The Sun. — London, England, 1857-12-04 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) Their lordships resumed at five o'clock. NEW PEER. Lord MACAULAY took the oaths and his seat on being created a baron of the United Kingdom. The noble lord was introduced by Lord Campbell and Lord Belper. There was rather a full attendance of Peers on the Opposition benches. Amongst those present we noticed the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Eglinton, the Earl of Hardwick, the Earl Malmesbury, and Lord Redesdale. On the Treasury benches were Earl Granville, Earl Clarendon, the Marquis of Lansdown e, and other sup• porters of the Government. THE ADDRESS. The LORD CHANCELLOR having read her Majesty's Speech, as followa : " MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " Circumstances have recently arisen, connected with the commercial interests of the country, which have induced me to call Parliament together before the ukual time. The failure of certain Joint-Stock Banks, and of some mercantile firms produced such an extent of distrust as led me to authorize my Ministers to recommend to the Directors of the Bank of Eng land the adoption of a course of proceeding which appeared necessary for allaying the prevalent alarm. As that course has involved a departure from the exi-ting Law, a Bill for indemni fying those who advised and those who adopted it will ba submitted for your consideration. _ _ " I have observed, with great regret, that the disturbed stat Hof commercial transactions in general has occasioned a diminution of employment in the manufacturing districts, which I fear cannot fail to be attended with much local distress ; I trust, however, that this evil may not be of long duration ; and the abundant harvest with which it has gra ciously pleased Divine Providence to bless this land, will, I hope, in some degree mitigate the suf erings which this state of things must unavoidably produce. " While I deeply deplore the severe suffering to which many of my subjects in India have been ex posed, and while I grieve for the extensive bereave ments and sorrow which it has caused, I have derived the greatest satisfaction from the distin guished successes which have attended the heroic exertions of the comparatively small forces which have been cppo3ed to greatly superior numbers, without the ai I of the powerful reinforce ments despatched from this country to their assist ance. The arrival of those reinforcements will, I trust, speedily compete the suppression of this widely-spread revolt. " The gallantry of the troopsemployed against the mutineers, their courage in action, their endurance under privation, fatigue, and the effects of climate ; the high spirit and self-devotion of the officers ; the ability, skill, and persevering energy of the com manders, have excited my warmest admiration ; and I have observed with equal gratification that many civilians placed in extreme difficulty and danger have displayed the highest qualities, includ ing, in some instances, those that would do honour to veteran soldiers. " It is satisfactory to know that the general mass of the population of India have taken no part in the rebellion, while the most considerable of the native Princes ave acted iu the most friendly manner, and have rendered important services. " I have given directions that papers nlating to these matters shall be laid before you. " The affairs of my East Indian dominions will require your serious consideration, and I recom mend them to your earnest attention. " The nations of Europe are in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace, which nothing seems likely to disturb. "The stipulations of the Treatywhich I concluded with the Shah of Persia have been faithfully carried into execution ; and the Persian forces have eva cuated the territory of Hent. " GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, "I have given directions that the Estimates for the next year shall be prepared for the pur pose of being laid before you. They will be frarw,d with a careful regard to the exigencies of the public service. " MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " Your attention will Le called to the laws which regulate the representation of the people in Parlia ment, with a view to consider what amendments may be safely and beneficially made therein. "Measures will be submitted for your considera tion for simplifying and amending the laws relating to real property, and also for consolidating and amending several important branches of the criminal law. " I confidently commit to your wisdom the great interests of my empire; and I fervently pray that the blessing of Almighty God may attend your counsels, and meet guide your deliberations to those ends which are dearest to my heart —the happiness and prosperity of my loyal and faithful people. Lord PORTMAN, who wore the uniform of a deputy. liee‘tenant. then rose - fry the . purpose of moving *Actress to her Majesty, in ans w er to her most gracious speech on the opening of Parliament. The noble ord said be must apologise to their lordships for occupying the present peaition, which was generally fil!el by a younger member of Parliament. He held that position by no voluntary act of his own, but by the express wish of her Majesty's Government—(hear)—who thought the address should be moved by an older member of their lordships' house, and in acquitting himself of the duty, he begged their indulgence, while he for a short time occupied the attention of the house. The first thing which called for remark was the stets) of our do mestic policy, which was such as to induce her Ma jesty's Ministers to issue a letter, which led to the sus pension of the Bank Ohartier. He thought, under the circumstances, it was both a judicious and wise policy, and that her Majesty's Ministers were justified in taking that step ; and it was most fervently to be hoped that their lordships would in this instance follow the course that was taken in 1847, when a similar circumstance occurred. The commercial crisis in America had, no doubt, produced an effect in this coun try which rendered it necessary to issue the letter to which he had alluded, as it became absolutely neces sary to adopt the moat energetic and deci sive measures to bring the panic to a termination, and by that means afford relief to the mer cantile community. It was satisfactory to think that the worst of this distress had been surmounted, and that it would nut be necessary in this instance to resort to a paper currency from which the most disastrous results might arise, but that the currency of the country would be established on a solid and sound basis. He did not intend to enter into the circumstances that had led to the suspension and closing of so many mer cantile firms, as that ciscurnstance of itself would lead to inquiry ; and without passing any opinion, be thought it would be found that the panic had been the result of over-speculation. The noble lord recommended to their attention the consideration of bills for the sim plifying the transfer of real property, and like wise for the consolidation of the criminal laws, which, by a paragraph in the Royal Speech, her Ma jesty informed them were to be laid before the house, He believed that there was not one of their lordships present who was not convinced of the necessity of again taking up the subject of Reform—(tear, hear) — and be felt sure that the subject was of such great im portance that he might be excused at that moment further alluding to it than by saying it was one worthy the most attentive consideration. The noble lord next alluded to India, and said that the subject was one the importance of which nearly overwhelmed him. Many questions core nected with India must come before them, and he felt confident that their lordships would adopt the wisest steps, at whatever sacrifice, to restore tranquillity and peace to that country and the good of the empire, There is only anotheit topic to be alluded to before sitting down and that is a part of her Majesty'e Speech which may be described as almost the only happy portion of it. It is hat in which her Majesty assures us that nothing seems ikely to disturb the blessings of peace which the nations of Europe are now enjoying. (near, hear.) g y lords, it is censoling to think that, aftir all the contests we have gone through in endeavouring to discharki the auties of our position, oar allies are still oh the most amicable and friendly terms with us, He trusted that that Peace will endure ; that the same feeling which has hitherto actuated the Emperor of the French towards this country may long continue ; and he further hr that the t reat i es which we have etered into with He ' s ' s% and with Persiarn z y tend still further t o cemen t an d consolidate th e pee cf E pe. The net le lord con cluded by moving that an be preeentLd to her in terms which, h"b Ad Address exacty with those of the Spee c h as usual,'icorresponded Lord CAREW seconded the motion for the He remarked that perhaps in the annals of parliamentary history there was never a more important epoch than 3 t1 17 last few months had created. First evfec,,olir,odtih;:teh:raeBWth,:e monetary condition of the country ; the condition cf our Indian empire ; thirdly, there were our foreign relations ; and fourthly, there , was th e repro. sentation of the people at home. file state of Lithe would seem to give rise to the opinion that a permanent settlement would be soon likely to take place there. B u t there were ma. y matters eennected with that great ques tion which he thought would be of great importance, and with which he thought the Government would be likely sat i s f actor il y to dea l . H e was g lad to say that ,, the panic in the money market, which has pressed so hea vil y in England, had not been felt in Ireland, the country with which he was immediately connected. There kad been none of that commercial activity in Ireland which had led to such thaaatrous results as had been experienced I,IIE _SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING i DE C E 11371? no mischance had befallen the gallant officer he had I named ; but, he must say, they would look at the next acconnts they would receive with trembling ; for the last left Havelock and Outram in great peril. For seine tittle, their comeaunications had been altogether cut off, and they were separated from each other. He did most earnestly hope that the rebels sent to their succour might not arrive too late. (Cheers.) Hitherto, India had been saved by the gallantry of our military officers. With their stout hearts, their strong right hands, and their 'own good swords, they had overcome every difficulty, and he wished that they might all receive that portion of applause to which they were so justly entitled. (Loud cheers.) The noble lord the mover of