The Sun. — London, England, 1840-01-17 00:00:00

Ev SUPPLEMENT TO THE LONDON GAZETTE OF TUESDAY, JANUARY 14. FOREIGN-Orrit2, JAN. 1.5, A dispatch has been this day reeeived by Viscount Palmerston, her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, from the Hon. Francis George Molyneux, her Majesty's Charge d'Affaires at Frank fort, aunouncing the melancholy intelligence of the de cease of her Royal Highness the Dowager Landgravine of Hesse Hornbourg-, which took place at Frankfort, at five minutes past ten o'clock on the evening of the 10th instant. LORD CHAMBERLATN'S OftiCE, JAN. 16. Orders for the Court '! ; oin.g. into mourning, on Sunday nest the 19th insrint, for her late Royal Highness the Dowager Lau , tgravine of Hesse Hoinbourg, Aunt to her Majeir:,., viz.— The La ites to wear black silk, fringed or plain linen, white t;lovts, necklaces and ear-ringi, black or white shoe's, fans and tippets. The Gentletnen to wear black, full trimmed, fringed or plai❑ linen, black swords and buckles. The Court to chinge the mourning, on Sunday the 2.d _d ly of February next, viz. The Ladies to wear black silk or velvet, coloured ribbons, tars and tippets. or plain white, or white and gold, or white and ,ilver stuffs, with black ribb3ns. The Gectl,tnan to wear black coats, and black or plain white, or wii:te and gold, or white and silver stuff waistcoats, full trirncriA, coloured swords and buckles. And on Su :day the 9th day of February next, the Court go out of mourning. lIERALCS' COLLEGE, JAN. 16. The Earl INlirshal's Order for a General Mourning for her late Roval Highness the Landgravine of Hesse flornbo In pursuance of her Nl,lj,sty's command, these are to give public notice, that, upon the present melan choly occasion of the death of her late Royal Highness the Landgravine of Hesse Hornbourg, her Majesty's Aunt, it is expected that all persons do put themselves Into decent mourning ; the said mourning to begin on Suaday, the 19th instant. NORFOLK, E. M. HORSE GUARDS, JAN. 16. It is not required that the OfEcers of the Army shall wear any other Mourning, on the present melan choly occasion of the death of her Royal Highness the late Landgravine of Hesse Hombourg, than a b'aek crape round their left arms, with their uniforms. By command of the Right Honourable General Lord Hill, Commanding in Chief, J. MACDONALD, Adjutant-General. ADMIALLTY, JAN. 16. Her Majesty does not require that the Officers of the Ftcet or Marines should wear any other Mourning, on the present melancholy occasion of the death of her Royal Highness the late Landgravine of Hesse Horn boon:, than a black crape round the left arm, with their uniforms. J. MOORE O'FERRALL. POLITICAL SUMMARY OF THE EVENING JOURNALS. The Courier of yesterday, in a leading article on the subject of Eastern affairs, says—" The report is current in well-informed quarters, that at length the fluestio vexala of the East is on the eve of a solution. The Powers are ctid to have become agreed at length upon the mezzo leonine combination originally pro posed by Austria. This consists of the confirmation of Egypt to Mehemet Ali for his own life, with remainder to Ibrahim ; the cession and division of Syria between the sons of Mehemet Ali, with the exception of the district of Adana, and the reservation of certain rights in favour of Turkey to the Pachalic of Acre ; the ratification of the island of Candia also to Mehemet Ali lor his own life, with remainder to the Porte on his death. A-,surning this outline to be substantially cor rect in i ts leading features, enough appears to show that the question is far from having reached a final 5..-Altruent." The - - -;lobe, speaking on th 2 subject of Canada, ob serves as follows :—" We revert with pleasure to the subject of Canada. Since making the few remarks con tained in our paper of Monday, we have had an oppor tunity of reading several Canadian and American journals, full of most interesting and gratifying intelli gence. It appears that the policy promulgated by the Governor-General has already had the effect of dis arming and paralysing every species of discontent." The Standard thus alludes to the breach of privilege queston The privilege case will, of course, en ga.-ge the first attention of the House of Commons, and it ought to engage the most serious attention of the people—the question lies in a narrow compass. Is the House of Commons or the law to govern England? There ought to be no confusion—it is a question be tween :he House of Commons and the law as adverse parties." This morning a numerous meeting of the Conserva tive I `.lembers of the House of Commons took place at tire residence of Sir Robert Feel in Privy Gardens, and it is generally reported amongst well-informed per sons, that it has been determined upon not moving an amendment to the Address, unless some event at present unforeseen should occur in the course of the debate to render such a proceeding necessary ; but it is supposed that Sir Robert Peel will give notice of a motion during the evening, which must shortly test the strength of Ministers in the House of Commmons.—Standard. DECENIBER.—(From the "Comic Almanack for 1840."—December should be a cheerful month, tvea!her or no. It should be a warm one, too, though never so cold. People blow their fires and use their bellows within, while the wind bellows without. Lawyers are glad over Coke. Men take measures to secure the comfort of their bodies and preserve the coats of their stomachs. Though the Legislature does not sit, the middle classes rejoice in the carrying of many of their bills. Pastry cooks begin to mince matters ; and " eves" are turned towards " pies." Politicians affect sincerity, and Peel, tout sweet, becomes candid. Gross acts of plum-puildingizing are effected by means of a grocer ; and Plum-tree-street is then the sweetest Ire dity in St. The Irish finally find fresh raisins for fl.n'kinz there. With the sale of plums money gets current,—iort the sovereign is just now more value than ever, '‘.nd at the great theatres Stirling is all the go. The markets grow lively, and Smithfield puts forth its show. Pigs have lots of stuffing, and get so heavy that it is quite common to ask for a pig of lead. About oxen and she l) there is a decided ignis jat-yon-us. Beasts visit beasts, and human fat cattle, to survey the quad'upeditl, walk in p,'notp. Butchers display fine traits. Boxin4-day arrives, and with it the knocks of tradesmen, but they only make a hit when they are paid. P,!ople are obliged to wait 'or their own No.r tiil night. Merry drinks and games then stir not the fire, hut the fire-side. The younger branches of the fa mily are indulged in wine that is elder, universal sup perage supplies the place of universal suffrage ; and the only ballot is for the bean in the cake. Christmas is as brave a Fellow on land as ever Admiral Innter was at sea and should be toasted accordingly. He lights our fires, and leaves few without fuel :—he tows up our colliers to warm our toes : and though he is too kind to sink the barges, hr always scuttles the coals! He is no revo:utioeist, for, whilst warming the little, he has a respect for the grate. " He is," says the Frenchman, " our defender, by de fender ; and if he do seem cold it is only because he is neither a bore nor a roof" MONUMENT TO NA PIER.—Of the many dills tr;ous men whom Scotland has produced, there is no foie whose inventitris and discoveries have been of more service to mankind than those ofNapier (or Neper) of I\lerehistr u.), the inventor of logarithms. It has long been el metier of regret that in Edinburgh, his native city, where his gre 't invention was first given to the world, a, d where his ashes repose, there should be no memorial to testify the sense entertained of his tran , cendant me rits by his fellow-conntrymen. At a meeting of some g- ntlemen, held in the apartments of the Royal Society, on Tu,s(l,ly la,t,it was resolved that a monument to the memory of Napier shall be erected at. St. Cuthbert's Clquch, the necessary funds to be raised by subscrip tion ; and a Committee was appointed to make the pro p-r irranger - nent.F„ to be reported to the subscribers for their a pproval.—E:l;aburgh Advertiser. STATE OF TRADE.—There was no material clover , in the market yesterday, though perhaps the ch in Ind for yarn was not quite so animated as during the last weelt—a fact which may, perhaps, be ascribed in some degree to the gradual decline in cotton ; hut spinners were perfectly firm in their demands, and the business done , was at the full prices of the preceding Tuesday. There was a very good demand for 27-inch printing cloth, especially for good qualities ; and a ecoa siderable amount of business was done at slightly im provi'ir prices. In other descriptions of goods there was no change.—Manchester Guardian. TOASTING THE POPE BEFORE THE QUEEN. --At the annual dinner of the " Christian Doctrine Society," in Belfast, a few days ago, the first toast was, 44 Our Holy Father, Pope Gregory X V 1.," and the next " The Queen." This postponement of the Queen to the Pope has been the cause of much animadver sion on the part of the Tory press. We observe, that, at a temperance soiree, in Coleraine, her Majesty's health has been put after the Pope- This will furnish tha Tories with matter for declamation and insult. Lady Sarah Villiers, the daughter of Lady Jersey, has been selected by her Majesty as one of the Ladies in Waiting at the ceremony of her marriage, - Mr. adshaw, of Canterbury notoriety, is, we understand, ' on a. visit at Middleton, the seat of her Ladyship, with several other distinguished fashionable!. 'OST.OI7ICE REGULATIONS.--HOUSE S OF • ZNT.