The Sun. — London, England, 1847-02-18 00:00:00

COURT OF ALDERMEN. A Court was held on Tuesday, for the dispatch of busin t ss. Alderman Wasot/ presented a petition from an in habitant of his ward of Castle Baynard, who had been elected at the Wardmote, in 1845, to serve on the In quest. It appeared that he afterwards declined to serve, was proscribed by his brethren of the Inquest for having refused to perform his duand the Court had given an order f or hi s prosecution, and a true Bill had been found against him by the grand •jury. He had afterwards aPpeal e d to the inhabitants • in Wardmote assembled, st ating his willi ngness to serve i n f uture , and hoping that his neighbours would authorise the Aldermen to P i lo B ,l l rt the p e titi on i n t h e C ourt. Th e p e ti t ioner (Mr. u having pleaded guilty, and expressed his willing ness to serv e , the Alderman moved that the City Solici tor be directed to stay proceedings. ALDERMAN —Yes, upon the petitioner agreeing to Pay all the exp enses i ncurre d to t h e presen t ti m e. Sir JAMES DUKE seconded the motion. Alderman COPELAND hoped the court would not en tertain the motion. He thought it was rather too bad th at the gentleman should allow proceedings to go on till the bill was found, and then that he should present the Petition. It was well known that it was very difficult, O U St. Thoma s ' s d a y, to compe l gent l emen t o serv e on the inquest, and he hoped the cause would be allowed to .K° on till the Court of Queen's Bench should give its Judgment. It would be time enough then to entertain petition on the subject. Several voices here called for the petitioner. Alderman WILSON moved the gentleman's attendance be dispensed with. He had been all day in attendance at the last Court, when he (Alderman Wilson) was bound up in the snow at Brighton, and then that petition had not been presented. A long discussion took place, which ended in the withdrawal of the petition till the next court, when the Petitioner will be obliged to appear. BILL FOR ALTERING THE FRANCHISE. Alderman Hustprmay said, that inconsequence of his absence from the Court on the last day of meeting, Al derman Copeland had asked a question relative to the appointment of the Committee to amend the Act of George 1., relative to the election of aldermen and com mon councilmen. He regretted to find that no satis• factory answer had been given to that question, al though the Court had unanimously agreed to appoint the Committee, and he wished to know whether it was the intention of the Court to carry the motion into effect. The LORD MAYOR (as we understood his Lordship) aid, if the Aldermen pleased, he could call a Commit tee himself. Alderman FARM:MOTHER hoped that Alderman Hum phery had some idea of the measure he was about to propose. For his part he could form no opinion at all of the meaning of his worthy friend, and the alteration of an Act of Parliament on such a subject was a matter not to be trifled with.—(Hear, hear.) Alderman HUMMIERY—You Will find every thing ready to be acted upon when you are in Committee. I am ready to go through the whole question, and to go to Parliament with it, and produce it there at once. Sir P. LAURIE —I tell you, you are trying to legislate for the Court of Common Council, and you are not jus tified in doing any thing of the kind. Alderman MOON was anxious to know whether there Ras any truth in the statement in some of the news- Pipers with respect to the refusal to allow the Remem brancer to take his seat in the House of Commons. — (Laughter.) Alderman HUMPHERY—There is not a syllable of truth in it. The Remembrancer has no seat appro priated to him, but he is allowed to enter into the body of the House under the gallery, as an officer of the city of London. As for that statement, it is all fudge. Adjourned. OURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Court was held CORPORATION REFORM on Tuesday. The summons stated that the Court would be special, for the election of various city officers, and on no other business. A great number of members attended, and the proceedings ex cited an extraordinary degree of interest. A Committee of the whole Court, upon the proceedings of the Corpo ration, at which the reply to the Lord Mayor's state roent, explaining his reasons for refusing to put the third reading of the Qualification Bill was read by the City Solicitor, was previously held, and every one expected a regular blow up, on the presentation of that do cument. Mr. Joan DIxON, the moment the Lord Mayor took tle chair, expressed regret that the feeling of some of the Members had manifested itself in so objectionable a Manner at the last meeting of the Court. The LORD MAYOR said he fult much gratified at the expression of regret at treatment which he was con scious he had not merited. After the minutes of the last Court were read, Mr. WIRE rose to move that the minute of a former Court, on the subject of the proceedings on the Qualifi cation Bill be amended by recording the fact that s notice given in open Court by ➢lr. Wood, a member of the Court, in the following words was handed in and published by him to the Cuurt : " Notice of motion for the next Court by Mr. Wood. " lhat the Bill to declare the qualification of freemen of London to be elected members of the Court of Com , moll Council be read a third time. " JOHN WOOD. ~ef magistrate. The RECORDER again and again asked whether it was he pleasure of the Court to proceed to the election. Mr. WIRE—Yes, we are. Gentlemen, the Recorder wishes to put us into a court of law. Do not prevent him. Keep your places. We are ready and willing to go to the election of the officers, but we wish to have this paper read first. Sir PETER LAURIE—The Lord Mayor would, if left to himself, do all that is required.—(Hear, hear.) The RECORDER—The Lord Mayor has called a Special Court, and unless reason can be shown to the contrary, the Court was bound to take the business in the order of the day. You cannot disappoint in that matter on which you are called together. You are not aware of the consequences which may arise fr om dela y in swearing the Judges of the Central Criminal Court, the Clerk of the Peace, and other officers whose duties are of the most serious importance. Mr. R. L. JONES said, that at the same time that the Recorder was advising the Lord May or against putting a notice of motion upon the paper of business, the Learned Gentleman knew perfectly well that in the Commons House of Parliament, the Speaker durst not refuse to comply with the desire of any member to that effect. The RECORDER—I answer that the Court of Common Council, although a branch of the greatest corporation in the world, still is not exactly the House of Commons of the United Kingdom.—(Laughter below the bar.) Mr. PRENDERGA.ST said it was the law of every delibe rative body—of the Committee of Sewers, of the County Courts, of the Bank of England, of the East India House, that when a meeting was specially called to transact special business, that business was settled before any other was commenced. That was the law, in fact, of every common club. The Court had a public duty to perform, and it was bound manfully to assert its rights, and submit them, if necessary, to be decided by the law of the land.—(Laughter.) An alternative which was, perhaps, more eligible than either single combat or a general battle.—(Laughter.) A MEMBER—Now, Mr. Recorder, candidly say whether you would not, if you were Lord Mayor, put the question ? The RECORDER — No ; I should, if I were Lord Mayor, tell the Recorder not to put the question. Mr. PEACOCK said it would be in the power of the Recorder to settle the matter by advising the Lord Mayor to give up what, after all, was but a point of form. The RECORDER—Then I should have only to say to the Lord Mayor, " My advice to you is to give up this point ; but I hope you will not take my advice. Mr. BLAKE said the Lord Mayor had slandered the Court, while they were demanding what was their un doubted right. Mr. MARRIOTT thought the members were fighting with a shadow, and proposed to them the magnanimous act of being the first to retire from the contest.—(Loud cries of" No, no.") Mr. MARRIOTT then moved, and Mr. WILLIAMS se conded the motion that the Court proceed to the elec- tion of the officers. Mr. Wins immediately rose to oppose the motion, and began to read the paper containing the answer to the statement of the Lord Mayor as part of his speech, but The LORD MAYOR, before many sentences had been read, rose and, ordering the mace-bearer and the sword bearer to precede him, retired from the Court. The gallery was filled during the discussion by per sons who seemed to be struck with astonishment at the state of the proceedings. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. BETTING AT MANCHESTER.—TUKSDAY. LIVEZWOOL STIIU'LE CIIASE.-8 to 1 agst Brunette, 12 to 1 agst The Roarer (100 to 8 taken)-13 to 1 agst St. Leger -16 to 1 agst Avoca. CHESTER CCP.-22 to 1 agst Medicant (taken freely)- 25 to 1 agst The Lamb (offered)-35 to 1 agst Mickey Free (taken)-50 to 1 agst Emigrant (offered)-1,000 to 20 agst Princess Alice (taken)-1,000 to 18 agst Intrepid (offers to take)-1.000 to 15 agst Inheritress (taken)l,ooo to 15 agst The Conjuror (offers to take). None others named. kIETROPOLITAN HANDICAP.-14 to 1 agst Lady Sarah (offered). DEBBY.-15 to 2 agst Van Tromp (offered)-11 to 1 ag,st Epirote (offers to take)-13 to 1 agst Planet (offered) -23 to 1 agst Glentilt (otrered)-250 to 10 agst Conyngham (taken)-500 to 5 agst Bedlam (offered). Nothing else named. OAKS.-8 to 1 offered on the field. o i t w l t O i so ol v b s. each. BRIXWOR M STEEPLE CHASE.—TUESDAY. Mr. Elmore's G r li t - y an Fc l i i e c z a e la , ..... .....(13utler) 1 Lord Strathmore's Walter Gay, lOst 121 b Mr. Wesley's Gayhurst, lOst 41b Seven others started. Won by about two lengths, Gay_ hurst beaten about the same distance. HUNTING APPOINTMENT. Her Majesty's stag hounds meet on Friday at Maidenhead thicket, at half-past eleven. ROBBERY or 10,000/. —Notwithstanding the ex pose at the Mansion- house on Saturday concerning the doings of the swell mob in the City, and the caution the Lor i d h M i ao k r threw out, a robbery of no less a sum than 10,000/., in the vicinity of the Royal Exchange. . the Strand, of England notes, was yesterday, about one oclo c c ler , k e i ff h ee t t h ed e service of Strahan, Paul, and Bates, bankers, 11 . 