The Sun. — London, England, 1840-10-13 00:00:00

.~ 4:VENING EDiTION. HE FRENCH MANIFESTO. /-;PLY OF M. TRIERS TO THE MEMO RANDUNI OF LORD PALMERSTON, OF AUGUST 30. HE " PARIS, OCTOBER 3, 1840. I'PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL, NUN'S ER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, TO THE AM ASSADOR OF FRANCE IN LONDON. " Alonsieur I'Ambassadeur, You have been acquainted with the despatch addressed by o a rd Palm erston to :\ , lr. Bulwer, to explain the ' n duct of th e B r i t i sh Government i n t h e import alit negotiation NN hich terminated with the treaty of the lath of July. That despatch, notwithstand ithe moderation and propriety of language, ti o ' ed I gladly acknowledge, in it, contains asser tsl„ and reasonings which the King's Govern t" c annot allow to be established. No doubt, it avoid aggravating the threatening aspect of affairs, with out be better to allow the past to be forgotten heen "' ° ut re-opening controversies which have already too often renewed ; but, besides that Lord Palmer has a right to expect a reply to his i ts o tu "nicati on , i t i s important to represent, in c o tr ue colo urs , t h e respective conduct of each realerurar.t(situoirting this important negotiation. Lord 's despatch, which was sent to all the ii ll g e lt i tl°u s in a print e d f o rm, has been already made it. I r e ', It was, therefore, iudispensable to answer - 'ne answer I now transmit to you is one which t 5 rti m St the British Cabinet may find no reason to tvh 4' .r i la i _ l n of, whilst it ascribes to the occurrences )4,1' have taken place between the different Ca be:tsthe real meaning which they appear to us to of will have the goodness to leave a copy 111 w ith th e Secretary of State of her Britannic a iesty, they I f I ri g h t l y un d erstan d th e gen eral tenour of ka y st k ate tnent put forward by Lord Palmerston, it 're:ue summed up as follows ; ed( That' Great Britain being completely disinte loie L ill th e quest i on o f t h e E as t, h as p u rsu e d one Ot torh °u ject--the independence and integrity of the h er t '" a ll empire. This was the object proposed by th ey all th e C ourts , a d o p te d by th em , pursued by 1 1 0 ;'' all, and by France as well as by the other to r p ri era • With this object in view, it was necessary ts;2 4l ce the excess i ve p re t ens ions of the Viceroy of t e '', a 'Pt within narrower limits ; it was necessary to tio: ve t he possessions and the armies of that ambi - Th: i v assal as f ar as possible from the Taurus. tli e le st means w a s to place the Desert between lleto'lltan and the Pacha—that is, to restrict I\le- Ssl t et Ali to Egypt, and to restore Syria to the th e a n Abdul Aledgid. The Syrian Desert would h ave served as a barrier between the two ti lt "' and secured the Ottoman Empire, and t ac ° l ll inte reste d i n t h e sa f et y o f t h at em pi re , ( 11 . I st , the ambiti on o f t h e E g yptian family.' lar k ; 4 nat ' such has been the declaration of a t every p er i o d o f t hi s negotiation. France, t he e coll ect i ve note signed at Constantinople on ti 7t h of July, 1839, and by a circular addressed 'e 17th o f t h e same mont h to a ll t h e Courts— prionce had appeared to adhere to the common C a b e - I P le, by proclaiming as absolutely as the other O tt ' n ets the independence and integrity of the o(,o(muan Empi re . B ut s h e su b sequent ly d e p ar t e d th this principle, by demanding in favour h t Viceroy a dismemberm e nt of the empire, ) e r , • De the ii rous Is in compat ibl e w i t h i ts ex i stence . e lf), t , of securin g th e co - o p era ti on o f France, te e - c l ottr P owers w h o have signed the T reaty o f t o . I : s th of J u ly h ave ma d e re i terate d at t em p ts had r ing her t o j o i n i n t h e i r v i ews . Th ey k i de e d ven mad e cons id era bl e sacr ifi ces to h er, f or t h ey f t o Egypt, h ere di tar ily grante d, t h e P ac h a li c ~:o,,acre witho ut t h e f ortress, an d t h ey a f terwar d s ilt 7ented to join the fortress itself to their former P ra P u sal• But all these sacrifices were of no avail ; ti n ee per s i ste d i n her departure f rom t h e prin- d ui} t a which th e Fi ve C a bi nets h a d thought it their to proclaim in common.' a ti " That the other Courts could not follow her i t „ t his cour se . H owever t h e y might desire to se ire her co-op erat i on , t h e y were driven to separate ,atil her, an d to s i an an act , w hich ought not t o Prise her, for France had been warned more than that if they did not come to an understanding 1 4 would, after all, be necessary for the Four t r ot ors to settl e a ques ti on on w hi c h t h e F ive cou ld t i agre e .' 11 hat Lord Palmerston had, i n f ac t, care f u lly o:i t(1 , to the French A m b assa d or th at t h e pro °f •Tuly"'" contained in the Treaty of the 15th 'Pow w as his ultimatum, and that, if this pro r, vas refused, he should make no other. It Aotria “ n ece sB „,.._ uty to proceed, and not to allow the Ot tron, to perish by too protracted hesita bteht• 'l: he other Courts cannot be accused of any l'o tli . - e l " of offending France on this occasion. the C h abih ets having agreed upon a quest:lon i importance,Rite est could not make an in efi _. lat er s-cr ifice of their views and their perfectly dts n e l s , t i e d intentions to a Fifth.' : Pou r 0.14 t, moreover, whilst they acted , thus,. the Illo nt i, -a hinets remembered that France had the o f September, 1839, proposed a plan of ar heoedulent th roug h h er A m b assa d or a t London, i ttiels e , h d upon nearly the same basis as the Treaty of 10th,, - ;° 1 July ; that subsequently, while she objected P'an Put f orwar d by E ng l an d,she had admitted the iti sett ing aside th e difficulty and the danger of lest ab e l a ns of ex ecut i on , th a t pl a n would be incon tvery Y preferable to any other ; lastly, that on %pp o ' . u ecasio n s h e h a d man if es t e d th e i n t en ti o n of Th e s p in g nti obstacles to the means of execution. : t t hat i f • ° , ur cabinets had, therefore, reason to think ', 1 : 611 1 motives peculiar to herself, she refused lifer j 'en l in measures of coercion against Mehe 'to ` CI IC' , she w ou ld at l eas t p u t f orwar d no obstacle tYth e e lre fForts, and th a t s he would even second them t• exe reise of her moral influence at Alexandria. 'of th e our Powers still hope that, when the Treaty : a gai n e 15th of July has been fulfilled, France will : taai rit e u nite with t h em to secure definitively the " s ria l hce of th e Ot to man Empire.' : NON ilea is, if I am not mistaken, the accurate and : ater st( t i ls analysi s o f t h e s t a t e ment which Lord Pal la t o t i l l and th e F our P ow er s do not cease to make 9t iesti e i negotiati o ns to which the Turco-Egyptian `t I t u "as given rise. would res u lt f ro m this statement-- ' t Tk tt t France has been inconsistent ; 'tl l .That she had desired, and desires no longer, Ttrei;t te grity and independence of the Ottoman mu at tile Four Powers have made repeated sa. ito h er v i ews; eased fl at they at l as t o ff ere d h er an u ltimatum, 4 8 ( l or . 4011 a former proposal of her own Ambas• ~ t1 t,,, at they did not proceed further until that : 4 T - 1 471 z had been refused. k ana " It they have reason to be surprised at the L'i er q i u which France has received the Treaty of eelaratiof July, since, in accordance with her own it might be expected that she would 'ent, aw e s to t hi s T reaty more t h an a p ass i ve as ki at least her moral support. , P r ecise narrative of the facts will completely t 11 W I 4 mod e of presenting th e negotiations.es ag '• e° the Porte, ill-advised, renewed hostile ? la ti 'a lllt ''st tile Viceroy, and lost at once its army a dileq a ,,n(-1 its fle e t— w h en to a ll t h ese l o sses was % va s '''e death of the Sultan M ahmou d, w h at veto at that ead ed by E ng l an d an d by France, who t ; Tas le st me perfectly united ? Their dread ,a4o, Ibrahim, victorious, should cross the the It • • menace Constantinople, and instantly nptre•.„, ussian s into the capital of the Ottoman Bur _, -t he most enlightened minds throughout Nri' Shat 1 1 are d ill this apprehension. 