—Artangements have been made by • embers of Parliament will be e na bl d to post tten at the House of Commons, without the which would occur in paying a penny with eac h =for. Covers will be sold to Memb ers at t h e p each payment of the postage ; but such covers I,l ( w ilt., o o,lp*, be availabie if posted at the Houses of :::Parbanitto. A ~ ,~ ~~~~ IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT: 716 USE Of' L ORD'S .tirr. Parliament wall *tied this daY by her Majesty in person, with the usu a l f orma li t i es . Th e d o ors leading to the galleries, and body of the House of Lords, were thrown open to the public as early as twelve o'clock, and shortly afterwards all the reserved sests approp kited to Peeresses, and Othei . ladies, were completely filled. The alteratien in the body of the House, by which in creased accommodation has been provided for the Peers, have been already noticed by us, The throne and its decorations remained in the same state as at the proro gation of Parliament last year. At half-par,t one the House was densely crowded, and a great number of la dies were obliged to content themselves with standing room behind the benches. The space railed off for the Ambassadors, on the right of the throne, was also filled with its usual crowd of distinguished foreigners, exhibiting every variety of brilliant uniform, orders, and decoration. Among the Peers present we observed, the Dukes of Cambridge, Somerset, Norfork, Rutland, Richmond, Beaufort, Devonshire, Leeds, Buceleugh. Marquises— Anglesca, Westminster, Northampton, Landsdowne, Salisbury, Downshire, and Normanby Earls—Fitz- Winchilsea, Burlington, Sheffield, Shaftesbury. The Lord Chancellor. Lords—Melbourne, Redesdale, Ly nedoch, Fitzgerald, Lurgan, Rayleigh, Denman, A hinger. Bishops—Ely, St, David's, Durham, Salis bury, Rochester, There were also present three In- Wan Princes, who sat near the bar on the front Peers' bench. Prince Charles of Capua and Prince George of Cambridge stood upon the right of the throne. Before two o'clock every part of the House was densely crowded, and the attendance of Peers and Peeresses was more numerous than for some years past. Her Majesty, who was attended by the Duchess of Sutherland, the Mistress of the Robes, entered the House at a quarter past two o'clock, preceded oy the heralds and great officers of State, including the Earl of Surrey, Treasurer of the Household, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Hill, the Lord Chancellor, Lord Melbourne, bearing the sword of state, and the Earl of Shaftesbury, the cap of main tenance, &c. The Queen, who looked extremely well, wore her Crown ; a stomacher, necklace, and ear-rings of large brilliants, and a magnificent gold-laced dress. The Usher of the Black Rod having been directed to summon the House of Commons, the Speaker in his state robes, attended by an immense body of Mem bers, shortly afterwards presented themselves at the Bar. The Lord Chancellor on his knee having handed the Speech to her Majesty, she read it in her usual clear and distinct manner, her voice faltering a little at the first passage, where allusion is made to her marriage with Prince Albert : HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH. " MT LoADs AND GENTLEMEN, " Since you were last assembled, I have declared my intention of allying myself in marriage with the Prince Albert, of Saxe Cobourg and Gotha. I humbly implore that the divine blessing may prosper this union, and render it conducive to the interests of my people as well as to my own domestic happiness, and it will be to me a source of the most lively satisfaction to find the resolution I have taken approved by my Par liament. " The constant proofs which I have received of your attachment to my person and family, persuade me that you will enable me to provide for such an establishment as may appear suitable to the rank of the Prince and the dignity of the Crown. " I continue to receive from Foreign Powers assu rances of their unabated desire to maintain with me the most friendly relations. " I rejoice that the civil war, which had so long disturbed and desolated the northern pro vinces of Spain, has been brought to an end , by an arrangement satisfactory to the Spanish Govern. ment, and to the people of those provinces ; and I trust that, ere long,fpeace and tranquillity will be re established throughout the rest of Spain. " The affairs of the Levant have continued to oc cupy my most anxious attention. The concord which has prevailed amongst the Five Powers has prevented a renewal of hostilities in that quarter, and I hope that the same unanimity will bring these important and difficult matters to a final settlement, in such a manner as to uphold the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire, and to give additional security to the peace of Europe. " I have not yet been enabled to re-establish my diplomatic relations with the Court of Teheran, but communications which I have lately received from the Persian Government inspire me with the confident ex pectation that the differences which occasioned a sus pension of those relations will soon be satisfactorily adjusted. " Events have happened in China which have oc cassioned an', interruption of the commercial inter course of my subjects with that country. I have given, and shall continue to give, the most serious attention to a matter so deeply affecting the interests of my subjects, and the dignity of my Crown. " I have great satisfaction in acquainting you that the military operations undertaken by the ..Governer -Gene- ral of India have been attended with complete success. had been for a long period justly entitled to fame foi the stability With, which it had adheted to all its ,ehgagethents ,for, that ,it deserved t i be, re spect of the other Governments of Europe, Ord ac cordingly now, in a period of difficulty, it was enjoying the good offices of the five Great Powers, and he hoped that that House would approve of the policy which had dictated so eniightened and so humane a course. Adjacent to the Turks would be found a mere Eastern nation differing frotu us still more; but from political prin. triples, from its position, it was rendered of the utmost consequence to us ; and, the more so; in consequence of the great Military operationg alluded to by her Ma; testy in her Speech. The good conduct of the army, both European and Native, there engaged, must be a source of pride to that House and the country gene rally. The affairs of Canada had for some years deeply engaged the attention of the Legislature. Her Majesty had ordered to be laid before them all the papers con nected with the affairs of that interesting country, and her Majesty, after veing the evil conse quences of the ill-assorted plan under which that country was now governed, called their earnest attention to the question. In the various ar rangements proposed for the settlement of peace in Ire land, municipal institutions had always formed a promi nent part. He trusted that that Session would see the question brought to a final conclusion. The lapse of ages had rendered a change in the Church necessary, and he believed the recommendations of the Ecclesiastical Corsimissioners appeared unexceptionable. But it was a question of the greatest difficulty, and must be treated wi-.h the utmost caution. He believed the disturbances that had lately taken place had arisen chiefly from a g reat spirit of insubordination, but it was the general opinion that the Magistrates had acted with the greatest promptitude. His Grace then concluded by moving the Address, and reading it and that in the expedition to the Westward of the Indus the officers and troops, both European and Native have displayed the most distinguished skill and valour. " I have directed that further ipapers relating to the affairs of Canada should be laid before you, and I con fide to your wisdom this important subject. " I recommend to your early attention the state of the Municipal Corporations of Ireland. "It is desirable that you should prosecute those measures relating to the Established Church, which have been recommended by the Ecclesiastical Com missioners of England. " GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, in a most inaudible tone. Lord SEAFORD then rose and said—My Lords, in rising to second the address, 1 must begin by earnestly entreating your Lordships to afford me the utmost sym pathy. It is with great reluctatitie that I venture at all times to address your Lordships, and on the present occa sion the sense of the difficulty was sufficient to cause me to shrink from the attempt, had I not felt that it was impossible for me to decline the hotiour, although there are many far more competent. My Lords, the subject pre-eminently important is the Royal marriage—( Hear)—which is of course in itself of the greatest national importance, and which is at the present moment of unexampled interest.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, it is impossible, considering the age and the sex of the Sovereign, to consider the event as one of mere political alliance—(Hear, hear) — or without feelings of the most anxious solicitude as to its effects on her Majesty's domestic peace and happi ness.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords,—At no other time in the history of this country has an event been considered under circumstances of such intense interest, and it was impossible to hear it announced by her Majesty without the warmest sympathy, and without the most ardent prayers, that every aspiration for its auspicious and salutary issue, might fully be answered.