The Sun. — London, England, 1857-03-28 00:00:00

ELECTION INT itLLIGENCE. TIVERTON. The nomination of candidates for the representation of this borough in Parliament took place to-day in the pre ence of a great number of persons, who flocked into the town from the surrounding district to hear the speech of the Prime Minister. Lord Palmerston arrived from town by the 8.30 train last night, and was received at the sta tion by several of the principal inhabitants of the borough, The noble lord was loudly cheered as he walked along the platform. On arriving at the Three Tuns Hotel, in the Main-street, a considerable crowd was collected, by whom the noble lord was heartily welcomed. The noble lord afterwards addressed the people from a front window and expressed his regret that he bad not arrived earlier in the day, so as to have seen the faces, as well as heard the voices of his constituents. The popularity of Lord Palmerston and his hon. col league continues unabated in the borough, and although an opposition was threatened, the candidate, a gentle man from Scotland, named Maxwell, retired after an un successful canvass of two days. The proceedings of the day commenced at 11 o'clock, when the candidates, having been met by their respective committees, proceeded to the Town-hall, where the writ was read by the mayor. A procession was afterwards formed to the hustings. The noble lord was loudly and enthusiastically cheered as he took his place on the hust ings. The proceedings having been opened in the usual man ner, The MAYOR inquired whether any elector had a can didate to propose Mr. W. H. GAKBLEN said he had great pleasure in proposing a candidate whom he believed to be a fit and proper person to represent the borough in the new Par liament, viz., Mr. John Heathcoat. Mr. W. T. HAWKE seconded the nomination.. Mr. F. Horat said he rose to nominate for the choice of the electors the Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston. (Load cheers.) The noble lord had represented them for 23 years, and during that time he had done good ser vice to the borough and the country. He was known wherever the name of England was known as the first statesman of Europe, and it was an honour and pride to any constituency to return him as their representative. [Lady Palmerston here drove up, and took a seat in a window opposite the hustings. Her ladyship was loudly cheered as she appeared at the window.] The noble lord now solicited a renewal of that kind confidence extended to him on former occasions. He (Ur. Hole) had can vassed for the noble lord, and he was happy to say that his lordship stood higher than ever in the public estima tion. (Hear, bear.) The country had pronounced in favour of Lord Palmerston, for they considered him to be the only man to represent them at the present mo ment. Believing fully and cordially that Lord Palmer ston was essentially the man for the occasion, and the only statesman who was able to sway the destinies of this great empire, he cordially recommended him as a fit and proper person to represent them in Parliament. Mr. WERE seconded the nomination. The MAYOR having inquired whether any elector had any other candidate to propose, and no one coming for ward, his worship declared that Lord Palmerston and Mr. Heathcoat bad been duly elected to serve as bur gesses in the coming Parliament. (Loud cheers.) Mr. HEATIICOAT returned thanks, and observed that, although five and twenty years bad elapsed since he was first returned as one of the members of Tiverton, he had nothing to add to the professions he then made. (Hear, bear.) He believed be had acted up to those professiow, and it was his intention to return to Parliament and follow the same course which ho pursued for the last quarter of a century. (Loud cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON then came forward, and was re ceived with loud cheers. The noble lord spoke as fol lows :—Gentlemen, before I begin to thank you for the honour you have done me, I must beg another favour st your hands, and that is that you will allow me to address you with my bat on. (A voice—" To be sure.") I have two reasons for making this request: The first is, that I may be your true representative, for I find that you all have your hats on this cold day ; and, in the next place, I am sure you would not wish your representative to be disabled by a bad cold in his head, and thus prevented' from doing his duty towards you. (Laughter.) Now, gentlemen, I will in the first place say a few words as to the opponent who appeared the other day in the field. There is an old and good maxim—you should Fay "no_ thing but good of the dead;" and not only upon that ac count, but from my own feelings, I must do justice to tt opponent by saying that he behaved in a very handsome manner. When finding that he bad no chance of success, he determined not to put you or us to any further trou ble. He no doubt was misled by statements utterly without foundation, and he acted like a gentleman i 9 withdrawing at the earliest moment he found that his expectations were not likely to be realised. Now, gentle men, I cannot sufficiently thank you for the honour you have done me in renewing on this occasion that confi dence which I have for so many years, and at such re peated elections, received at your hands ; and I can as_ sure you that that honour is, in my opinion, greatly en_ hanced by finding myself associated with that most respectable colleague Mr. Heathcoat, a man who stands eminently high in the estimation of all who know him, not merely within range of the neighbourhood of his re sidence, but among all those who have come in contact with him in his public capacity. Gentlemen, it is per_ fectly true, as Mr. Hole, who did me the honour to pro_ pose me, stated, that I did receive from some very large and influential communities proposals that I should stand as candidate to represent them in the ensuing Per 'lament. I felt, as you may believe, greatly gratified and flattered by that testimony of goodwill and approbation from communities so important and influential ; but my aaswer was that I was wedded to Tiverton—that I would not pronounce the divorce, and that I had no reason to think my friends here wished to dispense with my future services. (" No, no," and cheers.) 'Well, gentlemen, the occasion on which I have now the honour to represent you is one which concerns, rot merely myself as an individual, which concerns not merely the Govern ment of which I am a member, but which, in my opi nion, involves a question of high and national import. acce—no le,s a question than the honour, dignity, inte rests, and fair fame of the country. (Cheers.) The na tion is called upon to choose which set of men shall for the future be charged with the conduct of its affairs ; whether that Administration which for the last two or three years has conducted the interests of the country shall be continued, or whether an Administration shall be formed out of those (I must again repeat the expres sion, however objectionable it may be received elsewhere) hitherto discordant elements which, by accident or sign, I care not which, found themselves united in the same lobby to pronounce a censure upon the exrsting Administration. (Hear.) Gentlemen, combination has been denied—concurrence is matter of fact. (Cheers ) It did so happen that the leaders of different parties did find them-elves united to support a motion of censure upon the Government, and no man will venture to deny that they did believe that the carrying of that resolution would be followed by the reaignation of the present Go vernment and the formation of another out of those who bad joined to overthrow it. (Hear.; But we took a dif_ ferent course. We believed that the Administration of the day, whether it did or did not peeecee the confidence of the majority of the House of Comment*, did possess the confidence and goodwill of the peu t do of the United Kingdom. (Hear.) That opinion has been confirmed from a great variety of quarters. I leave bad the honour of receiving addresses from a great number of large com mercial and other to ele, signed, as those who presented them to me toll me, by men of all ranks, from the highest to the lowest—by men of all parties—Conservatives and Whigs, Tories and Radicals, expressing their regret and surprise at the resolution which the majority of the House of Commons bad adopted, and expressing their continued confidence in the Administration of the day. (Hear, hear.) Th ese addresses were not only highly gratifying to the Gov ernment, but I think they did hon our to the national feeling of the country, because they are a proof that party considerations and distinctions were forgotten when a case had arise n in which the in_ terests of England were c onc erned ; and that th e Caine noble spirit which actuated the people of this country, and which obliterated all party considerations and difFe- rences during the w;.r with ilussia—that the idame noble spirit—that same plain, straightforward, and practical good reuse which distinguishes so eminently the p eo n s tel this United Kingdom, led them all to see that the real question at issue was, whether the honour and interests of the country should be maintained, or whether they should be sacrificed for the purpose of transferring power from the hands of one set of men to another. