The Sun. — London, England, 1840-05-05 00:00:00

EYFN.IN G ED IT lON . TREATY BET ` EEN GREAT BRI TAIN AND THE TWO SICILIES. ~~ (SIGNED AT LONDON, SEPT. 26, 1816.) In the name of the nne,t holy and undivided Trinity, his Majesty the King atilt! TWO Sicilics having repre sented to his Majesty the King of the United Riagdom of Greet Britain and Ireland, the inconveniences which resell. to leis Finances, and to the navigation and com merce of his soLjecte, from, the continuance of the privi leces and exemptions which BrieishUubjecti and those of some other powers have enjoyed within his dominions, and desire to abolish them by commont consent ; imnd his Britannic Majesty having testified to his Sicilian Majesty his perfect readiness to consent thereto, by 11 (eatablishment of a sieate of things which may et 11 (same time remedy the inconveniences of which I . ,iictlitina Majesty has complained, and provide also !ti the security and advantage of the subjects and of thecomtnerce of Great Britain in the dominions of his Sicilian Majesty : Their Britannic and Siciliau ;estiet e tver animated by the sentiments of the most in thatate friendship. in order to obtain this double purpose, nave named for their Plenipotentiaries, viz., his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right lion. Robert Stewart, Viscount Cas tlereagh, Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, a Privy Couecillor. Menier of Parliament, Colonel of the Londonderry Regiment of Militia, and his Principal Steretary of State for Foreign Affairs : and his Majesty the King of the Two Sleilies, the Sieur Fabrice Ruifo, Prince of Castelcicala, Minister of State, Acting Gen tleman of the Bedchamber to his said Majesty, Knight brand Cross of the Most illustrious Order of St. Fer linand and cif Merit, Knight of the Royal and Most Il lustrious Order of St. Januarius, his Envoy Extraordi nary and Minister Plenipotentiary to his Britannic Ma jeety his Ambassador Extraordinary to his Most Christian Majesty), who, after having communicated their full powers, found to be in due and proper form, have agreed upon the following articles :- 1. His Britannic Majesty consents that all the pri vileges and exemptions which his subjects, their COM- Rion:* and enipping, have enjoyed, and do enjoy, in the dominions, ports, and domains of his Sicilian Majesty, virtue of the Treaty of Peace and Commerce con- Ceded at Madrid the 10th (2:3d) of May, 1667, be t 'Veen Great Britain and Spain ; of the Treaties of Commerce between the same Powers, signed at Utrecht the 9th el December, 171:3. and at Madrid the I:3th of December, 171.5 ; and of the Convention concluded at Utrecht, the `2sth February (Bth March), 1712-la, between Great Britain and the kingdom of Sicily shall be abolished ; and it is agreed upop, hi consequence, between their said Britannic and 'Sicilian Majesties, their heirs and successors, that the said privileges and exemptions, whether of persons or of flag and shipping, are and shall continue fur ever abolished. 6 2. His Sicilian Majesty engages not to continue, error hereafter to gfrant to the subjects of any other Power whatever, the privileges and exemptions abolished by the present Convention. S. His Sicilian Majesty promises that the subjects of his Britannic Majesty shall not be subjected within his dominions to a more rigorous system of examination and search by the officers of Customs, than that to which the subjects of his said Sicilian Majesty are liable. 4. His Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies promises that Briti s h commerce in general, and the British sub ject, who wore it on, shalt be treated throughout his dominions upon the same footing as the most favoured nations, not 'only with r.cspect to the persons and pro perty of the said British subjects, but also with regard to every species of article in which they may traffic, and the tazus or other charges payable on the said ar ticles or on the chipping in which the importations shall he made. 5. With respect to the personal privileges to be en j.oged by the subjects of his Britannic Majesty in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, his Sicilian Majesty pro ruibca that they shall have a free and undoubted right to travel, and to reside in the territories and dominions of his said Majesty, subject to the same precautions of police, which are practised towards the most favoured nations. They shall be entitled to occupy dwellings and wirehousee, and to dispose of their personal property of every kind and description, by sale, gift, exchange, or will, and in any other way whatever, without the smallest loss or hiodrance being given them on that head. They shall not be obliged to pay, under any pretence whatever, other taxes or rates than those which are paid, or that hereafter may be paid, by the most favoured nations in the dominions of his said Sicilian Majesty. They shall be exempt from all mili tary service, whether by land or sea ; their dwellings, - .Terehouse s , an d everyt hi ng b e l ong i ng or appertaining te,ereto for objeets of commerce or residence, shall be respected. They shall not be subjected to any vexatious search or visits. No arbitrary examination or inspection of their books, papers, or accounts, shall be made under the pretence of the supreme authority of the State, but these shall alone be executed by the legal senteneo of the competent tribunals. His Sicilian Majesty engages on all these occasions to guarantee to the subjects of his Britannic Majesty who shall reside in his states and dominions, the preservation of their property and personal security, in the same manner as arose are guaranteed to his subjects, and to all foreign ers belonging to the most favoured and most highly privileged nations. 6. According to the tenor of the articles 1 and 2 of this treaty, his Sicilian Majesty engages not to declare null and void the privi!egee and exemptions which actually 'exist in favour of British commerce within hid dominions, ti!l the same day, and except by the avail act, by which the privileges and exemptions, irliateoever they are, of all other nations, shall be do c;Ared nail and void Within the same. 7. His Sicaan Majesty promises, from the date when the general abolition of the privileges, according to the articles I, 2, and 6 shall take place, to make a reduction of ten per cent. upon the amount of the duties payable according to the tariff in force the Ist of Jan nary, 1816, up s oli the to:al of the merchandize or pro ductions of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, her colonies, possessions, and dependencies, imported into the States of his said Sicilian Majesty, according to the tenor of article 4 of the present Con vection ; it being understood that nothing in this article shall be construed to prevent the King of the Two Sitilies from granting, if he shall think proper, the same reduction of duty to other foreign nations. 8. The subjects of the lonian Island: shall, in conse quence of their being actually under the immediate pro t,ction of his Britannic Majesty, enjoy all the advan tages which are granted to the commerce and to the subjects of Great Britain by the present treaty, it being well understood to prevent all abuses, and to prove its identity;everylonien vessel shad be furnished with a patent, signed by the Lord High Commissioner or his . Represent:l6% e. O. 'File present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications thereof exchanged in London, within the space of ;ix niontliz, or ,00nc. , r if possible. In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed it, and there'lnto affixed the seal of their arms. D 4114 at, London, the 26th of September, 1816. (Signed) CASTLEILEAGII (L. S.) CXSTELCICXLX ( L. S.) SOUTH AMERICA. Tha Venezuela Gazelle, of 10th of March, contains the copy of a decree, which has passed the Chambers and become law, settling the amount of salary to be paid to the high functionarits of the Stat.:, The President of the is to have 12,003 dollars, and the Vice- President 4 000. When the President should fail to attend, in con t,equfnce et :indisposition, or temporary absenc., the Vice- Pr•sident is to be paid at the rate of 8,000 dollars. The Finance Committee has drawn up a report, dated Mach 7, comprehending several draughts of laws which are recommended to be submitted by the Executive to the Legislature. We give the first of the proposed Decrees, as it relates to the recognition of the foreign debt. The ;allowing are the terms of the draught " FOREIGN DEBT. THE SENATZ AND CIIANIBER OF RERRE SENTATIVES OF THE REPUBLIC OF VE NEZUELA ASSEMBLED IN CONGRESS. " DECREE. " Article I. There shall be annually appropriated 160.000 dollars of the Custora-kouso duties to the payment of the interest ci th e quota which, acc.urditig to the con vention of Describer 23, 1534, Venezuela has recognii.ed of the Colombian D e b t , constituted by the foreign loans of A 822 and 182.1, of which remittance shall be made every moot to London in due time to meet the periods at which, accordin to the agreeme n t, t h e said interest sh ould g 1 1 . 