the address bad deprecated any censure of Lord Canning. That was hardly necessary, for he (Lord Derby), at least, had no wish t ) blame the noble lord. On the contrary, he wished to speak of Lord Canning with every forbearance, not only on account of the personal respect he entertained towards him, but because he (Lord Canning) bad been placed in circumstances of such unparalleled difficulty, that if he had not been in all respects equal to the sites lion, there was not one man in ten thousand that would have been so. Besides, it appeared that, long before Lord Canning set foot in India, negociations had been going on, and that the Bengal army had been secret'y tampered with. His noble friend (Lord Portmari), x'- verting to some local disturbances, said that a sort of superstition had prevailed amongst the people that "their time bad come," and he went on to say that there might have been a similar superstition among the Se. poys. He (Lord Derby) believed that that was perfectly true. He believed th et there had been various prophecies and old sayings current, to the effect that the British dominion would shortly come to an end, and that the natives would regain their sway. But the vary fact teat such a belief wee known to be entertained, ought surely t ) have furnished the strongest possible reason why every precaution should be taken, and why no suspicious cir cumstance should be overlooked. The evidence contaired in the papers which had been laid before their lordships proved, however, that such had not been the eve. Lord PORTMAN had not said that the belief in ques tion rally prevailed amongst the Sepoye, for he knew nothing about the fact. He had only suggested - that as there had been such a popular feeling nn the occas:on he had referred to, there might have been a similar no tion amoegst the native troops. Lord DERBY had seen it stated in the papers within the last three or four years that there was a belief cur rent to the effect that the British power would last 109 years ; and of course the 100 years, dating it from the bottle of Plassy would expire at about thh present time. (Hear, hear.) Now, just let their lordships look calmly at the facts of the case and see whether the authorities in India had been sufficiently alive to the magnitude of the danger. On the 23d of Jely, 1857, Gen. Hearsay reported that ,there was great uneasiness at Dumdum about the greased cartridges. On the following day the telegraph office at Barrack pore was burned down. On the Bth of February Gen. Hearsey again reported to the Government that the Sspoys were being tampered with by the emissaries of the Kings of Oude and Delhi. On the 9 he paraded the men and explained to them the circumstances connected with these greased cartridges. On the 11th he wrote to the Government--" We have been resting upon a mine which might explode at any time." Soon after this he wrote and told the Govern ment that there was. a formidable conspiracy in the 19th Native Infantry. On the 24:h and 25th the 19th Regi ment were visiting the 34th, and they broke out int open mutiny ; so much so that Colonel Mitchell was compelled to temporise with the men. Somehow this outbreak seemed to have alarmed the Government at Calcutta, and they sent to Rangoon for the 84th, a European regitnern. From the beginnitg of February to the 20:h of March not a single step was taken on the part of the Government to disabuse the minds of the native soldiers on the subject of the greased cartridges, if, indeed, their minds had really been abused. The Government had ascertained the character of the disaf fection which preva led amongst the troops ; but during the whole of this time they never once thought—nor did they think at a later period—of the gross folly of whisk they were guilty in leaving the great and important city of Delhi, with all the minitious of war it contained, without a single European soldier in it. (Hear, hear ) On the 19. h of February the 34th broke out in open mutiny. An officer in front of his rank was cut down by one of his own Sepoyr, who was half maddened with drink. This man walked up and down for some time, and no one attempted to arrest him till news was brought to General Hearsey. General Heasley, with the instinct of a soldier and a gen tleman, immediately mounted his horse, ro :e up to the regiment, and ordered the guard to seize the mutineer. They refused ; and what did Gen. Hearsey do then ? Did he temporise ? No. - He rushed on the man and seized him. The Sepoy attempted to fire at him, but the musket went off in the struggle and wounded the man himself ; and then Gen. Hearsey, with his own hand, dragged him from the ranks and placed hint in arrest. (Hear.) Gen. Hearsey immediately reported the affair to the Government. He had promoted on the spot one of the subalterns who had stood by him, and he requested that two others might be mentionel in a general order. But what sort of treatment did General Hearsey receive for this service ? He received thanks cetttainly—that could scarcely be refused—hat he re ceived likewise a reprimand for having taken upon him self to promote an officer without consulting the autho rities at Calcutta ; and his request with respect to the other two subalterns,was refused. (Cheers.) On Feb. 19th this regiment broke out in open mutiny ; and on March 30—six weeks afterwards—the Government de termined to inflict upon them a signal punishment. And what did their lordships think that was t They paid th3in their wages and disbanded them. The men had had amongst them emissaries of the King of Oude, who had promised them, if they would leave the British ser vice, an he. ease of pay ; and yet •t t pay them their swages in full and di-Mod then- —ea the summary pen• ....ea-w.., ‘eipecteu to ttj't an one iu uonilny (Cheers) Such a step was an act of madness ; and when the or ler came down to Sir H. Lawrence, at Lucknow, It t refused to read it. All this time the 34th had been allowed to do duty, notwithstanding that it had pas sively ado wed, and indeed actively assisted, in the murder of one of its officers. The government in its insanity allowed this regiment to remain till the end of April ; and co gr.- at was their infatuation, that they actually ordered the 84th back to Rangoon, although it was the only European regiment they had. Fortunately it was at this junetureehat the mutiny broke out at Lucknow, and Sir H. Lawrence, like Gen. Heaney, was equal to the occasion. Helanticipated the mutineers ; he surrounded thorn by an imposing force ; and although a portion of the troops by whom the mutin e was repressed consisted of men in whom there was a mutinous-spirit, he over awed them, and the result was they were disbanded. He (Lord Derby) would not ask whether in the whole course of these proceedings the advisers of Lord Canning had shown either foresight or vigour, or any of those quali fications which it was so desirable they should have possessed. Nor did he think that the Government at horns had exhibited those qualities in any greaterdegree. They had refused from the first to bel eve in the serious character of this revolt. His noble friend (the Earl of Ellenborough) whose knowledge of India entitled his opinion , to greater weight than those of almost any oth er man, and wno seemed by instinct to have at once appre hen led the true import of these transactions, had never ceased to impress upon the Government the neces'imyof the utmost promptitude and deepetch. Unhappi y, he was doowel to be the Cassandra of the affair. He was disregarded ; and the result bad been the sacrifice of many valuable British lives. On the 19th of May Lord Ellenborough urged upon the Government the necessity of sending out reinforcements; and he was told by Lord Pentium that the state of affairs in India was not of a character to excite alarm. Oa the 9th of June his noble friend again called the attention of Government to the state of India. On the 11th of June the President of the Board of Control, Mr. V. Smith, said— I hose the Public will be under no alarm, for the promptitude and vigour evinced by Lord Canning, and the energtic demonstration made by Gen. Hearsey, in dishanetieg the 19th Regiment on the instant, and the excellent end stirring speech he made on the occasion (which, as a sample of military eloquence, I would recommend every one to read), have completely put an end to all disaffec tion." On the 23d of June Mr. Smith said—" that the only troops which had been disbanded was the 19:11 N.I. There was no intention to disband any other, un less there should unfortunately arise (which he trusted and believed would not be the case.), a similar instance of disaffection." On the 29th of June his (Lord Darby'e) noble friend, in a most impressive speech, pressed upon the Government the necessity of sending out with the utmost speed larger reinforcements, and suggested that as it would be necessary to strip the country of its regular forces, it would be desirable im mediately to call out the militia. Their lordships would probably remember with what cool indifference this suggestion was met. Toe noble lord the President of the Coursed (Earl Granville) said that the noble sari's views of the danger were exaggerated, adding, " We do not believe that the contingency, because wo happen at the same time to be at war with a part of Mina, and be cause this insurrection, however much to be deplored, has broken out iu one part of our dominions, is to be regarded with so much alarm as to compare it, for one instant, with a struggle that might end in entire calamity and disaster ; and we should be lon ering our.elves in the eyes of the world if we did so regard it." Thu militia was, therefore, not called out. On the 25. h au order in council had been is-ned suspending the codling out of the militia for the year ; and en the HAI July Lore Palmerston was asked whether, under the circurnstancee he intended to revoke that order in council ? The nobb viscount said, "Oh, no, it is a mere nothing ; it is net in the least necessary ; what has taken place does n ot in the slightest degree alter the views of her Majesty " Government." In a very short time, however, the mg: gestiores of the opponents of the Government, as led often happened, were adopted, bat he (Lord Darter) . could not help thi n ki ng th a t it would have been wes r t e h i o n s f e o r suggestions d h ad been e e sent o o e u t t e followed s a u l r i g t t e l d e ebayrl his e l n cbie t friend, and if they had been despatched by the et or est route, he (Earl D er by) ven t ur ed to say we shouldoot have had to ermount er 1-10 t h part of our disasters end difficulties ; marry lives unnecessarily sacrificed wdi I have been saved ; and our ga ll an t countrymen wouldnol have had to exclaim in the bitterness of their hearts v iAdt• ' summoning up all their spirit and energy to