1 l o ' f ad th b e ee C n he carelessly ty collecting han ks, in the d th course t of placetlie morning ni calledn a t severalat was Deacon's bank, in Birchin-lane. On leaving n otnotes, deposited in n hhiiss coat-pocket, leather oat. p o e c k a e s e t containing withouta h a b o o r y e a naym security y n being attach e d t o it. I t was ra i n i n g at the time, and,h neighbourhood, the confusion th a t ex i ste d i n th a t cr owded neigb some of the expert swell mob gentry managed to extract the case and get clear off. Oa the clerk discovering his loss he instantly repaired to the Mansion-house, and gave informa tion to the Forresters, who in a short time succeeded in ob taining an accurate list of the notes and their numbers. They are as follows :-1,0001., dated June 13, 1846, No. 68,670; 1,0001., No. 68,787 ; 1,000/., No. 68,850 ; 1.0001. No. 70,652 ; 1,0001., No. 70,665 ; 1,0001., No. 70,666 ; 5001., dated March 12, 1846, No. 51,339 ; 5001.. same date, No. 52,276 ; 3001., May 11, 1846, No. 57,107 ; 200/., March 10, 1846, No. 38,362 ; 200/., same date, No. 39,888 ; 200/., same date, No. 40,488 ; 100/., May 9, 1846, No. 84,172 ; 501., Oct. 8, 1846, No. 40,152 ; 50/., same date, No. 43,560; 201, Oct. 5, 1846, No. 83,274; 201., No. 83,275; 51., Dec. 2, 1846, No. 35,910; 5/, Jan. 13, 1847, No. 59,650; and 5/., No. 94,426. There can be doubt the clerk was watched from place to place. Late last night M*ssra. Bush and Mullens, the solicitors for the Association of Bankers, forwarded by the mails a list of the notes, not only to every town throughout England, but also to the Continent. A reward of 5001. is offered for the restitution of the notes. MONEY MARKET.—The premium on gold at Paris is 10 per mille, which, at the English Mint price of 31. 17s. 1016 d, per ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 25.40; and the exchange at Paris on London at short being 25.27 1 , it follows that gold is 0.49 per cent. dearer in Paris in London. By adyices fr om Il a m b ur g h the price of gold l' i1a :311, 2 per mark. which, at the. English Mint price of 3/. 17 s. 101 , 4 d, per ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 13.8 1 , ; and the fo ex ll c o l y. m ,s m a a t t g H ol a d mb is ur o. gh n on pe L r o c n e d h o t n . d a e t ar s e h r o i r h t being 13.6, York on Hamburg o t n h d a o n n i n L is l o o n 6 d l o n. per e T e h n e t. , course aud t of he e p x a c r hg oafn exchange e x a Ne w York h t an e g w e t n h g a l t a n t e a e n x d c h A a m n g e e r i i c s a l being e; ; ec O es 9 vn 2 t . 3- 8 40 a i p h e s r t ccen Eng t.,t York g being fur antov,s between E But the quoted exc han g e at the interest must be deducted from bthilelsabat9y6oo difference* c s e ight, . THE NORTH BRITISH REVIEW. No. XII. In this sensible and superior periodical there is an agreeable diversity of subjects—one being a copious synopsis of " Morell's Modern Philosophy ;" another about the afflictions of " Deafness and Blindness," as illustrated by the writings of Dr. Kitto ; another com• mernorative of " Abraham Cowley," one of the most undeservedly neglected of our poets ; another upon art, as visible in the pictures of " Modern Painters;" another about the " Anglo Normans ;" another about " Watt and Cavendish," especially as to the manner in which those eminent men were implicated in the researches made as to the composition of water ; and a concluding article—would that it could be a concluding article in more senses than one—upon the " State of Ireland." A merely superficial glance at the contents for this quar ter's number of the North British Review will be suffi cient to render at once manifest the variety and discri mination of talents possessed by the contributors and editor. We are especially gratified to observe the tribute of praise paid to the Oxford Graduate who penned the two volumes upon " Modern Painters." Dissenting in toto, as we do, from the opinions of that eloquent writer, in the comparison drawn between the old landscape painters and the modern landscape painters, it would be ungenerous to deny the extraordinary powers of the anonymous author. Reverencing the memory of Claude Lorraine as we do—not from an idle accordance with any fashionable admiration, but simply because we re cognise in him a matchless interpreter of the divine glories of God's creation—we cannot refrain from applauding the impassioned panegyrist of Mr. Turner. The Oxford Graduate is among the most eloquent writers that have appeared for many years past ; his pen is immeasurably superior, in the portraiture of na ture, to the pencil of that great master whose genius appears to be the incessant object of his wor ship, and the perpetual theme of his eulogiums. We remember reading the first volume of the Oxford Graduate's work on "Modern Painters," almost immediately after its first publication ; the remembrance of it is not effaced in any one particu lar, nor can it be speedily obliterated. As a specimen of the author's powers of painting in words, and as a specimen too of how the most gorgeous diction may be employed even in profusion, without degenerating into bombast and hyperbole, we cannot resist transcribing the following magnificent description of the Slave Ship : " But, I think, the noblest sea that Turner has ever painted, and, if so, the noblest certainly ever painted by man, is that of the Slave Ship, the chief Academy picture of the Exhibition of 1840. It is a sunset on the Atlantic, after prolonged stoma ; but the storm is partially lulled, and the torn and streaming rain-clouds are moving in scarlet lines to lose themselves in the hollow of the night. The whole sur face of sea included in the picture is divided into two ridges of enormous swell, not high, nor local, but a low, broad heaving of the whole ocean, like the lifting of its bosom by deep drawn breath after the torture of the storm. Between these two ridges the fire of the sunset falls along the trough of the sea, dyeing it with an awful but glorious light, the in tense and lurid splendour which burns like gold, and bathes like blood. Along this fiery path and valley, the tossing waves by which the swell of the sea is restlessly divided, lift themselves in dark, indefinite, fantastic forms, each casting a faint and ghastly shadow behind it along the illumined foam. They do not rise everywhere, but three or four to gether in wild groups, fitfully and furiously, as the under strength of the swell compels or permits them ; leaving be tween them treacherous spaces of level and whirling water, now lighted with green and lamp-like fire, now flashing back the gold of the declining sun, now fearfully dyed from above id get fiery i rey i t ft h loy ntl the g eindistinguishable e. i,urpi images of the burning reckless wn w Purple clouds . , which fall upon th e m in fl a k e s of crimson and scarlet, andav waves blue, the t h a e d l d u e r d i d the gathers sea cold , i ts thin masts low, masts written advancing upon like th e shadowt s h k e yin shadowsl motion n e s 000fff deathotf h t blood,eh i e r hollow breakers are cas t upon t h e m i st o f t h e n i g ht , w hi c h l t a h b a o t ur f s e a a m rfa id l at hu th e e w li h g i h eh tni s n i g gn o s t u g p ir o d n ed th w e it g h m c l o t nde s m hi n p at a i s on it in the sky with horror, and mixes its flaming flood with the su nlight—and cast far along the desolate heave of the sepul chral waves, incarnadines the multitudinous sea." In many respects the last number ofthe North British Review is superior to its predecessors. Loss Or inc PACKET•SHIP GARRICK The , splendid E. K. Collins, she e rs r e e y coast, at ship Garrick, Captain Trask, belonging to 11 7 1r i of this city, went ashore on Deal Beach about six o'clock on Tuesday night, where up to eight o'clock yesterday . morning. We learn fro m m aL a ned mes senger sent by Captain Trask that she lies broadside and high up, with head to the southward, and was making considerable i water. But a few moments before she struck, gong the lead, 15 fathoms were found ; r the vessel was then at the rate of 81 knots. The weather was so thick that it was found necessary to keep the lead constantly in use, with per sons on the look out . The Garrick left Liverpool on the 14th of December, having on board one cabin and 358 ' steerage passengers, and a valuable cargo, for this port. Although her position is by no m eans favourable, yet if the weat h er continues moderate , it is thought she may begot of]; She is a noble vessel, and one of our first class packets. Her measurement is about 1,000 tons. She is valued at 75,000 to 80,000 dollars. She is insured in Wall-street, probably for two-thirds her value. None of the passengers had quitted the vesssel when the messenger left yesterday; they were awaiting a steamer to take them to the city. Two steamers went to her assistance early yest erda y morning; they wl return this morning witb the passeng ers, and with what light articles can be conveniently taken from the ship.— New York He, old, Jan. 28. Mr. Secretary Redington's office, at his family .h e dutytide e a t n 4 T O O, u o e o 2o ol a . Tuesday seat, Kilcornan, county of Galway, was ent ered on Tuesday night by burglars, who rifled the desks of some silver. The late Mr. Byng's estate has been va lued for probate was higher than on WI pre- Y 19113 occasion aince the 31st of December, 1840. PATENT BILL. An HoN. MEMBER presented a petition from Bradford complaining of certain clauses in this Bill. LAW OF SETTLEMENT. Mr. FARNHAM presented a _petition from the guardians of the poor of Leicester and Nottingham praying for the abolishment of the law of settlement, and that the support of the poor might be made a national charge. DUTY ON TEA. An Hon. MEMBER presented a petition praying, for the abolition of the duty on tea. IMr ORTATION OF GRAIN INTO IRELAND. Sir W. SOMERVILLE presented a petition from the Drogheda Union, praying the House to cause an immediate importation of grain into Ireland. ELECTORAL DISTRICTS. The HON. BARONET also presented a petition from one of the parishes in that union, complaining of the present mode of rating electoral districts. THE IRISH MEASURES. Mr. PROTHEROE presented a petition from several in fluencial householders in Halifax, expressing alarm lest the pleasures proposed for the relief of Ireland would increase the taxation on the people of this country ; and praying for the abolition of the duty on tea. Mr. B. B. CABBELL moved for a return of the number of persons who had received relief in the union workhouses in England and Wales from 1844 to 1846, together with the quantity and amount of out-door relief afforded by them during that period. EJECTNIENTS IN IRELAND. Lord DUNCAN said during the ten years he had occupied a seat in that House he had often had to thank the House for the indulgence which it had extended to him on various occasions, and he trusted that that kindness and indulgence would be extended to him whilst he called the attention of the House to a subject of a personal nature. He was anxious to taloa the earliest opportunity of vindi cating his character, as a statement bad gone abroad that some statements which he made in that House a few evenings ago were brought forward by him for the purpose of casting aspersions on the conduct of a Noble Lord, a Member of the other House of Parliament (Lord Lucan). It had been stated he had acted with discourtesy in not having intimated to that Noble Lord that he intended to bring forward the statements lie did. He trusted that he knew his duty to that House too well to act with discourtesy to any indi vidual in that House or elsewhere. It had been stated that he had made charges against an individual. Now he begged to call to the recollection of the House, that when his Hon. and Gallant Friend the member for Marylebone (Sir C. Napier) referred to some statements in a blue book, w d D i u t n h e r a e n s ) p e r c o t s e t o a c ft e el a h i e n suartiti i o d i c) ). ‘ w , n o , rk a h n o d