134 thi s at were the proposals of Lord Painters:on time . subj e the ct ? Once in his own name, a second F r anc e nam e of his Cabinet, he proposed to to rt..' to combin e an English and a French fleet, tli des them e t wo „.letn to the coast of Syria, to summon to suoent,tberent parties in order to compel them t nari t hi ne ''" hostilities, to support this summons by br ace i c e 0 1 "„eans, then to unite the two fleets at the hr ated ,sa.s t the Dardanelles, and to force that cele tihte Pacijhasage vi et antis, if the contest between 4ssialls t aiLd the Sultan should have brought the Wh at , t2 onstantiiiopl e . deis t state 1 - I, ngland, an d w i th England all provi anti in men, th en un d erstood by the integrity pre,ervaP.tlldetice of th e Ottoinan empire, was to 11uS ~Bran.from the exclusive protection of the P oti on fiiro 'Thes, and, i n or d er to prevent this pro e'tri taking pla ce , t o p revent t h e Vi ceroy 'tered il-ei I ng upon C onstant i nop l e . F rance f ully w ith m , ll° t his noti on . Sh e use d her influence ~e"cr iousu ret Ali and his son to stop the victo oi,ier togYptian army : her efforts succeeded, and in the It o,s•vard off t h e more ser i ous d an , er of seeing aa t iatl armies at C ons t a nti no pl e , shepropo se d deillvalAll'ary means, before forcing the Dardanell es , tile consent of th© Porte to the entrance of the two fleets, in case a body of Russian troops should have crossed the Bosphorus. " England acceded to these proposals, and the two Cabinets weie perfectly agreed. The words independence and integrity of the Ottoman em• pire' did not then mean (it cannot be remarked too often) that such or such a part of the territories then occupied by Mehemet Ali were to be wrested from him, but that he should he prevented front march ing upon the capital of the empire, and bringing down the presence of Russian soldiers by :he pre sence of Egyptian soldiers " The Secretary of Sta'e of her Britannic Ma jesty, conversing on this subject with M. de Hour queney on the 25th of May and the 20th of June, acknowledged that an opinion favourable to the Egyptian family existed both in France and in England ; that in France this opinion was far more generally received ; that consequently the Ft ench Government must be much more favourable to Me hemet Ali titan the English Government ; tha, this was doubtless ore of the difficulties of the posture of affairs, but that it was a consideration of se condary importance ; that a consideration of para mount importance ought to prevail over all others, namely, the necessity of s aving the Ottoman em pire from an exclusive protection which would prove fatal to it, sooner or later, if France and Eng land were. not agreed. " France entertained the same ideas. Herpolicy, consequently, tended to a double end—that of ar resting the progress of the Paella, whenever he changed his character of a powerful but obedient vassal for that of a disobedient vassal menacing his master's throne, and of substitutin g in the place of the exclusive protection of one Power, that of the Five Powers preponderating in Europe. " It was with these views that she signed, con jointly, the note of the 27th of July, which pur posed to place the protection of the Five Courts between the vanquished Sultan and the victorious Pacha—it was with these views that she addressed on the 17th of July a circular to all the Courts for the purpose of eliciting a joint profession of respect for the integrity of the Ottoman empire ; it was with these views that she herself, the first, pro• posed to associate Austria, Prussia, and Russia herself in all the resolutions relative to the Turco- Egyptian question. " Lord Palmerston will doubtless recollect, that he was less disposed than France to bring about this general concurrence of the Five Powers ; and it is only with the liveliest regret, when comparing that period with the present one, that the French Cabinet recals to mind that it was more especially upon France that the English Cabinet considered that it ought to rely in order to insure the safety of the Turkisli empire. " No one was at that time disposed to consider that the integrity of the Ottoman empire consisted in the limit which might separate the possessions of the Sultan and the Viceroy in Syria. Every one considered it to consist in these two facts—the preventing Ibrahim from menacing the capital, and the dispensing the Russians from coining to its suc cour. France partook in this opinion in common with all the Cabinets, and she has remained true to it. " Austria and Prussia adhered to the views of France and England. The Court of Russia refused to take any part in the conferences which were to be held at Vienna for the purpose of generalizing; the European protectorate given to the Sultan. ft was far from approving the eagerness of the West ern Powers to interfere in the question of the East. The Emperor,' said M. de Nesselrode, in a de spatch written the Gth of August, 1839, to M. de Aledem, and officially communicated to the French Government, the Emperor in no way despairs of the safety of the Porte, provided that the Powers of Europe do but leave it in repose, and do not by their untimely agitation compromise its tranquillity in their desire to secure it.' The Court of Russia consequently judged that an interposition between the Sultan and the Pacha was not what should be done, conceived it sufficient to prevent the Vice roy from menacing Constantinople, and appeared to look upon a direct arrangement as the most suitable resource in this posture of affairs. Besides,' said M. de Nesselrode to the French Ambassador at the commencement of August, 1839, a little more or a little less of Syria given to er taken from the Pacha affects us but little ; our only condition is, that the Porte should be free in the consent it may give.' " At this epoch, consequently, the Four. Courts, who have since signed the treaty of the 15th of July, were not, as would now be given to under stand, united in their views, whilst France was the only dissentient Power, and prevented all agreement by her perpetual refusals. " The danger had been removed when Ibrahim had suspended his victorious march. The two bel ligerent parties were in presence of one another — the Paella all-powerful, the Sultan vanquished, and without resources, but both motionless, thanks to the intervention of France. The British Cabinet proposed to force the Turkish fleet out of the hands of Mehemet Ali. France refused its assent to this, fearing that it would excite fresh hostilities ; and then commenced that fatal disagreement which has separated France and England, and which must be ever regretted in the interests of the peace and civilisation of the world. " The ill-feeling of the British Cabinet towards the Viceroy of Egypt manifested itself with much vivacity, and France sought to moderate it. The British Cabinet, at the representation of France, comprehending the danger of an act of violence, renounced the idea of recovering the Turkish fleet, by forcible means. This proposition was not fol lowed up. "It had now become necessary to come to an explanation in order to know in what manner the territorial question between the Sultan and the Viceroy should be arranged. The difference of opinion between the views of France and those of England manifested itself more and more. Lord Palmerston declared, that according to him the Viceroy ought to receive the hereditary possession of Egypt, but that, as a compensation for this, he ought to abandon immediately the holy cities, the island of Candia, the district of Adana, and the whole of Syria. He modified, however, his first views in a slight degree, and consented to add to the hereditary possession of Egypt the possession (also hereditary) of the Pachalic of Acre, except ing the fortress of Acre. " France did not accede to these propositions ; she considered that the Viceroy, after having van quished the Sultan at Nezib, without having been the aggressor, and having moreover consented to stop his course, merited to be better dealt with. She thought that it would be hardly just on the part of the Powers who had induced him in 1833 to accept the conditions of Kiutaya to impose far more rigorous conditions upon him when he had done nothing to be deprived of the benefit of this arrangement. She conceived that if deprived of the holy cities, the island of Candia, and the district of Adana (an offensive position which, when restored to the Porte would grant it every security), he ought to be al lowed to retain the hereditary possession of Egypt and Syria. The victory of Nezib, gained without any aggression on his part, might alone have earned for him the hereditary right to his possessions from the Nile to the Taurus. But in considering the victory of Nezib as non-existent, and making Me hemet Ali purchase this hereditary possession at the price of a part of his possessions at the time, it was only strict justice not to deprive him of more than Candle, Adana, and the holy cities. France, moreover, asked by what means the submission of Mehemet Ali was to be effected. The European Cabinets without doubt were strong agaiest him, when desirous of menacing Constantinople : in this case the fleets in the Sea of Marmora were sufficient to stop him. But what means were there for taking Syria from him ? Measures of very little efficacy, such as blockade—of no very legitimate nature, such as excitements to insurrection--are very dangerous and contrary to the end proposed, even as a Russian army ! France proposed, then, in September, 1839, to grant the