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the Administration of which I have the honour to be the head, was formed at a moment of great national difficulty, As far as I was concerned—and cer taioly but a short time before I war call al upon by toy Sovereign to form an Administration—l had not the slightest idea that the task would have been imposed upon me. There were others in the State who had vent parties at their back—l stood comparatively alone, and therefore had no reason to suppose that any combine. tion of circumstances would arise to lead me to be called upon to perform the duties which fell to my lot as First Minister of the Crown. Under tilde circumstances I et.deavoured to surround myself with men of similar opi nions with my own—by men upon whose integrity and THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 28, 1857 ability I could count ; and I most say, in justice to my colleagues, thst if success has attended our councils— that if our exertions have been crowned with satisfactory results, I claim to myself no exclusive merit for that. I The credit attaches equally to all the members of the Government, for all contributed to the utmost of their power in theirdifferent departments, with unanimity which could not be exceeded, and which has not been always equalled, to perform the service of the country—to bring that war to a successful issue, and to bring that peace to a satisfactory result. (Loud cheers.) It is well known that by co-operation with our gallant and noble allies —France, Sardinia, and Turkey----we did not succeed in bringing to a speedy conclusion that war which many, when it commenced, believed would last for many years to come. (Hear.) We obtained for this country a peace which in its results accomplished, beyond the expectation of many, those objects for which the war hand been undertaken. (Hear, hear.) And when that peace came to be carried into execution, we stood firmly upon the rights which the treaty had given us, and we did not permit any equivocation or stratagem to deprive us of some of the most important stipulations which that treaty contained. (Cheers. It has been laid to my charge that the policy which I have pursued has been " turbulent and aggressive." (Laughter.) Why, if the policy which led to the war with Russia was "turbulent and aggressive," I know not the meaning of the words ; but the charge, if true, would be shared by all those who have taken a part in public life, and by the whole of the British nation. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, during the many years in which it was my lot to conduct the foreign rela tions of the country, we escaped any war. (Hear, hear.) We, no doubt, had many difficulties to encounter during that period. Many questions arose out of which war might have arisen, but out of which no war did arise, and we maintained the dignity and interest of the coun try and preserved peace. We did no small service dur ing that period to the progress of civilisation and civil and religious liberty in Europe. (Hear.) We succeeded in establishing the independence of Belgium with a free constitution. = We succeeded in assisting the people of Spain and Portugal in establishing free Parliamentary Govern ment in these two countries, and then, forsooth, we, are to be told that we are the friends and champions of des potism, and that we are adverse to the spread of free and constitutional principles. Why, gentlemen, wo wish to be at peace with all the great Powers of Europe, whether their form of Government be monarchical, de spotic, or constitutional. (Hear, hear.) These are questions which concern the people of the respective States ; that which concerns us—that which concerns you is, whether they be free or enslaved, they should be in friendly relations with this country—that our commercial intercourse shall not be interrupted, and that we shall be as free with regard to tariffs as the prejudices of these different countries may permit. (Hear.) Then came the China question. (Hear, hear.) I have stated elsewhere, and I think I do ample justice to the Opposition when I say that they behaved during the whole of the war with Russia in accordance with the feeling and spirit of the country. It would be unjust if I,were not to make that admission. But in the begin ning of the last session "a change came o'er the spirit of the dream," and from some cause or other hopes arid expectations appeared to be entertained, that upon some question or another the Government might be put in a minority, and power transferred to other hands. Well, first it was supposed that we meant to persist in keeping up the " war ninepence" of the income-tax duty. Dis appointment followed that expectation. (Hear.) That question slipped out of their hands. (Hear.) But there were other points which they thought likely to afford an opportunity for a political triumph. One after the other failed. Then came the outbreak in China, and that cir cumstance, most unfortunately for those who took it up, was adopted as a party question on which to try the strength of respective parties. But what was that ques tion ? Why, unexpectedly to the Government at home, independently of any orders from them, and not in con sequence of any act of ours, a collision arose between our officers, civil and naval, and that insolent barbarian Yeb, who unites in his person all the insolence, cruelty, and perfidy ever collected in one single man. (Loud cheers.) He began, after long-continued neglect, and the violation of treaty engagements, by an outrageous attack upon the British flag. It was the duty of our officers on the spot to resent it, and demand an apology for the past and a guarantee from similar outrages for the future. (Hear.) They were unable to accomplish this, or to ob tain any concession from the ChireseMiniater. We have heard a great deal of technical argument about registers, colonial orders, and imperial laws, but the question sub mitted to Parliament was broad and simple. Here was a vessel with the British flag flying, with a British regis. ter, British subjects on board, and commanded by a British subject —a man from Belfast violently as saulted by a Chinese force, her entire crew taken away, with the exception of two men whom the Chinese autho rities, at the request of the commander, left on board to take charge of her ; and the only pretence set up for this outrage was—not that any one of those 12 men who formed the crew had committed any offence, but that one old man was the father of a son who in some part of China, and not at Canton, was believed to be a pirate. (Laughter.) Then there was a quibble raised, and it was said that when they boarded the vessel no British subject was on board ; but the master of the lorcha was at breakfast in another ship not 50 yards off, whither he bad gone to take leave of a friend whose vessel was about to sail for Hong Song. Moreover, before the Chinese left the Arrow, the commander came on board, and it was specially at his entreaty that two out of the 12 men who formed the crew were left in the vessel. It is therefore preposterous for the Chinese to say that they did not know it was a British vessel. Why, the vessel had been lying for 10 or 12 days in the Canton river, as a British vessel ; and it was distinctly as a British vessel she was boarded, and her crew taken out of her. This was a violation of our treaty; and what did our officials do in consequence ? They began by reprisals; they took a junk, and the Chinese Commissioner snapped his fingers at them, and said, "You think you have got a Govern ment vessel, but it is only a merchant vessel, and I don' t care a sixpence about it." (Hear.) Our officials th n pro ceeded to disarm the forts, but allowing an interval be tween each successful operation, they stopped to afford the Commissioner an opportunity of doing that which in reason and justice he should have done before. (Hear.) Notwithstanding all that has been said about cruelty, I say that never were the rights of a nation enforced with more forbearance and absence from unnecessary violence than they were by Sir Michael Seymour—a man well known for his humanity and moderation, and one utterly incapable of abusing the power with which he was er trusted. (Hear, hear.) Again we have been told that officers abroad ought not to involve the country in war without distinct orders from the Government, and that the Government ought not to act without first appealing to Parliament. But will any one tell me that officers at the other extremity of the globe, when a violent outrage is committed on the honour of their country, are to re main viith their arms folded till they can send home for orders and receive instructions ? Why, months would elapse between insult and resentment, and the purpose for which redress had been demanded would be defeated by the apathy and want of exertion which would have ensued in the long interval. Let us suppose a case simi lar to that which caused the former Chinese war. Sup pose the Chinese had taken 12 Briti3b, merchants, and threatened to starve them if they did not do that which they were called upon to do, was our adiniral or super intendent to leave those men in prison till they could write home to England and ask whether they should. take necessary steps to relieve them ? Way, the men would have ceased to exist, and the answer of the Chinese 1 governor would be—" I am very sorry, but three months ago these men die 1 from their sufferings in prison." (Hear.) This is the doctrine of those who condemn British officers in vindicating the honour of the country and the rights of their fellow-subjects without writing home for instructions. Then, again, as to the authority of Government to undertake operations. Wby, no doubt, if Parliament is sitting, communication is made to Parliament ; if it is not sitting, and the occasion is adequate, Parliament should be called together to be made acquainted with the circumstances which have arisen. But, again, these hostilities cannot, properly speaking, be described as " war with China." We are rot yet at war with the Chinese. We do not know that the act of this local authority will be adopted by the