3 paid. " This provisional assignment shall continue in operation ttntii, the regulation with the creditor s un d er the authority g1.1,-n concluded, to the Executive by the decree of April 25, 1838, the fulfilment of the 05w stipulations being which may be made can have been commenced. .._._.. " Art. 2. A; to the amortizing of that part of the debt proceeding from the supplement made by the Republic or Mexico to Columbia, iu London, in 1826, for which Ve nezuela is responsible, in virtue of the beforementioned convention, of December 2:3, 1834, the Congress reserve; to itself to mike provision when the same may be liquidated. " Given at Car,ecas, "JUAN N. CHAVES. " JOSE A. NUNE Z. " JULIAN GARCIA. " JUAN M. HENRIQUE. " M. F. DE TO VA R. "JOSE F. BLANCO. " MAURICIO BERRISBEITA. " MIGUEL HERRERA. "JUAN J. MICHELENA." SINGULAR FACT.—There ic a peon named John Parry, wh o h as b een a farm servant at Llyingw rs yn t near Pcrllheli, for nearly th e pace of thirty-seven years and six months, and during the whole period has regularly walked, morning and evening, (excepting three days) from his dwelling house to the above farm, a distance of two and a half miles each way ; and on Sundays to chapel, two and a half miles each way, extra. Ile reader is loft to calculate the number of miles lsr avelled.—Carnarcon Thrald. RAILWAY SHARES.--A demand for shAres in these undertakings has sprung up, and i n th e course of fortnight Great Westerns have advanced 15/. p er s h are, and 7 ; on the half shares. The Bristol and Exeter have materially improved, and are now quoted at 151., being an advan ce o f a per share ; Other shares have risen in proportion. _Bristol Atereur,v. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS• FR91,1 TOP: DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDA Y (From the Clobe.) . . The British Government has not brew indifiernt or tardy in taking the necessary meazures to obtain satis faction from that of Naples. Representations and :mon ' strances have been transmitted through our representa tive at Naples, and also to the Neapolitan :Minister at the British Court. These remonstrances were at first met with denials that grounds for complaint ex isted ; then mean and paltry s►vasions were employed ; which were followed by assurances that the offensive and injurious restrictions upon our trade should be removed, _and a day was more than mice named on whic❑ it was assured they should, terminate. These promises were in succession violated. At length our Government sent out specific instructions to Yr. Temple, our Minister at the Court at Naples, to demand the abolition of the monopoly in one week, and inclosed to him a despatch to Sir Robert Stopford, directing him to send a de tachment from the vessels under his command into the Bay of Naples, with orders to seize, by way of repri sals, the ships of Neapolitan subjects. In the event of the Neapolitan Government not entirely satisfying our Minister that the trade with this country was abso lutely freed from the restrictions we have described, the despatch to Sir R. Stopford was to be forwarded. Evasions and promises, for no other object than to gain time, were again tried ; but they had lost their power. The despatch was sent to the British Admiral ; and the Neapolitans were taught that Britain, though slow to enforce her rights when invaded by a weak governuuent, will not allow even the weak to trample on her subjects and insult her flag with impunity. (From the Standard.) Although we have happily no experience of the labour of defending frauds, we see enough, from observation, of the painful difficulty of the task to compassionate, as far as wrongdoers can be inno cently pitied, very sincerely those upon whom it devolves. The alternate bullying and whining, —the mingled tissue of great swelling words and bitter personality, with very mean misrepresentation and downright falsehood—is a work which no man having any self-respect, can toil upon without loathing, or put out of his hands without shame. Nitre do there fore commiserate the opponents of Lord Stanley's Bill, whether we get credit for the soft feeling or do not —and among them ail we most commiserate the Morn ing Chronicle. It is a hard job in which it is engaged, and our contemporary knows it is a job above its power to accomplish, and disgraceful even if temporarily accom plished. And but temporarily accomplished it can be, by the express confession bf Mr. O'Connell ; and if Mr. O'Connell is to be trusted by the practical confession of • Lord John Russell. (From the Courier) «'he■ it is considered that the Irish Corporations were especially instituted for the protection of the Protestant inhabitants, and that the present mea sure originates with a Ministry which has openly declared its hostility to Protestantism—a Ministry owing its existence, unnaturally protracted after it has ceased to make an effort to perform its func tions—we are at no loss to conceive the motives which have conduced to the preparation of the present measure. The Corporations of Ireland need no altera tion ; they answer all the purposes for which they were intended ; but then they are not sufficien;.ly obsequious to the dictation of the Papists, and, therefore, they are to be rendered insufficient for local government on sound principles. The effect of the qualification in the larger cities will be to introduce the more violent members of the treasonable National Association into their councils, and as the property of the boroughs is to be vested in Municipal Commissioners elected by ten-pound electors, we may readily conceive the havoc that will ensue. In Dublin, in particular, the operation of the Bill, should it become a law, will be frightful ; but we lia?e the greatest confidence in the wisdom of the Lords, and do not doubt that they will take care to provide the means:of rendering the measure innozious to the public welfare. LAW IN TELLIGENCE. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, MAP 4. THE QUEEN V. COUSINS. In this case, in which a rule in the nature of a quo warrants had been obtained calling upon the defendant to show by what agthcrity he exercised the office of an Alderman of Norwich, a rule had been applied for by the defendant calling upon the relator to show cause why the rule should ❑ot he dis charged, and all the costs be paid by the relator. It appeared that in the year 1835 the defendant and thirteen others had been elected Aldermen of Norwich in a batch, instead of having been proposed seriatim. finder these circumstances, rules had been obtained quo warrants, against each of the persons so elected, but proceedings had been stayed in all the cases except the King v. Brightwell ; in which case it had been decided that the election was a good one, and that the defendant was entitled to exercise the functions of an Alderman of Norwich. Within six days after this decision the rule in this case had been applied for. Mr. KELLY showed cause against the rule, and con tended that the relator had not had time to make up his mind as to whether he would question the de cision in the case of Brightwell or not ; and that he had also not had time to determine whether he would proceed to trial with these cases or not. The relator had no intention of questioning the decision of the Court in Bris htwell's case, but still time ought to have been given him to make up his mind. With regard to costs, as the rule had been made absolute, he thought the defendant was not en titled to them, and that the application was without precedent. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, in support of the rule, said that the proceedings throughout these cases against the defendants had been of the most vexatious nature ; that the plaintiff woull not discharge the rule, neither would he proceed, and that the defendant was certainly entitled to costs, inasmuch as if the ease wes t to trial, and the case were decided upon the authority of the King v. Brightwell, the defendant would be entitled to the costs of the proceedings from the commencement. Mr. BYLeS followed on the same side. Lord DENMAN said that the relator ought to have to this day month to elect whether be would proceed to trial with the quo warranto or not, and that i❑ the event of refusing to do so, and also refusing to pay the costs of the previous proceedings, then this rule should be made absolute without costs. lie did not think that the costs of this rule could be granted, as he considered the application for the rule was premature. QUELL V. SPHINGriELD. This W. 13 another of th;! Norwich cases, in which the same point arose, which was decided in a similar wanner. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, MAr 4. (Sittings in Banco.) DZ,E DEII. THE MAYOR AND DURGESSES OP MORYETH, U. BRADY AND OFIIERC This was an action of ejectment, brought by the new Corporation of Morpctli, to recover 401 acres of common land from the parties who formed the Corporation under tha cld system. It was tried before Mr. Baron Alderson, at the As,izes for Northumbct land, two years ago, when a verdict was taken for the plaintiff, subjact to a special case to be argued before the full Court. F. l'ou.ocK was about to argue the case for the plaintiffs, when the Court interrupted him, and called upon Mr. ChESYWELL, who appeared for the defendant. He contended tbat the property was in the bailiff, who was appointed by the burgesses. He also was stor,ped by the Court, wll3 sail judgment must go frr the plaintiffs, for there was so other body in whom the property could be seized. MORTIMER V. M'CULLkM. Great part of the day waa occupied with the atgumelits upon demurrer in this cue. The Court postponed its judgment. GERMAN PAPERS. HANovEit, Aram hear that the town of Helzen has chosen for its deputy Dr. Lang, jun., who, it i 3 thought, will accept his nomination. M. Wede ineyere is chosen deputy for the Hoyt districts. Dr. Alben, the new deputy tor Luneburg:, has arrived here. The Second Chamber resumed its sittings to-day after the Easter holiday. COPENIIAGEN.