u s r e e s a d in I ther el a e n h d a , r h g e e 8 ( Lor con tained in a blue book, which appeared to him (Lord Duncan) to be of a most appalling character. lie stated—and he thought it would be in the recollection of the House that he did so—that he trusted those charges would be speedily denied ; but it would be equally within the recollection of the House that he made no charge against any individual. He merely read an extract from the blue book, the state ments in which were sanctioned by the Poor-law Com missioners, by whose assistants they were collected, and were published upon the authority of the Government. He disclaimed having made any charges like those imputed to him. lie said this, and he repeated it, that the constitu ency which he represented (Bath) would not be satisfied if they were taxed to pay poor-rates for the relief of Ireland, whilst no such tax was levied on those in Ireland who were in a fit condition to pay it. He trusted the statement would yet be denied, that wealthy parties in Ireland refused to pay that tax, which the English people were called upon to pay in lieu of them. No reflections which might be made in that House or elsewhere on his conduct would prevent him from doing what he considered his daty to his constituents and the people of this country. POLICE. On the motion of Mr. FREWEN the following return was ordered :—" Return showing the number of police con stables in each county, or divisionof a county, in England and Wales, under the Act 2 and 3 Vic., c. 93, distinguishingleach class or denomination; including, also, a return of the name and population of every petty sessions district, in the said couuties, the number of police-constables stationed in each district, and the amount paid to the county police rate by each district; together with an account, in detail, of the se veral items of espenditure for the year 1846. SUPPLY. _ _ The House, on the motion of Mr. PARKER (in the ab sence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer), resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, and a Tote of 18,310,700/. was agreed to for the purpose of meeting outstanding Exchequer bills. The House then resumed, and the report was brought up. Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from the West Riding of Yorkshire in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill, and also a petition from the members of the United Trades' Association for the Protection of Industry, signed by 10,860 names, in favour of the same measure. Mr. DUNCAN presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of Dundee against the principle o !any interference with factory labour. ADJOURgED DEBATE ON THE FACTORIES' BILL. On the order of the day being read, Sir ANDREW LEITH HAY said, that during the course of a considerable Parliamentary experience his feelings had invariably been the same on the subject of any interference with the manufacturing interests of this country, and he con sidered it his duty on that occasion to state his op inion, not that he had the presumption to consider that his opinion would have any weight in the House, but having it in his power to bring forward the opinions of others which had most probably escaped the attention of this House. The other evening he heard the Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, state that he considered that the question now had become, not a question of principle, but a question of degree. He did not consider that such was the case; it was still a question of principle, and he thought also, beyon d all doubt, that the interference which took place in 1833 was not considered by the House as an interference which at all established that the principle was conceded, and hereafter it must only be a question of degree. What were the circumstances under which the Act of 1833 was passed ? It was well known to many Members of that House that a serious struggle took place in that Parliament , a nd in that year, between the adverse parties as to whether a Commission of Inquiry on the state of the factories should or should not be established. By the votes of the House the Commission was issued, and upon investigation it was found that in all the factories of Great Britain and Ireland —at least the cotton factories—the average time of labour was vente twelve hours. Some of them worked sixteen, or perhaps se2 hours, and others a lesser number. But they cons idered th . twelve hours was not only the average time for lanb9utrhein those factories, but also a judicious settlement a. a e ared t gave it as their opinion that twelve hours should be t y h o e amount of labour sanctioned by Parlia ment. It app e the prin. him that it was only an adjustment to g ciple, without interfering, or seeing the riegtra teliseinhad heard terfere to any extent to diminish the hours of labour. H with great regret the declaration of the Noble Lord that ha It was the ques considered it merely a question of degree. tion of degree which they had settled bane inter f er i n g with the principle, and that in his opinion, n the opinion o f others better informed, would interfere with the manufac turing interests of this country. The first authority he should interference quote on the subject of the inexpediency (!t was a name well known in that House --it was Mr. Leonard Horner, one of the principal Commissioners, who gave the was passed. Mr. formation on which the Act of Leonard Horner was, h information as in 1837, appolinBt3e3dcwa Commissioner for the express purpose of giving might settle the question, and an Act of Parliament was passed in the same year which established term for labour in the twelve hours as the ProP,e r . i L Ih i cotton factories in the United leingdom. Br. eo inn n og a r r tu e hndo o efr r l n iri e ei r s. was appointed an inspector undthererthpisaftcto,f hthaev an d : i n E'egland. He was sub e Ire charge Scotland, Belfast, land, and also three coutnhoset district to another districtain quently removed from England ~ and after he had been the inspector for some eon t u im rtho e e , f he wrote from Leeds to the a eff n e ca ct u t e h d a f t o a r n t y e i li n m te i r t fe t r h e e n l c a e b part of the Legislaturef whchaialdhood, as they were free . agents, persons over the age of c hildhood , of the t o fata te l n e h e o nl u se r ci s ne w n o c u e f s d , eriu b w d e hi a c o t h - f and stating that labour in cotton faCtoeriest , c w a i s t s o es. That was tended with the would be first felt byul°tahe working minent perso g n e r cum then opinion of that very a b a e e ' told au d wastahlle thepractically since n c c i conversant with ell the 4ete.taihseofmtilgiehct stances connected alteredwithi his opinion. lie would give a that gentleman had . Ho could show that for r elve years after he rapid alttfenrattsio4L it was not a very of : the factories. tnentorandunt from his had been made an inspectorreper He (Sir A. L. Hay) had got his opinionhosetwelve his favour for twelve years, and he would chargeof the 16trofyears against their opinion. In his report May, 1845, he gave an account of an experiment of labour touade at Preston by reducing the hours eleven, and the re sult of that experiment did not justify any further legislative restriction of the ho urs of labour—on the p lea th at if the hours were shortened the amount of produce was lessened and that in a large proportion of the manufacturing t ' if the hours of labour were reduced, the wages would also be reduced. He thought that the experiment would certainly e be fraught with danger to the manufacturing interests oftl ie country, and danger not only to the manufacturers, but to the agriculturists also. The manufacturers at that moment in the part of Scotland t o which he belon g e d — and where ' the manufacture of cotton was carried on to extent, were only workin g ten a great hours a d ay _ bat why ? it was from the depres • sion of trade, and not having markets for the greater quantity of That such a state of dep ression exist ed was well knownproduce. all, and it was a fact that these man ufacturers had for years to together carried on their bu siness, and kept their going, for the purpose, not o f emol ument, but in " machinery Fetter times for their trade. T h at was the the hope of things, and he felt convinced , that if they di sresent state of pass this mea sureor as proposed by the Hon. Member f would,lin the first place, stop altogether Oldham, they a the owners of which would not number of mills, their while to go on under such think it worth and would thus inflict a great ' circumstances, manufacturing interest of this country. lienjury u pon the a mill-owner in that part of the count had a letter from IT, which contained a s tatement that this measure would b e very interests.—(Hear, hear.) With regard'y injurious to their of these mills, it appeared rational to t suppose the working; if the hours of labour were reduced from twelvetrto ten hours, tbours, it was absolutely impossible to suppose but that a reduction of wages must follow, and it would injure the agricultural interest by throwing a number of men out of employ ment, and making them dependent upon parochial relief. There was another point to which he would refer. It was impossible that a general Act of this kind could operate be neficially on all the manufacturers of England, Ireland, and Scotland. There would, therefore, be considerable hardship imposed on many of those parties. Till he had seen other reasons to alter his opinion, he must vote against the Bill. This was, of all other times, the most dangerous for trying such an experiment. It was not a time of prosperity, when it could be tried with impunity. He thanked the House for listening so attentively to him, and, on the part of the manu facturers of his county, as well as on behalf of the interests of the agriculturists of the empire, and the people generally, he must oppose the second reading of this Bill. Mr. BERNAL thought that, whatever side Hon. Members might take on the present question, they ought to express their opinions without exaggeration or prejudice. He for one had always been consistent on this subject; he had never altered his opinion of its merits. Still he desired to state that he had no sympathy with any of the illiberal or vulgar attacks which had been made on the master manufacturers of the country, who, he believed, had generally acted with the best intentions towards the operatives under their care. All he asked of those manufacturers was, not to let prejudice affect their minds in the condemnation of the present mea• sure, for he believed an end to the question must come ere long by the concession of what was now sought.—( Hear, hear.) He felt certain that three years would not go over their heads till a ten hours' Bill would; be carried.