Viceroy the here ditary possession of Egypt and and the hereditary possession of Syria. Never at any epoch of the negotiation has France proposed anything else, except a short time ago when she advised the Viceroy to content him self with the possession of Syria for life. I have examined the despatches anterior to my Adminis tration, and I cannot find in them anywhere tat General Sebastiani was authorised to propose the limitation established by the treaty of the 15th of July, or that he had ever taken upon himself sponta neously to propose it. I have asked him himself what his recollections were upon this point, and he affirmed that he never made any proposition of the kind. France proposed then, in 1839, to give the Viceroy the hereditary possession of Egypt and the hereditary possession of Syria. Unfortunately she found herself in a complete difference of opinion with England. This difference of opinion, for ever to be re gretted, was soon known to ail Europe. All at once, and, as if by enchantmeut, it put an end to all the various differences which had separated the Four Courts, and produced a sudden state of common accord between them. Austria, which at first had given full concurrence to our pro positions, and which, when upon the point of notifying this concurrence in London, had only, she told us, suspended this notification in order to give us - time to come to an agreement with England—Austria began to say that between France and England she should incline to the side of that one of the two Courts which granted the greatest extent of territory to the Sultan. It is true that at that time she protested against all idea of having recurrence to coercive measures, the danger of which she was the very first to proclaim. Prussia adopted the opinion of Austria. Russia sent M. de Bru now to London in September, 1839, in order to make proposals. Russia, which formerly repelled as unsuitable all idea of an European intervention between the Sultan and the Viceroy, and appeared to consider that the:e was no resource but in a direct arrangement, now concurred in the territorial arrangements which England had chosen to adopt, and demanded that in case of a recommencement of hostilities, she should be allowed, in the name of the Five Courts to cover Constantinople by an army, whilst the English and French fleets block aded Syria. " These propositions realized exactly that com bination which England had until then regarded as the most dangerous for the Ottoman empire—the protection, namely of a Russian army—a combina tion to be dreaded, not on account of the possibi lity of a Russian army being inclined to remain definitively at Constantinople, but simply because Russia, by thus adding to what occurred in 1833 a second occurrence precisely similar, would have established in her favour the authority of precedent. " These propositions were not accepted. M. de Brunow quitted London, and returned in January, 1840, with fresh proposals. They differed from the first, inasmuch as they granted France and England the power of introducing three vessels each into a limited part of the Sea of Marmora whilst the Russian troops occupied Constantinople. The negotiation remained at this point for se veral months, from the month of February, namely, to that of July, 1840. In this interval a new Mi nistry and a new Ambassador were empowered to direct the affairs of France. The French Cabinet has never ceased to repeat that it did not consider it just that Syria should be cut off from the number of the Egyptian possessions ; that if it were possi ble for the Viceroy to consent to this, France would ' not have more ambition for the Viceroy than he had for himself ; but that, if it was found necessary to take Syria from him by force, the French Go vernmsnt saw no other means of succeeding in this measure but such as were inefficacious or danger ous, and that, in this case, it would isolate itself from the other Courts and pursue a perfectly sepa rate line of conduct. " Whilst the French Cabinet continued frankly and perseveringly this line of argument at London, the French Ambassador at Constantinople never sought to negotiate a direct arrangement between the Sultan and the Viceroy. He never was the fist, as Lord Palmerston appears inclined to be lieve, although without venturing to affirm it, to give the example of a separation. " Our representative at Constantinople has never pursued that line of conduct which has been laid to his charge. The instructions of the King's Go vernment have never directed him to take any step of the kind. Without a doubt, France has never discontinued her efforts to effect a reconcilement be tween the Sultan and the Viceroy, to dispose both one and the other to make reasonable concessions, and to facilitate by this means that delicate task which Europe had undertaken to accomplish ; but we have constantly recommended both the Count de Pontois and M. Cochelet to avoid with the greatest possible care everything that might be looked upon as an attempt to set the other Powers aside, and they have scrupulously observed these instructions. England had to choose between Russia offering to give up the Viceroy upon the condition of the adoption of the proposals of M. de Brunow, that is to say, the execution of the Treaty of Unkiar 'Skelessi with the consent of Europe, and France demanding only an equitable and moderate negotia tion between the Sultan and Mehemet Ali—a-ne gotiation which prevented fresh hostilities, and what might follow upon these hostilities, namely, the most dangerous event for the integrity of the Ottoman empire—the direct and material protection of one powerful State. " Before making its definitive choice between Russia and France, the Cabinet of London did not make us those reiterated offers of which mention has been made in order to bring us over to its views. These endeavours were limited to one single pro posal. " In 1839 the hereditary possession of Egypt and of the Pachalic of Acre (without the fortress) was granted the Viceroy. In 1840 Lord Palmer ston proposed to us to grant him the Pachalic of Acre, with the fortress in addition, but without the hereditary possession. This was most assuredly retrenching from the first offer more than was added; and it could not possibly be said to be a new pro posal—still less an advantageous one. " But this proposal is unworthy the name of a fresh proposition ; for it contained no new advan tage, had nothing in it of the character of an ulti matum. It was not at all presented to us in that light ; and so far were we from considering it as such, that upon an idea suggested by Messrs. de Bulow and de Neumann, we entertained the hope of obtaining for the Viceroy the possession for life of all Syria, joined to the hereditary posses sion of Egypt. " Upon the affirmation of Messrs. de Bulow and de Neumann, that this proposal, if it were made, would be the last concession of Lord Palmerston, we sent M. Eugene Perier to Alexandria, in order to induce the Viceroy to consent to an arrangement, which appeared to us the last one possible. It was not, as Lord Palmerston had said, making the ne gotiation depend upon the will of a Pacha of Egypt, it was an endeavour to make an arrangement be tween the opposing determinations, and to bring them to an amicable settlement, which might have prevented the unhappy spectacle which is now laid before the world. " France had every right to suppose that so long a negotiation would not be terminated without some last explanation ; that the great and advantageous alliance which had bound her for the last ten years to England would not be broken asunder without a last attempt at coming to some agreement. The suggestions which had been made to her, tending to induce her to believe that perhaps the possession of Syria for life would be granted to the Viceroy, could not but confirm her in this expectation. All at once, on the 17th of July, Lord Palmerston in vites the Ambassador of France to come to the Foreign-office, and informs him that the treaty had been signed two days before, and that without ac• quainting him with the text of the treaty. The French Cabinet could not but be surprised at this. It was certainly not ignorant that the three con tinental Courts had concurred in the views of Eng land, and that an arrangement between the Four l e t h w i i s t 1 a i o r r u a t n F g r e a m n e c i e , t , I C )u o t ur i t t s w e ' o a u s 1 , d c o n n o s: q suppose o t s h s a i b t would take place without its being previously ad vised of it, and that the French alliance would be thus promptly sacrificed. "The offer made by the Viceroy to the Sultan in the month of June, to restore the Turkish fleet, which was feared to be the opening, for a direct arrangement proposed by us, and the possibility which presented itself at that epoch of effecting an insurrection in Syria, appear to have been the two motives which in duced the