—The number of ships of all nations that passed the Sound in January, February, and March' was—From th e N o rth Sea, :1'47 ; lrom the Baltic, 8.21 ; in all, 7o ;of these, 101 were English, vig. 89 from the North Sea, and 1 0 from the Baltic. G. OTTINGEN, APRIL 19.—Two of our professors of jurisprude nce h ave b een honoure d w i t h i nv i tat i ons t o foreign universiti es : t h ey w ill, h owever , re f use these invitations, and remain with our Georgia Augusta. The . unhappy politi ca l events h ave d estroye d a ll soc i a l connection, and party diviles the colleagues from each other. FRANKFORT, KFFRANKFORT, APRIL tl4. —Tho Grand Duke Alex ander will, i n a few days, complete his ood year, and pass the day with th e G rand Ducal family at ljarin'st-"dt His Imperial Highnes s h as made urrangemen , :for lengthened stay, and is already considered as a Member of the Grand Ducal Family, He will probably spend some of the summer with the Grand Duke at Mayerce, but it is doubtful whether the Emperor and Empress of Russia may be expected there. The Empress, how ever, will arrive in June at Ems, where she will make a Papers, May 1. long stay.—.llamburg Nov Er., POST OFFICE PARCELS.-- A f r i en d of ours informed us the other day . i that he transmitted to Bristol through the Post Office a bar of iron as a sample ; and are told that a certain poor-law functionary in the neighbourhood has received through the same medium a young snake. It appears that the reptile was in a state of putridity, and conse quently very . , offensive to the olfactory nerves of our friend Bolan, her Majesty's distributor of news in Barnstaple, who heartily wished himself in the happy Emerald Isle, from whence the patron saint has extirpated a 1 the vermin.—North Devon Advertiser. Major Walker, of the 65th regimeut, has been appointed Sup er i n t en d en t of the Notts New Police For ce: there were three other candidates, two of whom, however, had not a single vote amongst the Magistrates in attendance. The operation of the Act is Axed to commence in November next TBE S'' N, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 5. 1840. IMPERIAL PARLIAM HOUSE OF LOIWS, 111 Ar 4 The LORD CHANCELLOR took seat on the wool sack at five o'clock, when there, was a considerable at t;:iidancc of Peers upon the Opposition Benches, and all the Julges were in [tat:Li:lance for tl!e purpose of their opinions on the questions relative to the Canada Clergy Reserves. The Earl oC ROSEBERY presented a petition from Linlith2 - ow against the intrusion of isilinisters. The Earrof RIPON presented a petition from members of the Society of Friends residing in Liver pool, deprecating a war with China on account of the trade in opium. Lord L L UG HBY D'ERESBY presented a ptitioa front a place in - Yorkshire against alteration of the Corn-laws. The Murquis of LONDONDERRY presented several petitions from Presbyterian congregations in the county of Donegal against intrusion of Ministers ; and also a petition from the Master, Wardens, and brethren of the Guild of Smiths, in the Corporation of Dublin, against the Irish Municipal Reform Bill. against Non-Intrusion, and aoinst any grant for the support of the Catholic religion in the United Kingdom or the coloni:s. Lord HATI ERTON presented a petition from Longdon, in the county of Stafford, praying for Church accommodation. The Marquis of NORNIANEY laid on the table the Fifth Report. or the Criminal Law Cominission. The Earl of CARDIGAN presented several pe titions from various places against any alteration in the existing Corn-laws. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND). The Order of the Day tor the second reading of the Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill having been read, Viscount MELBOURNE said, notwithstanding the very great importance of the question, yet the fre quency of the debates that had taken place was such as to render it unnecessary for him to intrude himself at any length upon their Lordships' time, or trespass upon their Lordships? patience more than a very fear minutes. When their Lordships' would recollect that the mea sure had been recommended on five different occasions from the Throne by his late Majesty and its present possessor--when their Lordships considered that five Bills had been introduced into the Lower House of Parliament, and thence sent up for their consideration —when they recollected that all these Bills had re ceived their Lordships' sanction upon the second read ing, the principle being thereby recognised and ad mitted, and that by that means the measure hail been stamped with the sanction of their Lordships' authority —when it was considered that on no side, and from no quarter, was the main principle of the Bill, viz., the abolition of corporations in Ireland, as they at present existed, objected to—when it had been urged by no persons that it was possible, in the altered state of things in that country, these corporations, in their present exclusive character and nature, could remain as they were, and that it was absolutely necessary to consider what should be substituted in their places ; he repeated when all these things were considered, it was not neces sary for him to take up their Lordships' time by any ar guments upon the general principle of the measure, or even to go very much into detail upon the provisions of the measures which had heretofore received the con currence and agreement of their Lordships. He would beg, however, to call the attention of their Lordships to the state in which that measure stood in the last Ses sion of Parliament. The Bill had been sent up from the other House, and their Lordships had introduced into it many important amendments. That Bill was returned to the House of Commons, and, when it was received back, there appeared a very strong disposition to meet their Lordships on many of these important dif ferences, and the measure only failed in consequence of the extreme lateness of the Session, the exhausted state of both Houses, and certain technical Parliamen tary objections which were taken to some parts of the amendments introduced by their Lordships. Under these circumstances, it was thought wise to introduce into the other House, at a very early period of the Session, the measure now before their Lordships ; it had passed through the House, not with a great deal of discussion, but at the sense time there had been divisions at very important stages, which were supported by very small minorities, and the Bill was ultimately carried by a large majority, in which was found most of the principal persons on both sides of the House. There was therefore a very general concurrence in that House in sending up the measure for the consideration of their Lordships. It came up to that House at a very early period of the Session, and it was only deferred in consequence of unfortunate circumstances over which neither he (Viscount Melbourne) nor Noble Lords on his side of the House had any control. lie was not sorry that that delay had taken place, because he hoped they were now about to conclude that i long litigated and con tested question which had produced much discontent and irritation. Hewes glad on that account that it should be determined, after the gravest and maturest conside ration, and with as large an attendance of Noble Lords from all parts of the country as could by possibility be procured, and altogether under circumstances which could not afford the slightest grounds for even the im• putation that it had been carried through in haste, precipitation, or surprise.