The Sun. — London, England, 1840-05-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY 2L 1840 was a mistake, but I remember that be said he did not recollect my words, but he took them from the record—that the Mirror of Parliament. But here it is now brought in Judgment against me. I think the Noble Lord will not read it again. I think if he does he will do me the justice to look to the report of what I said on the former occasion. There is another point between the Noble Lord and me before I go into the merits of the case. He accuses me unjastly and—l do not mean it dis- Courteously—untruly of stating that no franchise in Eng 'land was annihilated. The Noble Lord is not a lawyer, and Ire is not to be blamed for not being accurate.—( Hear, and a laugh.) Why, one of the franchises was the burgage tenure, but that has, in fact, been preserved by the 31st clause of the Reform Bill.,—[Here Mr. Thcsiger made some observations to Lord Stanley. Mr. O'Connell pro ccededs]—lf I thought the Noble Lord had so ready refe rence to professional men, I wculd have given him the dates.—( Laughter.) Lord STANLEY made some observations which were not beard in the gallery, but occasioned a laugh in the House. Mr. O'CONNE LL--.What I said was, that no fran ebiae was struck off, the freemen were preserved; what was struck off was the nuisance of non-resident freemen. Lord STANLEY—The scot and lot votes, the pot wallopers.—( Laughter.) Mr. O'CONNELL—We shall talk of all this the next opportunity.—(Laughter.) I shall show him what the lass was, and the extent of the loss. I shall go on now to show him what it was, if he pleased. Sir, I now rise with this assurance, that this a Bill to annihilate the fran chise to the extent of nine-tenths of the voters.—( Hear. How is it to do this ?—by unceasing trouble—by vex_ aticms—by unnecessary expenses--by accumulated costs— and by increasing the power of the landlords to intimi date—(Cheers)—by all the power the law's ingenuity can give to a dexterous barrister, and all the power that wealth has over comparative poverty. Who is it that will . Jake up this Bill, and tell me that it does not give these means? The Right Hon. Member for Ha lifax admits that he is not satisfied even with the title of the Bill, and yet he does not object to go into the Com mittee. Many others who support the Bill say that they are opposed to almost all its provisions —(Hear)—yet they will go into Committee, and bring it out the same Bill, on the principle of the identity of the honest citizen's knife, who said that it sometimes had a new blade and some- Clip a new handle, but still it was the same knife. There ar/Plome English gentlemen in this House who are ignorant of the length 6- Which persons go to prevent electors from registering in Ireland. I have two documents which I • would wish them to attend to, and which I think will show the real obstacles that are thrown in the way of the electors. The first of these is a circular signed by Mr. Nettles, and dated from Nettleville—( A laugh)—loth of March, 1839. Mr. Nettles says--" Sir, I have bean di rected to state to you that a person, whose name is on the other side, has given notice to register for the next session —and as our being able to return Conservative Members for this ccunty, entirely depends upon the power to pre vent the re-registry of our own tenants"—l ask, do the gentlemen of England now know why the Noble Lord's ,tell has received so much support from these Gentlemen ? " The Committee first recommend that you will exert ;ourself to forward that object, and that you will be so good as to inform me whether a certificate has been given to our opponents, or any authority to produce it, at the Sessions, as in such case it will be necessary to serve a notice on him at the Sessions, where if he does not ap pear, the re-registering cannot take place. I remain, &c. Robert Nettles, Hon. District. Secretary."—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") You wish to give the Hon. Secretary fresh means of worrying the voter by compelling him to go to the Sessions again. Does the Noble Lord not know that the voter would have to travel twenty or thirty miles, and in Cork even sixty ? but if he dares to re register give him notice.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Oh im. prove the machinery of the Reform Bill, and tell the Irish that you are friends to Ireland, and enemies to the disunion. But is this the only artifice ? I will give you another Conservative specimen. I was going to say it would do for the Conservatives of England, but I don't believe that any English Gentleman would deal with an English voter in this way. The Hon. aod Learned Gentleman then read a report of a case at the Westmeath :Sessions, where a witness who had been called in support of an objection to a claimant stated, on his cross-examination, - that he had an annuity, a rent-charge, which was paid by the Conservative gentlemen of the county, and on being asked what for ?" he replied " for this which lam doing —swearing against votes."—(Cries of " hear, hear.") In the ease of another claimant a witness--one of the per manent staff--swore he knew the value of the claimant's farm, and that it was not worth 10/. a year above the rent. On cross-examination, and being confronted with the claimant, he said, " I don't swear positively, because I don't know it."—(Loud laughter.) Is this a system that you wish to encourage ? Is this a system which is to uphold honour, morality, and religion ? and we shall come to religion presently. Is it for this that you ought to pass the Bill ? I suppose you think the Bill is necessary in order to keep the permanent staff employed ; otherwise, like the huntsman, their sport would be over when the fox was caught. I read these things in order that there may not be a shadow of excuse for your passing this Bill. 1 protest against this disfranchisement-_I protest against it with as much solemnity as I think will be listened to ; and I am determined that the people of Ireland shall know you have heard what their grounds of opposition to the Bill are. If you succeed in this disfran chisement, you repeal the Reform Bill for Ireland—that is clear ; you repeal the Emancipation Act, not as it relates to the wealthy Catholic, but as it relates to the middle classes. They bid me tell you that they impute this Bill to two distinct principles—the first, national antipathy to the Irish people_—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition)—then I suppose it is out of smypathy to the Irish people that the Bill is brought in. However, I will tell you what ttiey say—you can disprove it afterwards--they say it has also originated from the vilest violence of malignant bigotry.— (Laughter.) lam bound to show you on what grounds they oppose it. If these grounds are satisfactory you ought to affect the Bill; if they are not, then my argument goes for nothing, arad you will pass the Bill with the grater alacriey.—(Hear, hear.) Have they not a right to say it has originated from national antipathy 2 Are there not, I was going to say, multitudes on the other side of the House who have in their specches,in their electioneering addresses, in their after dinner harangues—in vino veriiss —talked in the most vile way in disparagement of the Irish people? I have a bundle of them here, but I won't disgust myself nor tire you by reading them. You may say you were misreported, or that you meant no such thing; but what say you to your pampered press—that press which is wealthy because you patronised the vile Times and the rest of the gang ?—( Laughter.) Is there a man among you that in private life would assert it is not the vile ietes?—(" Order.") Does not that paper invariably tali our priests surpliced ruffians, and our people shoeless, shirtles-i, vagabonds, and yet in the House of Commons I am told it is a matter of ridicule to call it vile ?—( Hear, hear.) You cannot suppress your protection of it.— (Cheers.) They have reason to suspect your natioaal antipathy ; but if they had any doubt on that subject, could they have any as to the matter of religious bigotry ? The lion. Member for Londonderry county selected one indi vidual for his praise, the Rev. Dr. Stewart.—(" Hear, hear," from Sir R. Bateson.) Let me read the speech of this eulogizer of the Hon. Member for Londonderry. I am not now ransacking the stores of other atrocious ca l'sinnies against the Catholic people of Ireland. I am confining myself precisely to the mode in which this Bill has been brought forward. At a meeting at Belfast, this gentleman stated that " he believed one great difference with regard to the Bill was, that it was alleged its opera tion would be unequal between the Protestant and Ca tholic. He admitted that might be case ; but, if so, it did not arise from the principle of the measure, but other causes. One wits that there was a greater regard for an oath among Protestants than Catholics."—( Hear, hear, from Sir IL Bateson.) Does the Hon. Member cheer that in the presence of the Catholic gentry of Ire land? Does he presume to do that ?—( Loud cries of Hear, hear.") I have near me same of the first landed propri. tors ih Ireland, some of her most ancient gentry, and am Ito be told, in their presence, by any miserable bigot—(The remainder of the sentence was lost amidst the Jowl cheers that followed, in the midst of which Sir R. B itesen rose to snake some observations, but was persuaded • by an lion. Member near him to sit down.) I think the Ilan. Member behind him is a wise man for suggesting to him that he had better hold his tongue.—(Laughter.) Did the Hon. Member ever lose any advantage by refusing to take an oath that would have admitted him to station, power, and dignity ? He never did.—(Cheers.) There is not one of these Catholic gentlemen, except the young gentleman before me (we believe Mr. B. Roche) that has • not been excluded for years from a seat in Parliament because they would not perjure themselves.—(Hear,hear.) Yet these were the bigoted Tories who honoured and • applauded the man who called for support for the Bill upon such grounds. Ile went oft, "If a Catholic committed perjury in aid of his Church, it is tact held to be perjury. " (neer, hear.) And is this language which you cheer I thank you for it. He continued, And when the Catholic is driven up to the hustings by the priest, he feared not to commit perjury, because he had the priest at his elbow, and he would be sure of absolution."