English Cabinet, after a long state of inaction, to come all at once to a sudden reso lution. If the British Cabinet had chosen to have a - last frank explanation with us, the French Cabi net would have been able to prove to it that the offer of sending back the fleet was not a combina tion of France in order to bring about a direct ar rangement, for she was ignorant of this offer until after it, was made ; and it might have succeeded alscsin persuading it that the revolt of Syria was a measure which was neither a dignified nos a sure Q rte. Such arc the facts, which Fiance affirms to be the truth with all the sincerity and loyalty which become a great nation. " It results from them evidently— " 1. That at the commencement of the negotia tion the independence and integrity of the Ottoman empire were understood, as France to this day understands them—not as a territorial limit of greater or lesser advantage between the Sultan and the Viceroy, but a 3 a guarantee of the Five Courts against offensive measures on the part of Mehemet Ali, and against the exclusive protection of one of the Five Powers. " 2. That France, far from modifying her opi nions in opposition to a constant union of views, intentions, and expressions of opinion on the part of the Four Courts, has always, on the contrary, re garded the Turco-Egyptian Question in one and the same light, while she has seen the Four Courts, although at first at variance, afterwards agree in the intention of sacrificing the Viceroy, and England, satisfied with sacrifice, coming to terms with the three others, and forming a union which, it is true, is now most persevering in its views, and most sud den and alarming in its resolutions. 4, 3. That repeated sacrifices have not beer. uncle to France ill order to bring her over to the plans of the Four Courts, since nothing more has been done than to off'r her, in 1839, to add to Egypt the Pachalic of Acre, without the fortress of Acre, but with the hereditary possession of the Pachalic, and to offer her, in 1840, the Pachalic of Acre with the citadel, but without the hereditary possession. "4. That she was not forewarned, as is asserted, that the Four Courts would proceed without her ii she did not adhere to their views ; that, on the con , trary, she had reason to expect to receive fresh pro posals, when, upon the news of the departure of Sami Bey for Constantinople. and the insurrection of Syria, the Treaty of the 15th July was suddenly ' signed without her being previously, informed, and she was only made acquainted with it after it had been signed, and received the communication of it only two months afterwards. " 5. That no one has a right to count upon her passive concurrence in the execution of the Treaty ; and if she has insisted more especially upon the difficulties attendant upon the means of execution, she has never professed an indifference either as to the end or the means—an indifference which would admit of the conclusion that she would in no case interfere in what might take place in the East ; that, far from it, she has always declared that she would withdraw herself from the Four other Powers, if certain resolutions were adopted, that none of her agents has erer been authorised to say anything which might lead to the conclusion that this iso• lated position would be one of inaction, and that she has always intended, as she still intends, to preserve her full liberty in this respect. " The French Cabinet would not have reverted to contestations of this kind had not the note of Lord Palmerston made it an imperative duty. But . . it is ready to throw them into total oblivion in order to put the question on its true bottom, and attract the attention of the Secretary of State of her Britannic Majesty to the really serious side of the situation of things. " The existence of the Turkish empire is in peril ; England is alarmed by this state of things, and has every right to be so ; all the Powers who are de sirous of peace cannot but share in that alarm; but what measures ought to be taken i n or d er to esta blish the empire firmly ? When the Sultans of Con stantinople, no longer in possession of sufficient force to govern the vast provinces dependent upon them, saw Moldavia, Wallachia, and still more ine It would re cently Greece, slip insensibly from their hands, what was done ? Were efforts made by a decision of Europe, backed by Russian troops and English fleets, t lr o ntu res t t i o te re ir to pn t w h e e r S ? ult crfa an e stl i i n e l y t 1 1 b jt .chave b een impossibilities. dirteoctatatdemmipntistratinitnftiie provincest who The possession h c and slipped h detached themselves from the empire were not re stored to it. It has retained only an almost''tlittni nal sovereignty in Wallachia and Moldavia, and was entirely dispossessed of Greece. And was this done in a spirit of injustice ? Assuredly not. But the force of facts, which is stronger than the resolutions of Cabinets, prevented the restitution of either the direct sovereignty of Moldavia and Wal lachia, or even the indirect administration of Greece, to the Porte, and the Porte had no tranquillity until this sacrifice was frankly effected. What were the views which directed the conduct of the Cabinets in these sacrifices ? Those of rendering independent those portions of the Turkish empire which severed themselves from it, and withdrawing them from the ambition of the neighbourino. States. It being impossible to remake one great whole, what was desired was, that the detached parts should be States independent of the neighbouring Empires., " The facts which have occurred for some years past relative to Egypt and Syria are similar. No one call suppose that Egypt has ever been really under the dominion of the Sultans, and no one would at this day ever believe in the possibility of its being directly governed by Constantinople. Such is apparently the general opinion, sioce the Four Courts give to Mehemet Ali the hereditary pos session, reserving, however, the sove reigt; o of f the Eg"t Sultan. In that they look upon the integrity of the Ottoman empire in the same point of view as France ; they do no more than parts. sjr es 1 1 1 , 1 t e e y F desire, sir e, Courts, i n fact, g r all ano t n h g a that France fortunate t y. Exist e s y much '‘' desireatita to o preserve e ta t to irnektaionf f unders vassalage i a Igt i es t all oolll ol t dr h i a t t it would be a s possible between the em pi re an d it s d e t ac h e d vassal, who has found dig means of governing Egypt, the hereditary possession of this province, orant him at the same time the Pachalic of Acre ; but they refuse him the three other Pachalics of Syria, those of Damascus, Aleppo, and Tripoli— and this they call preserving the integrity of the Ottoman empire ! 6' Thus the integrity of the Ottoman empire is saved even when Egypt and the Pachalic of Acre are taken away ; but destroyed if Tripoli, Da mascus, and Aleppo are likewise detached from it ! Such a proposition, we frankly state, cannot be which' us seriously sustained in Europe. e lt p i a s e e h i a , i i t s nt ea t t l i ia b t e taken ns away yA from Mehemet Ali are reasons of equity and policy. The the: "The Viceroy of Egypt has founded a vassal state with genius and with perseverance. He has found means to govern Egypt and even Syria, w hi c h tghievenontloy.orre sulman race, whose proper spirit has l ong been humiliated, look upon him as a renowe'd the Sultans never could govern. Prince, who revives the consciousness of their own strength. Why should we weaken this useful vassal, who, when once he is separated from the States of his master by a well-chosen line o f a,. mareation, would become the most valuable of his auxiliaries ? He assisted the Sultan in his c on t est with Greece ; why s hould he not assist him in a contest with neighbours of a religion hostile to his own ? If his fidelity he doubtful, his interest is a sufficient security. When Constantinople is threat ened, Alexandria is i" danger. Mehemet Ali is aware of this fact, and proves every day how well he understands it. " To preserve the integrity of the Ottoman Empire from Const antinople to Alexandria, both the Sultan and the Paella of Egyp t are needed, the latter subjected to the former by a bond of vassalage. line of separation The Taurus is theon indicated be it i s intended to d e p r i ve t h e Paella tween them. But the keys ofaurus—b e of Egypt of tne the T it so ; let them be restored to the Porte, and for that purpose let the district of Adana be taken from Mehemet Ali. It is intended to deprive hi, of the key of the Archipelago ; let Candia be denied him ; he consents to the arrangement. France, who had not promised her moral support to the Treaty of the 15th of July, but who oweajler whole support to the maintenance of peace, has advised Mehemet Ali to make these sacrifices ; and they 13ut indeed, to dep r i ve hi m o f two have