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He did not wish to waste their Lordships' time with entering into any details as to the scope and object of the Bill, with which their Lordships were as familiar as himself. The provisions of the Bill stood in a dif ferent shape from those which had been heretofore proposed to the House, but they wore on the whole pretty nearly the same in substance with former provi sions. With respect to boroughs in Schedule A, it was proposed, as heretofore, to abolish the existing Corpo rations, and to establish Municipal Corporations in their place. With respect to corporate towns in Schedule B, the Bill abolished them, but did not establish others in their stead. It merely gave her Majesty the power, in case of petitions being presented by the majority of the rated inhabitant., to establish Corporations in such towns. With respect to those boroughs in schedule B which have Commissioners already appointed for manag ing their affairs, by the 9th of George IV., the Bill gave to those Commissioners the administration of corpo rate property. With regard to those boroughs which had no Commissioners, the Bill followed the divisions which had been made in former Acts of Parliament. It divided those boroughs which had more than 1001. a year property from those which had less. It gave those which had snore than 1001. a year the power of establishing Commissioners for the distribution and management of their property. With regard to those boroughs which had less than 100/. a year, it allowed that property to be administered by the Guardians of the Poor in aid of the rates for the general purposes of the borough. Those details of the Bill with respect to boroughs, appeared to him to be more distinctly and clearly stated in the present measure than in those which preceded it, and they were of a nature to which he thought no just objection could be taken. It would only be necessary for bins further to allude to the par ticular points on which a difference of opinion had ap peared to exist in former discussions between their Lordships and the House of Commons. The great difference was, unquestionably, as to the qualification. The qualification adopted by the Bill for the present was the same which their Lordships had chosen on former occasions, viz., a 101. qualification in boroughs in Schedule A, and an 8/. qualification in others. That was to continue for three years, and the same qualification wet then to be est blished as that which existed in English boroughs under the English Municipal Act. Another great point on which they had had much discussion, was the rat;ne of free men. It had been stated on the other side of the House,that the rights bywhich those parties had, orwhieli they mightestablish by law, were entirely taken away Irons them by the provisions of the Bill. By the 6th clause, however, of the present measure, they had protected all those just rights of the present freemen, which it was possible to protect. They had merely guarded against some abuses which unquestionably were likely to arise from the provisions which had been proposed by the other side of their Lordships' House. Another subject on which objections were taken, was the mode of appoint ing Sheriffs. The sense provisions were adopted on that subject in the present Bill, which their Lordships had adopted in the Bill of last year. If it accused good to a majority of their Lordship?, they mi6lit however, it was true, reject the provison. On the subject in question, and also on the general and permanent quali fication in boroughs, they unquestionably had acted on the principles proposed by their Lordships—principles, on which he would proceed to make a few observations. He thought, taking into consideration the circumstances already stated, and the assent already given to the prin ciple of the Bill, it would not have been necessary for him to have addressed their Lordships at the length he had done if he had not gathered from what had been expressed, and from what had passed on the presenta tion of petitions, that there prevailed a stronger feeling in sonic quarters against this Bill at present than had prevailed on former occasions. But he must state that the general grounds for passing this Bill were, that they should not refuse to Ireland, when they could with safety grant it, that which they had confessed and car ried into practice in this country.—( Hear, hear.) He was not one of those whoever held that language himself or approved of it in others, that all the destitution and wretched condition of the population—the crimes and violence which unfortunately had existed in that country, were to be attributed to its connection with England—to the misrule and oppression of this country. If he thought such were the case, he s hould think this im prudent language to hold, seeing that it could be pro ductive of nothing but useless recrimination ; nor was he of opinion there should be entire equality between the laws and institutions of the two countries, believing it to be absolutely necessary to take into consideration the variou s discrepancies—the variety of circumstances that might exist between them ; but, at the same time he had always held, and should ever hold, that it was of the highest importance, that the same degree of confidence should be if possible shown to each ; and with respect to their rights, immunities, privileges, and liberties, it was of tho highest importance that they should, if possible be put on the same footing generally h e that there should be no difference betwee ais n ttteisti t tnh l oa l ec e otr r dw n et , h,%hvs:i u cat nl ess when its necessity was clearly f r oßi i rn t f i n n itci i atl f ilsel e li st, and generally admitted. It wagon these grounds he proposed this Bill—he proposed the English end h he rh ee vs renderedpe o f ye t t rte h oa r est reason ne N. fi ' soc e si a rise r t s rii eff:a h f ooa p pnb r t l ii o, p n o ta, proposed the conceiv ing Bill, and none whatever in the present circumstances ed now than on any former occasion, he begged leave to move that it be now read a second time.—( Hear.) The D u k e o f WELLINGTON then rose, but his inaudible e ‘ vas alinost psig n in th e ga ll er y. We under stoodG. him to s ay h e rose to recommend their Lordships to go into C omm i ttee on the details of the measure. The expedience of passing the whoeßillha had abeen moved dispu disputed . by a Noble M arqu i s near papers upon the subject ; but whatever might be the result of the reading o f t h ose be against the contiuu ance o f corporat i ons o f the ex elusive character which t h ey h a d b orne in Ireland, during the last fifty years ; papers, he for one would but he was afraid that under the present Bill they would be as exclusive in another sense, and to that he would he equally opposed. From the time the measure was first introduced he nod most of their Lordships had been seeking to avoid that evil, and to find a mode of electing the government of corporations which \sould prevent their exclusiveness in that other direction which there was reason to ap prehend.—(Hear.) A Noble Friend of his proposal a mode of government for those towns which would have bee❑ satisfactory to him (the Duke of Wellington), to the House, and CO the country, namely, to put an end to the corporations altogether. (Hear, hear.) Many Members of the other House supported that measure ; but it was rinally rejected, and there appeared to be no prospect whatever of inducing the House of Commons to adopt such a system. In the wean time he did not find that the system proposed by the present measure was very satisfactory to the people of Ireland. Before lie sat down he would allude to a list of peti tions which was presented to their Lordships and the other House of Parliament, and he would show that a number of towns desired to be placed in Schedule B instead of Schedule A, so that they should have no cor porations. If the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) in quired he would find that his measure was by no means popular in Ireland generally, and the people did not like the prospect which it held out of a very large, nay, unlimited taxa tion. He recommended their Lordships, however, to enter upon the consideration of the question; and in the Committee they would have an opportunity of con sidering those petitions, and would see how far the Bill could be carried. The abolition of the corporations was not the only plan proposed in the early stage of this question, and it was also considered what mode should be adopted for fixing the qualification of bur gesses to be eligible to office, or capable of voting. That qualification should be independent of an oath, which it was feared could not be depended on in that part of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He for one never disagreed to any of the measures upon the subject, until he saw, by the adoption of the Poor-laws, a system whereby the qualification of the voter could be clearly ascertained. But the Poor•law had not been carried into execution.—(Hear, hear.) The Boards of Guar dians had not been fairly elected.—(Cheers.) The Commissioners had not performed their duty—(Cheers) —and the Government had not obliged them to per form their duty.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The qua lification depended, in that case, upon the valuation of the property, and that depended on the independence, honesty, and fair feeling of the valuators—(Hear, hear, hear.) But how had the valuators been named ?—( Hear, hear, hear)—and what had been the conduct of the Guardians of the Poor, by whom they had been appointed ?—(Hear, hear.) The law had not been executed in that respect. It had been violated purposely, with a view to this very measure, in order that the qualification of the voters might not he fairly fixed. It was therefore their Lordships' duty to examine into this subject, and not to agree to the Bill until they had some assurance, more than they had at present, that the law could be car ried into effect, according to the intentions of Parlia ment, in respect to the qualification. He had con sented to the amendments in the Irish Poor-law Bill, and was satisfied with the qualification ; but, subse quently, when he was out of town on public business, an amendment, inconsistent with the tenor and prin ciple of the Bill, with respect to the election of the guardians, and the qualification of the voters, was in troduced op the third reading, without any notice.