—( Cheers.) Whz cheered again wh en quot i ng such vile, bigoted lane gt' fieeen the man who was so p ra i se d and lauded by the'l u lare n e Gentleman opposite I The N o bl e L ord may ask me how; I connectalim with this. I s h a ll s h ow him. I brine it home alearlY to him. Who was the upholder and loudest applauder of Dr. Stewart? Who but the lion. Member for 3eifastealid the names on the back of the Bill, were Lord Stanley, Lord G. Somerset, and Mr. E. Tennent, the upholder of; and the chief actor in, such scenes was Mr. E. Tennent, and be was the was the man selected by the Noble Lord to assist him in taking away the franchise from the people of Ireland. I wrong then in attri buting s to them these motives, that this Bill is the produce of feelings of atrocious bigotry. The names on the back of the Bill, reminded him of the three French boys who had only one horse among them—whether the Noble Lord rode foremost, nr on the crupper, I know not. —(Cries of " Oh, oh.") The man selected by the Noble Lord for his coadjutor, is the same man who at Newry gave as a toast the shibboleth of party—the man who, at his own instance, was appointed to give that toast. Have Ino more instances to give you? Oh yes ; many. The other evening the two Men - hers for Liverpool appeared at the bar, and paraded a petition which was too large for either of them, and, like the figure of Castor and Pollux in the school-books, they stalked with it up to the table— (A laugh) —up the Gemini marched, and the Noble Lord went out of his way to eulogize the signers of that peti. ion, and boasted that every one gave their address. 'That may be so ; I looked into the petition, and the first name I ~net was that of the Rev. Hugh M'Ncile. Again it may be asked what of that petitioe? Th e N oble Lord vouched for the respectability of the petitioners—the petition was agreed to at a public meeting, the principal speaker a t which was this Hugh M'Ncile, of J eze b e l notoriety. (Cheers, and (irk* of " Oh.") What was the language - used by him at that meeting ? aaid—" The Catholics hold that an oath administered by a heretic is not perjury, and that was a part of the system of Catholicity itself." 'Yes, this was said of the Catholic religion—of the religion vff .English Ca.tholics—of your first Duke--of some of the b ,et of your g g er ig.e. , and the most accomplished of your yet . Ire, the reprreM-atves of the most ancient families on : t! a face of the earth! Ycs, this was said of all of them ; and such was the language from which resulted the peti tion which the Noble Lord the Member for Liverp, of went out of his way to transcribe, in order that the House might be put in full possession of all the bigotry it con tained. Teen followed a ludicrous story of Tom Cassidy, in which the Rev. Gentleman suggested that the C oho lies were guilty of multiplied perjuries. At first this atrocious speech was received with laughter in derision, but afterwards as the Rev, calumniator went on, he was received with loud shouts of applause. All joined in this strain—even the Hon. Member for Caithness, amidst all his ludicrous capers wan quite up in this.—(Cheers and laughter.) He called the priests assassins, abettors, and promoters of perjury. Yet the Noble Lord would be pleas He met his deserts pleased enoughtoget thevoatt the eofthheandHos of his n.Member to night. Hon. Friend the Member for Meath, so I will do no more than refer thus slightly to him. The petition from that meet ing is here, and I appeal to every gentleman who hears me, whether he will give confidence to it founded upon such language used toward one of the largest persuasions of religionists in the British Isles?--(Cheers.) I believe I am right, but at all events, they form a very large por tion of the Queen's subjects. Yet this language was used to them before England ; they are to be calumniated, and by men whom you employ to earry your Bill through. Some of the gentlemen in the front row opposite may call them vagabonds—it may be very well and politic to do so, but it will be well understood, for you will still look to them for support against the Irish people. I cannot believe that the Noble Lord, the Member for Northumberland saw the Bill in the light in which yon in troduced it. No : there is too much honour —too much love for Ireland in him—too much liberality for him to have given any support at all to such a Bill as it is under stood by you.—(Cheers.) When M'Neile said, " There never will be peace while the woman Jezebel lives ?" ( Loud cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh.) lam speaking, let the followers of Jezebel be silent.---( A laugh.) I will not say he meant the Queen in using such language, for he has denied it ; but, in his denial, what did he say he meant by the woman Jezebel—the Catholic religion; and he was the man lauded by the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool, and the leader who got up the paraded petition. Such language is applied to our religion in the face of England —in the hearing of America, a l most b e f ore the Catholic multitudes of the Continent, and language which receives your sanction and approbation, and the men using it your confidence.—(Cheers.) Have I not established then that the people of Ireland are right in saying that the Bill is the produce of vile malignant bigotry ? I now respectfully call upon the House to discountenance the effort of the Noble Lord brought forward in this way, and supported by such instruments. Will the Noble Lord bring in such a Bill for England? If he does I will believe him to be sincere. Will he dare to make the people of England go so far to establish his franchise, to make out their own notices will he dare to make him walk many a weary mile to sustain his title by the production of his deeds ? I know him to be a bold man— politically bold ; but I say that he is not bold enough to make such an attempt on the liberties of Englishmen. No. The Noble Lord reserves all his spite—h's kindness I would say—for the people of Ireland. It has been said that I have stated if the present measure be carried it will lead to a repeal of the Union between the two countries. Sir, lam not here to hold out that either as a threat or a taunt, for if I did you would only laugh at it, but I do say that those who maintain that the connexion between the two countries can be pre served by violence and injustice—that such a system has any binding power, are bad statesmen, bad Christians, and no better citizens.—( Hear and cheers.) What is the real state of the question? England and Ireland have been for forty years united. Did not that union, forced as it was--(for contracts arise sometimes from crimes as well as from bargains) —did not that union give to the people of Ireland rights—did it not give them equal rights and perfect equality with the people of England? —(hear, hear.) Ought thee then to be a difference between the franchises, the rights, the powers, and the privileges of the men of Kerry and the men of Kent, the men of Cork, and the men of Yorb. For twenty nine years we struggled for religious equality—for twenty three years you suspended the Constitution in Ireland, and gave us in lieu of it peace preserving bills as they were called, and gills for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. From that period to this we assisted you in carrying the Reform Bill, and the Noble Lord now gratefully turns round on us, and instead of giving us the same franchises as the people of England, would deprive us of a great por tion of what we at present possess. The Union having provided that we should possess the same rights as the people of England, let us see if we enjoy them. If Ire land be the poorer country of the two, the principle of franchise applies in a lesser ratio to that country. The man in Ireland who is less wealthy than his English neigh bour still stands in the same relative position—each level of rank is at the same average distance above or below the others, as well as in the richer country.---( Hear, hear.) Our rural population was 7,127,509 by the last census, while our registered votes amount to only 60,607. We have not one registered voter for every 117 inhabitants.-- ( Hear, hear.) Sir, this point is of the more importance, and cannot be passed over lightly, when we come to consider other parts of the subject. Before the passing of the Reform Bill up to January 1829, there were 216,871 electors in Ire land, being about one for every thirty-five of the population. This is the Parliamentary return, and I now call upon the House to bear in mind that there are but 60,000 electors in all Ireland, while in the West Riding of Yorkshire there are 33,000 registered voters—that is five per cent., more than half the entire number of registered voters in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Th e y t a lk o f t h e swamping of constituencies and the introduction of fraudulent and ficti tious voters, and yet. there they are, less than half the number in a single Riding in England.—( Hear, hear.) I ask, Sir, is this union ? Are these the rights of union ? Instead of this we hear the Noble Lord coming forward with his complicated machinery of spring-guns and man traps, to catch men looking for the franchise. Sir, I call upon the House to repudiate this Bill, and place us on an equal footing with the people of England. Before the passing of the Reform Bill, in the county of Ar magh, the number of registered voters was 8,746; atnpre sent they are 3,042; so that Armagh lost upwards 615,000 voters by that measure. Galway the constituency amounted to 29,000, and it appeared that altogether, in six counties in Ireland, the number of voters that had been lost by the change was 83,379. I will now take the Eng lish counties, and it is my duty to show the House the great disparity between the two countries in this respect. The population of Hertfordshire is 95,000, and the number of voters is 5,015. The population of Galway is 381,000, and the number of voters 3,000. The population of the Isle of Wight is 28,731, and the number of voters 1,167. The population of Tyrone is 310,000, and the number of vo ters is 1,164, being three less than the number in the Isle of Wight. Now I say that your business ought to be to re medy this evil, and to consider how you could best restore to the Irish people the franchise, instead of proceeding to annihilate that franchise by new devices which you would not dare to talk of in England. What is the principle of this Bill? You may pay no regard to the inferiority of Ireland —you may pay no attention to her claims upon your justice, but do you mean to assert that the present number of voters is too many ?—( Hear, hear.) I hear of frauds and I am told of perjuries—why, Sir, there's the entire number, not twice as many as in a single riding in England, and what be comes then of your complaint of the bona fide voters being swamped? Why, the 101. franchise is but a casual qualifi cation added to the voter, to be respected only so long as it remained law, and to be derided and laughed at so soon as the law is altered, and which, as a principle of political economy and expediency, is to be derided and laughed at for being law.—( Hear.) But we are taunted with committing perjury, and the Noble Lord has done the House the favour of reading letters relative to undue registrations. He has read six letters on the present, 4nd only one, I believe, on the former occasion, which referred to a Mr. Stevens of the County Dublin. The statement was, that Mr. Stevens had registered in October, 11832, and, consequently, it would expire In October next ; that notwithstanding that Mr. Stevens came in the month of March last, before the the Assistant-Barrister at Kilmainham to get a renewal of his certificate for eight years, although his title would ex pire on the very day the Noble Lord was reading the letter, or the following day. Teat certainly was a statement of a case of gross fraud, and I do not accuse the Noble Lord of the suppression of a fact, but I do accuse him of not being more cautious as to his correspondents. Sir. I have looked at the case, and I tied it to be this :—Mr. Stevens is a tenant of the Marquis of Lansdowne-- he is a Protestant, and he came forward on that occasion to re-register. The Barrister having told him that his lease expired in March, Mr. Stevens then showed him a letter from Mr. Robert Franks, the agent of the :Jar quis of Lansdowne, giving him a fresh base of twenty years, at the original rent.