—(Loud cheers.) It must be satisfactory to your Lordships that her Majesty has, from intimate acquaintance, acquired such a know ledge of the character and disposition of the object of her choice, that it is the more probable there will be a happy result. My Lords, I cannot, under the circum tances, believe that your Lordships will not concur una nimously in that approval, which is so graciously asked ; nor can I doubt that your Lordships will also concur in such a provision for the Prince as will be equally suited to the liberality of this country and the connexions of the Prince ; and if ever there was an oc casion when unanimity was desirable it is the pre sent.—(Hear, hear, hear.) My Lords, with regard to our foreign policy the most important event is the expulsion of Don Carlos from Spain, and the pacification of the Basque provinces. Whatever may be the opinion of some Noble Lords as to the title of Don Carlos, 1 think there can be no difference of opinion as to the benefical consequences of a paci fication in that country.—( Hear.) And nobody can doubt that it is matter of congratulation that the was, if not put an end to, is confined within narrower limits, and that its termination may be looked for at no distant period.—( Hear, hear.) And, my Lords, I think it matter of congratulation that the war, when ended, will terminate, not in the triumph either of absolutism or democracy, but of legitimate principles and Constitutional Monarchy.—(Hear, hear, hear.) With regard to the differences existing between the Sultan of Turkey and the Pacha of Egypt, an " I have directed the Estimates for the services o the year to be laid before you. They have been framed with every attention to economy, and at the same time with a due regard to the efficiency of those establish ments which are rendered necessary by the extent and circumstances of the Empire. " I have lost no time in carrying into effect the in-. Eastern Question, as it is called, notwithstanding its importance, which yields to none, the imperfect informa tion which we have received upon that subject, renders it one not likely to form a matter of dis cussion in this House. I shall therefore content myself by confining myself to a simple expression of con fident hope that the same system of Government which has brought to a satisfactory termination the differences that existed in other countries will be equally effectual in this—(Hear, hear) —and in which so many con flicting interests are involved. The brilliant suc cesses of the British army in India cannot fail to obtain the fullest expression of our congratulation with respect to the gallantry of the troops and the officers who commanded them ; it has been exceedingly me ritorious. The commendations of the humble indivi tentions of Parliament by the reduction of the duties on Postage, and I trust that the beneficial effects of this measure will be felt throughout all classes of the com- munity. " MY LORDS AND GENTLEMF.N, dual before you may appear to be of little value ; but still I cannot, however, avoid refraining from expressing my gratification at the result. But to judge from the difficulties that stood in the way, with an army so remote as this was, it rendered their successful efforts still more creditable. One important event, whether considered with regard to the Indian empire, or whether connected with Eu ropean nations, is the change which has come over the Government of Persia.—(Hear, hear.) Our military skill has contributed in a great degree to secure and confirm the stability of our possessions abroad. It is very difficult to allude to the concluding paragraph of the Queen's Speech, and to feel it impossible not to contemplate but with regret the . great dis tress that prevails in the manufacturing districts. I and it is a matter of the most serious importance feel concern, when I consider that this distress prevails in a district where there is no want of employment.— (Hear.) But I am sorry to say a spirit of insubordi nation prevails to a very great extent, which is caused by a large portion of our population allowing them selves to be practised on by cunning and designing men. But from the gallantry and steadiness which our civic authorities and military evinced we may confidently rely upon all future attempts being put down. The complete discomfiture of the late attempt at riot and insubordination, but shows us the weakness of physical force against the moral. I hope it may serve as a warning, to prevent the renewal of such attempts again. I trust that the confidence ex pressed by her Majesty on the continued gallantry of her troops in preserving order in those dominions will be fully realized. I shall conclude by thanking this House for the attention with which they have heard me. The Duke of WELLINGTON—There is no No ble Lord in this House can be more sincere in ex pressing congratulations to her Maj es ty u p on h er approaching marriage than I am, as it has been announced publicly on this day. He thought it strange that House was not called upon by the Speech, as they had been called upon by the Noble Lord opposite, to concur with the other House of Parliament in making a a sufficient provision for the Prince. However, there was a greater omission than that still ; and when that House was called to express an opinion upon the Royal marriage, he thought that it ought not be all congratulation. He thought the public ought to know something beyond the mere name of the Prince—(Cheers) —he had the ho nour of being summoned to attend the Privy Council, when her Majesty was pleased to declare her inten tion to become the spouse of this Prince. He ob served that the precedent of the reign of George the Third was followed in all respects but one, and that was the declaration that this Prince was a " I learn with great sorrow that the commercial em barrassments which have taken place in this and in other countries are subjecting many of the manufac turing districts to severo distress. " I have to acquaint you with deep concern that the spirit of insubordination has, in some parts of the country, broken out into open violence, which was speedily re pressed by the firmness and energy of the Magistrates and by the steadiness and good conduct of my troops. I confidently rely upon the power of the law, upon your loyalty and wisdom, and upon the good sense and right feeling of my people, for the maintenance of order, the protection of property, and the promotion, as far as they can be promoted by human means, of the true interests of the empire." Immediately afterwards her Majesty and her atten dants quitted the House, and the House adjourned till Five o'Clock. ----- The LORD CHANCELLOR resumed his seat upon the Wools ac k at fi ve o ' c l oc k precisely. Lords M onteag l e, D un f er mline and Seaton were introd uce d by Lord Strafford ; Lord Camoys took the oaths, sig ne d the Parliamentary Rolls, and took his seat, having been called to the Upper House by a writ of summons. Protestant.—(Cheers.) He entertained no doubt that he was—he was sure that he was a Protestant— The Queen's Speech was then read from the Wool sack, and read a second time by the Clerk of the House. The Duke of SOME RSET then rose to move the Address, but ha spoke in so low a to ne o f vo ic e that for ting some time he was inaudible' u When we heard the Noble Duke he was congratulating upon her Majesty's intentionof theientering r Lordships upon parties—the state—theesd_thn previous uniformityconnection of religionnf between the previous acquaintance between themselves their apresaged a e union which he had no doubt that House wouldhQ prove a happy one to the parties interested,P would proveanoduld beneficial one to the country.—( Hear, hear.) Th e a neat topic alluded to in her Majesty's speech was th e n war which had ravaged Spain for some years, and which h a d been carried on under circumstances of barbarity, which might be thought not to belong to that age. That House must join in every wish of her Majesty, and join her also in all those measures which would tend to promote the tranquillity of that country. The affairs of Europe might now be considered to oc cupy a very small portion of the Speech from the Throne. That, however, was in consequence of the very great extension of the British empire. There were nations which were very different in all their ha bits and institutions from ourselves, but in consequence of political circumstances were much engaged with us. The Turks were most undoubtedly a nation differing in almost everything ; but he would say that that difference was rendered the more harmless in coa -1 sequence of its greatness. The Turkish Government ke had the honour of being known to some of his family, and he was sure he was a Protestant ; but this was a Protestant nation, and it was necessary by law that he should be a Pro testant who should become the husband of the Queen. But the precedent ought to have been followed, and the public ought to know that such was the fact by having it officially declared by the Government of the country in the Council-note. He knew very well that the Ministers, every one of them, were as anxious to maintain this a Protestant country as he was ; but they had had it in their power to relieve the immense anxiety of the public mind by mak ing this simple declaration, which they had not done. He was convinced that Ministers were anxious for the maintenance of the Protestant character of the country. He knew it, and therefore it became his duty to inquire how this precedent had been departed from. The Prince who might become the husband of the Queen could not be otherwise than a Protestant. Why, then hesitate to state it ?—(Loud cheers.) He had naturally looked to the proceedings which took place in another part of the country, and there he found further proceed ings on the subject.