The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-08 00:00:00

TPIE LONDON PRESS. THE MINISTRY. There is a tradition '`Of. - t‘Vo rOVirio- claimants ft the flitch of bacon; Dunmow in conSetfuencefef Certain Mid ma!tks encirtlin the eyes of the wife, answered by obviously ungular abra sions on the husband's jaws, which, though of recent in fliction, the claimants hesitated to explen.' It i'vhFe - whil if our ministerial contemporaries would:bear iiairnillbe. principle involved in this adjudication of the chartered dispenser of smoked flesh, and arbiter of conjugal felicity. Should they do so, they would no longer exhibit the Whimsical paradox of a bitterly acrimonious controversy amongst the organs of the several factions of the admi- II ist ration to prove the whole party .." as Iniing . as weavers," nor should we have from. some of. these jour nals direct attacks upon the th - erfiselVeT 'ret us take for example the following from, certainly, not the least acute or gentlemanlike of the ministerial i mers, the Globe, which, in an'..artiCle of Ida . iiiilct", - breitlies forth the following. " mild: accents of:• love,"-z l th4 whispered echo of the cabinet endearments':-:' " We know not whether it'is a sign of a winhing cause, that the arrogance which used to bo shown by the biiponentt,'W-V6t6 by ballot, in all controversies On the subject, 1;3 transferred to - its supporters. IloiVever it may be, we see men Who ought to Katie - better manneri, join in the practice of deifying - to who doubt the propriety of heaven and:earth for the incline:. diate introduction of the ballot,' not' only common sense, but honesty. Such an imputation on men who differ on a 'speculative point implies a stupid insolence, which comnionly arises from malignity qf disposition, and which can only be''ex.4 custl in this case by the confuSion of the anderstandiny. • ``The manner in which the l ess rancorous dtthese 4/U4i:salts hive disturbed ther intellects; and inflamed their passions on the subject, is by mixing up' two questions 'entirely .distinct. tnd first is, whether, in constituting an 'entirely new' Scheme of, rel liresentationtbr a commonwealth, the plan of ~secret, or that of 'Open voting should be preferred; the other, whether Ole .plO ut'secret"voting should tie introduced into this country, Wnerd the electoral rights are still irregularly and unequalty distri4 bated ; and especially whether such a Change . shouid he intro= duced immediately after other changes,—greater, perhaps, than have been effected in any state in Modern times, without- revo= Ilition and civil war preceding_ or followinfi them." • The assumption that rib Viva liar is to follow the late revolutionary change, it must be owned, appears a little hasty within six months after - the 'change has:lsden 'even theoretically completed,.and'actually befOre even the first we e of its preparatory practical operation has been made. This remark, however, is by the way,-tbough we could not omit to offer it. We beg of our readers t& - pausO upon the many proofs of concert and good 'Will amongst the ministers with which this extract overflows—the di ' reit imputation of " arrogance," the implied charges of "ill manners," the downright suggestion of " stupcl in .golence," " malignant disposition," " confused under standing," and "disturbed intellects," so many pretty flowers of invective, all " Wreathed in a garland" fur the brows of Lord Althorp, Mr. Poulett Thomson, Lord John Russell, and the other ballotists. We might easily ap pend to this testimony of concord from the Globe, a com panion piece froni the side of the ballotists; but it is un necessary, as our readers will see. Whoever reads this must give credit to the existence of something corre sponding on the other part, or what the' Schoolnien call "if correlative." The Globe is not the journal to impute "arrogance," . " ill manners," "stupid insolence," &c. to a fair controversial opponent, or without the • existence Of some controversy ; and if any controversy, however fairly conducted, is admitted to have place, we presume that the claini . Of unanimity must be given up. BUt it pay be supposed, that this is a mere dispute amongst the ministerial newspapers ; they who suppose this know no thing of the discipline which all parties impose upon the press whenever they can, and which the administration always can and always does impose upon its journals. The fear of a disturbance . of the peace of Europe from the Belgian quarrel was pretence, but the fear of the breaking up of a ministry from the wrangling of its jour nals is real, present, ever-haunting terror to feeble office . - men. The reason of this will appear sUffiCiently plain upon a little consideration. Such creatures as Lord Durban], for example, totally ignorant of themselvei, think that they can address the public with more effect . through newspapers than can be done by men, certainly of superior natural talents —as, being born to no fortune, or having lost it, they would, if