--( Cheers.) Now, there is an express clause in the Reform Act for that very case, it being expressly stated that any renewal or fresh lease should bin considered as a continuation of the original qualification. The man had a strictly equitable, if not a legal title, and you may register upon one as well es the other, for if the contrary were the case, many of the Irish gentry would at the picsent moment be disqualified, as the mortgages on their estates have left them only an equitable, instead of a legal, title.—( Hear, and cheers. ) Now, the Assistant-Barrister who registered the man's vote was Mr. Maxwell Blacker, a gentleman «ho cer tainly cannot be supposed to have had any undue leaning to tae Liberal interest. Does the Noble :Loyd think his correspondent behaved fairly to him in that par ticular?—(Hear, hear.) I do not wish to use any unnecessarily harsh expression, but this at least I may say, that it will show the House the necessity of being a little more cautious in giving credit to the statement of such correspondents.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord also re ferred to a case in Tipperary, of a man named Mara, whose father ortgi o a had a c c been elrtifieatemurTdchree agent,d, a n and it was wlio said, ad re-registered prt3d ueed theth e ciztLti,coaotem, aanndeoreoirdegheistreer.erdegitshteerseodnwinhohdisidfantehtere'osmneamfoer: ward and swear to the certificate. I we si a m et e ree. AllnAssistant_ot theseaa o Barristerpp thingsort u le m to ust c th o e me before r opportunity yoduld sw be ear believed if " here of contradicting a them. But it is said the object is to prevent fraut nperjury, and oar object is to protect it. Sir, there a at which a Mr. George L a t c h er made this a 'a s s se a rti m on e , eti and my answer to it was, that it was an incarnate lie. But I have cautioned the house against attending to the asser tioas of the Noble Lord's correspondents. Now, I ask if there was not an investigation befor e the Fictitious Votes Committee, nominated by the Learned Recorder, and at which the Noble Lord, whose name is on the back of this Bill, presided. That Committee sat nearly two ears, but they made no Report, except of the evidence. And why ? Because the case of fictitious votes was not made out. Occasional errors slovenliness wcred of the first e discovered, rthgeiystrayrewains every system. The fi d e i t o i o v e u r s e v d o , t es but w a a s ti ythi never ng found, like a or sy t s h t e em N a o t b ie k r e los Lord d r a t s i h o o n u l o d f e n n o t t h w a i v t e h o s m eo it t t l e a d nd. to reported. Th e Noble Lord is aware that Report showed ma The Rep. on It th W at as co d u iff n e tr r y . fraud to an extent that was terrifying. 4,000 votes made out of a small property, without a single shilling rent l or annuity bei ng possesse d -8 00 s i m ilar ones in another her tEer dis trict. hero Wh y d oes not the Noble Lor d try hi s hand He is ready enough to attack Ireland. But the Scotch have friends, and their friends are true to them, and they are true to themselves ; but Ireland is divided, and there fore the Noble Lord attacks Ireland. The Hon. Member for CaitLness made a droll speech, at which the House laughed, and I laughed with them. Ile talked a great deal of fictitious votes in Ireland ; why did he not speak of the fictitious votes in Scotland ? lam glad the Hon. Member is listening to me. He knows well I have high authority for saying, " Hypocrite, take the beam out of thine own eye, before thou complain of the mote that is in thy brother's eye."—(Hear, hear, hear.) Then the Noble Lord says, on the subject of certificates, " Is it to be doubted that frauds may be committed with the cer tificates?" I admit it; but was not the Noble Lord cautioned that it would le so, when discussing the ques tion ? Was it I proposed the certificates, and he who op posed them ? No. The Noble Lord read several pas sages to show I had, and had many cheers while doing so. Did he read of my approval of certificates ? He certainly did not. I opposed them then; but the Noble Lord overruh,sl me, and having introduced them in spite of me makes use of my opposition in order to turn it against the fair franchises in Ireland- It is worth while (the quotations are short) to see how the Noble Lord dealt with me on that occasion. In the first place, when asked to introduce the English system into Ireland. the answer was brief—" I cannot consent to introduce the English system of registration into Ireland so long as doubts exist as to whether it will work well in England." He finds it works badly in England, and thereupon he seeks to in. troduce it into Ireland. If it worked well in England it would have been hard for us to get it—of that there is no doubt--but it works ill, and therefore is to be imposed upon us. At that time every body imagined the annual system of registration an extraordinary improvement. The No ble Lord read p a ss ages t o s h ow t hi s was my opinion, but time has shown the fallacy of that opinion, and I aban doned it. The Noble Lord also abandons his opinion which was then against annual revision, but is now in favour of it, because it is found to be a check upon the English voter. But that is not all. When I pressed the subject against him, he gave me this answer, I think the House will; perceive it has not the ordinary modesty and diffidence of the Noble Lord--" It (certifi cates) is a subject of great discussion out of the House (I presume he meant among the Ministry), and I feel per fectly satisfied it is the best plan that can be adopted." This was his answer respecting certificates, curt, I won't say contumelious, but brief enough. "He was perfectly satisfied." I never knew him come forward with any pro position of which he was not perfectly satisfied.—( Hear, and laughter.) And he overruled me by a large majority —the evils of the plan are now admitted, and he comes for ward with it for Ireland, and uses the mischiefs of his plan for extinguishing the franchise of Ireland. But a remedy is wanted. There are faults in every system— the certificates are capable of being abused—no man has suffered more from them than I have. It has become a black lesson. In Dublin they take out two, one as a householder, and one as a freeman. " This is liable to mischief," says the Noble Lord, " and therefore is it I propose in this Bill a difference." Now my logical conclusion is—pass a short Bill to do away with certi ficates. I could draw it up in five minues. That is one remedy. There is another, Extend and define the fran chise. The population of Ireland is two-thirds that of England, give us the franchise in the same proportion. Extend, and above all define it. A struggle is made to pre vent its being defined. We are told it is settled, but one Judge, at least, refuses to consider it as settled. An Hon. Member spoke rather harshly of him, and of the Assistant-Barristers with great disparagement—let it not be imagined I am one of those who think it disgraceful to speak condemnatory of the Judges—they require to be kept in curb. I have heard much unfounded insolence from the Bench, and this is the constitutional tribunal to correct the Judges ; therefore I think it a duty and not a crime in a Member of Parliament to speak what he thinks of the Judges. But what reproach can the Hon. Member cast on that excellent man (Mr. Baron Richards) who has raised himself to the highest station, not by being a paltry partisan or a dependent parasite on the attornies of a county, but iry the force of talent—who never at tended a public meeting, or made a political sp eec h— w h o never showed his politics in any other way than when a petition from the members of his profession was to b e presented in favour of,emancipation, to go and sign it, and without controversy return to his professional duties. The Learned Gentlemen has no right so to speak of a man inferior to him in no respect—superior to him in many respects. I never heard men ask, of Richards— " How could such a man get on at the bar ?" I've heard the question asked of others I could name.--( Hear, hear.) Yet, that is the man the Learned Gentleman traduces in this House. A better Judge, an abler lawyer, a more amiable man, never lived than Baron Richards.—(Hear, hear.) Oh, but, said the Learned Gentleman, he did, as to the beneficial interest question, what no other Judge did or ever will do. As to the solvent tenant test, the Learned Gentleman says that question has been quite set tled. How ? Why the twelve Judges met—ten were for the solvent tenant test--two for the beneficial interest. Now, there slipped from the Learned Gentleman this sin gular expression —I hope the gentlemen on his front rank marked it—he said the two Judges who decided for the beneficial interest were appointed by a Liberal Administra tion.--(Hear, hear, hear.) Who were the ten, then—the tender-hearted ten ?—( Hear and a laugh.) Oh, they were adopted in the palmy days of Toryism —seven of them when no man at all leaning to Li beralism was elevated to the Bench, and two were Attor ney and Solicitor-General under the Tory Government, elevated to the Bench by Earl Grey, with more generosity than wisdom.—( Hear.) The other was Judge Crampton, who drew the Bill with the beneficial interest, and who, as Judge, was induced to bold that as Solicitor-General he had erred; but, in fact, only seven to five held this solvent tenancy part, and even now Chief Justice Bushe, at the last Assizes, still held out for the beneficial interest ; yet the Learned Gentleman says the question has been settled ; on the contrary, never was a more thorough ve.rato quail() in the world. It a question, moreover, on which the Judges have no jurisdiction, and, therefore, Baron Richards acted as he did. Why do Igo into this part of the subject ? Simply to show that this is a question debateable by law years, differently decided by Judges —one on which the decision, some say is founded by political bias—certainly on which there is the greatest diversity of opinion.-- ( Hear, hear.) Now, why not tell us distinctly what the franchise is ?—( Hear, hear.) If the House shall decide to go into Committee, I will move an instruction to settle this question—( Hear, hear)—to define what the Reform Bill really meant to give us—(Hear, hear)—but which will not suit the motives of the supporters of the Bill, for Their motives (I speak, of course of those out of doors—it would not be Parliamentary to speak of the mo tives of those in the House) are uncongenial to Ireland and Ireland's rights. —( Hear, hear, and " Oh, oh.") their motives arc, to make distinctions between different classes—to effect a transfer of political power from one to the other.