cuarnu the strugelo " eve are abandoned by the Governtnell• On 29:h June Mr. V. Smith made a speech, whits for utter and hopeless ignerance, he (Lord Derby) notodY had never heard equalled, but could not believe ever could be equalled. (Laughter ) He still treated theaffeir as a matter of small importance. He said that in a short time 14,000 men would be on their way to lidie and he hoped that the house would not be led tr exag gerate the crisis by the magnitude of the steps Ord wee- taking. The troops would ie sent out solely as rnr a sure of security." (A. laugh.) " Luckily," said tit right Iron. gentleman, " this outbreak hal taken p ace at Delhi, which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. I - Israeli) chose to call a great city, and the ancient capita of the in England. The noble lord briefly alluded to the other topics in the royal speech. • - The Earl of DERBY said he had had the honour of a seat in that house for 16 years, and during Cul t time he had witnessed many periods of great political excite ment, and some of great national alarm ; but it had never occurred to him, at %lay period, to enter on any session under such circumstances of varied interest as those which surrounded the meeting of Parliament on that occasion. On former occasions their attention had been called to one subject of overwhelming interest ; there was commercial distress in 1825 and 1847 ; agri cultural distress at various other periods ; in 1829, the Roman Catholic Relief Bill ; in 1830 and 1848, the state of affairs on the Continent, owing to the revolu tionary spirit which there prevailed : in 1846, the great change which took place in our commercial legislation by the repeal of the corn laws ; and in the previous year, the overwhelming calamities of Ireland, On all these occasions some single cause fixed and monopolised the attention of Parliament. But now we had a complica tion of misfortunes, a variety of anxieties, such as he had never witnessed. We had deep and overwhelming commercial distress and disturbance at home ; we had our ladian empire shaking to the very foundation abroad. Under those circumstances Parliament was called together, and he was not surprised that the greatest portion of the royal speech was devoted to those two overwhelming tellies. The only happy part of the speech, as it had been felicitously termed by Lord Portman, was that short and simple, that singu larly curt and abrupt paragraph which informed them that " the nations of Europa are in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace, which nothing seems likely to disturb." Looking at the state of this country, it was most fortunate that Ministers were able to introduce that paragraph at the present moment, and the state ment might have been expected to call forth some expres sion of satisfaction on the part of the Crown. Though he had the greatest confidence in the resolution, the resources, the firmness, and the spirit of this country, ho hesitated not to say that nothing would have tried that spirit and those resources so deeply and almost so fatally, as if, to the calamities of domestic and commercial distress at home, a , .d a war of fearful magnitude in India, which compelled us to strain to the utmost our military resources, there had been added the still further calamity of a war in Europe, in which we must of ne e.issity have taken part. Under such circumstances the Government might at least have expressed satisfaction at the prevalence of peace in Europe. The paragraph almost bore the tone of disappointment and mortification. It almost breathed the spirit of thOtoble viscount at the head of the Government to whom it might be a calamity that there wag no war in Europe to take part in. • (Laughter.) " The nat'ons of Europe are at peace which nothing seems likely to disturb." (Renewed laughter ) If the noble lord at the head of the Government could not disturb it, he did not know what could. (Laughter.) But if the Government was desirous of maintaining this great blessing, and of keeping on good terms with the nations of Europe, it would be wise for them to refrain, on public occasions from taunting expressions on the supposed military habits of other countries, and a tone of menace, declaring that we were equal to any power that might think to take advantage of our present dM culties and rise up in arms against us. That was a tone unworthy of a Prime Minister—a bravado uncalled for by the circumstances, which could have no effect upon any nation in the world, except to give personal offence, and to raise the susp . cion that such unnecessary bravado and bluster could only be assumed for the purpose of covering inherent weakness. This was the only pangreph in the speech in which foreign affairs were in the slg htest degree touched. It was hard upon his noble friend 14 rd Elgin to be plan ina position which would be most lu dicrous if it were not most painful. This was the third Queen's Speech in the course of the present year, and within that period there had been discussions on the subject of China which had led to the dissolution of Parliament and the formation of the present Govern ment. (Hear, hear.) They had been told that the honour of the British flag was imperilled, and that a single moment's hesitation, even only to write home for orders, before signal and summary vengeance was inflicted, would have been a discredit and a die grace to this country. (Hear.) What had happened I In the speech there was no word of China—no word of Sir John Bowring and his authority—(hear)—no word of the signal vengeance that was to be called down upon those unhappy barbarians, who, from that time to this, had been laughing at the threats of England. No re paration had been taken for the insults on the British fig ; and all we had done was to establish, at the mouth of the Canton river, a serious and formidable hl rckale in the way of our owes commerce. (Hear) He did not blame the Government for transferring the troops de stined for Canton to Calcutta. Lord Elgin bad taken upon himself to depart from his instructions ; and at a great sacrifice of his own comfort, and taking upon him• self a great amount of responsibility, he had sanctioned the diversion of the forces from the object which they were specially ordered to carry out. He deserved every credit for the firmness with which he had taken that responsibilty upon himself. The Government had no pelt of that responsibility, nor of the credit belonging to the relief which it afforded ; for on the 10th of July, in answer to a question in the other house, the President ' of the Board of Control said that no iastruction had been sent out to Lord Canning to stop the force at Ceylon and divert it to India ' • that a letter had been written to Lord Elgin, but he did not know whether it had been received, still less whether it had been acted on. He should like 0 have heard something of gems great events now in progress in Europe, and he hoped in satisfactory progress. He should like to know that the stipulations of the treaty of Paris, se long delayed, wire on the point of being carried into txectition a ' and that the nations of Europe en whim the fate of Sloittivia and Wallachia depended, were now agr e ed c n •heir policy, and that we were likely to see some satisfactory settlement of that question. That there had been no actual settlement was quite clear, or the Government would have been glad to introduce that cheering statement into the otherwise gloomy speech, He pro ceeded to notice those topics—and they were must important—which occupied the principal portion of the speech. Her Majesty said---" I have observed with great regret, that the disturbed state of commercial transac tions in general has occasioned a diminution of employ ment in the manufacturing districts, which I fear cannot fail to be attended with much local distress. I trust, however, that this evil may not be of long duration ; and the abundant harvest with which it has graciously pleased Divine Providence to bless this land, will, I hope, in Borne degree mitigate the sutra-lags which this state of things must unavoidably produce." The noble lord who had seconded the address, with the readiness of youth to draw consolation from sources which did not suggest themselves to those more advanced in life, had said that it was gratifying that the affairs of India were not so bad as to render it necessary to call Parliament together on that account ; and they were told that Par liament was called together simply to give a bill of in demnity to the Government for the violation iu 1857 of the law of 1844, which it was fcund necessary under somewhat similar circumstances to violate in 1847. And they knew that that was the only cause, because a very short time previous to the notice summoning them to meet that day, an order in Council had been issued pro roguing Parliament to the 18th of December, without any intimation that it would then proceed to business. Ha believed the wish and intention of Government was that no business of any sort or kind should be traneact,d in the present sitting except giving that bill of indem nity. He did not say that the Government, under the circumstances of the case, were not justified in taking the step they did, and consequently had a fair claim to the act of indemnity. Eut before pronouncing any decided opinion whether they were or were not je,tified, Ise should like to hear from the Government themselves the grounds upon which they proceeded, the advice upon which they acted, and the persons whom they consulted previous to taking that ►tep. He should like to hear that it was taken, not only on the sole responibility of the Government, but with the concurrence and full consent of the governor and directors of the Bank of England. lie should like to know, in fact, whether any application from the Bank was made for a s.ispension of the existing act ; also whether any such applications were mado from any of the leading bankers and mercantile firms in London. Before granting the act of indemnity, they ought to have a full explanation from the Government on that point, also whether the violation of the act at that particular time had satisfactorily met the diffi culties under which the country laboured. Ile believed with the committee which their lordships appointed in 1348, that though certainly the act of 1844 had no share in can-ing the calamities Co which we had been now, as in 1847, subjected, yet that that act had a very strong and important influence in aggravating those difficulties when they did occur. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the merits or demerits of the act in other resp, , cts, there was no doubt of this, that when the public saw by the publication of -the Bank returns that the Bank was approaching that limit at which it would be necessary to contract its issues in consequence of the drain of bullion, all the other bankers and commercial firms deemed it necessary to take precautions for their oNn interest, and in order to secure therneelv,s against Vie danger which they foresaw, they began t., hoard a portion of the notes and buTon obtained from the Bank. (ilear, hear.) The result of that of course was, that a large portion of the circulating medium of the country, whether in gold or in notes, aLhough in circulation ceased to be in active circulation. Tnough there was the same amount of issues, there was not the same amount in active circulation, and net the same activity given to commerce. Thus the panic, which led to hoard itig, still further increased the difficulty and-the restric tion upon the circulation ; and that restriction still further increased the pressure upon the Bank, and still further increased the necessity on the part of the Bank fir still more stringent measures. And thus panic and restriction acted and reacted upon each other, until ton Bank was brought, with abundance of money of every description, to the very verge of insolvency. That he believed to be a current statement of the operation of the Act of 1314. (Hear, hear.) Such being the caea, an act which did away with that restriction u,.on the 13xnk had the natural tendency, by r:'rnoving further off Elie chances of difficulty, to diminish the panic, to dimi nish the temptation to hoard, to bring scores of mousy into active circulation, and thereby, as in 1847, without aoy violation of the law, to enable te [tank to resume its ordinary cour,e of proceeoing. Ile believed, the, es. fore, when that state of things arose, that it was notes. vary that the restrictions of the act of 1344—supposing them to be all right under ordinary circumstances— should not be enforced upon the Bank ; and he presumed that that was the motive which led the Government :n 1857, as in 1847, to take the important step of sett'ng aside this prevision of the law. This had been done with le , s complete successin 1857 than in 1847 ; because iu 1347 the exchanges were favourable, and bullion was iapidly flowing into the Bank. Therefore, though the dlrectore 'exceeded for the moment the proportion which their issues ought to bear to the bullion they were com pelled to keep, they were perfectly aware that circum stances were in progress which would restore the equilibrium. Consequently, in 1847 the suspension of the act was not called into operation. As the fate Mr. Gurney said before the committee, " What we wanted was not the mo.ney, but to know that we could have it if we did want it." The result was that the panic and the hoarding ceased altogether. But when this step was taken recently the foreign exchanges were unfavourable, and gold was going out of the country. Consequently it did not produce. the same immediate relief as in 1847, at least not to the .came extent ; and the Bank was com pelled actualy to violate the law, which did not occur in 1817. But if it were the opinion of the Government that in times of commercial difficulty and distress this act of 1844 had the effect, not of creating these dangers and difficulties, which he did not impute, but of aggra vating them when they did occur, he asked the Govern ment—and he presumed they would give a clear and ca`egorical answer when they asked for their bill of in demnity—did they mean to adhere to the letter of the act of 1844 ? (Hear, hear.) He could perfectly understand their asking fur leave to amend an act when it was necessary to amend it; but he did not understand their asking, for the second time in tan years, for an act of indemnity for the violation of a law which, when the strain came, was found unequal to bear it, and when, for fear of the machine breaking to pieces altogether, they were obliged to take it to pieces. (Hear, hear ) If the act were perfectly right, but if at a certain time, and under certain circum stances, it were necessary to dispenee with tho pressure as being too stringent, prevision ought to be made for those circumstances in the act itself. (Hear, hear.) There ought to be a dispensing or relaxing power vested some where, and that power ought to be vested by the act of Parliament itself. (Hear, bear.) Such was the recom mendation of the committee of 1848 —a most able, pains taking, and valuable committee ; and it was a great pity that its recommendations had not been carried out. He asked the Government to make a frank and plain declar ation of what they intended to do. He hoped that they should not have any further reference to Parliamentary committees ; they had all the materials befare them. (Hear, hear.) Last year most extraordinary steps had been taken by the Government. In that house their lordships had not thought it necessary to appoint another committee of inquiry, notwithstanding the approaching renewal of the Bank's charter. In the House of Commons the Chancellor of the Exchequer had thought it advisable to appoint such a committee but he declared, on the part of Goeernment, seriatim, one after another, against every possible alteration of the law. It was suggested and declared that the Government was prepared to stand by the law precisely as it stood. Under those circumstances, they had a right to ask of the Government that they should take their own course, without any more inquiry or reerence to com mittees, and tell the house frankly and plainly—did they, aftsr all that had passed, adhere to their determina tion of last year, to maintain inviolate and unaltered the act of 1844 I (Hear, hear.) If that information were given, he should be the last, for purposes of vexation, to throw any difficulty in the way of a bill of indemnity being passed. (Hear, hear ) The speech alluded to the distress in the manufacturing districts ; and he regretted to say, being connected with those districts himself, that that paragraph very feebly expressed the enormous difficulties in which they were placed. He hoped that the good sense of the operatives would restrain them from any senseless or unnecessary outbreak ; but he assured the government that not only the operatives but the manufacturers were at this mo ment iu circumstances of the deepest and most painful anxiety. He had bad that day a return from Mat.- cheater, showing that out of 233 works, comprising cotton, silk, and other mills, employing 45,391 opera tives (many of whom had wives and children, so that the whole number might be double or three times 45,000), 73 mills only were working full time ; the remaining 160 were working short time, three or four days a week, or were wholly and absolutely closed. The number of operatives in full work was 16,861; those partially or wholly out of work were 28 530. He could produce similar statements from Bradford, Preston, Bury, Macclesfield, and other manufacturing towns. This was a state of things to which justice was not done by the paragraph of the speech. If, under these circum stances, the operatives had the good sense and judgment to abstain from that which could do them no good and would produce nothing but evil —if they maintained a peaceable, respectful, orderly demeanour under circum stances of such pressure— alt honour to the good sense and loyalty of the operatives. (Hear, hear). He wished that the government bad gone a little further, and stated what they deemed to be the real cause of the disturbed state of commercial transactions. For years past they had heard nothing but laudations on the enormous impulse that had been given to trade by recent legislation. They had been told that if they only ceased to c ip the wings of commerce, and let her fly free as the winds of heaven, there was no limit to her elevation and expansion. They had been told in the newspapers of April or May last that to speak of our commerce was only to repeat—" Prosperity, prosperity, prosperity." He had heard it stated over and over again that the magnitude of our exports was the surest of all possible tests of our commercial prosperity ; and he had heard it said, "Take care of your exports, and the imports will take care of themselves." In ten months of 1855 he found that our exports amounted to 78,087,4131.—en enormous, an almost incredible amount of commercial transactions. But in 1857, during the same ten months, the exports, that unvarying test of national prosperity, by which it was said the com forts and happiness of the community might be measured, had increased from 78 millions to 105 millions, being an increase of 28 millions in the course of two years on cer tain articles of export. Was there a corresponding in crease in tie happiness an-t nnranrt ß of the people ? On the other Nano, ease sets enormous anu ecassaantly creasing anpount of exports there was a constantly in creasing and overwhelming state of general commercial distre9v. But, large as the exports had been, they had not kept pace with the Imports. Wh le the exports had been 308 millions, the imports had been 468 millions, leaviag a balance of 160 millions of imports over experts. It might be said, as it had been said over and over again, " if you import all that more than you export, it is grea ly to your advantage, for, in point of fact, you put the dif ference into your pocket." But was it so ? How Lad those imports been paid for ? (Hear, hear.) The coun try had had to export 84,000,000/. in bullion in conse quence of the disparity between its imports and its exports ; and it was at that moment in a state of in debtedness, because, although it had glutted every mar ket it could find with its exports, its imports remained out of all proportion with those export. (Hear, hear.) If that was not the cause of our present commercial distress, he (the noble earl) should like to hear from her Majesty's government what they consider it to be. (Cheers.) And now he approached another and even more serious topic in the speech from the throne. Her Majesty was made to "deplore the severe sufferings to winch many of her subjects in India had been exposed, and while she grieved for the extensive bereavements and sorrows which it had caused, she had derived the greatest satisfaction from the distinguished successes which had attended the heroic exertions of the comparatively small forces which had been opposed to greatly superior num bers ;" and so forth. Far be it from him to say one word to imply that he thought littleof the private sorrows which bad fallen upon so many of our countrymen aed countrywomen. No doubt those bereavements lead been most painful, and some of them were accompanied by circumstances of which they could not bear to think ; but when their lordships read of private sorro we, and an expression of syrr pathy for them which came grace fully from the lips of their sovereign, might they riot have likewise exeected the advisers of the crown would have added