not be shoe-blacks or Street-sweepers, men probably better educated than them- SelVes, and men who have had, in political writing, that 1 long practice and experience which gives skill in every other art. In consequence, such ignorant or feeble per sons are eternally scribbling ; and, as they' have more than the average share of spite and malice, the jealousy inseparable from their nature, pampered as it is by asso ciation with abler or more popular men in a cabinet, will be reflected in the journals of the administration, if the" least latitude of controversy (except with the coml. - lion enemy) be for a moment tolerated. When such articles as that which we have quoted froin the Globe appear in a ministerial journal, the 'Cabinet may in ordinary times be regarded not merely as breaking, but as actually bro ken up. ' The object of our observations is to call attention to the marks of disunion in theadthiniStration. Men Maj ., judge variously of the present importance of these cracks and fissures, which we have pointed out, but every One -will see that they must be progressive. The ballot ques tion and the church plunder scheine,. have too many, arid' toO noisy patrons to be'blinked by any exertion of niinis terial skill; and with respect to these, Lord 'Brougham and Mr. Stanley are absolutely pledged on the one Lord Althorp and Mr. Poulett Thomson no less' abs& lutely on the other. At all events, the beginning of the controversy is not very ominons'Of cordial co-Operation; it looks very like that project mocked in one of the ear liest placarded epigrams upon recore.--Discordia concor dice tempt= wdllicatit.—Standard. THE BALLOT. Under the ban of some of out contemporaries who seem to have lost their temper with . their judgment; we have made bold to persevere in our distrust of all those magnificent attributes ascribed by some persons to the choice of representatives by ballot. We are not -con scious of being "tricksters" in our profession either of attachment to reform 'or 'of hatred toWards - perfidy : • nor is it our opinion, that on a search into the state of feel ing throughout this eountkv, 'one' decently-educated man in Ihree'would now be found favourable' to an exchange V' the present frank and manly mode of election, for one which, if it fulfilled its etid, would at best be fraught with mystification and duplicity,' like that in whiar the partisans of the balhitexpi!e"sS such unboUnded confidence. however, it is plain that electors ought not to be in timidated any more than corrupted.' • If-tlie ballot had • appeared to statesmeri 'of any =former time an effective means for ensuring secrecy at `elections; is it not pi-Oba ble that one tit' more of them WoUld - have forced upon parliament the wisdom of , such an' expedient for pre ventina the crime of bribery? ''if absolute secrecy could . be afforded by any humarimeasure; certain arid inL . deed .obvious, that the :guiltypra6fice of offering and re ce't'ing bribes would be undermined by it no less success ndly than that of delivering and-being 'swayed by niena tes. Did no method exist of AlscoVt!ring how a Man bad voted, there can be little' doulit that few carldidatei would risk their money When' it was impbSsible iO4sCer tin whether the prothised 'equivalent would or would ilot be paid. "Yet, we have not -heard that among the various devices brought forwardhy therthost etninent and h ;nest legislators of - the last' or :present - century for the gushing of corruption, the vote by ballot was one. THE LIVERPOOL. STANDARD. Now, with regard to , ;‘ intimidation," our readers will recoll t ect tharvfe have eV i e"r described it as an enormous elig r eid A'onewirb VKlfich purity and freedom Of elecL tioh were altiiietPr'ineOmpatible. The question is, lioW to Yuk`Un• enrto 'or greatly diminish it, the ballot not beuit, iii oifi opinion, calculated for either purpOse. In such cases of embarit'ssmerit, arising from outrages upon the spirit of all law and justice, the best way of meeting theniis to look to the analogies of the'constitution. Bri -1;1_4 been frequently puniSbed, and sensibly checked by act of parliament. But bribery is, in its nature, more easy of 'concealment and more difficult of proof than any threat or l iindicti've 'act by landlord Or superior.' 