—( Hear, hear, and " Oh, oh.") The Noble Lord opposite—the Great Reformer—in his zeal for the purity of Irish electors, leaves out the greatest frauds of all those of the freemen.—( Hear.) Ile favours them, as he favours the 501 freeholders. He finds in the English Reform Bill—that a man residing twelve months in a borough can register, and that the residence need not be in the same house, if in one of the same value. If the Noble Lord meant to do anything for Ireland, why did lie not introduce that into his list? But no. The residence in Ireland must be on the same premises, and often for thirteen or fourteen months, before the man can register. If he enters in March, he cannot register till September twelvemonth following—a year and a half. The notice must be served in July, and he must register in Septem ber. But now as to freemen. The Noble Lord requires this residence from householders —men known in the bo rough. Oh, but the freemen are Protestants.—( Hear.) Nothing can equal the frauds which have been committed by the freemen.—( Hear.) What does the Noble Lord do with them ? He leaves them as they are. Does he re quire the twelve months' residence ? No such thing. Is there no'hing of religious preference in that ?—( Hear.) Let me give the House a case. George Kirkshaw, a car penter in London, went over and worked in Dublin—now in a situation of confidence there—an Englishman—( Hear) —his mother's name I know—l have the certificate of his birth in my pocket. I have, moreover, the certificate of his admission to an Orange Lodge—(Cries of " Question !" " Order !" and " Hear, hear, hear")—dated, too, in I S3S, notwithstanding the pretended suppression of the Orange institutions_( Hear, hear)—Mr. Stephen Lett being the Master of the Lodge. Now the Rev. S. Lett, said to him, " Why you are a good Protestant, why should you riot be a freeman in Dublin ?' " Oh," was the reply, " I was borne in England." I may mention the lodge was called the Royal Hanoverian."—(Cheers.) " Never mind, we can get you a certificate." He proceeded to the Guild of Carpenters, and proposed the man as the grand son of his ( Mr. Lett's) own father, or the son of his sister. ( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) The name of the man's mother was then changed from Collison to Lett, and his claim was admitted as that of the son of a freemen. He registered under circum stances, every one .4, which was false"; and four others, whose names were gftren tome, registered also on the same occasion by a similar fiction. I asked the person who made these disclosures to me the reason for his doing so, and he told me candidly that his only motive was this, that he was an Englishman, and that, as such, he liked fair play.—( Hear, hear.) I have reason to know that in the city of Dublin fabrication of votes of freemen take place to the extent of thousands, and no one can now obtain the freedom of the city without the permission of the Corpora. tion. I must also observe, that since the passing of the Reform Bill marriage is held as a right to the freedom of the city, which formerly was not the case. Does the Noble Lord hovrevercome forward and require that freemen should be examined on oath as to all the particulars of their title as he requires of the unfortunate householders? I will do the Noble Lord the justice to say, that I do not believe he himself' understood many parts of the subject ; but those who framed the Bill must have been perfectly well ac quainted with them. I will appeal to the Right Hon. and Learned Member for Ripon, whose experience in the Court of Chancery is unequalled, whether he knows of s a ,s ny u ea s rin hi g . ec o t f o s n ur w v • e h y ieh ors t b h y er v e a a lu re e. so I m u a n ny differences derstandth as e Rightthe Hon. and Learned Member to say that he does not, and that circumstance will, therefore, add to the other objections to the Bill of the Noble Lord. I will now ask the Noble Lord why ho did not lessen the amount of the franchise, and thus take away the temptation to perjury, and add to the electi ve p ower o f t h e peop l e , w h o were a l rea dy too little supplied with it ? I must observe, that in the artful fram ing of his measure, the Noble Lord appears to have had had somebody's luck besides his own.—( Hear, hear, and loud cries of " Name, name.") Oh ! you know him very mell.—(Laughter, and renewed cries of " Name.") No, I will not. I put before you the case of Ireland, and you have at present an opportunity of generously dealing towards her, but that you have never done, and I defy you o t o f prove her h i a s n t i r n y s . t a n s c e h c o f bas towards centuries her the scene in thepages o f the a: l r o n ctr g ioa l e blm s e t opn c toi o vry n eeo t dru i n :oh u tf h e atdohupei though jsohyupsslttelie.cme fear—o yl to u f i ins rho f aoyiwen o ,ht u iitt l mo e h st violation of mtreeantaes, and of e veryt hi ng that could disgrace a Govern eeitiaonnpgt u h e r e y y u o e e u ar r policy towards Ireland, and to de a l w ith t h at country U you do with England. If you want to assimilate the two countries, give us your privileges and institutions, and do not attempt to do to Ireland what you would not have done to England, and after that you need not taunt me with attempting violent changes.—(Cheers.) Sir ROBERT PEEL then addressed the House as follows:—Sir, it is a source of great satisfaction to me to find that the time I will occupy at this advanced period of the debate, will be exceedingly limited.—( Hear, hear.) I do not intend to enter into any consideration of the clauses of the Bill, for the whole progress of this debate has convinced me that that rule and practice of the House which reserves the consideration of the Bill, separated for a Committee, is a nice one. Ozi the great question of the principle whether we will make any attempt to improve the system of Irish registration, I find that so far from dis cussing the propriety of making that attempt, four-fifths of this debate have been occupied with minute consideration of the clauses of the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) That consider ation has been necessarily a desultory one. Gentlemen having points to make on a clause, and receiving an im perfect reply with regard to it, and the attention of the House having been diverted to other circumstances, so that the discussion has been perfectly useless.—( Hear, hear, hear.) I therefore give my assurance to the House, that I will not trouble them on the details or clauses of the Bill. I will merely ad vert to this great consideration—l 3 it fit, or is it not, to make an attempt to cure the admitted evils of the present registration system.—(Hear, hear.) You have two al ternative propositions before you. The policy of making an attempt to reform existing evils, or the definite post ponement of the question, or its abandonment as suggested to you by her Majesty's Government. I ask the decision upon the matter of those who are not most accurately con cerned in party politics. I have the strongest conviction that their decision will be in favour not of this Bill—not of any of its clasuses, but that their decision will be in favour of the principle that an attempt should be made to remedy acknowledged evils. My reliance is not on the strength of party connections.—( Ironical cheers.) My reliance is on that portion of the House who have proved by their absence on a former occasion, their conscientious conviction that an attempt should be made to cure those evils, and I do hope they will have the courage and the firm ness to resist the appeal which has been made to them, and the attempt made to induce the House, to revoke the decision to which it has already come. They had certainly the examples of the Noble Lord and the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin to forget former engagements. —(Cheers.) The House has the example of men whose principles are favourable to every measure of a liberal nature, supporting the Bill—of men who tell you they do not approve of many of its provisions ; but we are not now discussing the provisions of the Bill—we are merely discussing this point, whether the House of Commons will retract or not the decision it had come to on a for mer occasion.—( Cheers.) Now, I will ask that portion of the House who possess the power of coming to a fair conclusion, unbiassed by party feelings, and who have the firmness to act upon their own convictions, to compare the advantages and disadvantages of voting for the motion of my Noble Friend, or of permitting the Go vernment indefinitely to postpone any alteration in the present system of Irish registration. I know well what were the intentions of my Noble Friend in proposing this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) I know that he has been unjustly ' assailed.—( Cheers, and counter cheers.) It is not my belief only, but my perfect and sincere conviction.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh," and laughter from the Ministerial benches, answered by cheers from the Opposition.) These intcrruptions do not put me out at all ; I never interrupt Hon. Members.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Mi nisterial benches.) It does not disturb me, but it prolongs the time uselessly.—(Cheers.) I was going to say that it was not only my belief, but my perfect convic tion that my Noble Friend has been unjustly assailed. I know that he never intended any unfair restriction of the franchises of Ireland.--( Ironical cheers from the Minis terial benches.) I know that he recognizes the principle for which I myself contend, that there ought to be every facility afforded for the establishment of the legitimate franchise—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers)—while every obstruction should be thrown in the way of the illegitimate franchise.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) This is the principle on which I am prepared to go into Committee on this Bill. If it can be shown in Committee that any re striction proposed ; ,to be placed on the legitimate franchise could be safely dispensed with, my Noble Friend has already expressed his intention of his perfect willingness to attend to any suggestions on the subject; and is it not evident that it is the opinion of the majority of this House that we should go into Com mittee ? What risk will you run by doing so ? You, who suspect us on this aide of the House of a desire to tamper with the franchise, tell me if we go into Committee, even if your accusation be just, wbat power can we have against the sense of that portion of the House who are not actuated by party motives, to carry such intentions into effect? If we go into Committee depend upon it you who are jealous of this Bill will have the power of placing an effectual curb upon any intentions of this nature which we might enter tain.