Borne reference to the public calamity which bad happened to the na.ion ? It was not like an earth quake or a pestilence, or any great disaster of that kind. It was not only that men had fallen in battle, or been stricken down by plague ; but our dominion was shattered. Fcr the moment an empire was lost, and had to be reconquered ; and yet this public calamity did not find so much as a place in the speech her Ma jesty had delivered from the throne. (Cheers ) He (Lord Derby) should be sorretto think the words he had quoted bad come from her Majesty herself, for he should be sorry t 3 think that her Majesty used such ungracious language ; but not so the paragraph which followed :--" The gallantry of the troops employed agein-t the mutineers, their courage in action, their endurance under privation, fatigue, and the effec's of climate ; the high spirit and self-devotion of the officers ; the a.biley, skill, and persevering energy of the com manders, have excited my warmest admiration; and I have observed with equal gratification that many civilians placed in extreme difficulty and danger have displayed the highest qualities, including, in some in stances, those that would do honour to veteran soldiers." Every one of their lordships would agree with every word of that sentence ; and he was bound to think that each word, as it fell frstn the lips came from the heart of her Majesty. (Loud cheers.) No words could do justice to the gallantry, the perseverance, the intre pidity, thelHerculean labours of that small bat heroic band, in whose hands had been left the salvation of our Indian empire. (Cheers.) They had not only 'o contend against surprise, and every discouragement ; but they had had t o much reason to fear that they were aban• doned. They bad had to encounter disparity of number-is, which made the simple narrative of their exploi•s seem fabulous; they had had to contend against the difficulties of the cdinate ; but they had struggled and toiled, and they had gained such a vantage ground for their country that he hepel would load to the ultimate salva tion of the empire. (Loud cheers.) He (the noble earl) almost feared to single out names from that bright throng, lest he should do injustice to some who, if placed in similar circumstances, would have deserved an equal praise ; but he would venture to mention Wheeler, Nicholson, Nail!, Lawrence, Banks, the young Wil loughby, the devoted Salkeld, and Home. All were gone. They had died the death of soldiers, and the laurel which should have adorned their brow must now wave lice cypress over their grave. (Ceeere.) Among these who still survived, and whom, even at the risk of doing injustice to others, the would name—those gallant 111311 mentioned by his noble friend—and whose exertions and suss sees seemed alike incredible—were those two won derful men, Havelock and Greathed. Gen. Greathed was a young officer in a very subordinate station ; and from the instances they had seen of young talent, when offi cers were brought forward and put in a position in which they could display it, he (dee noble lord) drew the best auguries fur the future. Gun. Havelock and his gallant companions still lived—at least, he trusted they did — and ho hoped they would survive to reap the reward of their services, lie trusted, too, that the heroic garri son whose succour they had attempted and partially effected were already ai joying rest and the reward of their long and gallant labours, with their gallant com mander (Col. Inglis), upon whom had been thrown a degree of labour and anxiety that had rarely been ex ceeded. (Cheers.) He (Lord Derby) earnestly hoped that 4, 18N7. I Mogul princes." Well, he (Lord Derby) hoped his right ' hon. friend had not committed any great blunder in describing Delhi in those terms. But Mr. Smith went on to say that it was lucky that the inntineere had gone to Delhi, " because Gen. Anson was rapidly approach ing"--to be sure it was at a season of the year which corbade very rapid marching—and Delhi was a city, or rather a place, a which, from its peculiar position, might be easily surrounded"—(laughter)— surrounded by the large force which Gen. Anson was bringing with him, and which would perhaps amount to 2,000 men when they all arrived. (Laughter.) It was notorious (said the right hon. gentleman) that Delhi, from its situation, might be easily surrounded, and then, "if we should not be able to take it by force, we s h ou ld have no diffi culty in reducing it by famine." Was there ever such an instance of utter ignorance ? (Cheers and laughter.) But the right hon. gentlemen proceeded : "Unfortu nately the mail left on the 27th, and he (Mr. Smith) could not, therefore, apprise the house that Delhi had been razed to the ground, but lie hoped that by the next mail they would 'teen that ample retribution had been exacted from the mutineers." (Laughter) Such was the language of the Board of Control, such were the know ledge and forethought displayed by the minister who was peculiarly charged with the affairs of India. (Rear, hear.) When the news of the revolt arrived, the utmost sympathy was expressed on the part of almost every European state. Early in the month of July the Sultan granted his firman, upon the application of Lord Stratford, for the passage of our troops by way of the Red Sea. The Pacha voluntarily wrote to the Pe ninsular and Oriental Co., stating that if any British troops were sent across his territory, not may would he give them every facility, whether they came in uniform or out of uniform, but that they should have his own horses and carriages, and every facility should be afforded them. It was not known so generally as it aught to be, because it was the highest compliment that could be paid to this country, and because it showed how wide-spread was the sympathy which was felt fur us by the most powerful monarch in Europe—it was not generally known, but the Emperor of the Fr, soh of his own acc, rd volunteered, if it would be any couveuience to us for our troops to go across France, he would not only allow them to do so, but would place every facility in the way. (Cheers.) Would it be believed ? The finnan of the Sul tan, the offer of the Pacha, and the promise of the Em peror were alike declined, and not a single soldier from that time till Oct. 1 were sent by way of Suez. It was said there would have been some difficulty in point of transport when the troops arrived at the Red Sea; but it had been stated more. han once, and never contraicted, that Lord Elphinutono (whonsiservices it would be injus tice not to acknowledge) offered to send a rapid steatuer to expedite the news, only Lord Canning told him there was no hurry ; and he also offered to send steamers up the Red SC3 to bring on the troops. More than this, the Peninsular and Oriental Company offered in the month of July t r make such arrangements that the troops might have been taken across the isthmus in 24 hours ; and they likewise offered the use of their mail steamers, which would carry 500 men each trip. Now, if that offer had been accepted, the troops would have arrived at Bombay in 6 or 7 weeks after they left England ; and consequently if they had left at the end of June, or the beginning of July, they would have reached their desti nation early in August. But the Government declined all the propositions, and they refused to avail themselves of them. Sultan, Pacha, Emperor, and company, all were alike declined; the Government resolved to trust to their own resources. What happened ? In the month of August an application was made to the Court of Directors (who from the first had wished to send out the troops across the desert), to make the same arrangement with the Peein sular and Oriental Company, which had been offered and refused. What he was about to state appeared so strange that he hardly expected it to be believed, but he asked her Majesty's Government to contradict it if they could, and if they did not contradict it he promised that he would produce irrefragable evidence of the truth of it. Some considerable time after these arrangements the President of the Board of Control somewhat surprised the Peninsular and Oriental Company by a letter which be wrote to them to ask if a scheme might not be or• ganised for sending troops to India by the company's steamers. Now, this had been done for a considerable time both under the authority of her Majesty's; Govern. ment an.' that of the East India Company, and yet the President of the Board of Control wrote to ask if it was poi ible to organise a scheme for doing it. He asked how, after what he had stated, the country could trust to the vigour, the energy, the wisdom of those by whom the government of India was administered. If the advice of his noble friend Lord Elienborough bad been folowed, if the offer of the Pacha of Egypt had been accepted, and troops ha I been sent out in the month of July, or even in the month of August, by the overland route, they would have arrived, if sent out in the beginning of July, in the middle of August ; but the first reinforcement—with th e exception of those belonging to the Chinese expedition and a small force which came from the Mauritius—which ar rived at Calcutta for the Indian service, went out by the Golden Fleece, which made an extraordinary quick pas bilge of 68 days, and reached Calcutta at the latter end of October. Now, look at the circumstances in which the garrison of Lucknow was placed at this time—look at the position of the relieving force, which was now inter cepted and besieged, and then tell him what would have been the effect if the troops, which did not arrive till the later end of October, bad arrived in the middle of August or in September. Why if they had Havelock's movements would have been perfectly secure ; and if the garrison of Luckno ',iv with all the helpless women and children in it fell before the barbarous enemy they had to encounter, upon her Majesty's Government who la I delayed o send troops by the quickest route would he the guilt. He hoped that her Majesty's Government would not think that, because he had felt it his duty as a peer of Parliament to criticise their conduct, ho and those who acted with him were disposed to give them one whit less cordial assistance in carrying out their vernment of the country, the men who were happy enough to enjoy the confidence of the country and of the sovereign, and who were responsible for the administra tion of public affairs, ought to be supported by every man who had the interest of his country at heart as warmly as if they had entire confidence in them. At present they had to reconquer an empire, in the first instance to re-establish their power, and then, when they had done that, would be the time to take into considera tion what was a meet important object, namely, the future oreanisation of the