— (Hear, hear, hear,) The Noble Duke then referred, in a tone which was nearly inaudible, to the enact ments of the 81st and 85th clauses of the Irish Poor law Bill, respecting which, he said, the Law Officers of the Crown had given an opinion which was not worth a pin. He entreated their Lord ships to agree to the second reading, and let the Bill go to the Committee, but not to allow it to pass with out knowing what would be the operation of the clauses relating to the qualification. They ought not to allow the vote to be given without any qualification, but that which he earnestly recommended no man to trust to—the oath of the claimant himself. He ear nestly recommended them before they proceeded with this Bill to take care to ascertain how the Irish Poor law stood.—(Hear, hear.) It appeared to him extra ordinary that the Noble Viscount who introduced the Bill had not embodied in it those provisions upon which both Houses of Parliament had been agreed in former Sessions. The proposition introduced in a former Bill in that House, relating to the nomination of Sheriffs by the Lord-Lieutenant instead of popular election, was agreed to by the House of Commons in 1833. He could show the Noble Viscount that that was the case.. Lord MELBOURNE—I don't deny it. The Duke of WELLINGTON—Then I want to know why he did not try to get his majority in the House of Commons ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) I beg pardon—his friends I mean—(Cheers and laugh ter)—to adopt that provision in the present Bill ? He (the Duke of Wellington) wanted to know whether the proposition was good or bad, that the Sheriff, an officer of Justice, should be named by the Crown, and not by popular election. He wanted to know which was most consistent with the Constitution of this country. Lord MELBOURNE said that Sheriffs were chosen in England. The Duke of WELLINGTON asked this question, Was it fit that in Ireland the Sheriff should be named by the Crown or by popular election ? He wanted also to know whether other clauses which had been in. troduced in the Bill of 1838, and agreed to by the House of Commons, had not been inserted in this Bill ? He did not think that the omission of them manifested a very strong desire to carry the Bill through their Lord ships' House. The Government proposed to separate all jurisdiction from the counties of cities upon fiscal matters. There ought to have been no discussion upon that part of the subject ; but the Bill had come up in another shape, and a novel proceeding, it seems, had been adopted, with a view to get the matter through with celerity, that was to say, another Bill had been introduced which was to be part and parcel of this Bill, introduced only on the 10th of April. The Corporation Bill had come up on the 10th of 11Iarch, and their Lordships were then discussing that Bill on the 4th of May, without knowing anything about the other Bill, except what they could learn from the news papers. The Noble Viscount would, no doubt, call upon their Lordships to go into Committee upon the Bill, but until some further information was given upon those points to which he referred, he should oppose their pro ceeding another step after the present proceeding. He had several objections to the details of the Bill, into which he would not then enter, as lie did not wish to detain their Lordships. They had been told this was a very po pular measure in Ireland. He held in his band a list of the petitions presented for and against the 13,11, and he found that petitions had been presented from Galway for vesting the property in Commissioners ; from Clot]. mel, praying t o b e t rans f erre d froni .schedule B ; from Sligo, to the same effect ; from different parishes in Dublin, fur vesting the property in Commissioners ; and against the Bill generally—from Londonderry, for vesting the property in Commissioners ; from Cashel, to the same effect ; and another petition for the Bill as it stood ; from Mar) burgh, for vesting the property in Commissioners ; from Cork, against the boundary clause ; from Limerick, against the boundary clause ; from Armagh, that the qua lification might be ten pounds rental, exclusive of taxes ; and there had been various other petitions on the subject of compensation. These petitions showed that the Bill was not so universally admired as was pretended. He wished to observe to their Lordships, that all provision for auditing the accounts had been omitted from the Bill. He had proposed amendments to the Bill of 1838, requiring a very strict audit of the accounts, and of the expenditure of the Corporation. He admitted that he had Many objections t 6 the Bill, and he for one should endeavour to amend it in Com mittee. He earnestly recommended their Lordships to allow the Bill to be read a second time—to let it go into Committee, and to amend it as far as was in their power. He gave notice for one, that if it was not amended to his satisfaction, he would positively say " Not Content" on the third reading, and ho hoped their Lordships would do the same.—(Choers.) (The Noble Duke throughout his address spoke very low, and was frequently inaudible in the gallery.) The Marquis of NORMAN BY said it was not his intention to trespass on their Lordships' attention for any length of time, after the declaration of the Noble Duke, that he should vote for the second reading of the Bill, but he wished to correct the misapprehension into which the Noble Duke had fallen, as to the opinion of the Law Officers on the sth Section of the Poor Law Amendment Act of last year. The effect of it was that no person should have a right to rote for the elec tion of Poor-law Guardians, unless they had previously paid all rates. We could not but regret that the Noble Duke should have expressed an opinion that the Poor-law Commissioners had not carried out the provisions of the Bill, because when the papers were produced, their Lordships would see ample ground for believing that the Poor-law Commissioners had fairly • and impartially done their duty, and he must therefore say that a somewhat hasty censure had been passed on persons who were engaged in very arduous and delicate duties. The Noble Duke had alluded to certain peti tions against the Bill. He (the Marquis of Normanby) had been entrusted with petitions from several of those places—Clonmel and Galway, among others ; but he had postponed presenting them, because he thought, as they touched merely the details of the measure, and affected the interests of particular towns, the proper time to present nem would be immediately before go ing into Committee. The Earl of WINCHILSEA never laboured under more painful feelings than in rising to address their Lordships upon that occasion, differing as he did with the Noble Duke and many other Noble Lords, for whose talents and abilities he entertained the highest respect, and in whose opinions he was at all times dis posed cordially to concur. But believing that the Bill before their Lordships, under the specious garb o f giving corporations, would he found fraught with evils not only to Ireland, but to this great Protestant empire, he would lay aside all personal feelings, and consoien.. 1 tiously discharge his duty to his country by opposing the Bill being passed into a law. He maintained the Bill would destroy all the existing Protestant Corpora tions in Ireland, which were the outposts of the Esta blished Church, and which, when once destroyed, the. strongest Government that the country ever :eel could not restore without a civil war. What would have been the situatiou of Ireland in 1830 mei i 8:31 if the civil authorities of the Protestant Corporations had not extended that timely aid which broke down the re bellion which brurst forth in Ii eland, or if the Corpora tions had been in the hands of agitators, who were now using that political power which England had con ceded, for the destruction of the Legislative Union, and the separation of the two countries ? He believed that the 101 qualification would throw the whole political power into the hands of a few individuals, who, with the Rcman Catholic priesthood, had declared that they would never cease from agitation until they had thrown off the yoke of England. He was tho roughly convinced that if the present measure passed into a law, it would give the entire political power of the country to that party. Looking at Dublin be found that there were 15,000 101. householders, and out of that number 9,700 were in the hands of the Roman Catholic party ; if the present measure were passed, his honest and firm conviction was that they would es tablish a democracy of the most fearful character, di rected by the worst spirit of intolerance that ever de graded a civilised country. If they allowed the Esta blished Church to be put down in Ireland, he defied their Lordships to maintain it in the other country. That church contributed materially to the moral strength and to the enforcement of law and order, and if it was once subverted, anarchy would speedily ensue. Upon these grounds it was, seeing that it was not in the power of any legislation to effect an equality in these corporate towns between the two con tending parties, that on a former occasion he had recommended their Lordships to agree to to an extinction of all corporations, and put an end to the animosity and strife they created. He believed that by adopting that course they would confer a greater benefit upon Ireland than by perpetuating re ligious animosities, and placing power in the hands of those who are bent upon the destruction of