--( Cheers.) You object to the annual registration-- you object to the appeal to the Judges--and the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who spoke last contended that this gave such evidence of national antipathy, and of religious bigotry, that that was quite ground sufficient for refusing to go into Committee. Now I will appeal to the unpreju diced portion of the House if this is a legitimate ground for refusing to go into Committee? I will prove that it is not—l will prove that so late as in 1835 the Honourable and Learned Gentleman did not think those propositions any proof either of national antipathy or of religious bigotry.—(Cheers.) Not only did he not come to any such conclusion, but he actually commenced a proposal of a similar nature for the reform of the Irish registration, when it was made by a gentleman on the other side.--(Cheers.) In 1835, Sir Michael O'Loghlin introduced a Bill for the improvement of the Irish regis tration. In that debate the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin said that he approved of not leaving the ap pointment of Assistant-Barristers in the hands of the Judges ; that he also advocated the making the registra tion complete for one year, and not dependent upon a Committee of that House; and that he also approved of a final appeal as to the right of voting to the Judges. The complaint of 1835 was, that the Committees of this House did not do justice; that they forgot the obligations of their oaths, and set aside the rights of the electors of Ireland.--( Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentle man then thought it would be a great improvement ; now my Noble Friend proposes the introduction of this very im provement, which was approved of by the Honourable and man p Learned ron o G e e d n e tdl saidß, a i ß d the Ho —lie that tsn n o . and a n d m eLnesaurrnee was d Gentle- abso lutely necessary, and that he approved of the revision of the appeal being given both ways."—(Cheers.) Such was the opinion of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman in 1835 ; yet when my Noble Friend proposes a measure, the three great principles of which arc the preventing a Committee of the vaHinsoi appealou l s of Commons le annual, übaolt,btiwi esy s floe, fromto the o and i L n e in a Learned the Judges,n da 11Gdr Gentleman l s et makingmr registry, then thinks g h i e vi r n ei g i decent to call on the House not to reject the Bill, but to prevent its being proceeded with further, because he sees in these enactments proofs of national antipathy and religious bigotry.—(Loud cheers.) I know well the distinction there is between the Bill of Sir :lichee' O'Loghlin and the present measure as to the annual revision. A proposal was made to that effect in 1835, and was it rejected with con tempt and indignation by Sir M. O'Loghlin ? No such thing. Allthat Sir M. O'Loghlin said on the subject was that he did not think it advisable to introduce vuch a pro vision into his Bill, but that if it should be the opinion of the House that such a provision should be introduced, he should not persevere in opposing it.—(Loud cheers.) Such was the manner in which Sir Michael O'Loghlin re ceived a proposition for making the revision annual. Every Gentleman who has spoken on the subject has admitted that the present system is indefensible. It was felt that this qualification was necessary to be given to the opposi. tion to this Bill. nut then it was said that it was objec tionable to give an appeal to the Judges on questions con nected with the franchise. Now that question is left per fectly open. If it should be felt feat it is important to divest the Judges of political functions, that matter can be discussed in Committee, and the Committee, if they should be of opinion that it would be desirable to divest the Judges of these functions, may, if it think pro per, adopt measures for the establishment of another tribunal. Do not, under the pretence of entertaining this objection, sanction the present abuses of the Irish regis tration.—(Cheers.) The House has before it these two alternative propositions, either to consent to go into Corn , mittce on this Bill, or to consent to the indefinite post ponement of any attempt to reform the present system of Irish registration. The Government say they are about to bring in a Bill, but when did they say so ?—( Cheers.) Last Session the subject was faintly alluded to—l well re member the occasion. The Noble Lord was threatened with a schism in his party ; a Bill had been brought for ward by the Hon. Member for Preston, giving the fran chise in counties to 101. householders. The Noble Lord then stated his opinions generally on the subject of reform, and gave some general idea of his intention to introduce some measure for the general improvement of the system of registration. He did not say one word on the system of Irish registration particularly.—( Cheers.) There was nothing more sa id o n t he subject during the remainder of the Session. The Government had the whole s of the rec ess t o cons id er on t h e su bject, but not one w said at the begi nn i ng o f t h e present Scssion d was said My. Noble _ Hon. Friend Members mentioned broug It his in hisintention l3i thel, of opposing nLgo the e s spoke in b reply,ut said not one word as t o an y intention of the Government to take up the question. The second reading of the Bill of and was carried by a m a jority composed and alteration in the present system should notice of that the Noble Lord, finding it convenient to give d the law of regis tration intention to bring in a Bill to amen Gentleman who admitted the principle that it wasnece ta s k sa e ry pl t s h o a e t , some of that House for an excuse to independent Members tra t returnsion bis generally,thanks t t o h et NobleeHo n. a and Lord Learned for l) riend. (Cheers.) voting against the Bill of my Noble F_ Now, Sir, if gratitude be due toth account, his proposal was a dishonest avingafford_ed not introduced with the intention o an excuse for rcgiatratioe, but to give Hon. Members • d—( Cheers)-- Noble Frien , 13 reef L—o becauseor m s d in o gi n .t that wthaes voting against the Bill of my con tingent upon the passing o f they adopt the entreat the House to recollect, that if these abuses in pro position of the Noble Lord (J. Russell),,h have spoken Friend—(Cheers) — and it moreover makes the reform of the Irißshlla.busLesetmethe Irish Registration—admitted on the other side—must be maintained Lord avows that he period —( Cheers.) For the Noble bY e a e l i d " for o an indefinite G do o e v s er n n o m t p e r n o t p , o fo se r t a h m at eas he ur w e il w l the views of the (Hear, hear.) He the English l o i N s n h foe will ) opp ß os u i t tic w )n h o at f re n avowsee o ft that tt his Houses m eas n o . f e Parliament. embody te oe attempt 1 0 1 m r p ec t e t iv o e c t o h n e c c a o ia n i c e ur. t in the Irish thetb a willt bL h eo e crod w ins be perfectly ohrey ch meantime,e c indefinitely. Tho a separate Bill that he will introduce Noble Lord says Why, one of the ob. for the alteration of the franchise. registration ? They will continue with the franchise. Let it be recollected they doubt about the terms of the q ualification —whether jections to my Noble Friend the property would mean the value to the tenant, or what cheering i regardless and of t h l a u abuses b h u t the e s e r s . Bill that i t t hat doesth there ot is deala let for to a solvent tenant. Now, one of the objections to the Bill is that it dots not attempt to settle the franchise. Bat the Noble Lord does not attempt to settle the question by his Bill. I think he pursues the proper course ; but if he is right, is it possible that any nne can admit so futile an objection to the Bill of my Noble Friend that it does not at the same tine include a regulstion of the registry, and a settlement of the disputed question of the franchise ? ( Hear, hear. Here is the admission of abuses—here is a repeated attempt of the Government to remedy them ; and it was not until my N'sble Friend brought in the Bill to remedy the evils, the objection of national antipathy was conjured up, hollow and frivolous as that objection is.— ( Cheers.) And when does the Noble Lord expect that the Bill of the Attorney. General will be carried ?—( A laugh.) He says that year after year he will send up Bills to the House of Lords. He says he knows they will beaejected, that years will pass before the Lords are sufficiently intelligent to adopt them, but that in time his Bills will be passed —( Laughter.) Will it be by the creation of new Peers ?—( Cheers.) No; but when the hairs apparent, who have at present seats in the House of Commons, will take the places of their more bi goted progenitors.—( Renewed cheers, and laughter from the Opposition.) The Noble Lord says that they being embued with Liberal principles will introduce new feelings into the House of Lords—(Laughter) —and then the Lords will pass those Bills. Let us calculate when that will come to pass, and from the heirs apparent now in the House sF Commons let us deduct those who not being imbued with Liberal principles will vote with my Noble Friend on this occasion.—(Laughter.) In the mean time the Solicitor-General will be perfectly happy and content. He will say, " I hare not attempted to concili ate opposite opinions—l will persevere with this 13i11."- -( Hear, hear.) I hope the next time the Bill comes on for consideration the Hon. and Learned Gentleman will have read it. But he would be perfectly content in the meantime to establish the independence of his own character, and to maintain his own opinions regardless of their adoption by either Ilouse of Parliament.—( Cheers. ) Let me ask what in the meantime becomes of the Irish registration ? I appeal to Hon. Gentlemen whether they think it fair and decent after the universal admissions made, and necessarily made, of the existence of gross abuses—after the House of Commons has, by a con siderable majority adopted the principle of the Bill—they think it fair and decent to revoke the decision, and leave the revision of the Irish registration to the Government, who for the last seven years have made ineffectual attempts to reform the Reform Bill, and were now content to postpone the reform until the House of Lords shall not only have carried the measure for the improvement of the registration, but shall have also adopted some other measure upon which the Government resolved. Have you not heard of the abuses? Have you not heard of persons taking an almost indefi nite number of certificates ? Do you not know the effect of them ?—( Cheers.) Do you not know that notices in numerable are served, not for the purpose of establishing the vote, but for the purpose of confounding inquiry ? With all this before you, do you think it right that you should abandon the attempt at remedy and leave it in the hands of the Government, who, it appears to me have taken it up, not for the purpose of amend ing the registration, but of preventing the improve ment ?—(flear, hear.) Now, compare the positive evil of indefinite postponement with the risk which you run by entering upon this question. lam in favour of every faci lity for the real elector, and of every obstruction in the way of those which have no right. The Noble Lord fully explained the details of the messes° in his opening speech; there was a full attendance of Members, and the conse quence was that there was a decision by a considerable majority in its favour.