—(Hear.) He was one of those who reed with great attention all that passed in that other country, and for this reason, that now Government was carried on under a system of terror, and he read those speeches in order that he might know where the real danger threatened ; and he saw enough to teach him not to be much afraid ; and in those speeches he found a suffi cient reason for the omission in the declaration. He knew that her Majesty's Ministers were as much dater mined as he was to uphold the Protestantism of the State, . but then what he said was, why for the first time, should that declaration be omitted in the declaration to the Council, and in the Speech from the Throne. When he (the Noble Duke) and other Noble Lords . consented to th e a d m i ss i on o f Roman Catholics into the enjoyment of th e same privileges as Protestants, they certainly never intended that the State should have ceased to be Protestant..--(Hear, hear.) They , i intended that the State should continue ever to be . Protestant ; and th e measures h a d been also intro ; duced for altering the state of religious parties in Ire- kiN, _LONDON, PAIDAY, JAN GARY 17, 1840. land. But the authors of these measures never in- 1 tended that the Protestant character of the Crown 1 sboUld thereby be endangeted.r4flear, hear.) The Noble. Duke.called,:iinen their I.Jordslips to Concur in a declaration of opinion as to this r ana with thaf . vie* he entreated them to agree to an amendment which he would now move, that the word " Protestant" be in serted before the word " Prince " in the Address. Earl FITZWILLIANI suggested that the pas sage in the Address should be first read, which was as follows i " A prince descended from a long line of Protestant ancestors. ° Lord MELBOURNE then rose and spoke as fol lows :—My Lords, from the tone of forbearance and moderation hitherto displayed by the Noble Duke, I had hoped that unanimity would have prevailed, be cause it would have been more deeply felt both by her Nlajesty and the country that we had come to the vote on a night when all were unanimous, and when party spirit was for one night laid aside. The Noble Duke professed himself anxious to preserve the unanimity of the Address. My Lords, I wish the Noble Duke had not in any degree interrupted it by an amendment, which he has thought proper to introduce, and which he has introduced, I must say, in tones of great bitterness, acrimony, and i r ritation.--(Cheers.) The Noble Duke said that on the presentation of the declaration of George 111. to his Privy Council, announcing his in tended marriage with the Princess of Mecklenburg- Strelitz, that that declaration mentioned that the Prin- cogs was a Protestant Princess. That was not pre cisely the fact : it did not state that she was a Protes tant Princess. It stated that she was descended from a long line of Protestant ancestors.—(Cheers.) The fact that the Princess was a Protestant was notorious, and, therefore, the mention of it was useless and superfluous. Prince Albert of Saxe Coburg and Gotha, with whom her Majesty proposes to contract herself in marriage, is a Protestant. The Act of Settlement required that he should be a Protestant. Unless the Noble Lord sup posed that we are going to advise their Majesties to break the Act of Settlement, it is useless to introduce words declaring him to be so. It is decidedly and positively demanded by law, as a condition of the possi bility and legality of the union that the Prince should be Protestant. He is a Prince descended from that branch of the Saxon family—the Ernestine—to which the Protestant religion owes its existence.— He is descended from that Elector whose name stood first on that protest signed at Spiers by six Princes and fourteen cities against the decision of the Diet of Augs burg. That it was that I consider as the very founda tion of the name of Protestant. That Elector of Saxony lost his throne and electorate for his adherence to the Protestant religion. He was the protector and defender of Luther. It was the head of that family who up to the present moment have maintained and supported the Protestant religion in Germany. Why then, I ask, was it necessary to state that he is a Pro testant, or that he is descended from an illustrious line ......,....__... ....- of Protestant ancestors ? A n d, m y L or d s , what ad vantage is there in that amendment, which does nothing more than touch the question ? The Noble Duke says that the Address will not satisfy the count?". If there is anything to cause dissatisfaction, it is the amendment of the Noble Duke. The Prince is a Protestant, and not more or less a Protestant because we declare him to be so. If he declares himself to be so—which he is ready to do—that is something, but that we should de clare that he is a Protestant will not alter the question at all. If there be no suspicion or doubt, what advan tage can be gained by our stating that he is a Protes tant ? The fact only is, that there is a wish to intro duce a doubt or difficulty where there is none—dispute and dissension where there is nothing but agreement and unanimity. And I ask, will your Lordships give countenance to the cry which has been attempted to be raised through the country under the authority of this House, and the Noble Duke is attempted to be set up as an authority for that cry. Whether the words are inserted or not it is useless. It neither makes the Prince Protestant more nor less—l repeat, nei ther more nor less. The Noble Duke knows him to be a Protestant. England knows it the whole world knows it. Well, then, it being so, it is useless to introduce the words proposed by the Noble Duke. Lord WINCH ILSEA then rose and said, that he disputed what the Noble Viscount had stated. It did not follow because the family were Protestants that every member of that family must be Protestant. There was an instance in that family recently of a change in religion by a Roman Catholic alliance.— ( Hear.) But what the Noble Viscount was, in his opi nion, most to be blamed for was his introducing into the presence of her most gracious Majesty a man of the most impure and degrading mind—a man who by his opinions was aiming at the destruction of every social principle—of every religious principle—in fact of all principle. For such things as those the Noble Vis count deserved a vote of censure, which he should be ready to move. Earl FITZWILLIAM said, if his Noble relative (Earl Winchilsea) really intended to carry his threat into execution, why should he forestall all that would be much more appropriately said on the occasion of the motion threatened. His Noble relative thought we were now on the eve of a great calamity and much ex citement, and naturally his Noble relative, under such circumstances, would be anxious to throw some sooth ing oil on the rising waters—(A laugh)—.but whether his speech was likely to have that effect, he would leave the House to determine.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend thought the Government were sanctioning prin ciples subversive of all morality and all religion. Not content with that, he went a little further, and said they were supporting a principle subversive of all prin ciple, which was one of the greatest curiosities of philo sophy he had ever heard of.—(A laugh, and cries of " Order.") Was he outlof order in saying that such an expression was a curiosity of philosophy. Earl WINCHILSEA. said his words were " sub versive of all moral and religious principle." Earl FITZWILLIAM had no doubt such was the meaning of his Noble relative, but he (Earl Fitz william) had correctly quoted his words. The ques tion of whether the word Protestant ought originally to have been inserted, or should be so in answer to the speech, seemed to him to be of very trifling im portance. That part of the speech to which he wished earnestly to direct the attention of their Lordships was one for the introduction of which he felt grateful to his Noble Friends. He was as sincere a Protestant as any of their Lordships, or as his kinsman, and he thought that the question raised now was of no import ance, but he thought it a matter of no trifling import ance that the attention of a body like their Lord ships should be called to the deep distress which now afflicted the country, and for calling their attention to it his Noble friends deserved the gratitude of the country. It was impossible to exaggerate those distresses, now unhappily prevalent— so long as it was since he had given some attention to the state of the working popu lation, he bad never known distress so deep and so general as at the present moment. The distress which prevailed in 1825 was no doubt very severe, and from the vast number of banks which then failed, that dis tress was brought under their Lordships' notice, but from the habits of their Lordships they were naturally ignorant of the deep distress now prevailing in the manufacturing districts ; and if they were to investigate into the matter they would find that the difficulties of that period of great alarm were not equal to those under which the country had been labouring during the last two years. Their Lordship? habits, their independ ence, rendered it almost impossible for them to be aware of the difficulties with which those engaged in manufactures had to encounter. He rejoiced, therefore, that his Noble Friends had not shrunk from calling the attention of the House to the fact of the existence of such distress, and he trusted that the invitation given their Lordships to think of the subject, was only a prelude to another invitation to turn their attention to such an investigation as would lay bare the causes