English connection. What had been the course pursued by that party with reference to the Poor-laws ? Let their Lordships look at the manner in which the guar dians of the poor had been elected in Ireland. No Roman Catholic dare to exercise the franchise which that measure conferred upon him, if he happened to have an opinion different from that of his priests. The lists had been regularly proclaimed by the priests from the altar, and no one dare to oppose their nominees. How much more would the political power conferred by the present Bill be used by the Roman Catholic clergy for the destruction of everything that was dear to them ! Upon these grounds, objecting to the prin ciple of the Bill, and seeing that no alterations could recommend it to him, he should move that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. The Marquis of WESTMEATH would not have risen but for the allusion that had been made to him by the Noble Viscount opposite, as to opinions which had beeu pronounced which had not appeared in the de bates. It was certainly true that he did not take the same prominent part on former occasions as on the present, and it was, therefore, necessary for him to state what his feelings then were, and what causes had now operated to make him view with very increased alarm the present measure. In voting on former occasions for the second reading, he had followed those to whose political opinions he attached the greatest weight, but recent events had induced him to view the measure with very great alarm. Among other grounds was the increased and increasing influence of a certain party, and Mr. So-and-so at the head of it—(A laugh) —and although the Noble Viscount had said there was no confederacy between them, yet they acted together with great consistency, and all persons now viewed the measure with the most intense anxiety. It had been said that if Mr. So-and-so were mentioned, people shrugged their shoulders, and said, " What have we to do with that ?" Still it was rather curious that no ap pointments were made but such as, through sonic channel or other, were taking place under that influence. --(Hear.) The Noble Marquis at the head of the Home Department had stated that the elections under the New Poor-law Act had taken place fairly ; but his (the Marquis of Westmeath's) opinion would be considered by many of equal weight upon Irish af fairs, and it was totally different. If he had no other documents to rely on than those which he had received since he had moved for the appoint ment of a Committee on the subject, they would have been sufficient. The Noble Marquis thought that the Poor-law Commissioners had done their duty, but he must say that he did not think they had. In England Mr. Nicholls might have done very well, but in Ireland a man was required of less soft materials to carry out the measure firmly and impartially. He should give his decided opposition to the great portion of the measure, and if it was not very considerably modified, it should not - have his support. The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL had stated that if any motion was made against the Bill he should sup port it, and he would now redeem his pledge by voting for the amendment. He regretted to be obliged to differ from the Noble Duke, under whose banners he always wished to fight. He was convinced that the present Bill could never be moulded into a proper shape, and that it would only conduce to the establishment of Popery in Ireland. He thought it dangerous and un just to attack the vested rights of corporate bodies. He opposed the Bill because it would increase the power of Popery, and establish a Demo cracy. He opposed it because it contained a variety of clauses highly prejudicial to the constitution of the country. He opposed it because it would give amazing power to the mob. He opposed it because it enabled every pauper to become a burgess. He opposed it because it qualified every pauper to become a Magis trate, and these persons having no character to lose, would never be respected. He opposed it because it gave a power to the nominees of the mob to pass most objectionable bye-laws. They might declare anything they liked a nuisance—a Protestant school, or a Pro testant meeting might be put down by them, on the ground of a nuisance. He opposed the Bill because it sanctioned the misappropriation of public buildings, and these persons might turn them into nunneries or monas teries, or Roman Catholic Chapels. These were a few of his objections to the measure, and on these grounds he should decidedly oppose it. Viscount MELBOURNE had merely stated that there appeared to him to be greater hostility on the present than on former occasions. With respect to the general objections that had been taken by the Noble Earl who had last spoken, they went to the very root and prin ciple of the measure. He begged leave to put it to the Noble Earl, if he was to proceed on the princi ple of distrust of the great majority of a people—if he thought they were not to be trusted with the management of their own affairs, how was it possible that the country could be governed, unless they re sorted to measures which were inconsistent with the government and institutions of a free country ?—( Hear, hear.) Being sincerely anxious to terminate the dis cussions of the present question, he was glad to find that the Noble Duke had given his support to the second reading, at the samo time he was sorry to bear the tone and spirit of the observations in which that support was given. He had hoped that the Noble Duke would have held language more encourag ing. He trusted that on further consideration the Noble Duke would not find it necessary to make such strong objections as those he had taken. The Noble Duke had said that the Poor-law had not been carried out fairly in Ireland ; and that neither the Government nor the Commissioners had done their duty. These were very strong accusations, but they were entirely con trary to die information he had received ; and he trusted, on further consideration, the Noble Duke would find that they had been hastily urged, and were en tirely without foundation. The Noble Duke had ex presed his surprise that the present was different from the Bill of last year. It was very rare to find two Bills upon the same subject drawn up in the same words. The question was, not whether the clauses stood in the same order, or in the same shape, but whether the whole arrangement was not better for carryin g into effect the m a i n an d rea l o bj ects proposed by the measure. The Noble Duke asked why they had not introduced the clauses which had been agreed to by both Houses, and he particularly asked why they had not adopted the clauses respecting freemen contained in the Bill of 1838 ? Why it had been stated, over and over again, that they did not un derstand those clauses, and they were passed by per in euriant. When they did look at them, they took con siderable objection to them, because they gave a scope to the creation of freemen which the Government had not contemplated. The clauses which were now intro duced were all that in justice could be asked for, when at the same time they precluded all the abuses which might be perpetrated under the former ones.—(Hear, hear.) He admitted that the Commons had sent back the B 11, having agreed to the clauses respecting freemen and sheriffs, but it was a different thing to , agree to certain amendments for the sake of peace, and to call upon the other House to bring in a mea sure directly contrary to its expressed opinions. The Noble Duke had asked him why he had not called on some of his friends to propose some of these clauses in the other House, but he (Viscount Melbourne) with more fairness might ask the Noble Duke why he had not called upon some of his friends to make such a proposition ?—( Hear, hear.) It was natural that die parties originatin g a measure should make it agreeable to their own views. The Noble Duke objected to charters being granted upon the petition of the ma jority of the rate-payers, but he thought there could he no fairer test of the opinions and wishes of' any town or borough. The Noble Duke had said there were many petitions against the Bill—some of them were certainly against their Bill, but many relate to particular parts of the measure, and in sonic of them the prayer merely was to be transferred from Schedule B to Schedule A. Whether these petitions were from the majority of the inhabitants or not, did not appear, but unless the majority of the inhabitants of the country CLERGY RESERVES. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved that the Learned Judges then in attendance should deliver their decision in answer to the questions submitted to them with regard to the Clergy Reserves' Bill. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE of the Court of Common Pleas, said that he had the honour of repre senting to their Lordships that all the Judges of En , - land, w'th the exception of Lord Denman and Lord 6 Abinger, hal met at Serjeant's Inn, for the purpose of taking into consideration the several questions which their lordships had been pleased to propose to them ; and that, after discussion and deliberation on the subject, they had agreed unanimously in the an swers to be returned to those several questions. In answer to the first question, they were all of opinion that the words " Protestant Clergy" in the statute 31st George 111., included other Clergy besides those of the Church of England. They thought that the words of the statute were meant principally to refer to the doctrines of the Church of Rome, and that their aim was to encourage Protestant doctrines, in op position to the Rotnish Church. They answered to the second question, that the Established Church of Scotland constituted one instance of a Clergy included in the Act. They had come to that opinion, as the expressons " Established Church of Scotland" were to be found in the Statute-book. Al though, in answer to their Lordships' question, they specified no other Church than the Church of Scotland, they did not mean to decide that the ministers of other Churches might not be included in the term '° Protestant Clergy." At the same time, as they did not find in the Statute-book any other denomination of Christians to which the Statute 31st George 111. could apply, they were unable to specify any others to their Lordships as falling within the statute. They were of opinion that the 41st section of the statute was prospective only, and that the power given by it could not affect lands which had been appro priated under other acts. In answer to the last question proposed by their Lordships they all agreedin opinion that the LegislativeCouucil assembled in the Province of Upper Canada had exceeded their authority in passing an Act to provide for the sale of Clergy Reserves, and for the distribution thereof in respect of both the enactments specified in their Lordship's questions. The Judges afterwards retired. Earl STANHOPE presented petitions from Hud dersfield, and other places, praying for a free pardon to Frost, Williams, and Jones. The Noble Earl said he did not, however, agree in the prayer of the petitions. 'rho Noble Earl then presented petitions from places in Essex and Devon, for continuing the present Corn-laws ; also a petition from the Total Abstinence Society of Dur ham, for'the suppression of the growth of opium in British India. The Noble Earl also presented a petition which was agreed to at a most numerous and re spectable meeting of the inhabitants of London and Wesminster, held at the Freemaisonel Hall. It was to the same effect as the others ; and, besides deprecating the war with China, the petitioners prayed that their Lordships would not consent to give compensation to the dealers in opium, as such would be a premium upon crime. He cordially agreed with the prayer of the petition, and gave notice of a motion to the effect, " that an humble ad dress be presented to her Majesty, to express to her Majesty the deep concern of the House at the interruption of the friendly relations and commercial in tercourse which had so long subsisted between this country and China ; and to represent to her Majesty that this calamity, in the opinion of the House, had been occasioned solely by British subjects bringing opium into China in direct and open violation of the laws of China ; and to pray that her Majesty would be pleased to take immediate steps to put an end to such proceedings, which were as disgraceful to the character of this country as they wore prejudicial to its interests ; and further to assure her Majesty that this House would concur in any measure to grant to her Majesty any increased powers which might be necessary to put down the disgraceful and immoral trade." _ _ The Earl of ROSEBEItRY could not allow the petition to be presented without calling the attention of their Lordships to the resolutions which were passed at the meeting of the persons from whom this petition emanated—( Hear, hear.) They started with disclaiming uny wish to introduce party or po litical feeling into the question. But they pre judged the whole question at i,sue between her Majesty's Government and China, and they went on to upbraid our Government for its conduct in the negotiations now subsisting between this country and China, and rather praised than otherwise the pro ceedings of the Chinese authorities. They concluded with a most singular, and he would say, in his place in Parliament, a most unjustifiable resolution. It was to the effect that the resolutions wherein the persons assembled, and the Noble Earl who was Chair man, used the strongest and most inflammatory language, should be translated into the Chinese tongue, and trans mitted to the Emperor of China through the medium of the Commissioner Lin.—(Great laughter.) He as sured their Lordships it was no laughing matter.— (Rene red laughter.) He thought that the sane rule should be observed in respect to negociations with China as to negociations with any European Power—(Hear, from the Duke of Weilingtor. and others)—and he would put it not only to any Noble Lord presaa, but even to the Noble Earl himself, who entertained such singular notions on this subject, whether, if ne gotiations were going on with the King of the French, such resolutions as the Noble Earl had signed should be agreed to at a public meeting in this country in reference to pending negotiations, and should be translated into the French language, and communicated to one of the Ministers of the French Sovereign ?—(Cries of " Hear, hoar.") He could not omit to protest against the line of con duct adopted by the meeting in question ; and by the Noble Chairman and signer of the petition. Before he sat down, he wished to advert to the fact that the petition could only be r.colved as the petition of the Charm to who signed it ; so that the Noble Earl had merely presented his own petition.—( Hear and laughter.) Earl STAN HOPE, in reply, would confine himself to a single observation as there was not a single argu ment in the speech of the Noble Earl opposite, nor any thing but idle declamation.—(Order, order.) The Noble Earl had stated that the meeting prejudged the question ; whereas the resolutions were not adopted without full discussion and controversy with the advocates of the opi urn smugglers ; for he would not disgrace the name of merchant by applying it to those persons. He was willing to take his full share of the responsibility of the resolutions, in which there was nothing illegal or reprehensible. No time was specified when they should be communicated to the Emperor of China, and that communication might not take place until the whole matter was concluded. The Earl of II A DDINGTON presented petitions from the Synods of Glasgow, Ayr, and Aberdeen, praying that the rights of the Scotch Church might be preserved in regard to the Canada Clergy 11,-.2serves. The Noble Earl also presented a petition from the Rector, Church wardens, and Protestants of a parish in Ireland on the subject of Church Patronage in Scotland. The Earl of WICKLOW gave notice, on the part of the Archbishop of Dublin, that on the 15th of this month the Right Rev. Prelate would introduce a mo tion for the discontinuance of transportation. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented a number of petitions from their fellow -countrymen, bearing from 70,000 to 80,000 signatures, praying for an alteration in the present system of Corn-laws. The Noble Earl then present e d petitions_ from the Com pany of Merchants in Edinburgh, incorporated by Royal Charter ; also, the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures in Edinburgh, and a great number of pe titions from other Scotch districts, praying for a re p ea l of the Corn-laws : the nu mber of signatures amounting in the whole to 72,000. The Noble Earl sa id it must be irksome to their Lordships so constantly to hear petitions on this subject, but while laws ex isted pressing severely on great masses of the people, complaints must Le heard.—( Hear, hear.) SLAVE TRADE. Lord STRANGFORD said he regretted that her soNajesty'sGovernmentwasof the ill served thatthey had l received no information attempts lately made on the western coast of Africa. Lately it had been heard that slaves had been there embarked, under the pretence of ser ving in the French milit ar y, un d er the sanction, and with the presence of French men-of-war. Would the Noble Viscount inquire, and state whether ha could not roo rgr guild the itl o produce an y information on the subject ? Viscount MELBOURNE sa id h e wou ld inquire and shortly s tate o n r o e ß f su i l i n l i. t e . rch i a l n e ts The Mar qu i s o f WESTME A TH presente d a peti tion presented s i m il ar pet i t i ons from the in Noblegu Dublin, lds of M arquisin, s against alsoeir nss the I f ris m h thecp d hosiers, cutlers, and apothecaries. Tho Earl of BUTE presented several petitions EVENING EDITION. were in favour of the extinction of all corporations, and against the adoption of the Bill, it was impossible to say that the Bill was not popular in that country. But whether popular or not it appeared to him wise and prudent to give rue country the bunetit of local govern ment, such local government being based upon the principles of popular representation. He trusted their Lordships would Bill a second reading, and he hoped the Noble fiuke weed(' not interpose any urine cessary delay in their further proceedings. The Duke of WELL I NGT ON, having been ac cused by the Neble Viscount, felt hound to state to their Lordships the grounds on which Lehad spoken. The Poor law Commissioners had power under the law of making regulations