Imperial Government. On the contrary, we are in formed that at the other ports—Shanghai, Wbampoa, Foo-shoo-foo, and Amoy—the Chinese authorities have said that this local collision at Canton should not inter "Pt the good relations existing between the t countries, and that there was 110 reason why our commercial re,ta• lions should be at all disturbed. We therefore do not yet know that the Chinese Government has made this a cause of war. We hope they are too well informed as to the true nature of the. violence committed upon us, and of the dange r to China of a conflict with England, to make this affair of the Arrow a national quarrel. But we are told that we have adopted the resolution of the house of Commons, and that we have superseded Sir J. Bo wring and Len' Elgin. No such thing. It is per fectly natural, and it is in accordance with the general practice in cases of important difficulties, that al bough you have an agent on the spot in which you place conE deuce, and whose conduct you approve, and in order to give greater weight to your nego'iations, you send from home some officer of h'gh rank ehargf d with the direct and verbal instructions of the Government, who acts with greater powers, who goes over f a special purpose, who does not supersede the local agent, but who, by virtue of the right he carries, may accomplish the peace ful purpose for which he has gone out. That Le the case with Lord Elgin. It is in point with the mission of Lord John Russell to Vienna, who did not supersede Lord Westmoreland, our Minister there. It is in point with the mission of Lord Clarendon to Paris, who did not supersede Lord Cowley, who was our ambassador at that court. Well, gentlemen, I think I am justified in saying it was an unfortunate determination on the part of those who took up Mr. Coblen's motion to make that a ques tion between party and the Administration. I entirely believe that Mr. Cobden gave his notice without previ ous communication with other persons. But when it was announced—when the words of that motion were placed upon the paper of the house—then every man mighthave exercised his judgment as to the effect of the resolution if carried, and I am surprised that some men, wellversed in Parliamentary lore, should, knowing the effect of Parliamentary divisions, have allowed themselves to be lieve that they were only acting the part of jurymen met to decide upon a fact that had taken place at the other end of the globe, and the result of the vote would have no political effect on domestic affairs at home. Why, if the House of Commons had been sitting as a jury upon Sir J. Bowring, who ever heard of a jury pro ceeding to try a man 18,000 miles off without his having the slightest conception that he was put upon his trial, and without an opportunity to instruct counsel to defend him. I say such a tribunal would be more like the secret tribunals of the middle ages, and would have nothing in common with the practices of the British con stitution. (Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, I am bound to believe that there were some men of Liberal principles who honestly mistook the nature and effect of the vote they were giving, and who, not meaning to withdraw their general confidence from the Government, voted in a majority, the eff,ct and intention of which was to turn the Government out of office. (Hear.) Well, I say that was an ill-chosen motion. Perfectly fair it is, in the conflict of political parties, for any set of men, no matter how much they may differ, yet if they can agree to a course of future policy, to take advantage of any lair op portunity to dislodge their rivals, and place themselves in the seats of power. .I do not blame that, for it is in accordance with our political constitution; but I say that they are bound to communicate with each other so as to ascertain that there are no obstacles to forming a Government in the place of that which they mean to turn out. But if they are agreed in that—if they can form an efficient Administration—what is the fair and proper course for them to pursue 1 They should propose a vote of no confidence in the Government of the day. They should fairly put to the country the choice of one party or another ; but it is not fair, or in accordance with the British constitution, or spirit and feeling of the Bri tish nation, to take as a trial of strength a question in which one party is to be arrayed against the honour and dignity of the country, and the other is called upon to maintain that hoaour and uphold that dignity. (Hear, hear.) That was the nature of the question on which the recent division took place. The resolution was that the proceedings in Canton were unjustifiable, and that as we (the Government) had approved them our course was :lso unjustifiable, and that we ought no longer to wield the power of the State. The voice of the people rises against that decision, and against the principle on which it was founded. (Cheers.) It went like an electric spark from one end of the land to the other. It was no result of intrigue on the part of the Govern ment; but when the merits of the question came to be sifted and examined, the nature of the people of Eng land, whatever their party politics might have been, in dignantly repudiated the resolution of the majority of the House of Commons, and said that was not a suffi cient peg on which to hang a resolution which was to change the hands in which power was to be placed. (Loud cheers.) And now let us see what must have been the necessary consequence of that vote it the party who joined in it had acceded to power, and if their conduct was to be consistent with their vote. Why, of course, if the proceedings of Sir J. Bowring and Admiral Sir M. Seymour were unjustifiable, the Government that came in must have apologised to Y eh for the unjustifiable con duct of our officers ; they must also have given him com pensation for the batteries and forts which our sailors had destroyed, and they must have paid fur the expense which his resistance incurred. What, then, would have been the degrading and humiliating position in which the country would have been placed I We would have been acquiescing in the violation of our treaty rights, and en treating forgiveness from a man who offered rewards for the heads of our fellow-countrymen, who had obtained the murder of many of them already, who had encouraged kidnapping for the purpose of assassination, who had published an edict, stating that he had taken secret measures to procure the extermination of our hated race, who had shown what those measures were by compelling an unfortunate Chinese baker to poison the bread to be eaten by the British community, and whose diabolical attempt nothing but the meroitul intervention of Provi dence frustrated.- Marvellous ' indeed, it was that nothing but illness supervened, and that the whole of those doomed Europeans were not swept off in a single day. I say, that if a Government had come in and acted on that policy, it would have been swept away by the indignation of the pcuple, and would have boon 00eeigued to perpe• tual infamy for a course which no honourable or honest man could have approved. But we are told that they would not have pursued that course, but that they would have continued the war. Then what becomes of the poli tical consistency of men who one day form a resolution to condemn the policy and subvert the Government, and who tell you the next, without hesitation, that if their object had been accomplished, and it they had come into power, they would not have pursued their own avowed policy, but would. follow that which they had already pronounced unjustifiable, because they found it in opera. two. Well, then, I say that to-day and to-morrow will be days on which a large portion of the people will pro nounce their verdict upon the question which we have deemed it our duty to put to them. You have a ready pronounced your verdict, and the accounts we receive from all parts of the country lead us, without hesitation, to believe that a large majority of the eleceors of Eng land .will pronounce a. verdict in accordance with that which has done honour to yourselves. Well, but we are asked by many what is to be our future policy, and what are the grounds upon which the Goverement recommends itself to the approbation and support of the country. I have already told you, with regard to our foreign rela tions, and such as our policy has been in that respect, it shall continue to be. It shall continue to be peace with all nations as far as peace can be maintained without dis paragement to the dignity and honour of the country, and without any diminution of the rights of the country on the aggregate or on the part of our fellow -countrymen engaged in foreign lands. Now, with regard to our do mestic policy. There are many here, as elsewhere, who expect from the Government distinct pledges on the ques tion of reform. Those who know what is the position of men in office, but more especially what is the position of the head of the Government, must see and feel that I should be acting a very unbecoming part if I were to per sonate the character of a young candidate appearing fur the first time on the hustings and endeavouring by clap-trap pledges to enlist stray votes, and going headlong to any• thing which one or two persons might tell him would in crease the majority which he is endeavouring to main tain. It is the duty of the Government of this country to look at the interests of the country at large, for a Government worthy of its position must feel that no na tion.can stand still —that England is not China, and that the people of England cannot continue to be in precisely the same situation in regard to their institutions from year to year and from century to century. (Cheers.) We are a progressive people, and therefore progressive im provemente in all our institutions must be, and ought to be, the guiding principle of any Government that wishes t o maintain itself in the confidence and affection of the peep:o. (C.mere.) I believe our institutions iu the main to be the best of any country on the face of the earth, I make no exception. I believe them to be the best. I do not say on that account they are not to be improved. All human institutions must necessarily beimperfect, and some of the branches of ours aresusceptit le of much ame lioration ; and the Government that shuts its eyes to facts and ch.cuinetancee, and maintains things as they are be cause they are so is a Government on which the lessons of experience and the instrectiune of men ate utterly thrown away. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I am sure you will see it would be unbecoming of me to enter into de tailed pledges, and to hold out promises with reference to subjects on which some of you feel an interest; and therefore, however I may disappoint the expectations of some, it is my duty to do so, and that duty, like other duties, I feel it imperatively necessary to perform. Eco nomy, no doubt, is a duty deeply interesting to the peo ple of this country. A Government that launches into lavish expenditure without necessity would not deserve nor receive the support of the Parliament or the country. But there are great interests which must be cared for. (Hear.) We do not, like contieental countries, maintain large naval and military establishments in time of peace, but we ought to have the foundation on which arma ments may be created when times of danger arise. (Hear.) Our army and navy, although small in time of peace, should be so organised, mcra especially with regard to the scientific branches and professional education, that we should be able, if the country were threatened with danger, rapidly to raise an amount of force which would place us in safety from attack. That is the limit beyond which this Government will not endeavour to go. We will endeavour to prepare such establishments as will be sufficient for the necessary service of the country during a time of peace, but which by their organisation may be capable of expansion when danger may arise ; and more especialy we deem it our duty to provide for the defences of those great naval arsenals which, if at tacked successfully by an enemy and destroyed, would deprive us of all our naval superiority, and leave us open to any amount of invasion by an enemy with superior military farce. These are the principles upon which we propose to conduct the Government of the country. We believe those principles will meet the support of the people of England and of the Parliament which the pe )pig of England may return. (Cheers.) Whenever that confidence le withdrawn—if the course which we pursue should cease to be in accordance with the feel ings and wishes of the people of England, you will not tied any grounds for that which in the apprehension of Mr. Cobden you will find, viz., a dictatorship. He knows, and you know, that the breath which made us today can unmake us to-morrow, and that, standing upon the approbation and confidence of the people of the United dKwriiatuhwgdndroaswmon from u , lo w n h g e a n s t ws hat approbation a n d con fid ence are e (b a u r t e w co h n ic s h id l er b e e d li cie ev , D e w rv i i t g not of b t e h w e i m) site drawn that day our dictatorship will end, and the voices which have now raided us to power will be raised, and raisei not in vain, to transfer that power to worthier I hands. (Cheers.) So the people need be under no appre hension that in giving us the power they are placing it out of their own command ; for if we lose their confi dence, the same voice that raised us to power will be as decisive against us as I trust itwill'no wbe for us. (Cheers.) It will be for the people of the country to determine whether there were among the ranks of the Opposition elements out of which an !efficient Administration could have been formed. It is, of course, more convenient for the Government to have no united band in opposition to it—it smooths the path through a session—but I do not say it is not in accordance with the constitution that there should be oat of office, and opposed to office, a body of men comprising the elements of another Admi nistration, capable of commanding the respect, and, if they act propeily, the confidence of the country. (Hear.) I doubt whether these elements at present exist. lam led to doubt whether there is not more foundation than may at first sight appear for the disclaimers we have heard of coalitions and combinations. (Hear.) lam in clined to doubt whether there are not differences — united, indeed, on a recent occasion—but differences which lie deeper than the surface, which will prevent that combination in office which has been shown in op- Position. It will be for the future to show in what de gree that may be the case. In the meantime, I can only return you my sincere and heartfelt thanks for the honour you have conferred upon me this day. (Cheers ) I trust I am not overstepping the truth when I say that I accept this honour, not simply as a mark of the confi dence which you are pleased to repose in an old friend, but also as a mark of the estimation in which you hold the Government with respect to the great questions sub mitted to the people of England. (Cheers.) I again re turn you my sincere thanks, aad I wish you all every degree of happiness and prosperity. (The noble lord concluded amid loud and enthusiastic cheers.) A vote of thanks having been passed to the Mayor for presiding, three hearty cheers were given for Lord Pal merston, and the proceedings terminated. KING'S LYNN.. The nomination took place yesterday at the Guildhall; the Mayor (Mr. R. Cook) presiding as returning officer. The fine old ball was well filled, and the late members, Lord Stanley and Mr. J. H. Gurney, were loudly cheered on making their appearance on the platform. Mr. R. BAGGE nominated Lord Stanley, and Mr. W. MOYSE seconded the nomination. Mr. P. WILSON proposed Mr. J. H. Gurney, and Mr. W. Lan'lNGs (Deputy-Mayor) seconded the nomination. No other gentleman being proposed, The MAYOR declared Lord Stanley and Mr. Gurney duly elected. Lord STANLEY; who was received with loud cheers, said he had heard the tiresent dissolution described by some speakers as a " penal" one, but he bad not found it so. He did not venture to speak for others, but so far as he was concerned it was no penalty, but a pleasure to him to meet his constituents. The first subject to which he would refer was that which was freshest in the minds of all present, and the immediate occasion of the disso lution—he meant that vote on the Chinese policy of the Government which resulted in Ministers being left in a minority. On the subject 'of that vote the most extra ordinary and the most reckless assertions had been made that ever were uttered even by politicians going to the country without a cry. A charge had been made of fac tious combination against the Government, but the only combination was that men of all politics and all shades of opinion agreed independently in following the dictates of their own judgments, and expressing disapproval of the pokey pursued at Canton. Who were the conspira tors ! Of Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Walpole, and Sir J. Pak ington he would say nothing, because it was one of the duties of the leaders of an organised Parliamentary Oppo ' sition to avail themselves of any fair occasion to criticise the policy of the Government. But when on that me morable Tuesday evening he walked into the lobby with the majority, it seemed to him, after his eight years' Parliamentary experience, that he had never witnessed a division in which so great a moral and intellectual preponderance was exhibited on one side. There was Lord John Russell, the man of the first Reform Bill, the historical representative of Liberalism, a man whose name would be linked with •the history of 39 event ful years, and who would be remembered when those who now vilified him were forgotten. There was Sir Francis Baring, a Liberal also, a man whom party spirit had never accused of a single deviation from the strictest principles of political honour. There was Mr. Gladstone, whose marvellous abilities had been rather hindered, so far as success in party conflict was concerned by a scrupulous sense of right acid a passionate love of justice. There was Mr. Cobden, a man from whom many might differ in regard to some of his opinions, but who hesitated not to cast to thewinds a popularity earned by his own exertions, and to stand forth alone, against the will of an entire people, when his conscientious con victions (call them right or wrong, as they would) led bins to oppose the Russian war. There was with the ma jority also, if he might refer for a moment to the other branch of the Legislature, Lord Lyndhurst, who spoke only with that - weight which a perfect mastery of law conferred, not only with that power of argumentative eloquence which for 50 years had commanded the atten tion of every audience which he had addressed, but who spoke also with that freedom which belonged to one whose age left him nothing to hope or to fear, and one who, being detached trom the politics of the present day, could criticise those politics with tho impartiality of one living in another century and another country. (Cheers.) He should not enter into the details of the legal dispute which took place with reference to the proceedings at Canton, because the question of the alleged British ves sel had really little or nothing to do with the quarrel which had ensued. The