'There is, there can be, no want of evidence that threats have , been uttered, notices served, or ejectments or other legal processes executed. The receiver of a bribe, again, is a .partieeps criminis, and will not 'peach for shame; whereas, the victim of - feafor - Vengeance has no such motive for con cealment, publicity would injure the other party, 3 nothini. We are satisfied, therefore, that the best adapted mea • sere FM. the putting of " intimidation " every, where is the enactniefit of a' statute rendering the attempt to intimidate, IV:WOO or deed; by any landlord, his Stew or election agent; or any person authorised to act on hiS behalf, peng'as against the party cony icted of such condUct,— , -tst, by heavy fine ; 2nd, by vitiating hiS election. If a tenant be turned out within a twelve " month after - the election, urileSs' strong-and gThlind fOr sudh ejectment can be shown from causes inderieridpiii of the eleetion, such a s no n-p a y men t , . • • . of ,rent, injury to his farm, &C., the tenant so' dealt with ought to be , entitled to commensurare damages against his landlord, and the election ought to he declared invalid - 4.4PakiiiiStliim on side such iniquitous acts had ''EMn'petpetrated. We have a fixed persuasion. that. an act of parliament for such an object might be so framed ' and administered as to set the most dexterous forms of evasion at defiance • and if an oath wereimpOsed upon .each • member . ' of the House 'of Commons, negativing, under the pains of perjury, 'that any corruption or . inti midation had been practised or encouraged by any agent, in his name o r for his inte res t, at the late election, or in contemplation of it,'a powerful safeguard long and vainly called for, Cyanid be established against electiom crimes: In our judgMent such a law Would be worth a thousand ballots.-7 iines~ " can that state of popular suspicion and its consequent evils be avpictld ? Thus, then, when we .begin some what carefully to examine the real strength of the ad ministration, we Aro that it is not so 'firm as it, appears — and that we have Proved what we have set out by saying, viz., that the 'very strength of its majority in the Com mons may be the cause of its weakness in the cabinet— it is probable that, ere long, some of the present com ponent parts will be separated from each other, and, by the laws of political gravity, a few fly off to the natural affinities of toryism, a few remain attached to the stronger attractions (suited to their several quUlities) of oirce— . of popularity—of party spirit or of liberal and conscientious principle.—New Monthly Magazine. INKANT LABOUR. The evidence on the factories' regulation bill is of a mature to make'all'ieaergrinaequainted with our manu fr.ibt - tiring 'prifitilatibn 'ailidder. 'We have often heard just reFrobation of the misery with which military greatness and 'glory are purchased, but if the evidence which has been published concerning the state of factories were ap plicable to the majority' of our maritifaCturing population,' the misery by whibh manufacturing greatness and glory are purchased must be almost as intense, and i n its dura tion and 'Consequences still more 'distressing and perni cious to mankind. In some of the factories, if this evidence is to be trusted (into which children are sold as into slaverY), children, in some instances mere infants, are kept at work for 14, 15, and . even" I 7 hours a day (exclu . sue of the intervals in which the' poor animals are allowed to feed.) Beating in, various shapes is what children me commonly subject to —nor, even, perhaps, in' the excess in which it is said to be employed in the mills, does - it constitute a substantive grievance of the first magnitude; but the beating is em. ployed to urge them to labour beyond the power of their exhausted natures—to keep them standing when fatigue would impel them to fall down—to keep them awake when nature almost forces them to sleep. The minds and feelings of children may blind them to the moral suffering, but their frames cannot withstand the influence of the fatigue, the miserable fatigue and over-watching which are forced upon them. They grow up-diseased •in body as well as weakened in mind, and 'devoid of . the commonest eduCation, even that household education which must be acquired in the cottage of the most uncultivated labourer. They grow up savages, but savages without' energy, strength, or health. Many of them are under so miserable a system, it is a consolation to know it die in childhood. This evidence does not extend to all or to the largest part of the manufacturing population even of the dis tricts to which it'ielates, and we are not, therefore, on accountofit, warranted in pronouncin g th e a dV a ne ement of oiir Manufactures to be a national calamity and curse. But the evil extends far enough to make it matter of na tional concern, while it is sufficiently limited on the other hand to . make it possible that the exertions of the legis lature ma sti'v and remove this moral plague.—Globe. THE MAGAZINES. PROSPECTS OF THE MpTISTRY.