of the distress. He fully believed that these calamities might be traced to their source— that they could be inquired into without adding to them—nay, he had no doubt but Legislative means might be devised for alleviating them. These were his reasons for his so earnestly calling their Lordships' at tention to the fact of the existence of such distress. He knew not what effect what fell from him might have, but at all events he had discharged a conscientious duty—he had satisfied his own mind, and would now conclude by implorin g his friends in the Government that, if it was a duty to advert to the distress in the Speech, it was a greater duty to investigate into, and if possible to remove the causes of the calamity. Lord BROUGHAM then rose and said—At no for mer time have I ever felt so reluctant to intrude myself upon your Lordships' attention as on the present occa sion, and if I could feel it at all consistent with my public duty to withhold myself from the discussion, I would with pleasure do so, because I never had a greater desire to do so ; but with the views I entertain of the present alarming state of the country, although, my Lords, I am a xi e e h ty ea w rd hi acnhdha read, and been impressed believing on as my not so acces s ibl e , generally speak i ng, as many — not so accessible as many to political fear—yet with the great a there lI have mindd that b y is a very widely spread and diffused distress ; also from other symptoms and indications of what I consider worse evils, I feel that I would not be discharging my duty tothe public —my painful duty—if I did not address some observation s to your Lordships—however pain ful—and the more so because from the ge neral arrangements of the House, if the first night of the Session is allowed to pass without some notice being taken of the state of the country, or any other topic included in the Speech, practically they are left over till after Easter. I feel that I would be de serting my public duty did I not take this opportunity of addressing you, very shortly, upon the subjects intro duced in the speeches which have already gone before. It is the characteristic of a free state that the duty of a loyal subject and good citizen are not only not in compatible, but conjoin themselves. I agree entirely in the congratulations of my friend, the Noble Duke, but also in those of my Noble Friend near me, which they are about to carry up to the Throne, respecting the approachinc , Marriage of the Crown. The same kind of duties of a loyal subject and good citizen may be con- jointly discharged by my joining heartily in the call made for an adequate provision for the consort of her Majesty. I hope I will not be less a loyal subject or a good citizen if I express an earnest hope that we are not io be doomed to see on this, as on former occasions, yin iiidoent end an unfeeling race, run by conflicting parties, ai eii.pen , `,T of the interests of a suffering people, for the purpose of Pa/lug tOurt in the highest quarters—in those quarters such court--such tinprinL cipled rivalry will (if unhappily it take place) appear in its proper and odious light. With a suffering people whose distress in the language of truth, used by his Noble Friend, could not be exaggerated—with a people torn with faction—divided by mutual animosities, the ob jects and the actors in scenes which I dare not trust myself to describe—at all events filled with discontent t —with wages falling and prices rising, and diminished and diminishing profits—to propose any provision beyond that which absolute necessity exacts, would in my de liberate and conscientious opinion be a breach of all duty which either the Government or the Legislature owes to the people, and would tend to weaken the character of the Legislature, and endanger even the stability of the throne itself. I most willingly pass over the motion. That the mere question of the insertion or omission of the word Protestant should have gravely occupied the time of this House for half-an hour,—any one knowing that we had been discussing such a motion for so long a time—any one acquainted with that fact, vir,,, , .1d think that we had to administer, in all case and security, the affairs of a happy and united people. I can assure your Lordships, that if the motion is put for the purpose of paying court, the object will be lost—in that quarter such court would not be appreciated ; neither would any disap pointment ensue if it were not carried.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") If, on the other hand, the omission was intended for the purpose of paying court in another quarter, that was pretty broadly asserted, and clearly pointed out by my Noble Friend the Duke of Wellington. lam sure that things must have very much altered indeed if such court can prove of any earthly avail. 'ln the discussion upon this motion the law has not been very clearly laid down. I can tell my Noble Friend (the Noble Duke opposite) that there is no prohibition against the Crown marrying a Catholic—no prohibition at all—there is, however, a penalty ; the offence would merely be visited with the penalty of losing the Crown.—(A laugh.) Is it not, then, a grave matter for us to congratulate her Majesty because she does not intend to throw away the Crown? Passing, however, from this subject to another, which is intimately connected with it, very naturally I come to the state of Ireland. In order to ensure or secure the peace of that country, the Municipal Corporation Bill is again to be brought forward. (Hear, hear.) It is now, my Lords, fifteen years since an inquiry into the state of Ireland was entered into by both Houses, but principally in the other ; and at that time, my Lords, other means were suggested for tran quillising Ireland, and the better government of that un happy country. Many of your Lordships—no one who has served the Crown during the last twenty years but must have turned your attention to the state of that country—of course I have done so, and it is the intimate conviction of my mind, that to apply the axe to the root of all the great evils which involve that country in violent dissensions—to do away with that which is the prolific seed of a corrupt state of society— to take away undue influence from unworthy hands—to lay the foundation broad and deep for lengthened tran qnillity to the Irish people—to conciliate the best in terests of the State and of the Church—of morals and of religion—to do the one thing needful, as it is your bounden duty to do—is to give upon a great, a moderate, upon a well-considered principle, a due but fixed and legal provision to the Clergy, who minister to the spiri tual wants of the great body of the people ofthatcountry. My Lords, as to the differences of opinion entertained upon the subject, I shall not enter into them farther than to say that I still remain fixed in my approval of those measures which in 1834 were proposed by my Noble Friend (Lord Stanley)—measures which appear now more irrefragably true than ever. My Lords, there are few topics in the Speech so judiciously and cautiously framed, on which I would trouble your Lordships. I would just observe, by way of protest, on the politics of the East, that, heartily agreeing, as I do, with such of your Lordships as wish to honour the brilliant successes of our arms in that country, I must yet pause tilt more extensive information—(Hear, hear, hear)—and more decisive events must trans pit e before I can subscribe to an adoption of the policy on which these movements have been directed.—( Hear, hear.) When I shall have seen a renewal of the alliance with Persia, our natural ally, and security of the British power on the North Western frontier of India—when I shall have seen that the change of the dynasty of Cabool has operated to the benefit of our interest is the East—when it shall have been proved that it was wise to disregard our Persian alliance for our Affghanistan influence ; whereas the opinion of our best Asiatic statesmen has hitherto been that our best defence against any invasion from the North was the alliance of Persia—when I shall have found that it is for our advantage to maintain a large and extensive military force miles and miles beyond the utmost limit of our territory—( Hear, hear)—when I shall have seen that the proper funds will be adequate to the heavy expences of all this—then, and not till then, shall I be willing to approve of the Indian po licy of the Government.