war with China was an unjust one, because we had picked a quarrel to enforce a claim in itself of very small value, and which, if it were en forced at all, we might probably have secured by nego tiations in common with other countries. It was a cow ardly war, because it was a war in which the strength, military - knowledge, and skill of the two parties were so unequally matched that a battle was not that man like trial of strength between equal forces which took place when European nations met one another, but a mera but chery and a mere seambles. Ths war with China was also an impolitic one, even admitting that that which was unjust could be expedient in the long run, which he did not believe, because part of the cost must necessarily be paid in the increased price to the consumer of one of the few luxuries of the poor man. It was irnpol:- tic, because, our object being to secure more general and free interc ,arse with China, the Chinese people must differ very much from the rest of the world if attacking their forts and bombarding their towns was the way to bring.about that communication. The war was an impo litic one, because the objt at cf an enlarged intercourse with China must necessarily and certainly have been attained in the peaceful progress of trade. In his belief the Chi nese war was commercially, politically, and diplomati cally a blunder and mistake. (An Elector—" It is no thing of the kind.") Se said nothing but what he be lieved to be the truth, and as he had not Token upon the subject in Parliament, he would before leaving the question do what he considered an act of justice. He thought the public had been rather hard upon Sir John Bowring. Ho did not believe that Sir John Bowring would have taken the course he pursued and introduced the demand of right of entry into Canton, and been pre pared to enforce it, unlesssome intimation bad been con veyed to •him that the Government would support him in what he was doing ; and it was fair to the Govern ment to say that they had tranaferrel to themselves the responsibility of Sir John Bo wring's acts. With regard to foreign policy he wished to see England always strong and united for defence, but he had no wish to see her armei and ready for aggression. With regard to Parlia mentary Reform, he considered that some extension of the suffrage and some equalisation of the representation were neceesary, but he had voted against Mr. Locke King's recent motion because he thought that the ques tion of Parliamentary reform ought to be considered in its entirety, and not in a fragmentary manner. With regard to the finances of the country he did not entertain apprehension. There was a hopeful elasticity in British commerce, andthe demand was increasing from India and the Australian celonies, which took half of our exports. As to the question what taxes should be abolished, the noble lord observed that it was impossible to give pledges long in advance, but he expressed himself opposed to the paper doty and the tax. on insurances, and in favour of a revision of the tariff. With respect to the income tax, he said he thought the country should have an opportu nity of expressing an opinion upon it iu 1860, and if it was then to cease, and some other tax must be found for it, the substitute, he thought, might be an extended hnriact tar fairly Wel, nnt on ralenlatinna of what houses let for, but on an estimate of their value. On the subject of economy in the public expenditure, all were for eco nomy in the abstract, but few in fact. A large standing army in time of peace would be a gigantic job—a godsend to the Secretary of the Treasury, and a dead loss to the na.,iou. He did not wish to liar() the country defenceless, but he thought, on the whole, the standard maintained before the late war would be a tolerably faieone in future, and that militia forces might be establiihed in some of the colonies. Tne noble 1 ird then expressed himself in favour of reforni in the laws relating So the transfer, of land ; a system of criminal and judicial statistics, as in France; the consolidati on o f th e s t a t u t e l aw , a change in the ec clesiastical courts, an improved system of testamentary jurisdiction, a reform in the laws on marriage and di vorce, competitive t sosminations for the civil servic., and the abolition of Church rates. He also called attention to the necessity of some measure on national education ; and, in conclusion, he declared that, reviewing his poli tical career, he could say that he had sought to do jus tice and feared to do wrong ; he had no other end, and he bad known no other fear. (His Lordship resumed his seat amid loud cheering.) Mr. J. H. GURNEY, who was also received with cheers, next addressed the electors. Thanks to the Mayor then closed the proceedings. SHEFFIELD. The nomination took place yesterday in the Corn Exchange, in the presence of an assemblage of upwards of 20,000 peopl e . M r . J. W. P. Smith, the Mayor, presided. Mr. W. FISHER proposed, and Mr. R. LEADER, jun., seconded Mr. J. A. Roebuck. Alderman H. E. HOOLE proposed, and Mr. G. WOS TENHOLM (the Master Cutler), seconded the nomination of Mr.. George Hadfield. Mr. W. F. DixoN proposed, and Mr. E. Vfcians secouded, Mr. Wm. Overend, Q.C. M.r. ROEBUCK was received with loud and protracted the ering. He said—l am quite sure that every man here will give me a fair hearing, and I hope you will give ev,prybody else a fair bearing. (Cheers.) Well, then, the real business of this day will be your show of hands. iy speech I can make cannot reach one.tenth part of tl.e people I see before me. Therefore it would only be I wasting my time and yours by attempting to address P you. Gentlemen, I have not kept ray opinion hidden 1 under a bushel ; you know what they are, and you do not wait until to-day to have them explained. (Hear.) Bat I think you will allow me to state, which I will do very shortly, the true nature of this contest. It is not ut on the Canton question you have to decide. (Cheers.) I'll tell you what you have to decide. You have to decide between myself and my honourable friend, Mr. Hadfield, on one side, representing advance in government, and my honourable and learned friend on my right—(cheers and hooting)—who is op posed to that. (Cheers.) That is the real distinction between us. It is not whether Mr. Hadfield and I have given one wrong vote—not a wrong vote in my opinion —but it is, are you to be fairly and faithfully represented in the coming House of Parliament ? (" We'd soon settle it if we could.") I have no doubt if the suffrage were in the hands of the persons I now see before me, the show of hands would determine what you would do. But you know, gentlemen, that the suffrage is restricted —it joie a few hands at present. ("But we are too many for him, though.") But still lam confident that even with these few hands we shall be successful. And I will tell you why. The few hands in which the suf frage is are Englishmen. (Cheers.) They will not dis card and forget honest and long service—they will not put aside tried men for an untried man. I have nothing to say against my learned friend—for friend I shall call him, and in social life such I consider him ; but I and he, each forming our opinions, have come to an honest conclusion—he takes one side in politics, I take another. (Cheers.) I meet him fairly. Hear him, give him every liberty, and, when you have done so, decide be tween as. (Cheers.) He is a gentleman--I hope I am. (Cheers.) Treat him fairly as you treat me, and—fairly beat him. (Loud cheers and laughter.) This I take to be the proper way to maintain our contest. Into it no personal rancour ought to enter. No allusion of a per sonal description ought to be indulged in. (Applause.) Political opinions are fair game. A public man—and be is now a public man—you have a right also to discuss all principles. (Cheers.) You have a right also to discuss the opinions of his friends ; and I say to my hon. and learned friend that I believe him to be what he was in 1852. He was then a Conservative—l believe him to be so now. (Cheers.) I see him surrounded by the same friends—(Mr. Overend—" And by many of youri also")—but then, mind you, Lord Derby was in power. I have lived to see great changes, and in no people greater changes than in the party to which my hon. and learned friend belongs. ("It's wheel about and turn about with 'em.") (Laughter.) I think that is very near an accurate statement. When I first entered political lite I found them rabid against C a th o li c emanc i pa ti on, vehement against Parliamentary reform ; I found them crying their lungs to pieces in favour of the corn laws and against free trade. I have seen all these things car ried in spite of them; and now there are other things that we desire, which they in their hearts obj ec t t o , an d we will carry them in spite of them again. We think that we have not yet attained to anything like ' perfection. Ours is an onward course ; change has no terror for us. We do not stick in the ancient ways because they are ancient (Hear, hear, and cheers) We are not Con servative, but Liberal. And depend upon it, if you send my learned friend to Parliament, that, though he may be a Palmerstonian on one question, he will be a CoLserva tive on all else. (Cheers.) Now, I say that before him. I know what I say is true ; and what I believe true I will say before him as I would say it behind his back. (Cheers.) We can afford to be honest opponents. I know the character of my learned friend. I believe him to be a thoroughly honest gentleman—(great cheering from the Conservatives)—very much mistaken in his political views. (Cheers and laughter.) And depend upon it, that if be can persuade you to vote for and send him to Parliament, you would be very much mis taken too. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I will not occupy your time, for you are in an uncomfortable position. —(" Go on ")—but I appeal to my past life. Have I ever deceived the people of England ? (" No," and cheers.) I have ever been a friend of freedom—(cheers) —religious and civil. I have aided every great change and improvement that has taken place since I have been in public life, and every one of them that party (pointing to the Conservatives) has opposed. (Cheers ) To that party I am opposed now, and I believe I shall be to my dying day. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I throw myself with confidence again upon the people of Sheffield. I appeal to my life past in the service of my country, and I ask you to re-elect me. (Cheers.) Mr. HADFIELD briefly addressed the electors. Mr. OVEREND next addressed the electors. On the show of hands being taken there was an over whelming majority in favour of Messrs. Roebuck and Hadfield, and a poll was demanded fur Mr. Overend. HUDDERSFIELD. The nomination for this borough took place yesterday. The candidates proposed were Mr. W. Akroyd and Mr. R. Cobden. Mr. T. B. CRosraND proposed Mr. W. Akroyd ; and Mr. J. HAIGH seconded the nomination. Mr. W. WILLIAMS proposed Mr. Cobden, and Mr. W. MELLOR seconded the nomination. Mr. ASROYD having addeessed the meeting, Mr. COBDEN rose and was very warmly applauded. He spoke for upwards of an hour. He commenced by saying that, although his friends had unduly alarmed themselves about his state of health, be was not in the beat possible condition for addressing such a large audi ence as he saw before him, having overworked himself and been obliged to lay up for three days. Mr. Cros land, in his manifold objections to him (Mr. Cobden) as the representative of Huddersfie'd, seemed to have lost sight of the question of principle altogether. (Hear.) He was not going into the question of the Russian war; but he begged to remind his hearers that he had never offered any opposition to the Government in carrying on that war, or to the House of Commons in voting the money which was required. The money had been raised without any opposition from him ; the taxes had been laid on, and he had never divided the house upon the subject. (A laugh.) It was well known that the Government spent all the money as fast as they could, and they did not make a very good use of it. The result of that war he honestly believed had not been to make any human being on the face of the earth either happier, or wiser, or better. (A. Voice—" Some a deal wiser than they were.") He was attending a meeting at Paddock the other day, and upon somebody raising a cry of " the Russian war," a working man, whom he now saw before him, got up and said, " We are not going to war again, I hope ; we want somethin g doing in the time of peace." (Applause and laughter.) There was another question which had been thrown in his face ; the question of the Chinese war. At all events this country did not expect to get either honour or glory out of that war. There •was something to be got, if the Government had known how to go about it, in fair stand-up fight with such an enemy as Russia, but they managed so to conduct that war that precious little share of either honour or glory _fell to out share in it. But in this Chinese war, if this country did its utmost, they would get no more honour or glory in the eyes of the world than if they wore to go into a sheep-market and fire all their cannon and musketry against so many sheep. But he was told he was in favour of dishonouring the English flag. He had faith in the power and might of Englishmen to defend their flag against all corners in a just cause. (Applause.) All the world in arms could not disgrace the British flag if it had right and justice on its side. (Cheers.) The only men who could dishonour the flag of this country were those who were entrusted with power abroad, and who committed the country to an inglorious and unjust aggression upon a defenceless people. (Applause and disapprobation.) It had been said by his opponent that, with regard to the Chinese war, the wisest heads in England differed as to the legality of our proceedings. Mr. Akroyd had said truly that Lord Lyndhunit, the highest legal authoritS, in Eng land, was on one side, and the Attorney (not the &Mei.- tor) General was on the other. Yes, but one man was a man of 80 years of age, crowned with laurels, and who had nothing t hope for from the patronage of the Go vernment ; the other was a man in the Government, and the crowning hope of his ambition was some day to be made Lord Chancellor. But, if the wisest lawyers in England bad differed as to the right and justice of this country on the China question, was it consistent with right and justice that our representative abroad should have taken the law into his own hands—(applause)—and, without giving opportunity to either the Queen or Par liament to have a voice in the matter, commenced at once, upon such doubtful grounds as these, acts of hosti lity and outrage against a commercial city, covering the site of that city with ruins, inflicting untold mi chief upon innocent men, women, and children ? Why, a man was not allowed to be convicted in England, even upon a charge of petty larceny, without the judge first toiling the jury, " If you have any doubt upon the question, give the doubt in favour of the accused." (A Voice, " We have none," and applause.) Mr. Cobden next re marked that he believed the vote given upon the motion which he had brought forward was one of the most honourable acts which the British Parliament ever ac complisLed. (Hear, and cries of " No, no !") It was a motion made without concert, without previous com munication ; and, whatever might be alleged against others who had voted on that question, it was aevery curious fact that no one had ever accused the mover with having any sinister or dishonest object. (Cries of " 'see, no !" and "Yes, yes 4") He challenged those gentlemen who said "No" to produce any responsible person, or writer ef any authority, who had publicly stated that he was a party to the " conspiracy." Mr. Cobden then reiterated the assertion which he had made in a previous address—that if Lord Palmerston had announced the intention of the Government to send out an ambassador to China the division in the House of Commons would never have taken place, and that Lord Palmerston had intentionally avoided doing so, in order that he might have a pretence of dissolving Par liament upon some cry about China, well knowing that he had no domestic policy with which to go to the coun try, and knowing that he had no credit with Reformers. (" Hear," " No !" and applause.) The hon. gentleman next reminded the assembly that the electors of Rudders. field were about to select a candidate to represent them in Parliament for seven years, and he h o p e d th at t h e China question would be all settled and pretty nearly forgotten in less than two years. He believed that the electors of Huddersfield would think about something else in choosing their representative. His friend Mr. Akroydj had told them in rather a misty and hazy man ner what his politics were, but unfortunately he (Mr. Cobden) could not put himself behind a veil like that. His politics were known by his votes, and he did not come there to make a new profession of faith, or to tell them that ho was going to alter his opinion in any re spect. He then glanced at several of the most important measures which he had advocated since the repeal of the corn laws, enumerating the imposition of a tax upon the succession to real property, the abolition of the adver tisement duty and the stamp upon newspapers ; and several measures which he had supported by his vote, and sometimes by his voice, some of which had been successful, and the remainder he would still continue to fight for. He expressed his well known opinions in favour of household suffrage and the ballot, taking the opportunity to contradict the erroneous statement tha; the ballot in Melbourne was permissive, and not com pulsory. On this letter subject he said that he spoke from the authority of the gentleman who was instrumen tal in establishing the bellot in that country. From the success wnich had there attended the experiment he spoke very strongly in its favour. After dwelling upon the energy, determination, and perseverance which were reqeired to accomplish any reform, Mr Cobden pledged his word that in the event of his being returned for Huddersfield he would never remain quies cent or allow his principles to go to sleep. He concluded by calling upon the electors to give him their aid and assistance, and by. stating that if they did their duty he should have the honour of next addressing them as their representative. (Loud cheers and uproar.) The show of hands was then taken, and the returning officer declared it to be in favour of Mr. Cobden. Great cheering followed the announcement. Mr. CROSLAND demanded a poll for Mr. Akroyd. The poll takes place to-day., (NEWPORT, ISLE OF WIGHT.) The no Mina , ,ion fur this borough took place yesterday. Mr. 11. W. Kennard, the late member for the borough, was proposed by Mr. F. PETEIS, and seconded by Mr. J. ELDRIDGE. Captain Mangles, of the Southampton Dock and West India Mail Packet Companies, was proposed by Mr. PRING, and seconded by Mr. R. T. DRAPER. Mr. Charles Buxton was proposed by Dr. WOVELL, and seconded by Mr. C. COWDEROY. Mr. Alderman Rose, of London, was proposed by Mr. C. W. ESTCOURT. All the candidates having addressed the meeting, The MAYOR called for a show of hands, which was decided to be in favour - of Captain Mangles and Mr. Buxton. A poll was demanded on behalf of the other candidates, and fixed for to-day. From the