—(hear, hear.) The Bill now before the House proposed to limit the labour of young persons between the age of thirteen and eighteen, and all females, to ten hours a day for five days in the week, and eight hours on Saturday. That was to make the week's labour 58 hours, instead of 68 hours, as at pre sent. Now, in discussing the advantages that would result from the proposed change, he would deal only with plain arguments and matters of fact, and discard all poetry. He admitted at once that the arrangement would also limit the la bour ofadults in factories. This being the case, he would address himself to one or two of the leading arguments employed by previous speakers against the Bill. It had been stated that if the hours of labour were reduced to two hours a day, there would in consequence be a reduction of wages in the same proportion; and it had further been stated that the factory operatives were not prepared for that. He conceded the first proposition, that there would be a reduction of wages, but he must tell the House that the operatives had over and over again expressed themselves willing to take the measure and abide the issue. He recollected two years ago having a two hours' conversation with delegates from the manufac turing districts, and when this subject was named to them their answer was,"We are content to encounter the risk, and abide the chance of reduction."—(Hear, hear.) But he did not con cede the point that there would be a necessary reduction of wages to the extent named by the opponents of the Bill. He would call the attention of those who differed with him in opinion on this subject to the figures, the data, the facts, that illustrated this point. Had the Acts passed during the past year, for the regulation of the textile manufactures of the country, reduced the rate of wages? Between 1813 and 1833 seven distinct statutes had been passed on the subject of factories, and for the reduction of the hours of labour. He appealed to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the Member for Dorchester (Sir James Graham) if such had not been the case. To talk, therefore, of the principle of the present Bill being new was absurd. The details he had collected on the rate of wages at the different periods, he had collected from the evidence contained in the large blue books up stairs. As he had already observed, from 1813 to 1833, seven distinct Acts had been passed bearing on the question of factory labour. What, then, was the rate of wages in the different years? In 1833 Air. Holland Hoole gave evidence on the subject of wages, and his authority was the more important as he was well known to be opposed to measures of the kind. He states what were the wages in eight years, and the result is that the average wages of young per sons in Manchester was Bs. 4d. a week, while in 1833 they were Bs. 10d. a week, so that though the hours of labour were reduced, the wages of those persons had not been reduced, but rather had increased. And the advantage would appear still greaters,when they considered the prices of provisions in relation to wages at the different periods. He begged the House to grant him its attention while he proceeded to read the scale of prices which prevailed in the articles of food, anti other necessaries, in each of these re spective years, and the House would remember, that in the intermediate period enactments had been passed limiting the hours of labour in factories. He found, then, that the price of oatmeal was in 1813, 555., in 1833, 255. ; butcher's meat, in 1813, 6d.; in 1833, 3d. ; soap, in 1813, Bd., in 1833, 6d. ; candles, in 1813, 110., in 1838, ad.; coals, in 1813, Bid., in 1833, 3,4 d. Salt, they were aware, was considerably reduced, and there had been a reduction generally in calicoes, articles of dress, cheese, and potatoes, amounting nearly to 50 per cent., so that while the young women in 1833 got nearly the same average wages that they did in 1813, they could supply themselves with articles of food and clothing at 50 per cent. less. Now, if the House took the average weekly earnings in 1844 and 1845, they would find that the same facts were exhibited. In a speech of the lion. Member for Durham, in which he entered at some length into the question of wages as existing in his own and other factories in Lanca shire and Yorkshire, the Hon. Member stated the number of his workers at 518, and their average earnings per week as 9s. Id. ; Mr. Ackroyd employed 745 workers, at an average weekly wage of 9s. 3d., while the workers in Messrs. Eccles' and other manufac tories averaged 10s. 7d. He alluded to these facts merely to show that wages in 1844 and 1845 had not been reduced, although from the year 1833 they had passed two other enactments limiting the hours of labour in factories. Ile had, therefore, the right to assume that a doubt might be cast on the assertion, that the reduction of the duration of labour would be followed by a reduction of wages. He believed it would not, and he conceived that he had as good a right to prophecy as his opponents. When they were told that the health of towns was a subject of vital importance to all classes of the commuinity—when this subject was being forced upon their notice, in terms which could not be disre garded, could they, when considering this question, forget that the artizan was worked for 12 or 14 hours in a heated and unwholesome atmosphere; that women (workers also in factories) were torn from their domestic relations, and inter rupted in the midst of those maternal duties which nature had pointed out as imperative? Let the House look to the facts elicited by Mr. Fletcher, a most intelligent surgeon of Manchester. He, writing to the Honourable Member for Oldham, stated that he was startled at the statistical details set forth in various authorities; but after he had him self tested their accuracy, he was obliged to acknowledge that in no single instance were they overcharged. He had not taken one town or district, but had compared one with the other throughout the textile manufacturing counties. He had, for instance, taken one district in the town of Bury, and com pared it with another district in which a different species of manufacture prevailed. First, in the town district of Bury, which he had examined, he found that great mortality pre vailed in consequence of defective ventilation, and that the number of years which each worker was employed in the factories did not exceed on an average eight years, while in some other kinds of factories the period exceeded fourteen years. Ile found that the deaths of infants in the towns averaged siety-one per cent., and in other districts thirty-two per cent. The Hon. Member (Mr. Milner Gibson) seemed to doubt this, but the facts were accredited, and could be substantiated to the satis faction of the Hon. Member. Now in the district of Bury North he found the mortality as 9 1 ,‘ years compared to 19 years in other districts, and the deaths among infants as 54 per cent. compared to 33 per cent. in other dis tricts. Now they had heard a great deal of the necessity for the construction of parks, and schools, and athenasums for the working classes, but he should like to know what period the workman had to give, or what phy sical energy he had left, to enjoy these walks in the parks, or that intellectual recreation in athenaeums. Would any Hon. Gentleman who knew anything of the physical energies of the human frame tell him that any man or woman had sufficient bodily energy at the end of six days' work in a factory to enjoy themselves in a park or an athenaeum? It was truly said that manufactures at the present moment were depressed. Now, what was the cause o f it ? Why, it could be traced to the working of that mag nificent demon (if he might be allowed the term), the steam engine. By the aid of its powers the manufacturers of this country had overstocked every market in the world, and that was the cause of the depression in manufactures. The consequence of all this was that all the mills throughout the kingdom were working short time, and as there must neces sarily be diminished production in future, what harm was there in passing this Bill? Mr. DENNISTOUN was understood to remark that over production was an increase of good; it was not an evil. Mr. BERNAL denied that it was an increase of good, and maintained that over-production was a decided evil. In America they managed things better than in this country, and while the wages there were 15s. a week, ss. more than in this country, the hours of labour were much shorter. Still America was enabled to compete with British manuface tures. In France and Belgium the wages were lower than in this country. But it was urged that if this Bill were passed the price of manufactures would be increased in the home market. Well, perhaps it might, but only to the extent of a halfpenny a shirt. Then, again, it was urged, that if factory labourers objected to their present hours of labour they could combine or turn out. This, he thought, was un generous, for in his opinion the operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire were deserving of the highest eulogium, and were entitled to credit rather than odium for not having long ago resorted to a turn out or a combination. Now, why should the operatives be compelled to work more hours a day than the mechanic? There was not a mechanic in any mill who worked more than ten hours a day—not a smith, joiner, or carpenter upon the average worked in a mill more than ten hours per day, and why should the fac tory operatives be compelled to work longer ?—(Hear.) He did not think that five hundred men, employed together beneath a large shed, with this " demon power" urging them on, could be said to be men with free will. It was a very common thing to talk of educating the people, but he wanted these men, who were standing upon the soles of their feet, in an atmosphere of from 70 to 80 degrees, to have a little repose as well as education. A person occupied all the day in such occupations could not be supposed to turn to his scholastic duties, or afterwards take a pleasant walk in the park, or pluck flowers in the green fields. It had been said that the agricultural labourer was worked as severely as the manufacturers ; they were, however, always healthy, owing to the continued blessings of air and light. If the Government dist not grant the request of those who were peacefully agitating for the measure, sooner or later they would be compelled to do so. But it had been said that if this measure were passed other concessions would be required. He begged, however, for himself to state that the present was a Ten Hours' Bill, and as such he sup ported it, but if the operatives should come forward and request a limitation of the hours of labour to eight, he should most certainly oppose it. He found that there was a clause in the present till proposing that from the Ist of May, 1147, to the I st of Ma y , 1848, the hours of labour should be reduced to eleven; but, that, after that period the time should be reduced to ten hours. He did not approve of the eleven hours' m easure ; he thought that it either went too far, or not far enough. He hoped that the manu facturers would n ot leave themselves open even to the charge of suspicion of avaricious grasping of that which they should . notit m aintain, and which the duties of morality and Christianity forbad them to hole. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD said that he attended a meeting held in the, Town-hall of Rochdale, numerously classes of that town, convened fur attended by the working their oinions uon the subject of the purpose of expressing p eaked B i l them h what r t w as e 3 the Ten Hours' Bill, their wishes with respec and t h h e a ve any reduction of wages desired him to support the measure . in that House, and whe ther they were willing the passing of that measure? ;One to receive which might arise from part of the hall was appropriated to females, and lie asked these subjects, and received the most t h e m their opinion up on affirmative. And, although the enthus i as tic ans R operatives of woecrhdale did not constitute the whole body of the electors of It ochdale, still he felt it his duty to pay a due consideration to the wishes of that large body, and he considered that be as acting in conformity Bili with their opi nionsby ng , hi ' : vote in favour . Mr. IDENNIsTOUN said that the Hon. Member (Mr. Bernal) had challenged him to disprove his statement Of facts, but before he (Mr. Dennistoun) did so, he must say that he was somewhat surprised that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government found fault with hie honourable Friend, the Member for Durham, be- " 11th February, 1847. " And the Lord Mayor declined to receive the same." After a good deal of discussion, of by no means a conciliatory character, in which several members parti cipated, the above amendment was adopted, in prefer ence to one moved by Alderman Thompson, containing what appeared to us to be a distinction without a dif ference. Mr. Low (the Chairman of the Committee of Privi leges of the whole Court) then rose, and said he begged respectfully to state that the Committee of Privileges had almost unanimously agreed to adopt the paper which he held in his hand, in answer to the statement made by his hip at the last Court, and he bogged that it migh Lordsead The LORD MAYOR—It is not in the paper of business, and I cannot permit it to be read. There has been no order given of it. Mr. ANDERTON—Then I shall move that the Court do now adjourn. Mr. JoNEs—Nly Lord, you are bound to have the Paper read. Injustice to the Court, two hundred mem bers of w hi ch have in Committee agreed to it, you ought to hear it. You thought fit at the last Court to state your opinion, and this is an answer to that paper you then read. The LORD MAYOR—When the business for which the Court was summoned, the election of officers, shall have been finished, I shall have the paper read. I thought we parted at the last Court on the understand ing that the officers should be elected at the following, awl I called an early Court for that purpose. I cannot help saying that this is an unworthy attempt to in fluence the officers by holding over them a threat of suspension. --(Loud cries of " No, no," and much con fusion.) The RECORDER said the Court ought to consider that the Corporation was in a locked wheel, in consequence of the non - appointment of its officers. The LORD Aaron protested against the ungenerous course of making the officers victims to the disagree ments which had sprung up between the two branches of the Corporation. Alderman WiLsom said it was unreasonable to ex pect that the Lord Mayor would allow any business to be proceeded with which did not appear on the paper of business. Mr. WIRE was anxious to say a few words, that it might not g o a b roa d that your Lordship's speech could not be answered.—(Hear, hear.) There were imputa tions in that speech upon the members of this Court, for which there was not the slightest foundation. It must not be allowed to be stated that we wish to co erce our officers. There is not the least truth in that a ccusation. —(Loud cheers.) The LORD MAYOR said that such language was un worthy any member of the Court, find he was surprised to hear it from the lips of Mr. Wire. Mr. ASHURST—Every word Islr. Wire has uttered is true. Mr. LAWRENCE said it was quite evident that the Lord Mayor was acting under the influence of the Recorder in distrusting the Court.—(Hear, hear.) It was said that by the course in which the Court was pro• ceeding, its existence was endangered. Who endangered the Court ? The Lord Mayor.—(Hear. hear.) The Court would, for the sake of its own character, adhere to its determination to protect itself and if any mischief should result from the non-election of the officers, upon his Lordship's head would be the onus. If his Lordship perilled the Corporation, he did it upon the advice of those who were about him (alluding to the Recorder and three or four Aldermen).—(Cheers). The LORD MAYOR called to the Town Clerk to pro ceed with the business on the paper. Mr. PEwTnEss could not suppose it possible that when a paper was prescribed by the chairman of the committee of the whole Court, the Lord Mayor could think of refusing to allow it to be read. The LORD MAYOR said the gentlemen who were con stantly rising were quite out of order, and interrupted the business for which the Court had been convened. Mr..fortEs—lt is the Lord Slayor that is out of order, in objecting to allow the paper to be read. My Lord, you are out of order.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.") The LORD MAYOR—WiII you, or will you not, go on with the election of officers ? —(Loud shouts of" No, no.") Alderman WILSON--I came here an hour and a half ago to elect the officers, and I am not to be kept here all day. All sorts of illegal and absurd things are taking place. Mr. ASHURST—There (pointing to the Recorder) is the cause of the whole confusion. The LORD MAYOR—I am myself the cause, for IBM doing what is right, and nothing shall deter me from Continuing in that course.—(Hear, hear, and loud disap probation.) Mr. A NDERTON— S ure I y t h e l east your Lordship can do is to let the paper be read. There is no notice of it ...au the paper of business, for it is an answer . to your .14ordship's statement, got up at the earliest possible op portunity. If y our L or d s hi p thi n k pro p er to persist, I shall persist in my motion for the adjournment of the Court. The RECORDER—That motion is not consistent with Your oath as a member of this court.—(Loud disap probation.) (AiieDaEßToN—That is an itaputation of di rec t per jurMr. ffr, y._ hear.) member of th e court . I t i s an i nsult to every member. Imove that the Recorder be removed from the court.— (Great confusion.) The RECORDER rose with the members' pocket-bock I n his hand, evidently for t h e p ur p ose o f rea d ing the oath. Mr• Low—lify Lord, as chtiirmaq of the whole court by Count day in au Waiting, the Hon. t on horse- Alexander I Gordon. walks and ackin gli am Palace in ent, Count Baroness led during il on Mon the galop ]En Kuhe, Hohenzol- Cambridge less Prince ry, yester . Baroness id the De e Earl of 1 of Trade. with Ear! an inter- 'I an inter day, at the in Great nd Charge id Duke of sidence in as Charge m between FORD, KAY. , adjourned r day at the chair. the seal of previous to the seal is pbjecting. ad been put said ought meeting. act which he registry. seal put to t to the re- the purpose. le seal used -Here some in address ent—at the protested at K called on f the former 1 the meet- Dyce, at the sstigate, on. Ipany. He I pursued, had been secretary. it was sent purchase of those who ase money the 18th' resolutions inst. The irectors' re at 1,0001. at 1,0001.. s was not ion ended. the Great agreement ) no similar who vere made ,hareholdere responsi directors of the follow , - ompany :-- Duncannon, mei Actour • C. Coates, and decla- asing in of cover itself, ; which had d the meet )uth Wales the line. from their t they had one quarter shareholder !s through• Is to take npeding the ad entered. be the last, ring to pass blame and rerent sub- nent to tha utineers. of ling Would he result of /, at twelve o'clock to- BIRM SID wIS- eholders of !s, No. Isr clay, Esq., a time bad yet as the :retary had Lich it ap •ee to one, share. It I had been was 6,4181. r to miff posed that to com rintending ast meet , mentioned cial meet ni of the r made to period for re was no I by gen e, and six arson had s a super -4001. per no out of )3 , moving that the [ 1501. to I altered onsidered 0001. pet )y a large leeting. greetnent Northern Boston, pany to Ktensions pproveed ) confirm Birming. e Systoa I, to the ford, and Id Isle of ningham 'rota the ord, and lour, and lingbani to Sut -1 to ira out dis- the Di• live i:tY 11, who, z falling Edward ,1 • THE SUN, LONDON, TRURgDAY MORNI 4 46 , ,_,FEBRITARY 18, 1841. - - I inform your Lordship, that w , are quite prepared to procped to thp election of the officers. but, as a matter of privilege, our first duty is to have this paper read. The LORD MAYOR—That paper can be read after the [election of the officers. Mr. J. 11. HALL said hr, wished the Court would post pone, of its own accord, the reading of the paper until after the election of the officers.—(Hear, hear.) He [ accordingly moved that Mr. Low, the chairman, be re quested to postpone the presentation of the paper. Mr. HARTLF.Y seconded the motion. The LORD MAYOR—No, no, I shall put that question. Several members here said that the Recorder, who from time to time communicated with the Lord Mayor, was prompting his Lordship to persevere in his opposi tion to the Court. The RECORDER —I am in my office performing the duties of it. Alderman WILSON denied that there was any precedent for the course just suggested. Mr. LAWRENCE expressed strong indignation at the power assumed by the Lord Mayor. It had he said been intimated that if the Court thought they were justified in pointing out a certain line of conduct, from which the Lord Mayor could not deviate according to law, they ought to move for a mandamus. It was very easy and agreeable to suggest a cause which would probably occupy four or five years before a decision could be arrived at. He was prepared to adopt the folio wing course, if the Lord Mayor refused to call upon the Town-Clerk to put the motion, and if that officer refused to call upon the City solicitor to perform that duty.—(llear, hear, and No, no.) With that view he should wish that these offi cers should be sworn in. Mr. PRENDERGAST said the Court was actually trifling, and called upon the members to proceed at once to the election. Mr. Willi here reminded the Court of the Mayoralty of 1835, and the conduct of the Court when the Lord Mayor, that day, endevoured to ride, rough-shod, over the members. In that Mayoralty the Court carried the question of privilege unanimously, in the teeth of the person wbo disgraced the chair. The Town. Clerk rose, with the list of the names of the officers in his hand. Mr. KING called upon the Town-Clerk to reflect whose officer he was.