for the election of Guardians. Did they make such regulations'' Had the Government insisted on their making such regulations? He said they had not, and that these regulations had not been made either by the Government or the Poor-law Commis sioners. There was also another point with respect to the appointment of valuators. The Noble Viscount had stated the mode of proceeding of these valuations. The Commissioners had great powers given them under the original Act, in respect of the Board of Guardians, and it' they bad not done their duty it was right that they should be dismissed, and others appointed. Had they done their duty ? They were possessed of power under an Act of Parliament they were required to exercise it—and they were responsible if they did not exercise it. And if the Government had not urged them to exercise it, then the Government was in fault. With respect to another point, he must, beg the Noble Viscount's pardon. But the first Bill which had come up from the other House had contained a clause vest ing the appointment of Sheriffs in the Lord Lieutenant. That clause was in the first Bill, and the principle was one which had been adopted by the House of Commons. The Noble Viscount had said that he (the Duke of Wellington) might as reasonably be expected to recom mend to his friends to introduce such a clause in the House of Commons as that he (Viscount Melbourne) should be expected to recommend it to his. Now the difference between himself and the Noble Viscount was this—that he (the, Duke of Wellington) was not a party to the bringing in of this Bill.— (Hear, hear.) He was only to take it into consideration when it came before him, but the Noble Viscount had to superintend the bringing in and carrying the Bill through th; other House of Parliament as well as through that. If the Noble Viscount and his colleagues had considered this matter attentively, they would at once have perceived on what points the two Houses had agreed, and have inserted clauses to give effect to such agreement. Had they done so they would have had sonic ground to stand upon, but now they had nothing to stand upon ; they had excluded themselves altogether, and yet the Noble Viscount said that he (the Duke of Wellington) ought to have persuaded his friends to have proposed these clauses in the House of Commons without knowing whether he had one friend there or not.---(A laugh.) With respect '1 the freeman's clauses, he was surprised, alter those clauses had been discussed by the great law yers in that and the other House of Parliament, to hear the Noble Viscount state that no one knew their mean ing until actually nearly two years after they bad been discussed.,--(A laugh.) The Noble . Viscount must give some other account of the reasons for the non-inser tion of this clause. He must say they had not had quite fair play as regarded the Bill during the present Session. It was not at all arranged as it had been before. It was not in the same shape it had bean be fore. several new and most important points had been introduced into it. He would however recommend the House to consent to the second reading of the Bill, in order that it might be considered in Committee. Viscount MELBOURNE complained that the Noble Duke had stated that he (Viscount Melbourne) had said that nobody had understood the freemen's clauses until long after they had been introduced. He (Viscount Melbourne) had made no such statement. The statement he had made was a much more modest one ; he had said that they on his side of the House did not understand them.—(Hear, and a laugh.) S" far from nobody understanding them, he believed that those who drew up the clauses perfectly well understood them, and knew perfectly what were their objects when they first proposed them—(Hear, hear) —but their real nature was not discovered on his (Lord Mel bourne's) side of the House until the matter had been taken into mature consideration. One point he had omitted to state with respect to the auditing of Corpo ration accounts. He apprehended there was as much provision for auditingaccounts in this Bill asin the English Bill—provisions were made for the regular elections of auditors in boroughs. The provisions for compensation were also as large as in the English Bill. He thought the House had had ample time to consider the Bill, which had been already before them two months. The Duke of WELLINGTON recollected the dif• ficulty he had had to persuade the Noble Viscount !O defer the second reading of the Bill for a few days la order to secure the attendance of his Noble Friend. The Bill had already been before their Lordships two months, and yet there was another Bill which might almost be considered as a part of the same measure, without which this Bill could not be considered com plete, which had not yet been read a second time in the House of Commons. It was part and parcel of the present Bill. Their Lordships ought to have had it before them when the present Bill was brought forward, to complete the parts omitted, but they had no such thing ; they had not got it even now ; he had seen an abstract of it, but he had not seen the Bill itself up to this moment. The Duke of NEWCASTLE considered that neith er House of Parliament. had any right whatever to divert Corporation property, and he should certainly oppose the Bill. Strangers were orJered to withdraw. Their Lordships then divided, when the n umber. were : For the Second Reading Present 85 Proxies 46-1 31 Against the Second Reading Proxies 18.— 32 Majority Lord KENYON said that though the committal of the Bill stood for Thursday next, he hoped that the House would defer it till Monday next for the convenience of his Learned Friend Sir Charles We therall, and other Counsel. Lord LYNDHURST said that his Noble Friend on the Woolsack had already given notice of a m otion for Monday, which it would be advisable not to in terfere with. It was afterwards agreed that the committal of the Bill should stand over till Thursday-week.—Adjourned• HOUSE OF COMMONS, Mir 4. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minute' before Four o'Clock. Mr. BROTHERTON presented six petition/ against the Liverpool Docks Bill ; some praying f or exemption from the tolls thereby proposed to be levied; and also praying to be heard by counsel and ageutf against the Bill. Referred to the Committee. Mr. DENNISTOUN presented a petition from E , linburgli, signed by 18,000 persons, Edinburgh Poor-r a te Bill.—( H ear. ) Al so a pe tition from all the Railway C ompan i es i n S eot l. in d, pr ayiei for an alteration of th e d ut i es on R a il way C arr iages. Referred to the Com m itt ee . a gainst the Mr. THORNELY presented a petition from Liverpool against the Harrington Docks ferred to the Committee. A!so a petition from t l4 Mayor and Corporation, against the Hercu:aneura Dock Bill.—Also referred. The Banbury and Luttcrworth Road Bill was rasa a third time, and passed. On the motion of Mr. E. BULLER, the amend ments to the Rochester and Derby Junction Road,vveril agreed to. Oa the motion of Sir 11. LI A RDINGE, the ceston Market and Improvement Bill was read a second time. The Sarum and Ealing Roads Bill was read a third time, and passed. Colonel WOOD presented a petition against this Belfast Water Works.—Referred to the Counnittee. Mr. ROCHE presented two petitions from Limerick against the new Irish Registration Bill. Mr. G. Evans also presented a similar petition , Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from Lev mington, in favour of Church Extension. Colonel CONOLLY presented two petitions from places in the coun t y o f Donegal, against the importa tion of Foreign flour. Sir R. H. INGLIS presented a grea t number of petitions from pla ces i n York, Lancaster, Norfolk, Suffolk, Kent, and Sussex, in favour of Church Extension. The Hon. Baronet presented also a petition from th e Churchwardens of St. Anne's, Westminster. against the "unbec om i ng an d irreligious practice of Sund a Y trading." Mr. MARTIN presented petitions from Worcester shire, against the County Constabulary Bill, an d against the grant of public mon.) , for increased accorn moilation to the members of the Established Church., Major BRYANT p resen t e d petitions from B ell Y" raggat and other places in the county of Kilkenny' against the Irish Registration Acts Amendment Bill. Mr. PHlLLporrs presented a petition from cester, praying her Majesty to dismiss her present Mi nisters, and appoint others who would make Universal Suffrage a Cabinet measure. from dif- Mr. B. SMITH presented several petitions; ferent parts of Norfolk, against Church Extension. . e Mr. BLACKETT presented a petition from t ,hor Medical Practitioners of Northumberland , p ra y ing . l a revision of the laws regarding the medical profession. Mr. DUNDAS presented a petition from the city of York, signed by upwards of 2000 persons, praying the House not to vote any money for Church Ex tension. Mr. A. WHITE presented a petition from Suther land against the importation of opium into China , and praying the House to adopt measures to prevent its growth in India. Mr. TOWNLEY PARKER presented a petition from Preston, in favour of Church Extension. Mr. V. SMITH presented a petition from North ampton, against any grant to the College, of Maynooth. ,1 S'r i ll tar Si r 1 tr ue Chu, he 4, , whi c 'loch tOtlt H Q H Q d et 1101