot. And n baliot ist4 ties there are only 66 houses rated to t most remarable fact, that those states in which tl , eir - e l l e f £llO a-year. In six counties there h not practised are slave states, which elect men to sell to the constituli: o re than £9O a-year, and in those colt lows as they would a beast at open market. In provision to electna! that have cost £lOO,OOO, and £2OO tiou of the whole American states there is a the purpose oti'ounties in Wales there are only tv at stated periods, a convention of the people, for r be found to mei than £lOO, and there are only six 1 altering and amending those parts which ma but in no on aced at £BO. In one of those coot quire it. Those conventions meet frequently of the ballottl a iesea resides in a mansion and gar instance was it ever dreamt of to abolish the use t h gentlett: garden also to the extent of an ac (Cheers.) I was in conversation so • me time ago wi a . _ , it... . h . York—and he told onis,luis, w o receives £20,000 a-year as man—an eminent merchant from New when a most inWo le i ' an average of £6 to £7 a-year fi that a convention met about two years ago, qualification was hefts. i l i ns (Hear, hear.) Assembled as we tant'alteration was made, for; as the qua i franchise to alms 11,`,'1 of these grievances, Mr. Alderman much confined, they extended the elective the whole population (cheers) ; but on that occasion there N 1 ,,,,` we are premature. Why Mr. Aidern no suggestion to do away theballot. (Cheers.) , H e stat e t „lon on the books of the house of Con d wealthy std 'if he had brought it forward, and i that the elections in that great, populous, an e„,......._ ,•44.t will be seen from .shat afterwards occur I(' pasprt of th the sneaker the extract in ues 5 the ee of 111 r. F. Pakuor. at the lu q te