—Never had an En- gglisli . icitil l nistratlon a . stronger body of supporters in he representative assembly. Never, therefore, to the eye of the "superficial; did an English administration appear more pin.verful. But, examined a little closer, p`e shdll find thativhat seems the cause of their strength is net Unlikely ,to be the cause of their disunion. An over whelming preponderance of members are returned, en gaged to the most popular opinions, and the considera ;ion of the most popular opinions is at once forced upon he government: The ministers run every hazard of losing* Majority they have obtained, unless they con- Sent to embrace the policy to which that majority are pledged. The consequence of this is an immediate discus sion' among the members of the cabinet how far to resist the movement, orhow far to advance with it. Had the pro portion of reforming members been less great, it is obvious that there might have been less disagreement among the ministers ; for the more liberal would have said to the more conservative—" With this House of Commons we cannot carry popular measures to the extent we wish, and we 'are' contented, therefore, with approaching to the boundary that you would appoint." The conservative policy Would have been embraced, and the very necessity of securing" a dubious majority would have made the cabi net unanimous. 'But the . amazing strength of the libe ral party, and the lengths to which they have carried their professions to' their constituents, give one part of the cabinet the courage to advance, as it strikes into the, other moiety 'of the cabinet the fear of proceeding. One. says—" We have now the power to forward the work of good government." The other says—" Things are gone too far—now is the time to resist continued innovation ; ". with . one it. is the very moment .to advance—with the other to.' stand still. This, We. have cause to believe, is the real state of feeling amongst the ministers, (although, perhaps, it ,is more easy to point out the conservative, than the 'progressing . portion,) and 'thus, as we com menced by saying, their seeming strength is the cause of their probable disunion. * * It May, be recollected that, in opposition to the 'generality of our contemporaries, we insisted that the necessity of a creation of peers, so far froin'heing removed by the passing of the reform bill, would become doubly imperious by that event. * * Consider the church reforro, the taxes on knowledge, the abolition of slavery; nay, the minor points of the 'open in & of the East I n di a _ monopoly, and - repealing the bank charter. IS it likely that, on these questions, the tory majority of the Peers will 'yield to the liberal majority of the Commons ? * * When the people distrust, even gOod becoMeS soured to them benefits are derived from unworthy 'motives . the most necessary delays exasperate them; and every unavoidable obstacle seems to them to have been artfully arranged on purpose to thwart their. reasonable desires. How, with such a House of Lords, THE ELECTIONS-PROSPECTS OF PARTIES. The radicals have not been as successful as they ex pected, but they have compelled the many soi-disa n t , Whig's to adopt their principles so closely as to amount very nearly to, identification. The Whigs proper have carried in several of their men, but the general body is by no means as firmly united as they were before the carrying of "the bill." Some among them cling to their original declaration, that the bill was a final measure ; others, whether from necessity or inclination, are obliged to keep forward with the movement. We foresee from this that a separation among the party is as close at hand as was the split among the Tories at the political demise of Lord Liverpool. Taking parties, however, as they stand, we may have about 150 Tories of all kinds, 100 fladicals (including the Irish repeaters) and 400 Whigs. If this last body, therefore, were united, it would be perhaps the most formidable majority that ever appeared in the House of Commons: but the, split to which we have al luded will essentially weaken its force. We may calcu late on a fourfold division of the House as complete as we have it in the French Chambers. All the materials for two extremes and two centres are not only in exist ence, but in active operation. We fear that, as matters stand, the party of the Mountain will prove, as at the beginning of the French revolution (in the steps of which we are very closely treading), the most powerful of the fourmaking up by clamour and appeals to popu lar fury_what it wants in numbers. At all events, the Iministers; who, either directly, or by the organs under their immediate controul, stimulated the rabbl to acts of violence, in order to carry their measure of reform, will not be able successfully to oppose the revolutionists, who are following them in all their operations. The hope of the country must rest on the Tories, who, though beaten in the elections, preserve a sufficient strength to form an opposition formidable even in num bers, but far more formidable for talent and integrity. They will not be the less able to fight the battle of the constitution because they. have lost the doubtful assist ance of the inveterate jobbers whom the long holding of office by the Tories had entailed on the party. It is far better for them that the.Holmeses, and all the persons of that class and order, should be ousted from Parliament; as, however useful or convenient,they might be found in parliamentary intrigues or official trickeries, the service they rendered was more than compensated by the gene ral odium which attached to them in every coterie but their own. No one can now impute disgraceful motives to the Tories at present returned to Parliament and their usefulness will be augmented accordingly. They have a tolerably plain career before them.