been made. or three more Pach a lics, and to give th em over , no t to the Sultan but to anarchy ; to secure this singu lar triumph of the integrity of an empire already strip ped of Greece,Egypt, and the Pachalic of Acre; to call down upon it the only s er i ous d anger by which it is threatened --a danger which England thought so serious last year that she proposed to force the Dardanelles in order to prevent it—are very singular means of settling these great interests. Let us admit, for an instant, that the views of the British Cabinet are more judicious than those of the French Cabinet ; but is the alliance of France O ttoman empire worth more f or the integrity of tile empire and for the peace of the world, than this or that line of demarcation in Syria? The integrity of the Ottoman Wire would,uot be a subject of much apprehension, if there was no ground to fear great territorial disturbances in the world—if there was no around to fear war, which can alone render these great disturbances possible. To prevent them, what was the most effectual combination ? Was it not the alliance of France and England ? Ask the nations from Cadiz to the banks of the Oder and the Danube—ask them what they think, and they will answer that it is this alliance which has for ten years saved the peace and independence of the States of Europe without impairing their freedom. " It is said that this alliance is not broken, that it will be revived as soon as the object of the Treaty of the 15th of July has been accomplished. When Four Powers have pursued, without us, and in spite of us, an object bad in itself, or at least which we have thought and believed to be bad— when that object has been pursued by an alliance too similar to those coalitions which fifty years ago began to cover Europe with blood, to suppose that France will entertain no mistrust and no re sentment for such a slight, is to conceive an opinion of her natianal spirit which she has at no time given to the world. " Thus an alliance which has maintained the independence and integrity of the_Ottoman empire far more securely than the Treaty of the 15th of July has been wantonly sacrificed for a secondary purpose. It may be said that France might make the same reflection, and that if the limits of Syria appeared to her to be a secondary question, she had It in her power to give way to the views of Eng land, and to purchase by this sacrifice the mainte nance of the Alliance. " To this objection the answer is very plain. France, when once agreed with her allies as to the object, would have made, not those essential sacri fices which no nation owes to another, but that of her views on certain questions of demarcation. She has proved it by the concessions which she has de manded and obtained from the Viceroy. But no choice was left to her. She was made acquainted with a new alliance after it had been already concluded. Thence- Forward she wasbound to stand alone : such has been her course, but then, and then only, did she adopt it. Ever since, she has remained faithful to her pacific policy, and has not ceased to. counsel the most complete moderation to the Paella of Egypt. Al though she is armed, and free to act, all her efforts will be employed to avert the calamities and ca tastrophes from the world. She will make all the sacrifices in her power for the maintenance of peace short .of those which touch her honour ; and if she holds this language at the present moment to the British Cabinet, it is less for the purpose of complaint than for that of proving the frankness of her policy, not to Great Britain only, but to the world, whose opinion no State, however powerful, can at this time despise. The Secretary of State of her Britannic Majesty has sought to prove his right ; the Secretary of State of his Majesty the King of the French owes it no less to his King and country to prove the consistency an►l the frankness of the policy of France in the serious question of the East. " Accept, Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, &c., "A. THIERS, " President of the Cluneil, Minister of foreign Affa PARIS, OCT. 8. P.S.—While writing this despatch deplorable events have come to-day to add to the gravity of the situation. To the conciliatory advances of the Pacha of Egypt they have answered by the most violent hostilities. rhe Porte, yielding to evil counsels, has pro nounced his deposition. It is not sought alone to restrain the power of Mehemet Ali ; they seek to make it disappear from the face of the political world. 'lf such were the serious intentions of the Powers united in the treaty of the 15th July—if we are to see in what has just happened anything beyond the entrainement, almost involuntarily, of a false situation, of which the consequences could not be foreseen, we might despair of the re establishment of harmony between the great Powers. "In consequence I think it my duty to add to the present - communication the subjoined note. " A. THIERS." HAMBURLiR MAIL. ST. PETERSBURGH, SEPT. 26.—Our Journals pub lished an Imperial Ukase, by which the Russian Civil Code is extended to the western provinces of the em pire, viz. the Government of Kiew, Podolia, Volhynia, Minsk, Wilner, and Grodno, and the province of Bico listock, and the Lithuanian law to be longer in force. ST. PETERSBURGII, SEPT. 29.—The Imperial fa mily, who are now at Zarskojeselo, will set out in a Ana (Joys for iMosvow.,,where , they will spend some weeks, ,and.where the-Pcipce Imperial, and his, youag brithMlgriakWihel'i rietemn entry, is t h ey did at War saw and Sts , Peteriburth. oa.,tbe. lEith and .23d wo had very violent storms, in consequence, of which the Neva rose to such a height, that id some of the suburbs it overflowed its banks, laid the gardens and country-houses under wa ter, and did considerable damage. RAILWAY NOTICES. The Great Western Railway will be opened to Wootton Bassett before the end of the present year ; ..... - - and the whole lino from London to Bristol, June 1, 1841. Lieutenant-Colonel Sir F. Smith is now on the Hull and Selby line, investigating the cause of the late acci dents. The Great North of England Railway, which ex tends from York to Darlington, is to opened on the 25th of November. The traffic on the Shoreham branch of the London and Brighton Railway for the week ending September 29th, was 3,804 passengers ; giving a daily average of 544, and the total receipts for the week, 131/. 19s. 3d. On the London and Croydon Railway for the week ending October 1, the average number of passengers daily was 1,163 ; making 8,141 for the week, and pro ducing 5531. 10s. 2d. The London and Greenwich Railway carried in the same periol a daily average of 3,917. making 27,200 for the week, and producing 845/. 19s. 6d. NORTH MlDLAND.—Traffic for the week ending Sept. 26.—Gross amount for conveyance of passengers, parcels, carriages, horses, arid mails, 2,5191. 6s. lid. Merchandise and minerals in previous.weelo7l/. 14s. sd. Total, 2,991/. l s. YoItK AND NORTH MlDLAND.—Traffic for the week ending 27th September —5,742 i 9591. 16s. 7d. MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY.—The Directors have this week introduced new carr:ages, which will greatly add to the ease of travelling on this line. It has hitherto been a subject of complaint with passengers on almost every line of railway that the car riages rocked and jolted like stage-coaches on a bad road. By some this was supposed to be occasioned by the imperfect state of the line ; by others, that the fault was with the vehicle in which they were travelling. The Directors of the Midland Counties Railway, in clining to the latter supposition, have caused carriages to be made at their own manufactory, suspended by leather braces, instead of iron, for the purpose of ob viating the inconvenience ; and this has been found to be A decided improvement. The new carriages are painted like the old mails, and look well. The middle portion is for first class passengers, and the other for second class.—Leicester Chronicle. MIDLAND COUNTIES. —Length of line, 57 miles. Iteceivts for the week ending Oct. 3: —Passengers, 1,930/. Is. 10d. HULL AND SELEY RAlLWAY.—Traffic returns from Sept. 28 to Oct. 4 :—Passengers (4,293), parcels, &c., 5591. 7s. 9d. ; goods, sheep, grain, &c., 191/..95. ; total, 750/.165. 9d. DURHAM AND SUNDERLAND RAILWAY.—The sum due to the bankers of this Company, on the railway account, is about 6,600/., and not 80,000/, as has been erroneously stated. The total amount of the liabilities of the Company was, at the date of their annual meet ing (29th ult.), 84,8351. 16s. 4d. ; and of their assets 44,4921.85. lid ; leaving a deficiency 0140,343/. 85 . 