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Now, my Lords, I must crave your permission to state the views which, reluctantly, I have been compelled to form as to the present condition of the country, as re gards its internal affairs, and its domestic peace. My Lords, I know well that what has lately disturbed the domestic peace—and which has naturally raised the deepest anxiety in the breasts of all statesmen—l know that these " outbreaks," as they have been called—the burnings which have occurred in various parts of the country—the meetings—the midnight meetings—the private leagues—the associations, more or less contrary to law—the confederacies, sometimes more, sometimes less, approaching to conspiracy—a pretty extensive cor respondence—all followed by breaches of the peace —and with that which by competent authority has been pronounced to be high treason, in disturbed, though not distressed, districts of the country—l know, my Lords, that all thesel frightful symptoms—for frightful they are, even if they go no further, and lamentable they would be, even if less alarming—l know that all are regarded by some super ficially thinking people as events, as facts, isolated, and by themselves, and therefore these persons are at one time more alarmed by such facts occurring, and at an other time more easily calmed and tranquillized when they find that these " outbreaks" have been got the better of by the force of the law, or the promptitude of the troops. But, my Lords, Ido not regard them as events or facts merely ; if I did I might deplore them, but I should not be so much alarmed, because I trust in the power of the law, and I know that such tran sient ebullitions may speedily be really, as they now may apparently be, suppressed. But, my Lords, I re gard these facts as indications of a bad state of think ing—of an unwholesome state of feeling—which I will not say for any recent period, but which for many years past, has been gradually displaying itself in outbreaks, which may be put down in one place, and break out in another, as within the last forty-eight hours ; and even if the law were entirely to put them down, I should look upon the calm as deceitful, knowing as I do that if the cause does exist in grievances not redressed—in well-grounded complaints not attended to—these dis turbances will not be removed—(Hear, hear) —and 1 remember the remark of one of the wisest of men, Lord Bacon—" Beware, if you have probed popular discontents, and found out a deep-seated and wide-spreading wound ; beware how you drive the humours into the body, for you will thus only cause the wound to bleed inwardly." And this, n” Lords, I consider to be the present position of the country. And I will advert to what I consider to be the mischief and the remedy. First, the mischief. I say it is not a sudden, not a gradual, but a long proceeding change which has taken place in the habits and the dispositions of the people of this country, and which he is not wise as a statesman, nor indeed deserving the name of a statesman, who does not apply himself to it. That change, my Lords, is, that formerly the people of England had confidence in certain leaders, and willingly and cheerfully placed themselves under the guidance of leaders selected from their rank, their fortune, or other claims to respect—from public talent or private vir tues.—but now that is gone—gone, I fear, not from this or that borough—from this or that district— no : that is what those at the Home-office—by, which I mean those who have the general management of the internal affairs of the country—seem to think ; and hence, if they arc satisfied with the assurances of self complacent and self-complimentary Corporators.— (Laughter)—" Oh, in this borough you are admired, in this town you are adored"—(Laughter) --why, they are welcome to the joy of these fond delusions, and for anything they care, I dare say the rest of the country may be in a state of rebellion , as regards the masses the people—not rebellion against this or that Govern ment—not taking part with this or that faction in poli tics—not anxious about the removal of grievances— (Cheers) —but the rebellion of men marshalled in dis gust, in deep-rooted, habitual distrust —of all parties—of all politicians—of all Ministers —of all men in power.—( Hear, hear.) I do not mean to say, my Lords, that men ought not to think for themselves, or that they ought to take their opinions from others ; on the contrary, it is my opinion that it is the duty of every man to inquire and to judge for him self. Now the main reason, I believe, of the ill effects of that spirit of party which is now so prevalent is, that it leads men to receive their opinions on political subjects from politicians, er Priests, or Princes, or Whigs—(laughter)—a.id thus reminds us of Swift's phrase—" Party is the madness of the many, for the benefit of the few." But when the people, thinking reasonably and soberly for themselves, act under their natural leaders, they know in whom they can confide, they act with concert and vigour for the accomplishment of any useful and salutary object. And the loss of this renders their exertions for any good object unavailing. But it does not follow that because they are powerless for good, that therefore they are without power, and that they would fall under the delusions of knaves, be- EVENING EDITION. come the dtepes of factiml , . designin , , dishonest d'.4 .1 '4 tors—( Hear, he'af)---unti thus, when the legitimatt , in fluence is removed of the ptrnieious, the baneful influ ence, then will be the terrible ; the awful results.— (Hear, hear.) And, my Lords, I hattl , yeen astonished to hear this species of offence palliated as, Yrs on th, a " political offence ;" whereas it is justly the object of the highest detestation and abhorrence, not only in point of law, but substantially and morally—is the worst of all 1 1 crimes, because there is hardly any other crime to which it does not lead—(Hear, hear, hear) —and which will not lye seen under its accursed colours pillage, insecurity of piroverty, insecurity of lite, de . struction of life, massicre whole*ale, are involved in this worst of all crimes, war—nay, civil war, worse still, is the natural result of this crime, high treason ; and surely there is none which should be more detested or more severely visited.—(Hear, hear.) And the more so, because if successful, it would be sure of im punity, and, therefore, I am astonished to hear some of the false guides of the people arguing that a crime which lies only in " compassing," in " designing," cannot be very great. Why, my Lords, the crime consists in this " compassing," just because, if successful, the perpetrator; '.could be our Tudors, and therefore secure against punishment. Whoever, therefore, leads, either n Yorkshire or in Wales, assemblies, too numerous for discussion, and whose very force is sufficient to show that is not to debate but to break the peace that hey were called together—( H ear, hear)---whoever shall among these multitudes proceed to scatter the flakes of sedition, and the harangues of treason—whoever shall teach them to look to any quarter but the Legisla ture for the redress of grievances, or alterations in the institutions of the country—whoever shall hold out the seditious—l had almost said the treasonable—doctrine, that if the Sovereign dare to change her councils, there s an end to the peace of the country, and the allegiance of her subjects is dissolved—( Cries of " Hear, hear) — whoever holds that language to such assemblies, is the proximate, not the remote, cause of the breaches of the peace which may follow—( Hear)—and if he with draw himself from the combat he has excited, if from the perils he has created he keeps himself safe, and leaves his dupes to the risks in which he has in volved them, that person has the blood which is shed upon his own head—(Hear, hear)—even though from some unaccountable reason he evades the sentence of the law.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I trust that all offenders will have justice administered to them, on such principles, in such a spirit, as it has recently been administered—with the utmost learning, with the gravest industry, with the most patient attention, with the most perfect temper and decorum—nay, even suavity, towards the unhappy culprits.—(Hear, hear, hear.) And when the matter shall leave the hands of judges, and come into those of statesmen, I trust that justice will also be administered in a like merciful and humane spirit, and that the blood which has been shed, with such secondary punishments as shall be deemed appropriate to the heavy guilt of the offenders, will be all that the law's offended majesty will require.—(Hear, hear.) But my Lords, I must say, that if there have been other persons in other parts of the empire who have held a like course— (Hear, hear, hear)—if they have done all that I have described—if they have thus been the proximate cause of rebellion—even should such rebellion not have ac tually occurred—it would indeed be strange to say that the conduct which gained one set of men a gibbet, should for another gain —not punishment—but patronage— (Hear, hear, hear, and cheers)—and my Lords, I con fess that I should be unable to discover the reason for the distinction in the fact that certain circumstances combined with the offence, by one set of men, have not been displayed by the other. As for instance, I have not heard that any of those men in Wales have been ac customed to play alternately the part of the slanderer and the sycophant—(Loud cheers)—one day pouring forth the venom of a foul defamation, and another, pouring out the still more nauseous slaver of a coarse, over done, fulsome, and offensive adulation.—(Loud cheers.) Another difference may be marked between the two, which is this : I have not found even among the Welchmen that the exhortations to rise—the fiery at tacks upon all respected men, and all venerable institu tions—the incentives flung about among the combus tible mass to make them kindle into a blaze—l do not find, my Lords, in Wales that these have been followed up with such words as these—" Pray do nothing against the peace—pray be quiet"—(Laughter)—any more than I ever heard of these excited Welchmen throwing oil upon the flame, and beseeching it not to burn, or scattering fire-brands among gun-powder, and begging it would not explode.—( Cheers and laugh ter.) They had less confidence in their power over their dupes and followers. They address themselves to a people who are incapable of being taken in by any such stuff—they are too honest to deal in such gross and scandalous falsehoods.