—Trazer's Magazine. FUTUREBALANCE OF PARTIES. There is no concealing the fact, that a great majority, probably two-thirds of the new House of Commons, will represent what may now be called, with perfect justice, the revolutionary party ; that is, the large body who con sider the ieform bill as only a means to an end, and value it just because it opens the floodgates to that torrent of innovation which proMiSeS soon to overwhelm all the in stitutions of the empire, and subject ,us, if not so rapidly, yet not the less , surely; to all the levelling principles of reVolutionary Franee. There is, however, no room for unmanly despondency. There is, in the first place, a well-founded confidence to be placed in the superintendence of Providence, and the justice of the cause which we support. We are not striv ing, to uphold any decayed. or corrupted monarchy, like that of }ranee in 1789, or any tyrannical and oppres sive government, like that of Charles I. and James 11. We are supporting, on the contrary, the most glorious monument of civilisation which the world has ever seen; institutions which have united, to a degree unprece dented in an yforrner age or country, the vigour of popu lar enterprise, with the steadiness of aristocratic deter mination—a constitution which has blended, beyond any other which ever existed, the utmost extent of popular freedom with the highest degree of public order; under which the empire has grown grey in years of renown, and all the classes it contains attained an unprecedented degree of public prosperity. Those who believe in the existence of a Supreme Power, and the moral govern ment which it exercises over the affairs of the world, can never believe that such institutions are to be permanently destroyed, till those who share in their blessings are un worthy of them, and they have ceased to promote the great ends of the social union. Till this is the case, there is always hope. There is, in the next place, a most important ground for hope, in the vig-orous manly, and in many places, successful stand, 'which the friends of liberty have made against the combined efforts of ministerial influence and rabble excitation. There never, in truth, was an oppo sition placed in such trying circumstances, or so portent ous an union effected, to overwhelm every manly and independent feeling. The patriot, in general, is sup ported either by the government or the populace. He is either applauded by those whose weight and station enti tle them to most respect, or by the vast multitude of his fellow-countrymen, who share in his feelings and animate 'his exertions. At this time, from an unprecedented com bination; these opposing forces draw the same way. The attraction of the sun and the moon operates in the same direction, and can it be wondered at that a flood-tide is the Consequence ? None of the ordinary motives which influence an opposition, are now allowed to operate in swelling , their ranks ; neither the applause of the people, nor the favour of government. Nothing remains but the naked feeling of patriotism, unchePred by the applause of the multitude—unrewarded by the smiles of the great. But if this unexampled combination has diminished their numbers, it has purified their ranks and ennobled their cause. It is now separated from all the passions which seduce and taint mankind ; from the giddy love of popu larity, the selfish crouching to power, the disgraceful shrinking from danger. The Conservatives who have now stood forth to defend their country from the assaults of the revolutionists, are men who have rejected every temptation, and braved every danger at the call of duty; and such conduct, even in this scene of wickedness, will not go without its reward. The time will come when their conduct in having done so will extort the ad miration of a grateful world; and even at this moment of party triumph and assumed exultation, it is envied by all among their opponents who are worthy the name of men, and hated by their unworthy followers . from the bottom of their hearts. In the third place, the Conservative party have good cause to hope, from, the evident and universal impression which they have made on all educated classes in the state. The elections for Oxford, Cambridge, and Trinity Col lege, Dublin, dernpnstrate what every person acquainted with the society of persons of education in every part of Great Britain has long known to be the case, that the present Ministry are with that class the m o st unpopular that ever held the helm of affairs. The Whig candidates could not shew themselves Oxford- or Cambridge.; and at Trinity College, they w defeated by a majority of three to one. Strong in: Tower Hamlets, Marylebone, and St. Giles's,—irrestil ble among the weavers of Manchester, and the b 1 3 4, smiths of Birmingham, they could n o t