2 1 d. ; and it was propose d by e Directors that, to liquidate this debt, the Proprietors be requested to advance to the Company a loan of ten pounds per share. at in terest of 71 per cent. ; such interest, with the capital, if required, to be payable in preference to future divi dends on the original capital. RAILWAYS v. TURNPIKE TRUSTS,—The letting of St. Clement's tolls to ok p lace on Wednesday last. These tolls„ which, at the last letting, fetched 1,470/., and on a former occasion nearl y 1,9001., did not now reach more than 855/. This is one of the results of our close connection with the Great Western Railway. - ',rford Herald. THE SUN', LONDON, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 13. 1840. -().rf _ - -- A NEW QUESTION FOR TILE CHURCH C.vrEcnism.—A young gentleman, who enjoys a " cure of ,souls" in this county, was catechising a class of Sun. d a y- ,scholars, about a fortnight ago, and asked the yteentouog sterg._46 Who was the greatest heretic of the h the learned cei nury ?" The catechumens stoo d around priemt, each with his mouth wide open, b u t no ne o " You f don't venturer/ an answer to the parson's puz zle. n hteenth cen- t know wilc , was the greatest heretic of the eig t u ry ?" sald the catechist. " Then I will tell you —i t was —John. Wesicy !"—Gateshead Observer. which has been The Chaoau de Courb evoic, the residence of Font anes ani Dupuytren, has been pur. chased by the D-.4lce, do Nemours for 100,000 francs. It is 1 bitt.4ted eNaCtly OpOite to the Palace of Neuilly. EVENING 14.1DITION. .................... -.ma, I/ liberty—(Cheers)—and I have certainly been greatly dis appointed in not being able to tell to the Marquis of Nor manby that wbich I know would be truly gratifying to himself—that his own election has been made upon a con --e--- viction of his possessing in an eminent degree those dia- The readers of 2he Sun arc already aware that the tinguished qualities which were the ornaments of th e i r .amented demise of the late Earl of Durham caused a characters and the bond of union between them an d use __ vacancy i n the office of Lord High Steward of the borough (Loud cheers.) Ia conclusion, I must state that I think of Hull. This office is an honorary one ; the possessor of the town of Hull could not have made a better choice. it must necessarily be a Privy Councillor, he having to it only requires on our part a constant following up of represent the interests of the borough before the Sore- those good intentions which his Lordship has shown to us, reign. On the melancholy event to which we have alluded to derive those mutual advantages so desirable to have, occurring, the Town Council fixed their choice as his sue- and which it is in our power to obtain. I have great cessor upon the Most Noble the Marquis of Normanby, pleasure in proposing " The health of the Marquis of Nor.. on account of his uniform advocacy of the people's rights, manby, the Lord High Steward of the Borough." The and as a mark of the sense entertained of his upright and toast was drank with four times four, followed by tunntitu honest administration in Ireland. The appointment was ous plaudits. promptly accepted by the Noble Marquis, and confirmed Colonel YORK, the Private Secretary of the Marquis, by the Crown. The Musical Festival last week held in was received with prolonged cheering. He said that fill- Hull was deemed a fitting occasion to invite his Lordship ing a situation in the confidence of Lord Normatrlay, he to visit the town, and, although at some inconvenience, might be permitted to offer his acknovsledgmeet for the the Noble Marquis, kindly accepted the invitation, and manner in which they had received the mention of his arrived on Thu rs d a y after no on. He was the guest of Sir name, and the commendations bestowed upun him by their W. Lowthrop, the hospitable and patriotic Mayor of the excellent Chairman. It was not for him to presume to Borough, and en that evening attended the concert, and give expression to the feelings of the Marquis on the on Friday morning the performance of " The Messiah" at honour which had been conferred on him by the Municipal the Holy Trinity Church. Advantage was taken of his Body, by selecting him, unsolicited, as the object of their intended visit by the T o wn C o uncil to invite him to a choice for the high office which he now fills. But be bad public dinner, which he immediately consented to attend, a duty to perform which had been confided to him, that of and Saturday was fixed for it ; the presence of several assuring them of Lis regret and disappointment that be other distinguished Reformers was anticipated. Unfortu- was not then amongst them. The Gallant Colonel nately, on Friday noon an ex p ress arr i ve d for th e Marquis then explained that the Marquis had been most anxious to to proceed immediately to London on important public a tt en d t h a t m ee ti ng and it was with the greatest regret business—the necessity of holding a Cabinet Council re. he received the summons which called him to town. It lativc to M. Thicrs' ultimatum being the supposed reason. wou ld not have been any affairs of a private nature, nor The Marquis left the same afternoon by the railway, business of an ordinary description, which would have in greatly to his own disappointment and the regret of those duced him to forego the pleasure of that evening, but the who had anticipated the honour of entertaining him. The public: duties that required his presence to London he arrangements for the dinner, however, proceeded, and at felt paramount to all other considerations.—(Loud cheers.) five o'clock on Saturday afternoon upwards of two hundred He Lad therefore no choice, and could only trust that that gentlemen sat down to a sumptuous entertainment at the explanation furnished a suglcient excuse to all the gentle- Victoria Public Rooms. We noticed amongst the corn- men he had hoped to hare the pleasure of meeting, and pany the leading Reformers of Hull and the East Riding, that all would believe in the sincerity of the regret which with many from Somersetshire and other places. The this disappointment had occasioned. —(Loud cheers.) spacious room was most splendidly decorated by Messrs. \Vst. KENNEDY, Esq., editor of the Hull Advertiser, Huggitt and Son. A profusion of banners, fisgs, &c., and late one of the Municipal Commissioners in Canada with appropriate devices surrounded the guests ; among ' under Earl Durham, said, I am called upon by the Mayor them was one of green silk, having a harp emblazoned in to give a toast which it would ill become me to decline, silver, encircled with festoons of roses and myrtle with the although fully sensible of my inability to discharge it as it inscription, " Normanby, the Pacificator of Ireland." On ought to be discharged. It must necessarily be at such a another banner were emblazoned the arms of the Noble moment a trying task for me to dwell upon the temente Marquis with his motto, •• Virtutc Quics." At the cx- brance of the lamented predecessor of the enlightened and tremity of the room were the Royal Arms, with those of estimable Nobleman who now so worthily fills the office of Prince Albert, copied from the Coronation Medal, con- High Steward of this borough—to speak of the virtues and fleeted by the Torch of Hymen, and surrounded with the services of the late Earl of Durham. It would, I feel, Rose, Shamrock, and Thistle. There were also numerous be presumptuous in me, and it is not requisite that I should banners with crests upon them, among them those of Mr. expatiate upon those virtues, or attempt an elaborate esti- Hutt, Sir W. Lowthrop, Mr. O'Connell, B. M. J .hand, mate of those services—they are registered in the hearts James Clay, Esq., Hon. C. Langdale, George Cork man, of all who had the good fortune to know the de- Esq., Lord Worsley, and Col. Thompson. The chair parted Statesman—they are recorded in the annals of was taken by Sir W. Lowthrop, th e m a y or , On his right that country which was the constant object of his solici were \V. Hutt, Esq., M.P., the popular, able, and rode- woe and love.—( Hear, hear.) I may, however, be per fatigable Member for the Borough ; Col. York, Private mitted to say, With the simplicity of perfect truth, that no Secretary to the Marquis of Normanby ; B. M. Jalland, man ever toiled with a more generous ardour for the ad- Esq., a Magistrate of the Board, and late Mayor; W. B. vancement of his fellow-creatures than that elevated and Carrick, Esq., a Borough Magistrate ; W. E. Jalland, fearless spirit which was spared to us long enough to secure Esq. ;—Foster, Esq. ; W. Holmes, Esq , the Sheriff. On a lasting and untarnished fame, but was removed far too the Chairman's left were the Right Hon. C. Tennyson early for the interests and honour of his native land, and D'Eyncourt, M.P. ; John Grimston, Esq., the Chairman the holy cause of humanity.