Government. There was one painful subject to which he must allude before he sat down. They had all heard the details of those fearful crimes and those inhuman butcheries and barbarities at which even at this distance the blood of every man who hea-d them boiled with indignation, and therefore he could well believe that if they at this great distance had this strong feeling, the men who hal witnessed these scenes of butchery, among the victims of wnich were perhaps some to whom they were dearly attached, that the men whose feelings had been shocked and horrified by the scenes they had witnessed—that those who came, while the murdering and butchery were yet fresh, to that horrid slaughter-house in Cewnpore, who had seen the mang ed corpses of English women and children and the muti lated remains of Engliehinen—he could easily understand that those wh i had witnessed such scenes as this should be transported to a degree of frensy which should partake somewhat of the dorneniacal character even of those by whom these deeds were perpetrated ; that, coming fresh from the scene of the slaughter o their dishonoured daugeters and wives and mothers, they should occasionally be inspired by a sort of tiger-like thirst for blood ; that they ehould lose a'l control over their feel ings, and that for the moment they should become almost as savage as those who committed these harbari ties. And vengeance, righteous retribution, should be taken for the vindication of outraged humanity, for the security of Government, and for the restoration and preponderance of our own power. Those who had traitorously joined the ranks of our opponents, every soldier who had taken arms against us, deserved the penalty of death. But for those miscreants who bad perpetrated on the bodies of women and children atroci ties over which human nature compelled a veil of decency to be drawn—for those who bad been guilty of unima ginable atrocities against human nature, for them death was too mild a punishment. What punishmeat was to be indicted when the men who were to be blown from the cannon's month told them exultingly that they died rejoicing that they had, with their own hand slaugh tered some three or four women / Such men were looked upon as martyrs by their fellows. They should have the heavier doom inflicted on them of protracted life, with the brand of Cain upon them—protracted life embittered with painful corporeal punishment. They should lead a life of hopeless and constant slavery, condemned to the most degrading punishment. Be they Brahmins of the highest class, they should be the slaves of the lowest Pariatie, and in hopeless slavery they shou!d drag out an existence from which they should think that death was a relief, a terror to those who might be tempted to share in their guilt. He hoped that in what he had said he had shown no desire of vengeance for vengeance sake. He desired stern and urirel en tin justice for;the sak ta of justice and for the purpose of exciting terror among evil do, re. But what he feared was that the feeling against those who had committed those horrors should be ex tended to all the native population. If the soldiers at the capture of Delhi, in their thirst for vengeance had sacrificed some innocent lives, that was a cir cumstance which was to be deeply deplored, though they were hardly to be blamed for it. But he hal seen letters which led him to think that every man with a white face iu India thought that every man with a black face was his natural enemy, sod was to be eh st down without the slightest hesitation. That was a tpirit which could not be allowed, which must be restrained, if not by the principles of Christianity, by the principles o' sound policy. If such a state of things continued, away with all hope of ever recovering the empire of India Whatever might be their form of government, whatever might be their law, these two things must be strenuously borne in Mind—they must convince the native, muce more than he had ever been convinced before, that they were perfect masters of him and his country. Ther must be no half measures ; the native must feel that England was his master, but that notwithstanding all that has happened, that mastery was e xercised, not for the lust of dominion, but for his own benefit. He must be, if theyfpleased, a servant, but they must be his bene factors. And though they must hold India by the domirtion of the sword and force, yet they must not eneect to govern it by the sword alone, unconnected with the moral influence. One word more, and he would quit this important subject, into which he had been led at gr.: ater length than he intended. The Rep.. Speech, in mysterious terms, etated that the affairs of the East India dominions would require their most serious cocsi deration, and they were recommended to their most earnest attention. Now this paragraph meant anything or nothing. No doubtsome of her Majesty's mieisters would do him the honour to follow him in this debate, and he hoped that he should receive from them a distinct explan ation of this passage, and whether her Majesty's Govern ment intended to bring forward any measures with regard to the government of Ind a, ke meant with regard to the constitution and the form of government, and the relative 1 powers now possessed by the East India Company and the imperial Government, or whether it was their inten tion simply to call the attention of Parliament to the subject by way of committee of inquiry. Now he earnestly hoped, if they intended to legislate upon it at all, that they intended to legislate upon their own respon sibility. (Hear, hear.) In 1852 he moved for the appoint reent of a committee of inquiry into the then state of the government of India. That committee continued its labotrig during the short session of 1852, and in 1853 its deliberations were cut short by the act of the Govern ment which succeeded him, and which he certainly thought very unfortunate, and they then proceeded to legislate on India, notwithstanding the remonstrances and the motion of a right hon. friend of his in the other house. However, the act was passed, and after having the act, her Majesty's then Government thought it ne• cessary to continue the inquiry, though it seemed to him it would have been more natural to have inquired first. They continued the inquiry, and the result was a vast amount of information. That information, as in the case of the Bank Charter, was to the fullest extent. He did not mean to say that there were not some points on which they might have more information, but they had sufficient information as to whether the present govern ment should be continued or whether any alteration should be made in it, and he trusted, if it was intended that this subject should form part of their deliberations, that the legislation proposed shculd be on the respon sibility of Government. That the affairs of India, if it were intended to legislate on the whole organisation of that empire, would occupy their attention for the whole session he might venture to assert ; nay more, that they would occupy the attention of the whole country fur the life of the youngest wan among them. (Hear, hear.) There was only one other subject to which his noble friead had adverted, and on which he thought it neces sary to add a word. His noble friend said it was the duty of her Majesty's Government by all means in their power to promote Christianity in India. No man could be more desirous than he was that the blessings of Christianity should be diffused as wide as possible, and eliecially that its doctrines should exercise a whole some influence on minds so debased as those of the population of India. But the more he wished that Christianity should be spread in India, the more he deprecated the intervention of Government in that respect. (Hear, hear.) If they intended to place an insuperable bar between the governing body and the population—they had seen in the (Ilse of the greased cartridges with what inflammable materials they were dealing—and depend upon it if they meant to make the settlement of their Indian empire impossible, they would endeavour to convert the native to Christianity by the influence of Government. He did not mean to say that they should put the slightest impediment in the w iy of missionary enterprise in India. He doubted whether missionary enterprise would be successful. He shoal I say, however, by all means give missionary enterprise full liberty ; but whatever they did, Government should stand aloof from the two religions, and exercise no in fluence in conversion. We might not be able, and should not for years be able, to trust Mahommedan or Hinder) as we had done, but we were bound not to do slavish homage to their religion —not to conceal for a moment that we were Christians—nay, ipy our conduct to show that our religion was superior to theirs ; but we were boead to abstain in the most careful manner from any the sighte.t violation of their religious prejudices or their superstitions observances, however degrading we might think them. If missionary enterprise in India was to prosper at all, it must be by the ell re in differ ence of Government. There was only one other subject to which he would advert, and that he would touch upon as lightly as possible. He meant the long-pending sub ject of Parliamentary Reform, which was included in the speech from the throne, and had been treated with ex ceeding moderation by his noble friend, who had roared like a sucking dove." (Laughter.) This measure, so far as appeared from the statement of his noble friend, was merely to remedy some trifling defect, to make some trifling alteration in the Reform Bill. If, said his noble friend, it was intended to do anything more than this, he knew nothing about it. (Laughter.) All he could i: a y was, be it a great or be it a small mea-oire, if her Ma jeiiity's Government thought this was a suitable time for introducing a measure of reform, be and tho-es who acted with him were ready to give it the moist de liberate, the most impartial, and the most dispas sionate considerae ion. If it removed blemishes, so much the better. Far from them to con tend that there were no blemishes. If to melee im provements, so much the better; provided they con sidered them improvements. But what he would wish to impress upon Government was, that as they had taken a considerable time to think about it, perhaps it would be advisable to give Parliament—he woul t not say as much time, but some reasonable time to take into con sideration. The bill of course had been drawn long since. (A. laugh.) The bill was drawn tvo or three years age, and bat for the circumstances would ha ea beet brought before the last Parliament. The bill, as he understood from the apparent consent of his noble friend, was in readiness. Did he so understand him ? (Laughter.) At all events, it