ven t ure a stritr with the educated gentlemen of England even at ' Whig University of Cambridge. This is a decisive o' as to the future fate of the empire. Brute strength, g sical numbers, cannot, in the end, con t en d f A v ith int & tual superiority; the diamond edge of genius will s• bonds which the strength of millions.could not bra The arms, and legs, in a moment of intemperan ce , cease to obey the head ; but the eternal subjection' matter to mind will not the less, in the end, be assert It was not thus at the outset of the French Revoluti' all the educated classes there urged on the movem and their heads began to fall before they were convin' of their error; but the superior intelligence and'habit thought of England have saved it from this ruinous it tuation. The coming storm has been seen by the edu tion of the country, and they have set themselves ni fully to resist it. They were too late in doing so to p vent the onset of the storm, but they may still influe its direction and moderate its fury. The sway of the volutionary party is rapidly subsiding in the educatA classes ; it is altogether extinct in their higher grad and dying out in the lower. It is still paramount in middling and lower orders, because they are always sw3 ed by the principle which ten years before influenced higher. In the present inundation of Movement me bers into the House of Commons, may be discerned natural consequence of the absurd pseudo-liberality whit six or eight years ago, distinguished so many of young men of rank and fortune at the universities. the opinions entertained by their successors at this ti is to be found the harbinger of a brighter day to futu times, and the mirror of public opinion, after a long terval of disaster and suffering, in future years. These anticipations must be still farther strengthen if it is recollected, in the fourth place, that the middli orders, in whom the strength of the Revolutionary p now lies, must soon be exposed to individual surer' and misery in consequence of the infatuated course wli' they have pursued, and the wicked leaders whom ti have chosen to follow. All the great interests of t country, and with them all the small interests of ,t country, are at stake. The Church is the first victio and it has spread its roots too far through the middli classes, not to excite a general and heartfelt feeling of gret and indignation when it is despoiled of its anti inheritance. The Corn Laws, and the Funds, they are assailed, will each affect the livelihood and 5 sistence of millions. It will no longer be the politt, power of the higher order s w hi c h w ill b e ti e d t o th e s ts) to be worried by the dogs of revolution, but the fort ', and subsistence of large masses of the.people ; and t triumph of the Revolutionists will be dimmed by ~ tears of the orphan, the cries of the destitute, the vr 3 ' ings of the dying. When those disastrous events occo as occur they will, it is impossible that a large portion the middling and lower orders should not break off fro,' the leaders who have r u i ne d an d b e t ra y e d th em 11 lament the misery which will then be created, we 0 do our utmost to alleviate it, so far as we can, but 11 know that it is unavoidable. Misery and suffering trill tame the fierceness of passion in nations as well as in° viduals; the laws of nature are not to be broken W impunity ; and those, who, disregarding the voice of , dom, will yield to the tempter, must in sackcloth ashes repent of their sins, not less in the political t the moral world. Lastly, the talent and courage which has burst for among the young and brilliant leaders of the Consery tive band, encourage the wannest hopes of the fate the empire, when they arrive at such a station as to rd its councils. Difficulties and dangers create men ; ri! the ability which in ordinary times might be buried obscurity, or perhaps lost in frivolity, is, in these-stirrft and trying thnes, called to a nobler sphere, and traiW to the exercise of more animating duties. It is with fee ings of no ordinary pride that we notice the brilliant el ertions which Scotland has made at this eventful ens! Manchester has rejected Mr. Hope Roxburghshire probably do the same to Lord John Scott. These even only prove the total unfitness of the class to whom d Reform Bill has given power, to exercise it to their oo or their country's advantage, and sets off in brighter e lours, by the force of contrast, the splendid talents whirl they were unable to appreciate. The brilliant eloquenel sound constitutional principles, and enlarged views these eminent young men, prove how fit they were . form the bright es t ornamen t s o f t h e S enate ; t h e i r re ' tion, the miserable prospect of salvation which the form Bill affords to the country. But let them not discouraged ; the time will come, when they will spe to as willing as they have hitherto found adverse au . ' Fences among the lower orders, and wh en th e a d m i ra tu which they have universally awakened among the ed