—( Cheers.) There hare been abun dant admissions of abuse, and admissions of the necessity of Reform, and yet the House of Commons is called upon to retract its decision. I cannot consider that that course will be con sistent with the honour and character of the House of Commons.—( Cheers.) I must answer an appeal that was made to me by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Vice- President of the Beard of Trade (Mr. Shiel) on the second reading of the Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman appealed to me, as the person who introduced the Roman Catholic Relief Bill in 1829, and the measure connected with it, and asked me whether I did not think there were portions of the present measure which which would be a violation of the compact entered into on that occasion ? The measure he was then particularly referring to was the Bill that established the 101. right of voting, and annihi lated the 40s. franchise. In that Bill an appeal was given to the Judge in favour of the 101. elector rejected, but there was not an appeal against the admission. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that was a secret compact, and that if an appeal be given against the admission of the voter, it is a violation of that compact. I must say I hear for the first time the argument that the correction of abuses with regard to the registration in Ireland, while abuses are admitted to prevail, can be the violation of a secret corn pact.—( Cheers.) The question is, whether or no there be an abuse or a tendency to abuse, and if there be I can not think there is anything in former obligations imposed by the 10th Goo. 4, which should prevent the application of a remedy to such an evil.—(Cheers.) But if I have violated the compact I have violated it under great autho rity, because two gentlemen of the legal profession, each a Roman Catholic, each holding high situations under Go vernment, and bound to take care that Roman Catholic interests were not injuriously effected, introduced precisely the same clauses in principle as those introduced by my Noble Friend. Those two gentlemen were Sir Michael O'Loghlin: and the Attorney-General Woulfe.—(" Ques tion.") I consider this is the question, and I should have been charged with indecorum if I had declined to notice the ap peal made to me by a Catholic Gentleman. In each of ' tho Bills brought in by Sir M. O'Loghlin and the At torney-General Woulfe, the double appeal was admitted ; so that this is only a specimen of the frivolous objections made to the Bill, and there would be an end to the correction of every abuse if such objections were admitted. But if he holds me to that compact, he will admit the obligation was not on one side only. If the Act of the 10th Geo. IV., which abolished the 40g. freeholders, and constituted the ten-pound franchise is so sacred that you cannot permit an appeal against the admission of a voter the Right Hon. Gentleman will admit the franchise then conferred, ought not to be annihilated. The franchise given by that Bill was clearly defined to be the franchise which was determined by the sum which a solvent tenant would give to the existing tenant over and above the rent he paid to his landlord.—(Hear, hear.) Consequently, if I am bound by the Bill, or to minor regulations, the Right Hon. Gentleman cannot deny that he, and those with whom he acts, have no right to contend that the lead ing principle of the Bill should be violated, and that a new franchise should now be instituted.—( Hear, hear.) If you think the franchise in Ireland ought to be ex tended, submit a proposition to the House for the pur pose.—( Cheers.) It is important enough for separate discussion. You have the example of the Noble Lord op. posite for separating the question of the franchise for the question of registration. A higher authority than his you cannot have. It is no argument to say that Irish fran chises are already too limited, and, therefore, you must improve the registration. If Irish franchises are too limited, make a proposition to the House for the extension of them. If you think 51. ought to constitute the franchise, let us have it before the House in a separate Bill, and let us have the opportunity of combating it; but do not make it as an argument against this correction of notorious abuses and the regis tration, that the Irish franchises are already too limited. Can any man seriously contend that the proper way of correcting the reduction of Irish franchises is to permit gross abuses?—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") I pro. mised the House that I would not enter into details. am attempting only to show that the House ought not, in consistency and in justice to its own character, refuse to enter into the consideration of them, and that there will be no risk of failure in your objections, for in Committee you can demand a majority to prevent any improper re strictions.—( Hear, he ar , an d a laugh.) y You have, on the other hand, the prospect before you of an indefinite postponement of any opportunity to amend the franchise. The Hon. Baronet who moved the amendment spoke of necessity of kindness and forbearance towards Ireland. I do not contest the propriety of that statement, but this I must say, that it is the reverse of kindness to encourage corruption.—( Hear, hear.) It is not kindness towards Ireland to permit the real legitimate voter to have his power in the State paralysed by the admission of fraudu lent voters.—( Cheers.) It is not true forbearance tc wards Ireland to forbear from the suppression of forgery and corruption; and you will yourselves gain no credit in Ireland—you will gain no true credit with every sincere well-wisher to that country, if you abdicate your proper functions of encouraging the legitimate franchise and dis couraging fraud, through the vain hope of conciliating false popularity by mischievous indulgence and forbearance. You say that Ireland has for a long time been kept out of the exercise of political franchises, and that she is now in possession of them. That may be so; but if it be so, teach her to estimate properly the value of political fran chises—teach her to estimate tie value of the real fran chise, and do not set the example of encouraging corrup tion, through your unwillingness to incur the clamour and unpopularity that are unjustly attempted to be excited against the earnest attempts at reformation.—(Cheers.) Whenever there is a proposal made that is palatable to your own party, you willingly accept it—if, on the other hand, there arc some fictitious votes in Scotland, supposed to be in favour of the Conservative cause, then an instant cry is raised against them.—(Cheers ) When you think by reforming the Corporations you assist your own cause, corruption is at once proved.— (Hear, hear.) Now away with this ; do not show that your desire for reforma tion is insincere, and is a mere contingent upon its serving your own purposes.—(Loud cheers.) Hero is an admitted abuse —an abuse admitted by every man who has spoken on the question. I say it would indeed be an injustice, nay, more, it would he dishonest, to attempt, by pretended reform in the registration, to curtail the legitimate franchise -4 Hear, hear)—but at the same time, at this present time at least, as unjust, and as dishonest, to prevent the amendment of proved cor ruption and of admitted abuse because the reformation would be unpalatable to your supporters and injurious to your party.—( Loud cheers.) Lord NIORPETH rose amidst some cries of " Divide, divide," and interruption from some Tories in the gallery, which were continued throughout his speech. He said if the Right Honourable Baronet, at the commencement o f hi s speech, th oug h t it fitting; to assure the House that he should not long detain that attention which is always so willingly given to him, I trust that I do not so far miscalculate my position in the House, coming after the Right don. Baronet at this hour of the night, and espe cially after so long a debate, and more especially iy o considering iivn that I hav e a l ready had an opportunity o f stating l views upon the subject under discussion.—( Hear, hear.) In intimating the course I shall think myself bound to pursue with respect to the further progress of this Bill, need not tell the House that I will not trespass upon their time at any great length. I shall advert very shortly to the circumstances of the case, and the general tendency of the measure as viewed as an imperial question —a view of it which has been almost carefully kept out of view by all who have spoken from the other side.—( Cheers.) N o doubt the Ris,sht Hon. Baronet had at length been drawn h o out—late, coy, and reluctantly—to allude slightly to subject. Last night he appeared to he willing to allow the debate to close without stating his views—he appeared to Le willing to afford the spectacle of running from--he who had involved them—he was about to give the idea of one leaving his Noble Friend, who was much in need of his wise and cautious counsels. However, he seemed to have felt that in the continued war carried on by the Trojans, it was time for the Ulysses of the opposite benches to come to the relief of the Ajax. —(Cries of " Oh, oh.") I have little doubt that it is his firm conviction that his more hot-headed ally has felt the great want of cautiousness, and that the Right Hon. Baro net deeply laments that that hot-headed ally has drawn the whole party into the turbulent whirlpool of Irish politics. —( Cries of " Question, question.") I can assure the House that my own feelings will most cordially co-operate with its will ia making my address a very short one ; but, connected as I am with the Government of Ireland, I have a right to be heard on this question—( Loud cheers)—and that right I will assert; and if it is denied to me, that asser tion will be made upon another evening. —(Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord the mover of the Bill, followed, probably to a less extent, by the Right Honourable Baronet, filled their speeches with references supposed to have been made on former occasions by Members on this side of the House, and with various small points of that kind. In deed, the Bill of the Noble Lord, upon his own showing, as illustrated in his own speech, consisted of a selection of whatever he could find arbitrary and coercive in the pro visions of former Bills —(Loud cheers.) The Bill seems to be made up of old Irish Bills—new Scotch Bills, and pending English Bills. Like the painter of old, who took the different lovely features of different beautiful women, in order to make a perfect picture of female loveliness, so the Noble Lord had levied his contributions upon those classes of Bills, in order to make out his hideous whole (Loud cheers and much laughter) —such as it now appeared. The Right Hon. Gentleman has certainly more than once made an appeal to what he was pleased to term the independent portion of the House. He evidently laboured hard to spread his chaff before some new game, which he was in hopes of ensnaring.