was in a state of progress, as the lawyers said, more or less ; and being the work of a united Cabi net, he hoped that Government would lose no tune in laying it before the house. There would be this advan tage in having this short session before Christmas, viz., that Government would have an opportunity of layiog before Parliament while Parliament was sitting, that and the other measures which they had prepared, and those who were likely to support a large measure of reform, and those who would support one considerably smaller, would thus have an opportunity of considering the mea sure proposed. He had felt it his duty at considerable length to offer some comments on the speech delivered from the throne, and to ask for some (xplanatiens. Us was happy to say, he did not find fault with the language of the speech, and he did not intend to propose any amendment to the addres's, As he understood that it or so ilia 12/1 9 11 f,f 4-k. a t, - other question before the ordinary time for the meeting of Parliament but that on which tbey were specially summoned, he begged to assure his noble friend that, as far as he was concerned and those who acted with him, they should be ready to give every facility for the des patch of business, go,ae to enable Parliament to adjourn at the earliest possible period. Earl GRANVILLE—I am happily relieved from thene cessity of following the noble earl at any great length, and will therefore confine myself to a few of his observations. The noble earl commenced his speech by saying that we had never met on an occasion when the circumstances of the country wore of such deep gloom as the present. But, my lords, there have been within our own recollection times of great alarm, of great suffering, _of great danger, and every one must feel it a consolation that the country surmounted those trials, that she became more rich and powerful than before, and was not in fact injured by the struggle which had taken place. And though I quite agree with the noble Earl as to the gravity of the circumstances by which we are surrounded, yet I must remind you that in each one of those circumstances there already appears a gleam of sun shine, and that there is not the least reason for supposing that this country will not again bo able to ove;come her temporary difficulties. (Hear, hear.) :The noble Earl on former occasions always afforded me singular interest and pleasure by the manner in which he criticised the addresses proposed by the Government to her Majesty, and the singular dexterity and the great power of analysis which ho used to bring to bear on those productions; but on the present occasion he has entirely confined his criticism to faults of omission and not of commission by the Govern ment. The noble Earl began by lamenting the want of information in the Royal Speech as to the state of our foreign relations, and expressing some distrust lest the Government might be keeping something back which might cause apprehension. Now, my lords, the fact is, the Government have no other reason to regard our rela tions with foreign Powers than with the most intense satisfaction and pleasure, for at no period have our rela tions either with the European Powers, or with the United States of America, been ou a more perfectly satisfactorily footing, (Hear, hear, and cheers). The only cause to which he alluded as likely to bring about dissatisfaction or disunion was with regard to the Principalities ; but have the pleasure of informing him that Congress will , m to e w. thoseet n on o na late principles eec at jonadecision which havew was e n n o t coma already o la 'cl be cause there was insufficient information, an .t it was desirable to gather the opinions of the Principalities, and also the opinion of that Power which was most importantly engaged in their interests; but Franco and England ars perfectly united—they assent to the principles concurred in by the whole of the European Powers— that it is essential to secure to those Principalities, without danger to the whole of Europe, the greatest possible amount of happiness. (Hear, hear.) I cannot help thinking that the noble earl's complaint about China is somewhat a joke. The reason that nothing has been done in China is so notorious, and, indeed, the reason was so clearly explained by the noble earl himself,that it would be childish its me to give explanations. (Hear.) If that force which had been so wisely and judiciously called for by Lord Canning, and so cordially and discreetly afforded by Lord Elgin, had not been turned away from its pur pose all that Lord El gin for a more pressing exigency, it would have been hadw( nears einstructione than adequate for accomplishing to obtain. There might then have been haveopionnion how far the whole of the Chinese empire would ged in the quarrel, but it is now p re tt y c l ear that ga Commissioner Yeh will be left to fight his own battles ; and never was there a time when our intercourse was more satisfactory with the rest of the Chinese empire; and I believe, as soon as we aro able to send some troops, even a smaller number than we orginally intended, we will come to a satisfactory issue upon the Chinese question. The noble earl then very naturally dwelt up on th e p o i n t with respect to which Parliament has been assembled—l mean the measures for indemnifying the directors of the Bank of England. The noble earl asked me a question which I am net perfectly,sure he is entitled to ask, or is entitled to expect me to answer. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl asked me whom her Majesty's Government had con sulted on this question, and by whom they had been ad vised. Now, that is a question which I maintain lam am not bound to answer; because her Majesty's Govern of it m us t we i gh. But Ido think it ment are responsible for th e measure, and upon them alone the responsibility right to state what were the the facts of the case. They were these : Whilst her Majesty's Government did act upon their own responsibility , t h ey (lid not act with out. a full knowledge of the facts upon which that re sponsibility was taken. And it was a knowledge of those facts which convinced them that if they did not interfere, most serious consequences to the count-v and to the commercial world at large must have ensued. Upon this it was that they proposed to take their stead. The noble earl said : You should have gone fur ther, and have stated your reasons for not agreeing with me in thinking that this act should be entirely cha nge d__ that although in ordinary times it succeeded well enough, yet in times of panic it only increased difficulties. But I do not think that this is the right moment for entering on discussion as to the merits of the Bank Charter Act. At the same time 1 am ready to state this much, that it is not the intention of her Majesty's Government to propose any change in this act. As at present advised, they do not think any such change desirable ; but there was a committee of the House of Commons, not to be appointed, but already Appointed, and who recommended that they should be re appointed next year —to them the whole question would be submitted, and would be carefully considered. Her Ma jesty's Government did not, of course, pledge themeelvta not to make any alteration acting upon further informa tien, but they were not prepared to do so at present. The noble earl further expressed his fears that the working po pulation of the country had a very severe winter before them to pass. I think the noble earl (Lord Portman) be hind me•held out some consolation in this respect when he remarked upon the improved demeanour of the working classes. At present they were well acquainted with the real state of thinge—they knew that the Government had no power to alleviate their distress, that it was dependent upon causes over which the Governineet had no control and in many instances the working men were willing to co-operate with their masters in working out every reason able combination in order to mitigate as far as possible the pressure of the coming winter. Besides, the blessing of an abundant harvest was another consolatory mitigation of any suffering that was to be expected from the high price of food. (Hear ) The noble earl then reverted to the topic which must interest every person who can think or who can feel—the state of our Indian army. The noble earl complains that the measures taken by Government have not been sufficient to alleviate the private sufferings of individuals, and recommended h er M a j es t y ' s G over nmell , to go further into the consideration of private losses. But I cannot help thinking that the GOverneient by so doing would have laid itself open to the charge of a grave exag geration of the state of affairs. That that state i s most serious, that it requires the most careful consideration it is impossible to deny ; but that our Indian empire is now in peril I do not believe. (Cheers.) I have a confident hope that if common prudence and common judgment be exercised, that empire will be reinstated in all its former power. The noble earl then spoke of the gallant conduct of our soldiers. And here certainly the noble earl was guilty of no exaggeration. (Hear.) I really believe that exaggeration is impossible in describing that conduct, and I should be unwilling to destroy the force of the singularly' eloquent and vivid warner in which the noble earl de' scribed their unheard-of difficulties, and their un paralleled su cess. But if anythi ng be more important, or more likely than another t o o bt a i n a p l ace in history, it is the conduct of those wonderful men—in a large ;majority of cases, civilians--who, though scattered at intervals over the country, have by their deeds covered themselves with glory, and made themselves worthy of the name of Englis h' Che r e d (rsu) orTdhpeorretwmaasoo,nheopwhervaesre, and the speech of the noble lo the only one with which I cou ld no t fully ce i nc i t u r , was almostnamely, that he did not think it just to criticise the sots of public men who were absent from the country. But I think the acts of public men are public property, and the only reser vation 1 wish to make is, that'we should befirstacquainted with all the facts, that we should not look at transactions by the light that subsequent facts may throw upon them, but throw ourselves as far as possible into the situation of those whohave been placed in any extraordinary position', under circumstances of which they have had no expe rienco whatever. The noble earl 'says that he is dis posed to treat Lord Canning with tenderness. But I ask that the conduct of Lord Canning may stand or fall by its own merits, after a full investigation of all the circumstances. After this the noble earl went into very great detail of facts more or less bearing against Lord Canning. No one is