cated gentlemen who could understand, will be shared ' the ignorant multitude, who will then have learnt by s ' fering to appreciate them. The duty of the Conservative band, who, in the mi' of the general democratic madness, find a place in ' Legislature, is s uffi c i en tly plain. Let them adhere st: , dily to their principles ; recollect that on the m , as sacred band of Thebans, the sole hopes of their cow) now rest; and that,- victorious or vanquished; the adv, ration of posterity and•the gratitude of their country attend them if they never swerve from the path of du Let them join in no coalitions to throw out the Ministr!, disgrace themselves by no unions for a momentary tr l ! urnph with the Radicals ; but steadily and uniformly co sider Revolution as the demon which they are sent the, to combat, and, by the ble ss i ng o f G o d, w ill u lti ma te'. conquer. By uniformly adhering to this principle, the will remain perfectly clear of the march of innovatie! and all its ruinous excesses and consequences : they 0 have nothing to reproach themselves with in their pub career; and when suffering has taught the people tb e errors, and anguish has • tamed their pa ss i ons , it i s t o th ' that the nation will turn with tears of repentance, 9 their patriotism which it will celebrate in strains of e ul tat i on.—Blackwood's Magazine. THE PORTUGUESE WAR. The state of our reWions with Portugal has becc 4 so anxious, so much perplexed by contending faction and likely to involve this nation in such embarrass° consequences, that we believe we shall gratify.,our rc ers by a general and fair outline of the question. this matter we take no side The competitors for Portuguese tbrone are equally indifirent to us, 4 1 errors or crimes of the parties are not within our e . , mate. Don Miguel and Don Pedro are to us the Yet we very deeply regret the, circumstances, wile arising from chance, caprice, or necessity, which 1 1 1 placed England in all but a direct position of war , so old, so faithful, and so important an ally as Portilr o y If Don Miguel were per sona lly gu ilty o f ever y er, l that could degrade th e h uman c h arac t er , we might 00 and hate the individual, = we might pronounce him *iv to sit upon a throne, if IR will, but the arbitration uif not rest with us. The Portuguese nation, fully quainted with , the man and the character, have cil him for their monarch. And which amongst our red settlers of nations, will venture to say, that they t wait for the approbation of England on the mat If they have chosen ill, the -ill be on them. Mkt choice can be no more an affair of ours than the calo The Portuguese have.shown that their choice was s rl taneous : they have 'Aince shown that they adh.el their choice, they are at this hour holding out der he two most powerful natioril of -.Europe, 7 France,---in assertion of their choice ;am ie of justice, freedom and common sense, 1 se we to say, that they shall not have the k 7 have chosen ? Itt these femarkS, we have no idea. Of Oa] glish conncilS with any factious and intei bition. They may have been involved in tl the original weakness of Mr. CanninA's int ,ley, and by the new systetn of flattering tl V,eininent. We speak of the Whole transa the spirit-of party, but in the, common sense life. With. the Portuguese choice of the throne; England has, unquestionably, no ri :r to interfere. But in one Point, we mu we are, however unconsciously, draWing l'uilt upon ourselves ; and that point is, the ctice of raising soldiers. for tile Portugues -man lies a riitheto shed the blood of man bi once, or for the protection of the weak, and only in extreme cases. - The soldier figlitin airy fights virtually in . Self:defenee. But the recruits that are going off daily to fie al, in the liSt of self-defenders ? . We are n I Portugal as a nation, yet do We not San winking at the act; the crime Of men going tuouese for.their pay ? The Sable . rule w Is tie British recruit to fight in Portugal wo Imurder on the high road. The highwayma 1 for what he can.get by it. What persOna the British half-pay oitcer,L, or the conimori e in a quarrel between two Portugnese prim ing is, notoriously and simply, a desire to led, to get pay and promotion, and for that beds the blood of Portuguese officers and Ilgers, whom he would never Meet but for thus it blood; and, with Whom he haS no more na anal quarrel than with the man in the moo d all doubt, this act of utterly unprovoked and I aggression in the individual, ismurder--mun Bof God and man. In this statement, we cause no more of Don Mignel than of Do. barking in the service of either, the Britis mid be equally criminal. , Our government I ble to prevent the entering of private and lons into the quarrels of foreign countries. half-pay list it has a hold; and if it' shall sufl individual to raise men in this country fi (yr, it, beyond all controversy, puts itself int lof belligerency. On this head we shall ri our policy retracted. If the Portuguese prig tinue to present