—(Cries of disapprobation.) The LORD MAYOR said that insinuation contained a threat against an officer, through his pocket, tor doing his duty. Mr. WIRE said the imputation was intolerable. It was unjust, and without foundation, and possessed ad ditional offence, coming, as it had come, from the Presi dent of the Court. After having stood a siege of applications from many other members, His LORDSHIP declared, in the most positive terms, that he would put no question, however modified, until the officers were appointed. He then called upon the Town Clerk to try the Court once more, and told the Court not to blame him if any ill consequence resulted from their refusal to proceed to the election. Mr. R. TAYLOR—It is your Lordship and your legal adviser, the Recorder, who are responsible. I have no doubt of your Lordship's disposition to do what is right, and just, and honourable, but, by the advice of the Re corder, you are placed in a most unenviable position. — (Cries of "No, no," and " Hear, hear.") You do not, ray Lord Mayor, act upon your own judgment, and, un less you do that, you will not perform your duty to your fellow-citizens. —(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," mingled with disapprobation.) Many members expressed their readiness to proceed at once to the election, and appeared to be satisfied with the Lord Mayor's assurance, that the reply to his state ment should be read immediately afterwards. The great majority, however, considered that the principle for which they had all along contended, would be affected if they yielded in the slightest degree to what they evi dently considered to be the usurped authority of the ch- LITERATURE. THE BATTLE OF AIBLEY GREEN. By.l. B. Kington Since the publicition of the "Reliques of Old English Ballads," by Bishop Percy, the beauties of that noble species of poetry has been more and more appreciated. Not only have tt.e lovers of ballad literature revelled in the perusal of the ancient Saxon compositions, but a number of imitators have appeared among them—men who, ' (rifted with a natural aff ection and admiration for everything good and beautiful, have frequently evidenced the possession of faculties worthy of emulating the genius of their antique predecessors. Among these may almost be reckoned the present Paymaster of her Ma jesty's Forces, his "Lays of Ancient Rome" having about them all the most admirable characteristics of the most perfect ballad poems extant. He has fully trans ported his imagination to the woods of Algidus and the streets of Tusculum, to the days when the valorous Horatius "kept the bridge so well," to the merry bouts and carousals of the Roman citizens— " When the oldest cask was opened, And the largest lamp was lit, And the chestnuts glowed in the embers, And the kid turned on the spit." And ho has not only revived those days of heathen grea tness, but he has embalmed them fur ever and for ever in poetry—" flies in amber." The " Oriana"of Alfred Tennyson, again, though fraught with more of the fanci ful than is usually found in the ballads of the olden time, has about it all the vigour and pensiveness which is so remarkable in those glorious originals. There is, moreover, in those verses of Tennyson's the impassioned iteration and verve so peculiar in the master-pieces of our Saxon bards: instance the lines— " The bitter arrow glanced aside Oriana, The false, false arrow glanced aside, Oriana, The damned arrow glanced aside, And pierced thy heart, my love, my bride, Oriana, Thy heart, my love, my life, my bride, Oriana!" Happily we might go on adding to our instances of suc cessful imitators in this particular kind of metrical com position to the length of many columns. It were unne cessary, however. We should only be reviving the recollections of the vast majority—not testifying to a fact hitherto unrecognised. What we have here to do, is to comment upon the appearance of a little volume with pretensions of a like description. Mr. Kington displays in this book a genial and spontaneous enthusiasm for the manners, habits, and even the diction of our remote ancestors. The principal poem in the collection is modelled after a somewhat similar fashion with the chivalric poi-ms of Walter Scott—"Rokeby," " The Lord of the Isles," and •• Marmion." Excepting in the descriptive line to the first portion, or canto, or what ever else it may be designated, there is nothing incon gruous to the original conception. That line would in cline us to anticipate a species of paraphrase upon Mac pherson—" The Earle sits in the gloom of the evening, his thoughts amid the gloom of the past." If the anti cipation were formed, however, that the succeeding parts were Ossianic, that anticipation would in no manner be realised, for the " Battle of Nibley Green" is consistent throughout. The story is English, the characters are English, the language is English—and that is saying much now-a-days. Sometimes in the hurried chaunting of his song Mr. Kington, like his brethren of the lyre, flings off from the strings a delicious snatch of melody, as where he says - - " the faint moon lit, with a silver flicker, The ivy leaf that crept along the glass." Clever, however, as the portraiture of the Lord of Berkeley may be in the " Battle of Nibley Green," we are more charmed with some of the smaller pieces appended to the volume, especially with those dedicated to the delineation of " Maid Marian." There is much delicate and gentle beauty in these stanzas, a purer wor shipping of ideal excellence than that of Sacharissa, by Waller. And there is a pleasant variety in them which renders them particularly palatable. " Marian and the Water Party" is descriptive, for example, of " a summer morn, a sunny morn," when " The butterflies were all about, The bees sang to the morning early; And Joy rose, clamouring, with the shout That scared the bird among the barley." Immediately before this is the following graceful de scription of " Marian at her Evening Prayers:"— " Do not light the candles yet; Close not out the Evening Star; But leave me quite alone ; and let The door remain ajar. " Bow thee down irreverent head, For a sound comes down the stair; Marian, kneeling by her bed, Saith the Evening Prayer: " Praying—Evermore to Bless Those that all about her be! Hush: God give me worthiness; Marian prays for me ! " Marian! kneeling by her bed, Earnest, meek, ab.orb'd, and calm ; Drooping forward her dear head; Pressing palm to palm." Besides what we have already enumerated, there are various humorous, melancholy, and miscellaneous frag ments in the hoik, of different, and occasionally in different merit. TMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 17. The SPEAKER took the Chair, but no House was formed until nearly a quarter past Twelve o'clock. SECOND READING. The following Railway Bills were read a second time, and ordered to he committed . Exeter and Exmouth Railway Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Leeds, Durham, and Newcastle Extension, ic.) Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Deviation of Main Line in Crimple Valley, ac.) Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Knaresborough and Borough• bridge Branch.) Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Eaglecliff and Stillington Extension). Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Harrowgate and Pateley Branch, &c.) Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Branch from tlelmerby to Northallerton, &c.) Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland (Extension from Athlone to Galway). Several Bills were brought up and read a first time. TEN HOURS' BILL. Petitions in favour of the Bill were presented by Mr. Ainsworth, from workers in Mr. Ryder's factory, Bolton ; from other workers in Bolton and in Huddersfield; by Mr. Blackburn, from Warrington ; by an lion. Member from shopkeepers and others at Warrington; by Mr. Ferrand, from Bradford; and from a working man in Manches ter, setting forth that he had been engaged for twenty years in weaving cotton, that he was convinced the Bill would expel the heartburnings which had so long existed between the employer and the employed, and that many middle-aged men who had been compelled to leave their work, in consequence of the protracted hours, would return to it if the Bill were passed into a law. He also wished to know front him (Mr. Ferrand) if he could pre sent his petition to the House without his name being made public--(blear, hear, and laughter}—as if it were made public he considered that he might suffer some injury. Mr. B. B. Cabbell and Mr. Fielden presented a number a petitions to the same effect. cause at ten minutes to six o'clock on last Wednesday he made what the Noble Lord called an attack upon him. Short, however, as the time for add ress i ng t h e H ouse was, i t did not prevent the Noble Lord from making a counter attack upon his Ho n . F r i en d , and at the same time upon a question of this vital importance, the first Minister of thp Crown did not hesitate to say, that during the few mi. ntites he had then to occupy the House he was quite pre pared to state his reasons for opposing the measure. Now, he confessed that his Hon. Friend stated one argument which, at the first blush, would seem to carry, if not convic tion, at the least great weight, and which, if it were not met, would place the opponents to the Bill in a different position. He alluded to the point made, th a t t hi s wouli not be the first . time that the State has interfered in the hours of labour. There had certainly been a reduction made from fourteen to twelve hours, but that was only a nominal reduction, and was not general throughout the country, for twelve hours had been always the average, and this being the fact the whole arguments of his Hon. Friend fell to the ground. He considered that to put a limit on the power of steam was tke most absurd idea that could enter into the head of man, The Americans had a natural advantage over the maneifacturers of this country by about 20 per cent. In the year 1843 there were 400,000 bales of cotton spun in England, out of which 342,000 were expended, leaving only 58,000,000 pounds to be consumed in the country. The result of the measure would be to limit the production of the country to one-,eventh. It they passed this measure, before many months elapsed, they would find it necessary to retrace their steps and to abrogate all they had done.—(Hear.) Mr. FERRAND said, when his Hon. Friend the Member for Oldham (Mr. Fieiden) presented, this afternoon, petition, signed by malty thousands of the factory operatives of the north of England in favour of this Bill, he could not heap being struck with the contrast winch the Honourable Gentleman the Member fur Dundee (Mr. Duncan) pre sented, in rising immediately after him to inform the House that he had a petition to preterit on the subject from a different class of persons—lrom the members of the Chamber of Commerce of Dundee, praying that the Bill might not pass into a law. He was, indeed, prepared to admit that they were a very different class of persons. On the one hand, there were thousands of operatives re questing the protection of the House, steeped in misery and distress; whilst, on the other hand, the members of the Chamber of Commerce of Dundee had presented a petition requesting that House not to listen to the prayers of millions of the people of this country. We were on that occasion to support the prayers of the millions—the toiling millions of England and Scotland, and in doing so he should offer no apology to the House, but ask them to give ' him his attention whilst he read to the House some extracts from the writings of a gentleman who was perfectly compe tent to inform the House what were the feelings of the ope ratives of England on this vital question. For himself he might say, that it was now seventeen years since he first became the firm advocate of a Ten Hours' Factory Bill ; but, at the large number of meetings he had attended on the subject, he had never yet witnessed one manufacturer who durst raise his voice at any of those meetings against those who had pub licly assembled to advocate this Factory Bill. He had never heard one manufacturer who durst meet his work-people and fairly argue the question which was at issue. If there was an instance, he should be glad to hear it. He saw the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward) taking notes; he believed it was not many weeks since he visited his constituents, and was obliged to admit that the people or this country were unanimous in favour of this Bill. Mr. WARD assured the Hon. Gentleman that he did not make such an assertion. Mr. FERRAND explained that what he meant to say was that he was obliged to admit that the factory operatives were unanimously in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill. The working populace of Sheffield entirely differed with the Hon. Member in his view of the question. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had informed the House that he felt it his duty to vote against the Bill, in consequence of his anxiety for the interests of the factory labourers. By the permission of the House he should like to read the details of the present state and sufferings of those operatives. The extract to which he had referred was from the writings of a Lancashire cot ton-spinner. Out of the mouths of those manufacturers who opposed this Bill he would judge them in the British House of Commons. If the statement was true, and there was no doubt of it, he would ask if there was any Hon. Member who had the audacity to stand up and say, that he was prepared to perpetuate in a Christian and civilised land a state of suffering and degradation such as that which he was about to read to the House, in opposition to the state ments made by the united operatives of the north of Eng land. Thisgreat Lancashire cotton-spinner stated that, as indi vidual manufacturers externally engaged in trade, they should not be suspected of wilful exaggeration of the evils of this system when they made the following statement. They should exaggerate nothing, extenuate nothing, but simply state the amount of evil that exists, and make suggestions for its cure. (The Hon. Member then read several extracts, which stated that children of 10 and 12 years of age, after being employed for a short time in factory labour, lost the elastic step of youth, the blooming cheek, and the vivacity of intellect, under the severe employment and the prolonged confinement, often resulting in permanent debility or pre meture death.) The gentleman who thus spoke of the factory system was no other than Mr. Greig, one of the largest cotton-spinners in Lancashire, who at the time he made these statements as in favour of the relaxation of the hours of labour; but now his mind had been poisoned by the principles of political economy, and he was associated with a small, and God be thanked, a decreasing band, of cotton-spinners in Lancashire, who denied the factory operatives that protection to which they were fully entitled. Mr. Greig went on state that from long hours of work, and from its severe nature—rendered more severe and exhausting by its often being performed in a close atmosphere—the workers found it neces sary to resort to the use of artificial stimulants; that many of them receiving the highest wages spend the greater portion of their leisure, more particularly on Saturday evenings and during the Sundays, in be sotting themselves with ale, and beer, and gin. The quan tity of gin drunk in this way was enormous; and it was painful to see children, even girls, being initiated into this practice. Ardent spirits were not the only stimulants they resorted to, as many of them indulged to a large extent in opium, which they took in the form of pills, and in other forms, which they called anodyne, which was cheaper than gin. It was mach in use when wages were low, but now it would be an habitual stimulant. The general hours of work were from half-past fiive in the morning until half- past seven or eight at night, with half an hour for breakfast, an hour for dinner, and half an hour generally for tea, leaving twelve hours a day for clear labour. The labour of spinning was most laborious, and perhaps was only exceeded in that respect by mowing alone; and few mowers worked twelve hours without inter mission. It was impossible anybody could work for twelve hours in this way without injuring hie constitution. Farm and other labourers seldom worked more than ten hours a day. Walking for twenty hours was considered a most intolerable punishment for witches, but they never could undergo their punishment longer than twelve. Many of the Members of that House were arguing about the great disadvantage of losing a farthing a pound on the cotton manufacture by reducing the hours of labour, in oppositon to the far more important question, namely, the sacrificing of the lives of millions of the people of this country. They said that it was the duty of the British House of Commons to refuse this Bill in order that the superabundant wealth of the manufacturers might be madelgreater than it was. There was not a cotton-spinner in Lancashire who durst attend a public meeting in any one of the large ma nufacturing towns, and there openly state, in the presence of numbers of the factory workmen, similar to that which had been stated in that House ; and it' there was one Member of that House connected with the cotton trade who was prepared to dispute the policy of grant ing this measure before the factory workers of the north of England, he challenged him to go down to the town with which he was connected, where he (Mr. Ferrand) would meet him, and discuss the question with him at a public meeting; and he pledged his word, that although attempts had been secretly made to induce the factory workers in many parts to make statements in opposition to the Bill—and he should prove it to the House before long—he should show that the operatives themselves were anxious to work no more than ten hours a day, and that if the House would not legislate for them they would legislate for themselves. It was further said by Mr. Greig, that the fourth cause of the ill-health prevailing m the manufacturing districts might be traced to the weakened and vitiated constitutions of the women. They were employed after their marriage and dur ing their pregnancy, and that was known to every one, who had considered the subject, to bring on a weakened and debilitated condition to the children, so that when the children began working themselves, they were pre pared at once to succumb to the evil influences by which they were surrounded. These were the facts delivered by Mr. Greig, guaranteed by him, and which he had published to the world upon his high authority. Was there a Member in that House who could gainsay any one of them, or any longer maintain in the House the factory system, which had been carried on by the sacrifice of thou sands of the people of England? The manufacturers had also said, in a statement which had been circulated among the Members of that House, that if they carried the Ten Hours' Bill, let the Ministers be responsible for the consequences, and they had gone so far as to threaten to close their mills for the purpose of creating events similar to those which occurred in 1842. Was that the way for men who had amassed enormous wealth out of the bones and sinews of the, starving people of England to conduct them selves ?—was that the way in which they should set an example? After they had voted—disgracefully to them selves—and had carried the corn-laws, they still opposed the Factory Bill, after they had promised to give their support to it.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BRIGHT—No. Mr. FERRAND—The Honourable Member for Durham said "No." He (Mr. Ferrand) believed that they did, and if they did he called on them, as men of honour, to redeem their pledge, and if they did not do so they ought to be branded with infamy and disgrace. It was not the Ministers that would be re sponsible. It was themselves who would be responsible. The manufacturers had declared through their representative in that House, that if they were left alone, and legislative interference were not brought to bear upon them, they would immediately arrange the thing between the masters and the workmen—that they would introduce the Ten Hours' Bill themselves. Had they done so? They had broken their pledge and promises, being determined that this disgraceful state of things should continue, and it was therefore the : duty of Parlia ment to interfere and to protect the weak against the strong. Who were the parties who interfered and told them that they should not come to that House to protect men? Did they come to protect men-?, No; they came for the protection of for this and children, who were compelled either to w ork this period or starve to death. It was their machinery whi c h ban destroyed the system of manual labour and the d weavers. Many of them had been starved in the ountr y • and he had been told, upon a very compet ent authority, t hat in a few years machinery would destroy the labour of 70,000 persons more. What were the manufacturers doing at thi present moment? Their mills w ere not running six hours a day. To effect good to these mills, their employment ought to be steady and regular; and they ought not to starve the people for one half of the year, and work them to death during the other half; and he had received accounts from Manchester, which said that there was a probability that the great majority of the mills would soon be entirely closed, and yet, during this state of things, it was proposed to retain the power of working the people for twelve hours a day. The fi rs t medical men in England had declaredthwatonioe year. was capable of working twelve hours during the whole They were longer than any horse or man could bear it; and women and children were compelled to bear it, and were dying by thousands. Even the men could not bear the factory labour beyond the age of 45. The Hon. Member for Mon trose had said, leave the women and children to themselves, they would settle the matter with th e i r masters. v an; man suppose that when a mother went to the mills, receiving only Bs. or 10s. per week, and returning she found her three or four children crying for food, that she would not work her fingers' ends raw, and h erself to death, rather than sit down and see her children starving? He had even conversed with these women themselves, and they had stated to him that it was little known what their sufferings were. When they returned weary and fatigued, and saw t h e i r children in want, they would work, as long_ as God gave them health and strength, to support them. The Hon. Member for Durham, on Wed- __,.... nesday. last, when he :saw the gangw a y, made so ___ me „ ex traordinary statements in his speech, and that in so deter mined and firm a manner, that he (Mr. Ferrand) had no doubt that the Douce believed them to be all true. The Hon. Member said, in one part of his speech. that. such ,leeches as used to be made