London Gazette of Last Night WAR-OFFICE, MARCH 27. The Queen has been graciously pleased to give orders for the appointment of the Right Hon. Thos. Wyse, C. 8., her Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary to the King of Greece, to be an Ordinary Member of the Division of the Second Class, or Knights Commanders of the Most Hon ourable Order of the Bath, and of John Hay Drummond Hay, Esq., her Majesty's Charge d'Affaires to the Sultan of Morocco, t•o be an Ordinary Member of the Civil Divi sion of the Third Class, or Companions of the said Most Honourable Order. FOREIGN-OFFICE, MARCH 24. The Queen haq been pleased to approve of 317. John Warlam as Consul at Malta for his Majesty the King of Gree'e. DOWNING-STREET, hisucli 27. The Queen has been pleased to appoint the Commis sioner Designate of the Civil Court of the Colony of Wes tern Australia (Michael Barry, Elq.), and Samuel P. Phillips, and Edward Ha►nersley, Esqs., to be Members of the Legislative Council of the said Colony. Her Majesty has also been pleased to appoint James Leith, Esq., to be a Member of the Legislative Council. of the Island of Tobago. C RO LPN-OFFICE, MARCH 26: MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THE PRESENT PARLIAMENT. City of Westminster—Lieutenant-General Sir De Lacy Evans, G.C.8., and Sir John Villiers Shelley, part. MARCH 27. Borough of Marylebone—The Right Hon. Sir Benjamin Hall, of Llanover ' in the county of Monmouth, Bart., and the Hon. Hugh Fortescue, commonly called Viscount Ebrington, of Castle-hill, in the county of Devon. WAR-OFFICE, PALL-MALL, MARCH 27. let Regiment of Life Guards—To be Cornets and Sub- Lieutenants, by purchase—. John Henry Reginald, Lord Earlsfort, vice the Hon. Cecil Dancombe, promoted ; Her bert Hay Langham, Gent., vice Viscount Powerscourt, promoted. Royal Regiment of Horse Guards— Cornet the Hon. Geoffrey R. Clegg Hill to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Baillie, who retires. 2d Dragoon Guards—Paymaster Frederick Windham Lukin, from the 2d Dragoons, to be Paymaster, vice King, who exchanges. 2d Dragoons—Paymaster John Henry King, from the 2d Dragoon Guards, to be Paymaster, vice Lukin, who exchanges. 3d Light Dragoons--Lieutenant John Norcliffe Preston to be Captain, by purchase, vice Draper, who retires. 11th Light Dragoons—Cornet Robert Dunmore Napier to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Dungate, whe retires; R. R. Harrison Dungate, Gent., to be Riding Master. Military Train—Paymaster Benjamin Robert James, from the Land Transport Corps, to be Paymaster. Royal Artillery—Second Captain John Lawrance Bol ton to be Captain, vice Flint, deceased ; Lieutenant Augustus William Johnson to be Second Captain, vice Bolton. The dates of tke promotion of the undermentioned officers to be altered as follows :—Captain W. B. Saun ders to 13th January, 1857 ; Second Captain C. B. Le Mesurier to 13th January, 1857 ; Captain C. H. Smith to 24th January, 1)357; Second Captain H. S. Elliott to 24th January, 1857; Captain H. T. Fitzflugh to 21st February, 1857 ; Captain W. N. Hardy to 21st February, 1857; Second Captain H. P. P. Phelips to 21st February, 1857. Royal Engineers.—Second Captain Andrew Clarke, on the Supernumerary List, to be Captain ; Brevet-Major Francis Du Cain to be Captain, vice Penrice, resigned ; Lieut. G. Neville to be Second Captain, vice Du Cane. 9th Foot—Lieut. A. G. Douglas to be Instructor of Musketry. _ _ 231 Foot—Lieut.-Col. R. Pratt, from half-pay 41st Foot, to be Lieut.-Col. ; Captain C. G. C. Norton, from half-pay 231 Foot, to be Captain, vice F. Sayer, who exchanges.; Ensign Frederick Wollaston Hutton, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Griffith, who retires; George Frederic Rue son Colt, Gent-, to bo RaQicrn, by purchase, vice Hrikton ; Ensign Charles Jacquet to be allowed to retire from the army, her Majesty having no further use for his services. 39th Foot—Captain Thomas Adams, from the 78th Foot, to be Captain, vice Foster, who exchanges. 40th Foot—Ensign Henry Ross-Lewin Morgan to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Cook, whose promotion, by purchase, on the 25th May, 1855, has been cancelled. 66th Foot—Thomas Gambell, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Shortt, promoted. 72d Foot—Herbert Barron, Gent., to be Ensign, by pur chase, vice Burnet, who retires. 78th Foot—Captain Frederick Wilmot Foster, from the 39th Foot, to be Captain, vice Adams, who exchanges. 81st Foot—Lieutenant Walter Musgrave to be Adjutant, vice Wilkinson, who resigns the Adjutancy only 92d Foot—Lieutenant William David Inverarity to be Captain, by purchase, vice D. P. Campbell, who retires. 97th Foot—Ensign Robert Cecil Kearney has been per mitted to resign his Commission. STAFF. Brevet-Colonel Honourable W. L. Pakenham, C. 8., upon half-pay Unattached, as Lieutenant-Colonel, to be Deputy-Adjutant-General to the Troops proceeding on a particular service. Brevet-Colonel E. R. Wetherall, C. 8., upon half-pay , Unattached, as Major, to be Deputy-Quartermaster- General to the Troops proceeding on a particular service. Brevet-Colonel Studholme Brownrigge, C. 8., upon half pay Unattached, as a Lieutenant-Uololiel, to be Deputy- Quartermaster -General to the Forces serving in Ireland, vice Brevet-Colonel Wetherall, appointed Deputy-Quarter master-General to the Forces employed on a particular service. HOSPITAL STAFF. Deputy-Inspector-General of Hospitals—A. Gordon M.D., C.8.,-from half-pay, to bo Deputy-Inspector-Gene ralof Hospitals. T. C. Beale, Gent., to be Assistant-Sargeon to the Forces. BREVET. The undermentioned Odicei having completed three 3 ears' a;tual service on the Bth March, 1837, in the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, to be promoted to be Colonel in the Army, under the Royal Warrant of 6th October, 1851 : Lieutenant-Colonel R. Waddy, C. B. 50th Foot. The undermentioned officets having completed three years' service in the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, according to the provisions of the Royal Warrant of 3d November, 1851, to be Colonels in the Army, viz. :-- Lieutenant-Colonel J. W. Ormsby, Royal Artillery. Lieutenant-Colonel 11. Servants, - Royal Engineers: Lieutenant-Colonel St. Aubyn Molesworth, retired full pay of the Royal Engineers, to be Colonel, in consequence of the promotion of Lieutenant-Colonel Wilkinson, of the Royal Engineers, who stood below him on the effective strength of the corps when he retired. Brevet-Major W. Cartan and Brevet-Major A. Donelan, on retired full-pay (Staff officers of Pensioners), to be Liou tenant,Colonels in the Army, the rank being honorary only. The undermentioned Cadets of the East India Com pany's Service to have the local and temporary rank of En sign during the period of their being placed under the com mand of Col. Saudham, of the Royal Engineers, at Chatham, for Field Instructions in the art of Sapping and Mining. Isaac Pratt Westmorland, Gent. Arthur Charles Pachlay, Gent. Thomas Freeman Dowden, Gent. Oliver Beauchamp Coventry St. John, Gent. Augustus Le Mesurier, Gent. David Henry Trail, Gent. Arthur Herbert Baggu, Gent. William Coningham, Gent. Frank Robertson, Gent. ADMIRALTY, MARCH 25. The following promotions, dated the 14th inst., conse quent on the death of Vice-Admiral of the Blue Sir Joshua Ricketts Rowley, Part., on the 18th inst., have this day taken place : Rey-Admiral the Right Hon. George Anson Lord Byron, on the Reserved Half-Hay List, to be Vice-Admiral on the same list. Rear-Admiral of the Red the Right Hon. Edmund, Lord Lyons, G.C.B. (holding the temporary rank of ,Au miral), to be Vice-Admiral of the Blue. Rear-Admiral of the White the Hon. Sir Richard Saunders Dundas, K.C.8., to be Rear-Admiral of the Red. Rear-Admiral of the Blue Sir S. Lushington, K.C.8., to be Rear-Admiral of the White. Captain H. D. Trotter, Captain Sir G. Back, Captain Wm. Hillyar, To be Rear-Admirals on the Reserved Half-pay List. Captain Henry John Codrington, C. 8., to be Rear-Ad miral of the Blue. Captain James Burney and Captain James M organ have also been promoted to be Retired Rear-Admirals on the terms &oposed in the London Gazette of Sept. 1, 1846, with out increase of pay. . WHITEHALL, MARCH 26. The Lord Chancellor has appointed William Robi nson, of No. 32, Charterhouso, Gentleman, to bo a London Commissioner to administer oaths in the High Court of Chancery. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED . Henry Blyton, clothier, York-terrace, Ratcliffe, Mid dlesex. BANKRUPTS. John Marlin,ll, coal merchant, Friar-street, &c., to sur render, April 18, at half-past ten, and May 8, at half-pa s t one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basinghall-street; Linklaters and Hackwood, She_ lan e. George Lashmar, seed crusher, Brighton, April 7, at two, and May 5, at half-past one, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Stausfeld, official assignee. John Stewart, ironfounder, Preston, April 6 and 28, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Fraser, official assignee, Manchester; R. and W. Ascroft, Preston; Cobbett and Wheeler, Manchester. Benjamin Smith, licensed victualler, Whit ec h ape l- roa d , April 9, and May 5, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Lee, official assignee, Aldermanbury ; Cox and Sons, Sise lane. William Dickens Eves,'victualler and beer seller Hollo way, Aliadl-sex, April 4, and May 7, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Elard, Trafalgar-square. Andrew Hind, tea dealer, Pleasant-row, Pentonville, April 7, at two, and May 5, at one, at the Court of Bank , uptcy. Graham, official assignee; Willoughby, Cox, and Lord, Clifford's-inn. Thomas Dillon, boot and shoemaker, Halifax, April 20 and May 11, at twelve, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee. Leeds ; Brierley, Halifax. Thomas Brooke Wavell, bill bioker and commission agent, Adaros-court, Old Broad-street, April 20, at twelve, and May 13, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Nichol son, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Stubbs, Moorgate street. Joseph Skinner, auctioneer, Great James-street, Bedford. row, April 17, at twelve, and May 8, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Al• dermanbury ; Lawrance, Plews, and Boyer, Old Jewry chambers. Benjamin Hornby, hotel keeper, Hoylake, Cheshire, Apia and May 4, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Cazenove, official assignee, Liverpool ; Smith, Liverpool. Hillyard Nichols, corn merchant, Bedford, April 17, a t eleven, and May 8, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Canaan, official assignee, Aldermanbury ; Linklatere and Hackwood, Sise-lane. John Jones Roberts, metal broker, Liverpool, April 8 and 29, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Dior pn, official assignee, Liverpool ; Fletcher and Hull, Liver. pool. _ James Long, rag merchant, Kent-street, Portsea, April 7, at eleven, and May 7, at two, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman-street-buildings; Linklaters and Hackwood, Sise-lane. Solomon Solomon, tailor, Strand; April 7, at half-past one, a❑d May 5, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Stansfeld, Official assignee; Oldknow, Guildford place, Russell-square. James Stevens Tripp, commission agent, Lombard• street chambers, Clement's-lane, April 8, at two, and May 6, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee; J. and J. H. Linklaters and Hackwood, Sisa -1 ane. William Jeffcoatt, baker, King's Heath,Worcestershire, April 6 and 27, at half-past ten, at the Birmingham Dis trict Court. Christie, official assignee, Birmingham Smith, Birmingham. James Smith, marine store dealer, Walsall, April 9, at ten, and April 30, at half-past eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. Whitmore, official assignee, Birmingham; Duignan and Hemmant, Walsall ; Hodgson and Alley, Birmingham. _ _ _ Jonathan Wright, shoemaker, Burnley, Lancashire, April 20, and May 11, at twelve, at the Manchester Die trict Court. Pott, o'Ecial assignee, Manchester ; Aleock and. Holmes, Burnley; Sale, Worthington, and Shipman, Manchester. Edward Watmough, draper, Manchester, April 11 and May 1, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Her naman, official assignee, Manchester; Lee, St. Paul's churchyard, London ; Sale, Worthington, and Shipman; Manchester. Charles James, victualler, Leicester, April 7, and 28, at half-past ten, at the Shirehall, Nottingham. Harris, official assignee, Nottingham ; Inglesant, Loughborougb. William Mee, fancy hosier, Leicester, April 7, and May 12, at half•past ten, at the Shirehall, Nottingham. Harris, official assignee, Middle-pavement, Nottingham; Stone and Paget, Leicester; James, Birmingham. BANK OF ENGLAND. Al Account pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victoria, cap. 32, for the Week ending on Saturday the 21st day of March, 1887. ISSUE DEPAZTMENT. Notes Issued .. 24,065,160 £ ~.. Government debt.... 11,015, 10 Other securities...... 3,459, 900 Gold coin and bullion 9,590, 10 Silver bu11i0n........ --- £24,065, 10 M. MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. [857. £24,065,160 Dated the 26th day of March,l BANKING DE Proprietors' capital .. 14,553,000 Rest ................ 3,813,985 Public deposit s (in cluding Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Say ing's Banks, and Dividend Accounts) 8,906,791 Other deposits ...... 9,902,845 ' , even Day and other Bills ........ 680,966 :PAILTBLENT. Govenunentsecnrities (includg.Dead Weight Annuity) .... 11,646, 01/ Other securities...... 19 995,7 10 Notes .. ........ 5,44 ,7 20 Gold and silver coin.. 7a2,137 £37,857,587 X 37,857 ,587 ISI. MARSHALL, Chief Collier. 1857. Dated the 26th day of March, 1 AVERAGE PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, corn' puted from the returns made in the week ending March 24, 1857, exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon, on the importation thereof into Great Britain : 0. cl., From the British Possessions in America Muscovado, the produce of the Mauritius Muscovado, the produce of the East Indies Average of the above descriptions. Country Markets. LIVERPOOL—MAncrt 27. There was a better attendance of country millers at onr market to-day than was looked far, but they were buyers 0 wheat only, in quantity, at a reduction on last TuesdaY'l prices, which holders would not concede to ; consequently, the general business was quite in retail, at much the sate* prices as were paid on Tuesday for wheat and the other lead. ' ing articles of the trade. WAKEFIELD—MARca 27. The wheat trade was dull, at is decline on fine sorts, and is to 2s on inferior. Fine English barley was scarce, and prices were in favour of the purchasers. Other sorts not much inquired for, and rather lower. Beans, oats; and shelling sold slowly, and were somewhat cheaper. EXETER-MARCH 27. • - CORN.—Wheat, Gs 6d to 76 6d ; barley, 4s 9d to 5 0 ; grinding do., Os Od to Os Od. O a t s , 3 s Od t o 38 6d• Beans, Os to 0 Od. Peas, OOs Od to OOs Od. FLOUR.—Fine, 42s Od to — s Od ; seconds, les Od to —4 Od per sack. CATTLE. —There was a small supply of bullocks. Be"! beef, from lOs 6d to lls per score ; inferior, 9s 6d to 10$ Pe r score ; fat calves, —d to 7d per lb ; b arrenners , O s Od to 9 1 Od. per score ; cows and calves, 121. to 161. t,s ; butchers calves, Od to 7d per lb., rearing calves —s to s 0 011 i sheep, ewes and lamb s , 0/. O s t o 01. O s per coup l e; eWe s t L to 7 5 d; wethers, lid 81; lambs, to Od per lb. r 167 large size, —a to —5; second size, —a to —a ; to ; suckers, —s to —s. Rough fat, 4d per l b. Pork carcases from lOs 6d to lls Od per snore. BRISTOL SUGAR—MARCH 27. The market continues extremely quiet, both for raw and refined—indeed the transactions since our last are too trifling to report upon them. Importers, howerer, still show much. firmness, and it is impossibe to purchase on easier terms, b" as s 'on as the new duties are in operation we look for rather higher prices. Rum continues in good demand, and as We l as 3s per gallon proof has been paid for Demerara. GOAL MARKET.—Mencs 27. Prices of Coals per ton at the close of the market. Holywell,lB3.—Ships at market, 3; sold, 3. COURSE OF EXCHANGE.—YESTEBDA.Y. ifih Gibra1tar.............. — Ditto, three months .. 11 18% Leghorn •....•.... 29 45 Rotterdam ............ 11 18% Genoa ••• 25 75 Antwerp •••••••••••• •• 25 50 Milan •••••••••• •• •• •• Brussels ....•• ........ 25 50 Venice.. ......•• Gamburgh •• •• •• •• •• • • 13 Byb Naples •••••• •• ****** •• 43 A.ltona .. •• •• •• •• •• •• .• Palermo .... Paris ........ ~... • • .... 25 2714 Messina ... ... 130 Ditto, three months .. 25 721 Marseilles 25 72l Bourdeaux ..•• ........ Frankfort-on-Maine •• 119% Berlin •• •• Ire •••• • • •• •• ••••• Vieuria•••••••••••• •••• 10 29 Trieste— •• •••••• •• •• 10 SO o ,,a t : l o cr r ei s i !o l:a rg . Cadiz .•• •• •• •• •• 50 Lisboa .. Oporto •• •• •• •• •• •... •• b2Ni Rio Janeiro ..... . • Buenos Ayre5.......... New York,6o days' sight '— Philadelphia .. PRICES OF BULLION, nut Of. Foreign Gold in Bars £3 17 10 Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0 Mexican Dollars .... 0 5 I New D011ar5...... 0 0 Silver in bars 0 b 0 1g LOCAL SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, MARCH 27. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The market has been drill to-dab and prices closed flat. Eastern Counties, 11—London and North Western, 1011 Caledonian, 34i—Midland, 82i—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 1011—South Eastern, 22i —Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 38i 9- North British, it ex d.—Lancaster and Preston, 35i pram."'" Great Western of Canada, new, 3t die.—Bank of Liver pool, 24. We understand that the legal expenses incurred in the prosecution and defence of the Knightsbridge ChUrchati case amount to very little less than 5,0001.1 BIRTHS. Or A SOS. • On the 25th inst., at 74, Brewer-street, 'Woolwich, the lady of Lieut.-Col. Congdon, R.M• Light Infantry, On the 27th inst., at 4, Glocester-crescent north, West botume terrace, the wife of John Henry Janes, Esq. OF A DAUGHTER. On the 25th inst., at Devonport, the wife of the Hon. B. Handcock. Oa the 27th inst., at 33, N ottingham -plate, Regent's-parks the wife of W. Wellington Cooper, Esq., barrister-at-iaw. MARRIED. On the 26th inst., at Willesden Church, William Lang' downe Beale, Esq., to Caroline, only daughter of the late Charles Geach, Esq,, 35p . On the 25th inst., Adolf Landauer, Esq., of Vienna, to Ellen Henrietta, only daughter of S. B. Worms, Esq., of park-crescent, Portland-place, London. D lED. - - G 4 for a ge t h 1 e ). On the 26th inst., at Brympton, Jane, Dowager Countess of Westm or l and. 2 1 6 v t h h it in ue st m ., , a E t s 2 q 7 .: a ll; d re 7 fo 2 r . d-tquare, Old Brompton, 0 u the 26th inst., at 1, Blandford-square, John Bails, Esq., aged 85. On the 24th inst., the Lady Caroline Graham, the second daughter of James, third and late Duke of Montrose. On the 26th inst., the Rev. John Bluck, rector of Walso: ken, Norfolk, aged 70. On the 23c1 inst., at Field-place, St. John-street road, Mr. Richard Fay Tipping, aged 44. On the 18th inst., at Dalbury Rectory, the Rev. COrlee Evelyn Co.ton, aged 75. On the 21st inst., at Oaklands, East Tytherley, Hants, the residence of his son, 'William Cooke, M.D., F.R.C.S,, late of Durham, aged 80. LONDON : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG' of No,, 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the countY of Middle.ier, Satur3ay, March 28, 1857.