—(Cheers.) Ia the political of the East Riding Reformers ; Major Sykes, the oldest firmament he was, indeed, a bright and particular star— representative of an ancient and honourable family, long shining with no faint, reflected, or wandering light. In revered in Hull ; J. Sykes, Esq. ; J. T. Foord, Esq. ; his domestic relations, the more he was fairly understood J. Todd, Esq. ; John Smith, Esq. Dr. Chalmers was the more closely he rivetted affection. Not insensible to the Vice-President, supported by Jas. Jones, Esq., and the charms of political distinction, he was incapable of John Lovett, Esq. The gallery was filled with ladies, equivocating with a principle, if, by so doing, he Told among them Lady Lowthrop, who was most enthusiast- have ensured the possession of a throne.—( Hear, ISO tally received. The excellent dinner provided by Messrs. I once heard the remark of a distinguished American, who Cortcs and Glover having had justice done it, and the represented the United States in this country at a period dessert placed on the table, the interesting proceedings of of some difficulty, that Lord Durham was too honest to the evening commenced. attain his proper sphere amidst the corruption of party.— The MAYOR was loudly cheered on rising. He pre- (Loud cheers.) Without pausing to canvass the justice of faced the first toast by saying—He was certain that in that this sentiment, I appeal to you—could there have been a assembly it would be received with enthusiasm. If ever more noble eulogy upon the character of a public man ? Monarch deserved to reign in the affections of the people, The Noble Marquis, whose absence upon this gratifying it was our beloved Queen Victoria.—(Loud cheering.) occasion we regret, and my respected friend, your valued Gifted with all the softer qualities that adorn the female, and invaluable representative, shared the regards of Earl she combines with them an extraordinary decision of cha- Durham, and feel the deeper the magnitude of our loss. t actor, which enables her to ac t u p on an d c a rry out the In the last great labour of his political life, the effects of convictions of an enlightened mind and a generous heart. which will probably extend to the remotest possessions , —( Loud cheers.) 111, 5 G o d bl e ss our Q ueen i____( Amen.) under the British Crown, I had the honour of being asso- And may he long preserve to us her valuable life. " The ciatcd with Lord Durham ; and calling to mind the kind health of the Queen," three times three, and immense ness that cheered, the confidence that sustained me, I feel cheering. incapable to pursue the theme. However, assembled to The MAYOR, in giving " The health of Prince Albert,' testily our respect for living worth, we owe it to the occa said, the amiable qualities of his Royal Highness had se- sion, -we owe it to the great principles of which we are the cured the domestic happiness of the Queen, and procured advocates, to acknowledge reverentially the claims of the for himself the universal admiration and affection of the illustrious dead, who, by the beauty of their example, British people. stimulate others to follow them in their high and pure The toast was drunk with three times three. The next toasts were, " The Queen Dowager ; " "The l c . o a i r n e er with .--. me e i a n r . a) silent pledge l e e d Duchess of Kent ;" " The Duke of Sussex, and the rest - Durham, the late High Steward o f this borou g h. ythoaft rho eu Earl vkill n g o e w to to the re m ri e u m es o t r of the Royal Family resident in England," drank with The toast was drunk by the company upstanding, in all the honours. solemn silence, and with great feeling. The Right Hon. C. T. D'EYNCOURT acknowledged the JAMES BOWDEN, Esq., an Alderman and Magistrate of toast on the part of the Doke of Sussex, to whom he is the borough, said, under the less they had sustained in Equerry,and from whom he has it in command on such oc- that illustrious friend of his country, whose memory they casions to express his Royal Highness's sense of the corn- had just pledged, they had the consolation that his undy pliment paid him. The Right Hon. Gentleman, amidst ing political principles survived.—( Cheers) —and had been loud cheers, briefly expressed his opinion that so long as bequeathed by him to his country with an enlarged recep that life so precious to all of us was s p a red, the energies tion, a fuller development, and ,a stronger hold on the of his Royal Highness would be devoted to promote the public mind, than they:had attained before his time. It liberties and happiness of the people. was to du honour to these principles, ee held by the exist- The MAYOR gave the " Army and Navy," to which ing Government, and to their administra then of the nation's Colonel YORK responded. affairs in the spirit of those principles, t h a t he had to call The CHAIRMAN said, before he proceeded to give the upon them to drink the health of h er hla j est)'s Ministers. principal toast of the evening, he would observe that —(Great cheering.) It would not be nechisarY for him he had several letters from distinguished noble- to go into any lengthened enumeration of the acts of the men, stating reasons why they were not able to attend present Administration — of the Reform measui•es which on that occasion, and expressing every good feeling in they had carried — and o f the measures which they had in connection with the object of their regard—the Marquis vain attempted to carry , the histo r y of whose defeat o:de-, of Normanby.—( Hear.) Among them were letters lay is to be re ad in t he acts of the Obstructives.—(Le'ul from Earl Carlisle, Lord Nugent, Lord Wenlock, Lord cheers ) Suffice it to say, that in their advocacy of Civi. Worsley, and Sir Do Lacy Evans. The Mayor then and Religious Liberty, in their introduction and carrying said-Since I have known anything of the town of Hull, I through Municipal Reform in Great Britain, and lately, have not known a more felicitous movement in its public though but imperfectly, in Ireland—(Cbeers) . --in , tbeir affaire than that which has led to the appointment of that abolition of the Taxes on Knowledge-in their ready adop t distinguished statesman, the Most Noble the Marquis of tion of Rowland Hill's plan of Post-offica Reform—(,Loud Normanby, to the office of Lord High Steward of the Ito- cheers)—in their attempts to make law cheap and acces rough.--(Great cheering.) I congratulate the Council aible—in their amelioration of the penal code, and above and the town upon this appointment—(Cheers)—and I all in their noble efforts for the promotion of national edu had hoped to congratulate this assembly on having the ho- cation—(Cheers)—in the whole course of their legislation nour conferred upon them of entertaining the Marquis as there is evident a soundness of principle, an honest reliance their guest. I can but, in common with you, regret that on the good feelings and good sense of the peohale of Eng imperious circumstances called him up to town; these are land, that is the best guarantee for a good and up incidents to which his high official station render him right Administration.—(Cheers.") He might he pardoned liable. I shall now proceed to read you a letter which he if, in illustration of the liberal principles of the present has left for me.—[The letter of the Noble Marquis was Government, he adverted to their administration in Ire in effect as follows :—" Anxious as I was to explain to land, because there is not in the whole field of political those friends who were to meet me the extent of my disap- action a point which furnishes a greater and sounder text pointment at the sudden call which has occasioned my of honesty and liberality, and a statesman's principles, most unwilling absence, I must still trust that the favour- whether Whig or Tory. When the rights of the people are able opinion of those who had prepared for me a reception injured and borne down, will he assert and vindicate ahem ; which must have been every way so gratifying, will induce when wrong is rampant, and it may be paramount, wil! he a feeling that nothing but an imperious sense of public arrest it and strive to put it down ? if be be of Liberal duty, which occasions my presence in London to-morrow, principles, this will be his course, because genuine libera would have frustrated my intentions. I trust an early lity consists of love, of right, and hatred of wrong wherever opportunity will be allowed me to make my personal apo- they may be found.—( Loud cheers.) The short admin. fogies, and to express at the same time the gratitude I feel istratiou of Earl Fitzwilliam in Ireland in 1795, was one to the municipal body of your important and improving continued struggle against overgrown abuses which bad town for having so unexpectedly proposed me to fill a arisen during centuries of oppression and misrule, and no distinguished and eminent office.