—(Loud laughter.) With that view he said a vote was to be con sidered purely as a vote to check abuses, and could not be taken as in favour of the particular Bill. Now, Sir, this seems to me to be a novel way of considering a Bill laid upon the table of this House.—(Hear, hear.) How the Hon. Gentleman opposite would apply that principle when Bills were brought forward to which they had not so great a predeliction, I should like some of them to inform us. Not one of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite will dare to stand up and deny that intimidation is a great evil. Yet, when the Hon. Member for London brought forward his measure for the Ballot—(Cries of " Oh, oh I")—with a view of checking and suppressing intimida tion, would they then admit that no one would give his vote for the Bill en the table, but that he might vote for that Bill, and his vote would only go to check an admitted abuse. No later than last week, the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool, on the Ludlow ques tion, said he did not mean to defend those practices which there prevailed, they shocked and horrified him ; but he said, do not call upon me to support those measures which you say will get quit of them. The zeal of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite is exceedingly strong against all abuses, but it is very much like the loyalty of the Jacobins, who, in drink ing the health of Majesty, used to drink to the " King over the water ;" so it is with the zeal of the Gentlemen opposite against corruption. It is very laudable no doubt, but that corruption which excites their zeal must be over the Channel.__( Loud cheers and laughter.) I have ob served that in this debate some good humour and merri ment has been excited when mention has been made of the Bill to be introduced by my Hon. and Learned Friend the Solicitor-General for Ireland. I am glad of any thing that would be likely to produce good humour in sach a dis cussion. But stress has been laid upon the circumstance that the Bill has not yet been introduced; and if it were not wrong to state what one thinks and feels in this House (and if there,was less party spirit it might be done), I I must say, that I, for one, join the Noble Lord in lamenting that that Bill has not yet been introduced. My Hon. and Learned Friend has bad it prepared for some time past.--(0h, and cheers.) But he feels it to be of so much importance to ensure as much correspond ence and analogy as is attainable between it and the Bills to be brought forward for the other parts of the empire, that he has hitherto refrained from placing it on the table of the House. Sir, lam conscious of the delay that has taken place. I admit the difficulty of legislating on the subject, but I am most anxious to see a Bill introduced correcting the worst abuses of the present system and pro viding that all persons disqualified should, in the speediest possible manner, be removed from the registry. If such a Bill is not carried into a law in the course of the present Session, it will be the fault either of this or the other House of Parliament, but certainly not the fault of the Government.—(Loud cheers.) And I can assure the House, that in framing that Bill, it has been at least our study to create no unnecessary opposition from any party. I must say, that when the Right Hon. Gentlemen criticises the line of argument pursued by my Hon. and Learned Friend the Solicitor, General, the alternative he leaves the House is, that no Bills should be introduced which is not sure of being passed through the House of Lords, and, if so, we must bid a final adieu to the hope of passing any measure which would define the franchise, or give substantial facility to registration. Sir, even if my Hon. and Learned Friend was not prepared to introduce such a measure, still, I for one, would not purchase the advantage of removing from the registry a certain portion of the voters who were not, in point of law, strictly qualified, by the universal and formidable restric tions which the Bill of the Noble Lord—l will not say in his mind, but in my opinion —is calculated to raise up against the elective franchise in every class of voters.— (Cheers.) I will not now enter into the discussion, al though it has been largely dwelt upon, of the distinction which might be drawn between the Bill of the Noble Lord and the former Bills of the Government. These distinc tions are great and manifold. The Right Hon. Baronet has omitted a broad distinction between the liability to annual revision in the two Bills, because that of Sir Michael O'Loghlin confined the revision to new claimants. That of Chief Baron Woulfe did not—the Government having seen reason to alter their opinion —the working of that system in England and Ireland having been found objectionable. Sir, I have yet to learn on what plea of propriety we are bound to assert that proposition now that the Noble Lord has seen reason to take it up? But even if they had intro duced the self-same Bill, and had seen the universal disgust and reprobation with which it had been received through the length and breadth of the land to be principally affected by it, and the risk and danger of con tinuing bad blood in an easily wrought-upon and excited population, then indeed we might have been induced to borrow a leaf from the opposite benches, and as the Right Hon. Member for Cambridge had done with regard to the stamp duties, and as the Noble Lord had done with regard to the Arms Bill, we might have thought it right to come down and withdraw the Bill. With respect to the agitation on the subject, although I regret its re vival, and although I may condemn its form and lan guage, yet I own I feel no surprise at that re vival. On the contrary, it was as clear to me as daylight that it would be revived, and it is equally clear that if by continued perseverance the House should unhappily consent to this measure, it will grow and ex tend, and which can only be finally repressed and extin guished, if it does not happen to-night, it must, sooner or later, by the Bill receiving it final defeat in Committee.-- ( Cheers.) The Bill would encumber the claimants with new and greater difficulties, and if they think they can do this with safety to the best interests of the country, of Ireland, and of the Union, on which they set so just a value. I admire their spirit, I refrain from questioning their mo tives, although that is a very large admission ; but I must ex press my disbelief of their statesmanlike qualities, or their fit ness to govern. It was only in the course of last year that we had an admission from the Right lion. Baronet, when he was on the point of receiving the reins of Go vernment, that Ireland formed his great difficulty. I only wish further to advert to that in which seemed to lie the whole question, that is, the consideration whether the Bill has any tendency to impede and obstruct the legiti mate attainment and maintenance of the elective franchise, or whether it is an exaggeration to impute to it such an object. The great argument from the Opposition is, that this Bill will disfranchise corrupt pretenders to a franchise which they have no right to enjoy. I have every wish to see that accomplished; but I do not wish to see it carried into effect against the honest, legitimate claimant.—( Hear.) In my view of it, of all the hollow and vain sophistries that could be pro pounded, this is the hollowest and vainest.—(Loud cheers.) If all men were what they should be—if political parties had not a tendency to impede their opponents—if i landlords had not an object in coercing and controlling those under them—if agents, solicitors, and witnesses, were not always anxious to promote the views of their employers —and further, if all Assistant-Barristers and Judges were wholly influenced by party predilections—l feel that we might leave the Irish constituency in all the meshes and checks of the Bill which the Noble Lord proposes to place around them. Even then I have some misgiving as to the eleven-headed form of the notice, and I cannot but apprehend that some link in the chain might occa sionally be forced to give way. A landlord might be found here and there to be disposed to coerce and control his tenant ; agents may co-operate with them, and even Assistant-Barristers and Judges; and if any of these things happen, that circumstance arises which seems to me the chief objection to this Bill, which is, that not merely fraudulent and corrupt voters are disc franchised, hut, on the contrary, such persons seem to tine more easily induced, and to have a kind of natural propensity to encounter, all diffi culties placed in their way, but in their stead the honestly qualified and well-intentioned person is led easily to be deterred from running the guantlet or any of the hazards to which the provisions of this Bill, either by the authority of superiors or the activity of partisans, will contrive to subject them.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet ob served that the question of the number who at present enjoy the elective franchise was quite unconnected with this question. I admit that there is no direct depend ence, but when it is stated, as it was, and, I be lieve, on authentic grounds, by the Hon. Member for Cork, that in that county there are, on computation this ye2r, out of a population of 800,000, but 2,000 would enjoy the elective franchise there. I much question whe ther the present system has so encouraged the undue pre tensions of unqualified voters, and whether it does not rath er prove the inconvenience of the present system is displayed in keeping out those who are qualified to vote. —( Cheers.) I concur in the proposition laid down by several Hon. Members, and particularly by my Noble Friend, the Secretary for the Colonies, that the object of all registration ought to be to give every possi ble facility to the attainment and defence of public rights, and not to pleee any impediment in the way which was not absolutely called for, and if I must choose between the two evils. I think it would be better that an unqualified person should 'cote, than that a person duly qualified should be prevented from voting.—( Cheers. ) We have, Sir, a limited elective franchise in the three countries, and cer t a i n l y not to the l east extent i n Ireland. I am n o t p repare d , at present to give cons entjuot I a anYr_ at positi on f or f urt h er encouraging its extension , least prepared, w i t h some anxiety, to watch any attempt furth er to li m it, fetter, and obstruct and it is b ecause, S i r, I b e li eve t h a t thisadopted in its entirety, i s em i nent ly ca lculated so to fetter, lances tter in the,obstrut, and impair th e f ranc hise, and to plac ta hind Bi llagainst l TiNENING EDITION. EVENING EDITION., way of its attainment, that besides keeping out fraudulent and corrupt voters, it would have the effect of deterring and discouraging the honest, perfectly legitimate, and well conditioned voter—that besides the excitement and agita tion at the moment of its enactment, it would likewise have the sure and inevitable tendency of keeping LIP a prowling, annoying, perv a di ng , an d h a bit u al agitation, through the whole period of its operation—and because it seems to me that, in all its provisions, the greater as well as the lesser—those of principle as well as of detail, the uniform hue and colour is to fetter, obstruct, and impede. the already narrow franchise and harrassing registration of the Irish people, I shall give to this Bill, on every opportunity, and at every stage, my unabating opposition. —( Loud Cheers.) Strangers were th en or d ere d to w i t hd raw , and the House divided, when the numbers were— For the Amendment 298 Against the Amendment Majority for going into Committee...