— There is another circumstance of difference which cer tainly distinguishes them. I am not aware that, bad as the Welch and Yorkshire proceedings have been— highly injudicious in their origin—leading to acts of trea son—tending, no doubt, to breaches of the peace and to rebellion against the Government—bad as they had been, highly to be reprobated—detestable acts worthy of all punis'ament which mercy tempering justice would allow—at least they don't seem to have had any sordid end in view. They don't seem to have had a design of raising a cry in order to enable the perpetrator of the sedition also perpetrated an inroad on the exhausted resources of their famished followers.-- (Cheers.) No such sordid views (and it is almost the only merit that their proceedings can be said to have), no such base, moan, sordid views appear to have been the motives of those proceedings against the peace.—( Hear. ) Those three circumstances which I have mentioned, no doubt, distinguish the one class from the other; but how far they afford a reason for the totally opposite course which has been pursued towards the followers of sedition in two different parts of the empire, I leave to your Lord ships' penetration and calm reflection to decide.—(Hear, and laughter.) Nevertheless, that this outbreak, that this sedition, that this excitement to tumult could never have been resorted to, and much more, never could have been successful, if there had not been in the body of the people an aptitude for receiving them, and to break out into discord, I hold is perfectly self-evident, and to be one of the most melancholy distinguishers of the present day. But, my Lords, this is not all. I observe now, for the first time, a universal alienation of one great class of the community from all that stands above it. The great labouring population of the country are no longer knit in the bonds even of amity—even of neutrality. The wildest doctrines have been spread—doc trines that go to the root of all property—not of this or that Government—not of this or that form of polity even —not of this or that country even—but which go to sap the foundations of civil society itself. Those doctrines, denying the right of property, the foundation, the corner stone on which society is built—the right of property is denied—the propriety of unfixing all its rules and all its titles is openly agitated ; and this is addressed to hun dreds of thousands of the people, though I would fain hope not yet to anything like a considerable extent. This wild doctrine, which has bewildered imaginations and troubled spirits, has not had yet any great support, notwith standing the activity with which it has been distributed. But one success has attended those efforts—it has alienated the bulk of the people. The labouring population from the capi talists of this country, and from all classes of their fellow citizens, be they ever so little removed above them—l mean that division which separates the unrepresented from the represented portion of the people. My Lords—of this there are manifest and plain symptoms in almost all the late proceedings of the people. That you can never keep society together by main force—that by what the Speech from the Throne first refers to as boing powerful enough to put down the local insurrection in Wales, you can keep so ciety together, and bind it into one consistent and tranquil mass, viz.—" the vigour of Magistracy, and the good be haviour of troops"—that you can, by constantly applying that to d body, every one part of which is disunited in itself, and the great mass of which is in constant and perpetual war with a smaller portion of it, is as utterly impossible as it is to mix fire and water together into the samr., mass. My Lords, it is contrary to the very nature of things—it is contrary to the nature of man, it is contrary to the whole nature of human society, which stands upon this law, that direct force may remove trifling mischiefs, but it is by kind ness and reconcilement from reasonable men, used to rea sonable animals, that you can alone get a constant, perma nent and secure peace. Perhaps your Lordships may ask me why I dwell on these topics, which don't excite much interest in this House. No doubt they have no thing to do with the displacing of one Government or the making of another ; they have no personal reference any more than they have a party bearing. Yet they are all that on which a Government must act if it means to deserve the name of a Government—it is that on which all Governments must proceed—first in inquiring into them, and then acting on them— " Altius his nihil est : hsec aunt fastigia mundi : Publica naturas domus his contents tenetur Foribus." They are the very limits, the bonds, the conditions, the foundations, the essence of all the principles of our social system. Therefore, my Lords, I make no further apology for pursuing what I was about to state to your Lordships, or why I dwell upon this, and make apparently, as sonic of you may think, a theoretical and speculative, but, as I say, in the present state of this country, most strictly practicable use of the subject; and therefore it is that I proceed to show why it is that I think this great severance has taken place, and the symptoms and indications in the consequences and effect of its present state. First, Igo at once to the existence of Chartism. The Chartists are by no means, in point of numbers, so contemptible a body as many are pleased to suppose. Your Lordships would commit a grievous error if you supposed any such thing. They look fewer than they are, because they have no lead ers in whom they have great confidence. A great number arc prepared—are all but disciplined, are bound and united together, and are ready enough to show their numerical force had they but leaders whom they could trust to march with them. But I come to another fact which shows the discrepancy of the two classes, and I know this from those whose business it is to understand it. Was there ever a time, till within the last two or three years, when a sedi tious or other political offence was prosecuted—the Govern ment could quite safely trust a common jury—a jury of tradesmen and shopkeepers No such thing. The rule was never to think of it—acquittal would be certain — and a special jury was a l ways h i d . N ay , as m y Noble and Learned Friend opposite knows, they would not even pray a tales ; hut now ask any man in Westminster Hall to-mor row, and I will be hound the answer will be that you would get a conviction of a common person for a seditious and political offence, by any common Jur . y you can put into the box. Now that, most undoubtedly, is a very great change, and it betokens a very considerable difference between the rnrnmnn masse: , h,. as tney are litr , and th shopkeepers—that' a little above them, the proprie'ar: class, even down to the most huuible ot that proprietary class—very different, indeed, from any thing that existed at a former period. But I come next, and last, to by far the most flagrant proof of this total difference which sepa rates the various classes of the community—l come at once to the Corn-law. I venture to say that if there is env one subject in which the interests of all classes are mooted—your Lordships; may think the interests of the landloid are pre-eminent, and I know that most of you think the intvrests of all classes are in favour of the Corn laws—het I am taking the interests of all classes, exclu sive of the landlords, and these are supposed to be. I hink rightly supposed to ho, the interests of all classes, the numerous class of labourCrs, as well as the classes of pro prietors, capitalists, and oti,'ers, are supposed to be univer sally the same, and whose op: pion, rightly, as I suppose, is against those laws, and in favor:' of the repeal. But it is quite immaterial to me whether I and right or wrong, fir at all events no man can doubt that all those classes firmly believe their interests are against the Corn-laws, and in favour of the repeal, and my Noble Friend opposite (Earl Stanhope) would make the greatest mistake that he ever committed in his life, if he were for a mome nt to fancy ' that, in consequence of what has taken place at some public meetings, the great bulk of the people agree with him, and differ with me, on the subject of the Corn. laws. They know full well their interest is against. the Corn-laws—they have declared it again and again—they declare it to this House as often as they have a fair oppor- , tunity of doing so ; but they are firmly resolved , not. - withstanding their desire to effect a repeal, notwithstand ing their conviction that it is for their better interests to abolish those laws; notwithst inding they are anxious to see the end of them, they declare and they act upon the ff supposition, that it is not their interest, and would not be their pleasure, to join with the superior classes of their fellow-citizens in any such project of improvement. The consequence of that is, that upon a question involving the interests of the whole population of th country, )ou dare not in the greatest towns call a public meeting, because you are sure that public meeting would decide against those who called it.—(" Hear, hear," from Earl Stan hope.) Not, as my Noble Friend may be well aware, on the merits of the question—l know their reason, I know they bold the same opinion against the Corn-laws—they ; were not taken in by the foolish speeches made by some Manchester men some years ago, in which they said as if they had been determined to alienate from themselves the labourers of the country, that 'he conse quences of repealing the Corn-laws would be to lower the , price of wages—they have not taken in that. First, be cause they doubt whether it would lower wages, and next, because if it did take a little away it would bring it home to them in another direction, acid that they would gain a great deal more by lowering the price of food than they' would lose by the lowering of their wages. But these men are not to be taken in by the nonsense that is talked in some quarters, any more than that they are men to be dejected on the question of the Corn-laws or the Charter itself, on account of extreme violence of language. I have heard that the shopkeepers look down upon them with a degree of aristocratic pride wholly unknown in this House, and in the other legitimate haunts of pa tricians—any thing more unmitigated, more unbroken, or more proud and somewhat intolerant, and per haps unbearable than the aristocracy of the infe rior classes of men towards those who are yet their inferiors, I believe can hardly be exaggerated.