to Europe a spectacle unprel rong all the frightful, disgusting, and guilty si -later times,_ two brothers seeking each other' ithe B r itish take the only part suitable to a i kal people, let the British nation distinctly 1 in accomplice in this hideous exhibition ;, 4 I st exert our power, let us exert it to concili Pease, and put forth our intervention to stop ich outrages every public interest, every prix kanity, and every command of religion. The exact state of the question is this. Be: * lli of the late King John the Sixth, Don Pe , an act of direct revolt, declared Brazil indepe rtugal, and himself Emperor. On the cleat King, in 1826, the Portuguese nation; notwi the revolt, offered their crown to Don PI ... ition Of his returning to Portugal, which, lent laws, was essential to his possession of du throne then, by those laws, came to the sea th e late King, but that son was a prisoner in regency was appointed in this emergency, b: ace of Don Pedro, at the head of which was h Infanta, which regency was suffered only it flee of the annexed condition; that on the seco ving at the age of twenty=five, that son shonlc regency ; a - provision which notoriously poll ki Miguel, lie being twenty-three at the time, Vable of the throne by reason of his being in e It even with this proviso the national disconte violent, that it produced the insurrection and ii tech were put down only by the British troops Mr: Canning, on the pretext that, as comic ttin, they constituted a Spanish invasion. It I aid necessary to release Don Miguel, and app( 'gent in order to quiet the public tumultsi,and l y show of dependence on Don Pedro. But NI alinal Sovereign the Portuguese nation were i It. They considered a regency to be an ackn la. of dependence on a power which had con elf altogether a separate . and foreign state. rfectly justifiable national feeling, they refused 'the colony to become the dispbser of the parer i they, in - 1825, proclaimed Don-Miguel king, 're object of national independence, -and in un leistency with the spirit of their 117 hole code' erring to the throne. Don Pedro now,' for the' shaking Don Miguel's succession transferred Ighter, Donna Maria, a right which existed no having alienated it from - himself, and set - her 'al to the prince of the national choice. The lese 'nation, still considering that the governmm ild must be but a contrivance for keeping the der the jurisdiction of the father, and being j ' the laws of the Cortes, rejecting the'foreign k l' descendants, refused to receive her - as their I d have armed in defence of the sovereign Who °se, certainly without any intervention of forei Whom they are now fighting, and whom the 4erto shown no tendency whatever, under a tkptations, to abjure. It i s evident that Don Pedro,' without his foreig and his foreign money, could not stay an 1 ?rtligal; it is equally clear that Don Miguel is I tll no other strength than the force of the count •?qually clear that a continuance of the strug - Lly alienate Portugal from England, distutb'Spil of revolution abetted by England, and, as fix ~ I s e them both listen to . the first overtures from . N 4 Russia, as conservatives of theold European ease of that war which now seems to•menaCe 1 be character of the' individuals is 'comparatively k 17tant to the queStibn.. The only point lbr Eng i l igider is, whether she can have any right to die ( ~) l ee of a sovereign to an- independent nation.— 'ocr.r Magazine. C O REGICIDES.—The details of that royal tragedy ( Sentence of King Charles) lia;:e no raitiou to a m dhy, further than to record; that not one seaimin was a eath, who was a contemporary:witness of its enact it us ln his chronicle,. which ; embraces all those details, 1 ', i , 1 1-0,,, ,, :ne0f the haine, qUality; avid dektiiitidii of ever' ~,,, who acted as a member Of the tribiitutl tO which 'the r m i _, abandoned: That eatalogue . consists, of one eeelesi; b I I, 4 ' 4 iers, eight laivyers, three citizens 'one'butcher, two 1 I aler .haut one chandler,' tw'o'' goldsmiths; one' shoi t,, , <- : ~ „,, ~ . „ suknien,unen-oragers, VIM WODUCII-Glapei o, i ll 'ier, one salter's apprentice..:thirty,six civilians w i th Ihill or trade, in' all 78..lierivink::out 'of 150 that hi ~i rluated for . that- re voltiog tfunetion ;- but not . one i ''''' s llel Deane:(one Of the fourteen: tioldi'ers enumerated' I'4 p auvell afterwards ,sent to Command and control tl ,4 at that time a stranger to the fleet, and the fleet i,!readon, indeed, writing-..largely, calls him ' a mere i 0 1 1 from a common mariner. to the reputation of a I 4tellent officer ;' but Heath; who wrote with more mii , 1 4 .. %ore knowledge of the truth,- states, ',he was for Z. l llan's servant at Ipswich.; and when the war .bega , Lross in the train of artillery, and rose to a Captain `',11(1 therein and was :fatuous •at the siege of. Ixet `11 4,t a cross therein, was thought to benne of Cro ),,compliees to execute his plets against his sotereign'i .4e il/kmoriats of Sir William Penn.