--- 3 The House then went into Committee, Mr. FRESH' FIELD in the Chair. Lord STANLEY then proposed that the Bill should be read paragraph by paragraph, but that the preamble should be postponed. Mr. HUME moved that the Chairman shall leave the Chair.—( Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought that the course pro posed to be pursued by the Noble Lord, that of reading the Bill paragraph by paragraph was a very unusual one. Lord STANLEY did not wish to propose anything un usual. He hoped, ho wever , t h at the motion of the Hoy. Member for Kilkenny would not be agreed to, as that mo tion would entirely suspend the further progress of the Bill. His wish was to ask for leave to sit on Friday, not for the purpose of proceeding with the Bill, but in order that be might fix some other day for the purpose. Sir W. SOMERVILLE would put it to the Noble. Lord whether he was r ea lly ser i ous i n hi s i nten tion of proceeding with the Bill.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) The Noble Lord should be aware that there was not the slightest chance that the measure would ever pass into a law.—( Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL hoped that the Hon. Member for Kilkenny would not press his motion, as any advantage he might thereby obtain would be an unfair one. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN said that it was his wish to reduce the majority as much as possible, and he proposed to do that by the loss of the vote of the Chairman of the Committee. . 301 Mr. HUME said that after the observation of the Nob le Lord (Lord J. Russell) he would not press his metion. The Committe e th en reporte d progress, the Ch a irmall left the ch a i r , an d o b ta i ne d leave to sit again on FridaP, The other O r d ers o f t h e D ay were then dispose d of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter-past Two o'Cloek. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. In Harbour—Britannia, Victory, Vanguard, Excellent, Royal George, Magicicnne, Victor, Dolphin, J u piter, Numa transport. o f A L l i , e p u o t i e N n T a .N n i E t. s T 5...... NAVAL PROMOTIONS AND APPOINTMENTS . PROMOTIONS. b r ank —Mate—Thomas Etheridge, t° t-e Commander Thomas °•f Ko R. the Rod ne y. Li eutenants—William N. T ay or,J n oh x n , Baker, John H. Lloyd, and H. M. Ellicornbe, to the Rod. ney. Master—Samuel S. Flinn (acting) to the Rodney. Second Master—William G. S. Stokes, to the Rodney. Master's Assistants—A. J. Barnard, to the Edinburgh ; R. J. Hudson, to the Victor. Purser—R. L. Honiman, to the Rodney. Mates—J. F. B. Wainwright, to the Excellent ; L. D. 'l'. Provost, to the Magicienne; °' Bentall, to the Magicienne ; W. B. Beresford , to the Vanguard ; 0. P. Knott, to the Britannia ; W. G. Mew l ' field, to the Vanguard. Midshipmen—G. D. Suchtorious, of the Greek navy, to the flag-ship in the West Indies, !I a supernumerary midshipman; G. 0. Willes, to the Pearl • H. J. Grant, to the Vanguard. Clerk-in -Charge-- Charles Thorne, to the Charybdis. Naval Instructor--F• W. 13onter, to the Southampton. The following midshipmen passed for lieutenants at the Naval College, on Tuesday la , t i—Messrs. Robert Hail , W. V. D. Anson, W. S. J. Gurley, John W. Palmer' Philip W. May, Wm. H. Wardrop, J. de Courcy, A' Agnew, and William Carleton Willie. The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have awarded Colour- Serjeant William Harris, Royal Marines, late of her Majesty's ship Beacon, paid off at Malta, a medal, and gratuity of fifteen pounds, for long service and good conduct. The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have made the following alteration in the scale for mates and rnidshir men to be borne in the different rates. Ist. —Formerly 24—At present 90—Reduction 4. 2d. 3d. __l6 4th. sth.—_ 3 6th.B Sloops 3 s O. dc r, The Adder, revenu e cutter, T. Morg; .. .......... 111 * u captured off the I s l e o f Wi g h t , on t h e n i g h t of the u tl ; inst., a smack be:onging to this port, with twenty casks k 1 contraband spirits, and two men ; the vessel and el l were taken to Cowes Custom-house, and the two smug'' glers lodged in Newport Gaol. —.I/ SILVER TEA and COFFEE SERVIC t Drawings of the newest patterns, will be forwarded, po3t any part o f th e country, i n answer to a paid letter, with full , • 4n culars of size, we i g ht, an d pr i ce; or Purchasers will dow most extensive assor t ment o f t h e Sil ver S erv i ces in the Rooms. Eith er T ea - pot, Sugar Bas i n, Cream E we r or C O S 00 pot, may be h a d separate l y. T. (..•:OX SAVORY, Silversmith, &c., 47, Cornhill ( Seven doors from Grac eehurL 2. street), London, -- ------------- TCIII . SILVER PLATE of LONDON MA , -• TURE.—A. B. SAVORY an d SONS, Workil Gold smiths, 14, Cornhill, London, opposite the Bank of r ' n flcliii• The best wr oug ht SILVER SP OO N S an d FORKB,4d. P er Pattern, 7s. 2d. per ounce ; the King's Pattern, 7 °*, bu t the ounce. The following are the weights reeommende n o on o artcles may be had lighter or heavier at the same pricePar Li s ; 0 d „. . 10 .„ 12 Fiddle Pattern Silver Table Spoons lid at 7 4 ' .• 7 •' 4 J 2 ditto D essert ditto . )0 7 2'" 16 1 4 1 2 duo '1 a bl e Forks 3 , 7 2... 7 3 2 ditto Dessert ditto o 7 fl ''' 311 8 2 ditto Gravy Spoons lO 7 2•'• 3 11 15 1 ditto Soup Ladle ls 7 2." s 1.. ~ 4 ditto Sauce ditto lO 7 ?". 1 0 4 ditto Salt S rnKinz t strong) .............. ... 2 10 _ 1 ditto Fish . lice ................................... l6 U 12 ditto Tea Spoons I pair ditto Sugar Tongs (strong) ............... .. 4 l 12 King's Patter 1 Silver Table Spoons 40 at 7 4 ... ' 9 , 6 12 ditto Dessert ditto "1k 74 " 3 4 . 14 i 14 ditto T a b' e Forks . 4O 7 4 ** . 9li 5 12 ditto Dessert ditto .5 ' 4 '" 4 S • 2 ditto Gravy Spoons ;2 , 4... 4 8 0 1 ditto Soup Ladle l2 7 414 11 4 ditto S auce d i tto l2 7 10... 3 / 4 ditto 1 ditto S r z i t s lt fi S s p l o i o ce ns (strong gilt) ......... .......... 35 ; o 12 ditto Tea Spoons l4 7 I(3 ' . 1 54 1 pair ditto N.B. A Price Curr S e u n g t a , r P Ll o r r ' w ill b e ing drawings, and every informatie;. relative to the silver or Sheffield plate, may be had on application: i j o tter. sent into the country, postage free, in answer to !t.' eins . S T t ° a n tril:C..7 . a " s - a ". N evr" . .............................. f B IR TITS. On the 19th i ns t., M rs . F. Ba c on, of Guildford -street, Ras. sell-Fquare, of a daughter. On the 11th inst., Mrs. G. Waugh, Regent - s treet ' of a daughter. 411ARR1ED. On the 20th inst., IA Hinkley, by the Rey. IL Chamberd laine, Mr. Henry Midlane, of London, to Louisa, sec" daughter of Mr. Thomas Winterton, of the former place. Garside On the 12th inst., at Ordsall, J. Knowles, Esq„ House, near Bolton, to Mary Jane, youngest daughter of B. Millington, Esq., of Ordsall House, Nottingham. t h e On the 19th inst., at St. James's Church, Dr. Cowper, of _ 29th Regiment, to Mary Christian Casamajor, only aaughter 01 Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Paterson, late of the 13th Light Dragoons. of DIED. On the 14th inst., G. Perci va l, y ounges t son of B i gg' E s q., of Woodford-bridge, Essex, aged '22. On the 16th inst., at Puckeridge, Herts., Mr. J. On the 16th inst., Eliza Jervis Stevenson, eldest daughter I Brigadier Stevenson, of the Bombay Establishment, aged 1 8 • R, Pimlico, On the 18th inst., in Upper Belgrave-plaee, Howse ,Esq., late Sergeant of the Vestry of her Majesty Chapels Royal, aged 68. Grout. 0, ___ ..,.... ........„)11•111....i _..,_ •••••=1,11,M11.1..P London: P r i n t e d and Published _, by MIJRDO YOUNG , 0 f No. 112, Str an d, a t Th e Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the county of Middlesex.--Thursday, May 21, 1134.0. (From the Hampshire Telegraph.) PORTSMOUTN, MAY 16.—The following i s an extract, of a lette r , d a t e d H. M. S. Androm ac h e , Madeira, Ap ril 8, 18.0.—" We arrived here to-day, haring run /, 400 miles from Spithead in a week to the hour. There are two English brigs lying here, taking in wine and fruit ; one of them sails for England on Monday next. The Ne mesis iron steamer is lying here, having put in for wi,n e ~ and coals. She made the passage in six days, but su i t', hersel f out part of the way under canvas, having run out of coals, and she worked high pressure of steam wh il , her coals lasted. We fill up here with water, and proceed again to-morrow for the Cape." The Ringdove and Satellite, sloops of war, arrived oe the 15th March at Jamaica, and the Charybdis, b ri g' Lieut. Tinling, on the 25th. The Magicienne, 28, Captain Michell, is ready W g ° out of harbour, and will sail, it is expected, in the course of next week, for the Mediterranean. The Rod ne y, 92, C ommodore Hyde Parker , was paid off at Plymouth on Wednesday, and immediately re-coni missioned by Commander Knox. re ady for The Dolphin, 3, Li eut. Littlehales, is now sea, having be en repa i re d o f the damage she received from tho Braganza s t eamer runn i ng on board of her, and for which the ow ners o f t h e B raganza will hare to pay Th° Dolphin will sa il on M on d ay, and takes out supernu meral boys for the men o f war on the African station, and despatches to St. Helena, to permit the French Govern' meat to exhume th e rema i ns of Napoleon Bonaparte for burial in F r a nee — a comm i ssion entrusted to the Prince do Joinville. The Messenger steamer went to Woolwich on Wednel; day, with the mar i nes o f t h e Rodney ; and the Vesuvius steamer proceeded t o C or k on Thursday, to bring. over four companies an d h ea d- quarters of the 60th Regim ent to this place. The Vesuvius steamer on Thursday proceeded to Co ri :" to convey to this ga rr i son t h e d epot of the 60t h Regiment and on the arrival of the service companies of that regime. 11 from the Mediterranean, the Kith Regiment now here , march to Weedo n . Th e d epot of the 72d i s to be quar tered here. The Echo steam vessel is to be stationed here, in lieu el the Messenger. The Numa transport, Lieut. HOwe agent, arrived Wednesday from Deptford, with water tanks, for Weevil' and sailed the following day for Plymouth. wa ter The Dorothy, of D un d ee . ti m b er l a d en, an d logged, was boarded on the 24th of February last ; none of the crew on board, only a live dog. Provisions were found in the maintop. Rear-Admiral Sir Edward Durnford King, K.C.H., i # appointed to the command of the Cape of Good Hope station, and will hoist his flag in the Southampton, So, at Chatham, which is to be commissioned by Captain William Hillyar. I I Ve Of irc , 4 011 1 .--,,,it the th e foil Dar fro' ' , in 1 tv ,-- Opp, bitt titig k:or tnel s 4