—Don't believe what they tell you when they say they did not wish for their alliance on account of the extreme vie lence to which they had recourse. Why no Chartist ever made half so violent a speech since the Charter was first drawn up and first talked of, than was made at the Manchester Meeting of the " Capitalocracy."— (Laughter. ) That particular description of the aria- tocracy of the shopkeepers at Manchester, the other day, when your Lordships were described as dishonest men because you maintained your opinion in favour of the Corn- .1, law—when being for or against them was laid down as the test of common honesty—ay, and when every landlord for abiding by the law, and using his property as he chose, was openly a and amidst the applause of thousands, de nominated a robbeia I never heard such violence as that by any of the Chartists at any of their meetings, or even at their own Convention in Palace-yard. Now, my Lords, no such meeting can be held its London, in Southwark or in Westminster. In Edinburgh it has been attempted, and signally failed. In Nottingham and other places also at tempted, and signally failed. But in this immense metro polis, with 1,500,000 inhabitants, who of all others have the greatest interest, and who, from personal intercourse with them, I know of all others have the strcngest opinions and the warmest feelings against the Corn-laws, no man dare gammon a meeting to petition or to resolve for a repeal of the Corn-laws. --( Hear, near, hear.) It is ascer tained the cause of that is, that they ccnsider it is not their interest to co-operate in any degree or to any extent whatever with other classes above them, between whom and them there is now so wide a separation. Ano ther mode of reasoning is this—we stood by you in 183/ to obtain Parliamentary Reform. You obtained the franchise for yourselves, but you left us out, and we are as much mis represented as before . My Lords, that brings me at once to what I think is the cause of all this, and I rejoice (and of course your Lordships still more rejoice) that I am ap proaching to the end of what I deem to be a necessary and indispensable, though certainly a most painful duty. The great body of the people of England are excluded, and they know and feel that they are excluded from the political privileges of the Constitution. They deny the doctrine of virtual representation altogether. If the workman has no vote himself he holds that it is an insult, and not an argument, when you bid him look to the vote of his master. His master I That is the very man, perhaps, that he is pitted against, and whom he wishes to vote against had he the franchise himself. He holds himself excluded ley the vote being withheld, and he holds himself insulted by the mockery of the argument of his being vir tually represented. He says that to be represented by another whom he has no fellow-feeling with, is not being represented, but that it is being misrepresented. He holds that he were better left without the vote of the other, without the virtual representation, if he is to have no direct and substantive vote. That is the condition of the great body of English people—it is the condition of ninety nine in one hundred of the inhabitants of this country —it is the condition of all the most industrious, the most virtuous, the most skilful workmen—it is the condition of almost all the artizans of the country— those whose ingenuity, as well as hard labour, are the very causes of the prosperity of England—it is the condition of 9 in 10 of the 1 terary men in this country, men of science, lovers ot arts, those men who carry the name with the wealth of this country all over the world to universal acceptation—it is the condition of all those la bouring, industrious, ingenious classes, that a broad and impassable line is drawn between them and the Constitu tion, and that they are outlaws and outcasts from the Con stitution. Then the question is, how long is this to be en dured by them ? and are they patiently to sit down undor thisl exclusion ? Are they to hng these chains: as they deem thorn to be ? And i f men are excluded from that which they wish to enjoy, it is the consequence, the nature of men, greatly to overvalue that which you withhold from them, and you enhance prodigiously and incalculably the value of it in their eyes. Then the common answer is, Oh, hut you are not sufficiently 'educated, and the reply to that answer, when used by a very liberal person, a M.P., among his constituents the other day, appeared to me very applicable. The Member said to his constituents, " I am extremely desirous you should have the Elective Franchise,:provided you are sufficiently instructed to use it." " Then," said the constituent to the Member, " Why did. you vote for 3,0001. only for a grant for education the other day, because of what are you now alleging? You don't educate me, and then you make your own withhold to p racticable draw, an hhd t eiost course ce e uoo e xrs ust p ne enlsovuttewaordnwyl exclude t eea h r fbt a aer hltdoeeomoal adopted, withhold ing of education from me a ground for refusing me the Elective Franchise." Therefore it will be seen at once that such argument as that was utterly intolerable and ought not to be used. The time, if not come, is fast, approaching when you will find it hopeless to use such an argument. The time will come when it will be no longer whole i a togte e phhdyet cos dhuyiliiroCnnb enjoyment ofel : ykfr o emwi I tneolehoarnf l etwe l :Iliac Constitution. ouvvonlrdisahtbcai trt: thought itoyuunemttrifihieoendexn fi tgely.. t , feelplf eo a tl oe contrarybo be tt e in lusiv th e e sys g t o e n and under judicious regulations, adopting such tests independent of property, as might give you the best se curity for the Elective Franchise being honestly and wisely used—if following that sacred principle of our Constitution, which holds that no man ought to be taxed who is not re presented, and that no man ought to be called upon to obey laws which lie had no hand, directly or indirectly, in making—if following that principle, and working it out, you were to throw open the door wider sedition great lecture change. to empty You wralidls all f e t n t h see he preachers t o to e e of than it now is of our political constitution, extend t eoor continued n sseparatedpsights the portals still farther to all classes of your industrious and useful fellow-countrymen, believe me, you would see a h it. You wthe Y o o fm u osst w at o te u fs l rm d igehn s t, e ful see an end to what I now regar d that hoa of the of a , l heey p pou have been display e d t o t h e into classes, irreconcilable, hostile to each p other, and, hts that of late years moreover, you would see the genuine aristocracy of the eountr and y,thethe experiencerank,the of the upper oealth, the virtue,per classes, intelli gence,tahse, m w h o i r c e h r eg I believeai n that t o be e nascendanceatural anwditwhhitchhe,ir if I know fellow-citizens te a- lags and d E their nglis h h m a beint I A believe r d t s o , be e ha c tr o o ng to en a i p a o l l t o o gi t s h e e t i o r •fee I - your Lord hips for detaining you so long on the present and i occa s • . , nd if I had thought I would have tunity I would willingly have postponed what I had to say, but I deemed it t duty these my to make observations. —( Hear, hear.) Earl STANHOPE said that nothing was ,further from his wish than to trespass on their Lordships' attention, but it was utterly impossible for him to remain silent after the speech which had been made by his Noble and Learned Friend. In all the observations which he had made upon the perils which encompassed the country, he entirely con curred. The Noble and Learned Lord had talked of the discontent throughout the country, and had said that farther concessions would conciliate them. Six years had not elapsed since the Noble and Learned Lord had implored their Lordships, on his bended knees, to pass the Reform Bill, assuring their Lordships that from that moment all agitation would cease, all discontent would be calmed, and that there would exist nothing but quiet and contentment. How had the event justified the assertion ? The Noble Lord opposite thongbt that the Poor-law was most important to the condition of the people. B u t he (Lord Stanhope) spoke not on the authority of the Chartists, but on the authority of clergymen, constantly engaged in communication with their parishioners in dis charging the duties of their profession—it was on their authority that he asserted that if any disturbance had taken place the agricultural population, as well as the manufac turing, were disposed, by discontent, to participate in these disturbances. His Noble Fr end opposite considered the Corn-laws as the main spring and origin of the discontent; but he (Le d Stanhope) would have him refer to th e pro ceedings at public meetings, and he would find that ques tion was treated with the utmost scorn and contempt. In his ( the Noble Earl's) opinion, the main cause of the f. I