—( Rapturous cheers.) wonder they had grown too strong for his hand, at that Although deferring to another occasion the expression of period of our history, to overthrow. It is consolitary to re those feelings, with the interest I must ever take in the mark the advance of truth, of right, and of public princi prosperity of the borough, I cannot even thus allude to plc in Ireland. In the half century that has intervened the honour conferred upon myself without adding from Earl Fitzwilliam's time, we have seen Catholic one word as to the cause of the late vacancy in the office. Emancipation achieved by the Irish people, wrung from It is not merely by those who, during a long and unbroken the leader of Toryism, who fell by that tardy act of intimacy, entertained for my departed friend constant es- justice,under the indignation of their own party.—(Cheers.) teem and affectionate regard, that his loss is deplored—his And happily Ireland fell into the hands of the Marquis of country can ill spare a defender of those principles of which Angleoca, crippled as he was with a Tory secretary—but he was ever the consistent advocate.—( Great cheering.) single hearted—into hands of Normanb), of Ebrington, and I trust you will assure the Members of the Town Council Morpeth—(Cheers)—for by them have the principles of who do me the honour to invite me,as well as all those whom the Catholic Relief Bill been carried out for the benefit of I hoped to have had the pleasure of meeting, that so far the people of Ireland, a new alliance has been formed, as time is at my own disposal, I shall wish to consult cx- might goes hand in hand with right, and so long as that elusively their convenience that a period may be fixed when union ash unrepealed, the Repeal of the Union may be with certainty I may make amends for this sudden disap- adjourned sine die.-(Great cheering.) If ever there pointment."—(The reading of the letter was followed by was a moment when it was of vital importance that the cnnthusiastic and repeated cheers.) three countries should be united as one man, it was the The MAYOR proceeded—Under the circumstances, Gen. present. If contemplating the pacification of Ireland ac tlemen, I must say lam highly gratified to see so dis- complished by Liberal means—let them reflect what must tinguished and respectable an assembly, and I feel proud he the effect if the Tories carried out their avowed policy— that 1 am surrounded by the friends of freedom.— Ireland must be reconquercd by the sword— ha and, us i t f so, be (Cheers.) If any cause more than another was required now thereofarferetiredatenine,ol fr o them on w e i Ptre til eo w untr t y / m Let us and depended upon union and cc-operation, it is the cause the stat e of freedom.—( Cheers.) e Its friends are apt to slumber , b . than kful that at n this time we have a pacific Administra_ whilst its enemies are always vigilant and alertf. of Tl l s e e his- pledgedmeans. (Cheers ) From the skill and foresight exhi fory of mankind furnishes a melancholy .tin p s r t o ru o men :loft:n -o bited in the management of our foreign affairs, he could dency of men to convert_p h o e wer in es o o a f n our own hioor fuhT confide in them for the future. But let them not forget prcssion.— (Chchrs.) T hted • but lose sght of the measures yet requisite for carrying out, nish the same evidence, and prove pag to us that in all ages that they had their home affairs to attend to—let them not freedom is a plant of slow growth and soonblig the Reform Bill ; the anomalies of the happily for us, there is here and . there a bright page Of our for the benefit of the country, the designs of the framers of registration system must be abolished, and the rights of the voter must be is cured to above all, there must be se history which serves to st t o im t u h l i a s te day o , ur we en fi d n e d av t l i u e rs p , rin to . strengthen our hopes, and, b t never as rem .e ,I d cured to the people the blessings of • I - universe education, imperishable.—( Great cheering.) I ciple of liberty in the human reast,_ though b dormaht, let were tll em Willing show w t o that b e candid tbey coulda s to relyth e and it never will perish. Its achievements are as yet but the best test for an extended franchise. —( Loud cheers.) es a th m at is l t e a d ke to ti i i t e ? in embryo. 1 hold it to be the duty of every man, and it Whilst they at all times showed to the Government that unimpaired to u principle, and hand it down be, . ought to be the ambition of every Briton,. d to cfutlatirveataegtchge, undermotiv t now is, the glory cf upon them whilst in a right course, and let them not be that freedom may continue to as a our land.—(Cheers.) There have been many brilliant in- afraid of that j udi cious timely pressing upon their notice f sacrifice and suffer- the claims :Wien in the hist or y of our country o ' _ they had upon them, for the people had claims f bl b . 1 of our liberties. Many o no e int upon them tor far more than they had got; and if they ing in the defence and ower which, when obtained, were prudent the • ld ey wou get more.—( Cheer .s ) Let have sought influence p. butused them • to their own g ratification, adopt, in a kindly and judicious way, that " pressure they have not converted d m rejoiced to see atthe rc from • h wit out which the Tories dread as being to them a t to forward the general goo . and noble enlisted in P h sent day so many of the Brea` 'hthi under the same bann t e pressure to death 3 ` a peine fort dure, but which . an k lLo i ez r same glorious cause, and i hg g m o b istration would be ready to receive. h 1 fl refer with es ccial pride 1 dlseaonsition to --(Cheers.) But, Gent emeh the Marquis h of .what t ey had given, and confiding in their of her _a_ and satisfaction to the Most No ble . - gise more, he begged to propose the health Lord High Steward of the borough, ••t•' • M • Ma manby, the prese nt Jos y S Ministers. the have a champion of liberty . -- • s three, and pro feeling that in him t The toast was drank with three time (Cheers.) I know of no man more entirely deser v i ng t h e l onge d c h eer i ng. esteem and conf Mr Hutt ' fidence of his country. The whole of 1 1 ; s J OHN S MITH , Esq., proposed the healt h o •H. has been one onward, straightforward ( Thu Member's name was the sig. political career the whole com and liberalpolicy,in • of enlightened - nal for a burst of enthusiastic cheering, courseminutes. Mr Smith cution and opposition that would have discouraged and pany rising, which continued some m borne down a lmost an y but himself. In Jamaica we re. said , in look in g round the loom be sawta in the course of tes timonials which cognise him as the friend of the o pp ress ed slave—( Loud had been earned by their represen tative at the mottoes cheers) —and we also recognise him as the precursor of his connection with them. I . 1 looking Ws name with everything emancipation.—(Cheers.) In Ireland we have the Nor- around him, be could ideni before r him was "No sine. manby policy. —(Great cheering for some time.) His is good in them. Immediatcd Y no sinecure in the representa the policy laid down as the model for all future Govern- cures." Mr. Hutt bad i cheers.) On the other side, rnents of that country.—( Cheers.) And why ? Because tion of this town.—( Loud "! s ,.••_( flitithusiastic cheers.) It was his Lordship brought to bear upon that people a kindly he • saw e te e ‘..,orn faall that Mr. Hutt was now furnishing and generous and liberal influences, which was found to ! ia the knowiedge n to o cause these laws to be mitigated, be eroductive of the happiest effects, and that upon a pec- 1 4cti" exertions (which had a crest on it, M r , s m i t h plc always open to kindness, but upon whom the experi• Anotherbe that of the Sykes family, but which is Colonel mint had never before been tried.—(Cheers.) I there- tOOk. to ~ ) bore a Latin inscription, which was ren d ere d fore rejoice, Gentlemen, to sec the town of Hull identified Thompsoh s M slave to no man," and r. Hutt deserved to in this interesting relation with a Nobleman so justly and '" I ain h a at motto —(Cheers.) lie need Vl' Ca r tnot go into de eminently distinguished as a friend of freedom and hu- II '- rvic 3W 1 h - sf tail—Mr. utt sse c e e s ore them. Mr. Smith inanity.—(Long continued cheering.) But I must be alluded to the successful exertions made by allowed just in passing to glance at a sub act which is , 1 atter entering Parliament to procure for t-h*Mr. Hutt soon painful and mournful—an allusion to the late Earl I silege of shipping bonded stores duty f is partbefore the pro , of Durham. We, in common with the rest of the country, exclus:vely enjoyed by London Also his ree' • then having secured feel deeply sensible of the loss we have sustained in . . him, the hl • chant S eam en's . to " Earl Fitzwilliam.fund the sixpences, before then as well as irs his predecessor, the late . irtues, and we paid to Greenwich Hospital. The services rendered is They were both endeared to us by many virtues, reli g iousthe last Seaton M f civil and the Matter of the Stade duties was rtp - knew them especially as rho friends o GREAT REFORM DINNER AT HULL IN HONOUR OF THE MARQUIS OF NORMANBY. I