more expert than the noble earl in examining blue books, and picking out from them the kernel of what may suit his purpose. But in this instance I think the noble earl has had recourse to a certain red pamphlet rather than to blue books. He says that Lord Canning did nothing to stop the issue of greased cartridges. How was this knowledge acquired? Again, the noble earl says that all this ought to have been found out long before by Lord Canning. Why, the noble earl hime if is reported to have expressed himself, in term which showed he sup posed that these troubles were coming to a close. But, judging from past events, the noble earl is not justified in saying that Lord Canning has behaved with too great els' money towards the troops that have mutinied. It h as proved a most fortunate thing that these mutinies have taken place from time to time, and not simultaneous l y , for then it would have been almost impossible to deal with them. But I think it is quite fair to contend that severe measures at the outset would have been more fatal than mild ones. It is all very well to talk of energy mad deter ruination, but it is no joke to di s b an d so l arge a body a s . this was, whilst so small a b o d y o f men was a t the dispose! of Lord Canni ng . With respec t to t h e somew h a t personal attack that has b een ma d e upon t h e P res id en t of th e Board of Control (M r . V. S m ith) , I rat h er expect, 11P°11 quiry, to find that it i s qu it e unfounded ; but even if ths noble earl has been ri g htly informed, and the right bon; gentleman's knowl e d ge o f t h e geography of De lhi was a fault, I cannot forget th a t a no bl e earl (the E ar l o f Ellen borough) opposite, wh o h as en j oye d th e advantage of being in India, and knows the coun t ry well, once ma d e ul na singular proposition with regar d to the s i ege o f D e lhi— Tue Earl of ELL ENBOROUGH (i nterpos i ng ) -4 beg t° state that what I did say was that the supply of water should be cut off from i ielhi some three weeks previous t° the commencement of the siege. Earl GR A.N VI LLE—Even then, however, the noble, earl seemed to forg e t th a t th ere wou ld b e a quantity water in the wells of the city, t o say nothing of the ri ver Jutnna itself. Further, neglect has been imputed to h e r Majesty's Government i n no t se nding out troops to In dia in greater numbers, and more rapidly. But I believe that iu no instance in the history of the world has so larg e body of troops, amounting to nearly 36,000 men, been sent on such v.journey, and, as far as we know, in such good's health, considering the climate. It has been said that es ought to have ca led out the whole militia of the country, and have sent out these troops earlier by the route of the overland mail. But there were no details upon which We could entirely rely so as to secure vessels for conveying t si r b e rep to down o hve the secureded a Sea sn and aeo t i t nn would ber have this time of the year without the greatest injury to the e th b e een pn i r m p p os u e l ., Besides which, it was impo n slb l l e e ea to rl m (t a h e e e E th a e ri p o s f ss p a e g r e b a y t ) health of the troops. The then asked another question, namely, whether her Ma jesty's Government had any measures to propose with re spect to India, and he offered the Government some advice on that subject. The noble earl said it was the wish of her Majesty's Government merely and solely to pass a measure for indemnifying the Bank proprietors. But I think it will be obvious to your lordships that no public good could arise from following that advice. I think no public good could arise from our meeting for a short time before Christ mas; to open the whole business of the session during that short sitting. Such a course would not be very convenient i f to the public or Parliament, an d I thi n k it would be ,111°°fr unwise. Therefore, I can assure the no bl e ear l th a t it s not our intention to do so during this sitting of Para*" went, and that we shall reserve it till the meeting of Par liament after Christmas, to enter into the whole of the Indian cluestissee rally and, I hope, satisfactorily. The harl DERA (interrupting) was understood to say he did not ask for any details of particular measures, but whether Government was prepared with any measure on the subject. Earl GRANVILLE, in continuation, said—With re gard to India, the Government, while they thought that this most important subject must form the ground of sell: one considera ion in Parliament, considered they sh ° reserve themselves till February, when this great que tion must be discussed. The noble earl has spoken of one e t o r t t h w e e q p u e e i snttiso in n o e f e n C e h e r c i t s i t e i n a n w i t i y t , h misunderstood. I remember the noble earl express ed some alarm this l be l e i u e b v jee isit With som r e e w g a h r o se alarm last session at Lord Canning having subscribed tot he Lord subscribe Canning towrote certain n s m i ea t i —ono being a Bible Society — the object of which was s n t? m et is te si r o , u s a t r a y tin g thatsocieties. translate the Bible into the different native languages, Id s t a ting that therein he only followed the example of Wel lesley acid some others of the most eminent governors-genee rel. Another instance was , that he h ad subscribed to Dr. Duff's school in Calcutta — one of the v er y best and most I. tolerant schools in all India. Lord Canning said h e p er ' fectly admitted that a governor - general h ad no business privatetunto letter, s whatever to exercise either power, or authority , or prs% sion for purposes of proselytism ; but , with rsga rd to right to subscribe to a school, he joined Issue , and would not be deterred from continuing his subscriptions. e _ lieve nothing is so fatal to the Christian religion itself the Government using anything like compulsion ; but it la most monstrous that our religion should continue to be o f the Government should not in erfere with the religion degraded—therefore it is clear, I think, that whi le the natives, they should cause the Christian religion to b spected, while they allowed universal toleration. (Hea,l Another point to which the noble earl alluded is one ?I . ! very painful character—l mean with regard to the p unish' went to be administered to some of those who have mute Lied, and some of whom have perpetrated the most fright* ful enormities. Now, in much of what the noble earl say join is ue with the noble lord —that I agree ; but I think it is important also—and there I mast in anything our like the Chris. administration of punishment we should recollect ur tiara character, add, as a civilised nation, we me nt of those should take the greatest possible care tha t in our p unish miserable heathens we sho uld never a pp roach an y thin g like torture. (Hear.) Let the puni shment be swif t — let it he open—but, for God's sake, let us be careful of the character of it. (Hear.) With regard to what the noble lord stated—that he should support the Government on great national questions—l do not doubt it; for, when national questions are really to be dealt with, all Parties unite of ono man to ward off national disasters. Therefore, I feel. grateful to the noble earl for the remarks he h a s made. have only now to say I feel obliged to him for giving the Government notice of the course he will pursue. (Hear.) The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH observed that the noble earl who had jest sat down had never yet given ant information to the house as to the intentions of the Go' verement in bringing forward any measure respecting I I ?: die in the present session. The noble earl told them it would occupy a great deal of their time. Of coarse it would ; but it must be the intention of Government to bring forward some measure in the course of the session.: He asked the noble earl distinctly had the Government any such measure prepared or not? Earl GRA.NYILLE—I have stated quite clearly that it is not my intention to answer that particular question. have stated that after ChristmaS it is the intention of her Majesty's Ministers most fully to explain their views. After an observation from the Earl of DEBBY, which was not distinctly heard in the gallery, The Earl of ELLENBOROITGH again rose and said — Under the circumstances it was not for him to make any lengthened observations as to whether Government might intend or not at some future period to bring forward act measure; but this he would say, that though he might not be supposed to be generally favourtetle to the mesa" mires of the present Government, or towards that peel of the administration which was conducted by the Cour_ of Directors, he must frankly admit ho was not aware of anything having occurred on the part of the Court of o w P ie th h e di c e o l u v( r Directors since the commencement of these midi i r _ t d that o r of f d etghree present s en t obstructionsystem relation:; mode to the o p u e ld make it necessary to proceed to early leg therefore it appeared to him a most inconvenient mdo_t° great e spire when they were struggling direct a general question upon the civil government means to reconquer that empire. He had little more say, ersept that so early as the 19th of May he sta that house that it would be satisfactory if, consid ering information recently received from India, the Governm ent re. would state what measures they intended to adopt wit t _ l , geed to the Indian army. The noble lord at the heae_ . ,. the War Department then stated that no such alePr e P7.ifa with all theme of sinus existed in the minds of the Government, and add % that in the course o f fi ve wee k s recru i ts wou ld be sel l ' He (Lord Ellenborough) asked the number. The Secreted for War replied 4,000 an d 4 regiments, but that it w as n° convenient to send the troops before Juno on account of the unhealthy season. Now he (Lord Ellenboroug h) furnish from that that 8,000 men would be transported bile; tween the second week in June and the 23d June ; an d felt it was not for him to press for more than that assure. ance at that time. But not one man left the shores of P i g", land in those 5 weeks, and they only left in the following 5 weeks. Not a man went before the let of July, and then between 600 or 700 men wero sent but there was a lose 5 weeks. H e was so constantly thinking upon the subj ec t that, havi ng l e f t L ondon for the country after the 19th of May, he wr o t e a pr i vate note to the n o ble lord the tary for War, suggesting that the ye eels carrying l e send f those to CILIA should be stopped and placed under the directions of the Gov ernor -G enera l , an d di r ecting that he should for teem if he th ou ht necessary to do no; troops had one and lead been sent for by theanCioverno:.r: General, how different would have been our position