by Lord Ashley had not been heard that - . . day, except from the s;oble Lord the Member for Newark, and that Lord Ashley used to make speeches in that House which he now given up, and which had been proved to be wrong. He (Mr. 1! errand) was prepared to challenge the Hon. Mem ber to prove that any statement. Lord Ashley ever made in that House connected with the Ten Hours' Bill was not strictly true. It was not manly of the Hon. Member to come there and attack Lord Ashley behind his back. Mr. ROEBUCK here made some observation. Mr. FERRAND—" He could come here," said the Hon. Member for Bath. Mr. ROEBUCK—I did not say so. Mr. FERRAND said that he understood the Hon. Member to say so, and the next time the Hon. Member interrupted him, let him speak so as to be understood. The Noble Lord was not there to defend himself, and he (Mr. Ferrand) should be accused of ingratitude towards the Noble Lord, if he sat in that House and allowed his character to be so unjustly at tacked, when he had sacrificed his seat for the principle of this measure. The Noble Lord had published to his consti tuency a letter, stating his determination to support the re peal of the corn- laws, and he (Mr. Ferrand) was justified in saying that he (Lord Ashley) had received a communication ide to him from the leading cotton-spinners of Lancashire, to the effect that if he did support them in obtaining the repeal of the corn-laws they would support him in his Ten Hours' Factory Bill, which the Noble Lord had supported during the best period of his life. The other day in Lancashire the Noble Lord attended a vast meeting, when no man dared tb oppose him. Tile lion. Member was in Rochdale, but did not meet Lord Ashley. Mr. BRIG FIT—No I was not, I beg your pardon. Mr. FERRAND begged pardon. Why did not the Hon. Member meet him there, when his own brother appeared?—he had not the pluck to do it. The Hon. Member did not go to him face to face and make his ch arges . T he brother of the Hon. i Member had the pluck to go, and manfully spoke before his own workmen, but he was not abl e t o get a s i ngle man to se cond him. He again asked the Hon. Member what state ment of Lord Ashley's which was ever made in that Honse he was prepared to refute? Two years ago the Hon. Mem ber made some such statements as these against the Noble Lord, who was accused of having made some unfounded state. ment in that House with regard to the childen in the factories. The Hon. Member for Durham had referred to a petition which had been presented to that House from Blanchester, with 70,000 signatures, in support of a repeal of the corn. laws, as a contrast to the petition of the operatives in favour of the present Bill, signed by 22,000. Why, the popu lation of Manchester was but 262,000, and the male adults there not more than 40,000, so that it would be impossible to get up a petition with 70,000 names, even if all the male adults signed it. He trusted, when the Bill went into Committee, the Hon. Member would get up and explain how this petition was got up, as he (Mr. Fer rand) believed that 22,000 was a fair representation of the opinion of Manchester. It had also been denied by that Hon. Member that the operatives were prepared to take the chance of the reduction of wages. He (Mr. Ferrand) had been lately at meetings all over the manufacturing districts, at which the question was always put, if they were prepared for the consequences of a reduction of wages? the universal answer was, they were. Meetings had been held at Manchester, Bury, Barnley, Rochdale, Preston, Chorley, Huddersfield, Halifax, Bradford, Holmforth, Beigh ley, Leeds, Glasgow, Paisley, and Dundee, at which this answer to the question had been given. It was not put at the meeting held at Edinburgh, because it was composed of factory operatives. Nay, a report of the meeting at Rochdale had appeared in the Hon. Member for Durham's own paper, the Manchester Eraminer. Mr. BRIGHT—It is not mine. Mr. FERRAND—Then he was a shareholder, or had something to do with it.—(Cries of order). The Manchester Examiner confirmed the fact that the question had been put at the Rochdale meeting and answered in the manner he had described. At the very time the Hon. Member was making his speech last Wednesday a message was sent down to Bradford, and the next morning a meeting of the operatives was advertised by placard. It was held in the evening, in Christ Church School, and presided over by the Rev. Wm. Oldham. It was densely attended, and when the question was put about the wages, every hand was held up for the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member had also told the House that the mechanics of the north were always glad to work long hours when they could get an increase of wages. He (Mr. Ferrand) had since then received a letter from the mechanics of Manchester, denying the statement, and enclosing a copy of a prize essay, issued under the auspices of the delegates of the united mechanics of Great Britain and Ireland, as to the benefits resulting from a reduction of the hours of labour. The Honourable Member had also denied that any com pact had been entered into between the Anti-Corn law League and the factory operatives, on the con dition that if the latter supported the repeal of the corn-laws the former would withdraw their oppo sition to the Ten Hours' Bill. Now, in answer to that he could prove that in 1843 and 1844, when the League was not very popular with the operatives, his old friend Mr. Brookes, of .‘ God bless you, we're all for ourselves" noto riety made efforts to convince the leaders of the factory operatives, if they would support the repeal of the corn-laws,:he and many other manufacturers would support the Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. Ashworth had also corresponded with the short time delegates in London, to the effect that the corn-laws were the cause of long hours of labour, and that they should be repealed before any reduction in the hours of working took place. (The Hon. Member then read several extracts from letters and documents in support of what he had advanced.) The League had obtained the repeal of the corn-laws • were they prep are d to fulf il the i r contract ?—(Hear, hear.) He would not argue the question of foreign competition with them, but he claimed it of them, as an act of duty, justice, and honour, to carry out their pledge, and not endeavour to intimidate the House in order to rob the poor man of his rights. The Manchester manufacturers had also pledged themselves to Lord Ashley, through Mr. Greig, that if the Corn-laws were repealed they would not oppose a Ten Hours' Bill. The llon. Men - her then proceeded to read a letter, ad dressed by Lord Ashley to the Secretary of the Operative Short-Time Committee, sitting in London. His Lordship said that Mr. Greig of Manchester had done him the honour to call upon him at the Albion Hotel, and he there ex pressed his strong desire for the settlement of the short rime question. The manufacturers had been benefited by the repeal of the duty on raw cotton, and they would be further benefited by the repeal of the corn-laws ; and he thought it but fair justice that the workman should receive his share of those advantages in abridged hours of labour. This he conceived could only be done by legislative enactment, as every proposition for regulations between the employers and the workmen had failed already. So much for the opinion of Mr. Grieg. Now, he thought that he had proved to the House that a deliberate compact had been entered into between the manu facturers and the work-people. But what had been the con duct of some of the largest manufacturers in Manchester, after the poor people had been at the expense of sending upto London delegates to watch over their interests ? It was, perhaps, lucky for them that they did so, as he (Mr. Ferrand) had been informed that there was in the House a document purporting to be from some of the workmen of Manchester (for the purpose of showing that they were opposed to the Ten Hours' Bill), and he believed that that paper would be used in the course of that debate It was lucky for the operatives that he ( Mr. Ferrand) had caught the Speaker's eye before the Hon. Member had, as he thus had an opportunity of forestalling the statement made by the Hon. Member. Now what had the manufacturers been doing inManchester ? On Monday last the overlookers and managers of Messrs. Murray's works—and he wished to call the attention of the House to this fact, in order to show the degree of intimidation which was used against the operative. The overlookers and managers of these mills went round among the workmen, with books in their hands, all ruled in columns, under these heads— Ten hours' work and ten hours' wages"—"Eleven hours' work and eleven hours' wages "—" Twelve hours' work and twelve hours' wages ;" and to each worker they put the in quiry, Do you prefer a twelve hours' work and a twelve hours' wagee, or an eleven or ten hours' work with an eleven o 1 ten hours' wages ?—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Bright.) There was no option left here for the workmen. They were to be bound down to these agreements. The manufacturers were determined to protect themselves—("Hear,"from Mr. Bright) —but there was no protection extended to the workmen—. (Hear, hear)—for they were given to understand, in almost as many words, that as they chose the alternatives offered, so would they please or displease their masters. The Messrs. Holdsworth had adopted the same course, and the men there had signed for eleven hours' work and eleven hours' wages„ and the women for twelve—thus the weakest went to the wall. Messrs. M'Connell had adopted a similar course, but they gave some hours' notice, and the men c h ose ten hours' labour, and informed their employers that they would take their chance of the wages. Now, if the House would listen to what took place in the borough of Manchester the House would understand the workpeople would no longer be trifled with. The Hon. Member proceeded to read—" Last night a meeting washeld in the Mead House (one of the largest halls in Manchester), which was crammed to excess. The meeting was entirely conducted by operatives. The first resolution adopted was—' That this meeting cannot but view with a feeling of regret and indignation the conduct of those mas ters who had adopted the disreputable course of sending their managers and overlookers through the mills with books in their hands, demanding in a hasty and peremptory manner whether they were in favour of a Ten, an Eleven, or Twelve Hours' Bill—the object being to receive such answers as would enable Hon. Members to offer some further opposition to the Bill now before the House.' The second resolution was, " That the factory - workers are prepared to accept a Ten Hours' Bill, regardless of its effect on wages, leaving the prices of their labour to be regulated by the same principle which fixed the prices of other commodities in the market."' He (Mr. Ferrand) had intended to have alluded to several other mis-statements made by the Honourable Member for Durham, but he did not know that he would be j ustified in taking up the time of the House. Before he sat down be operatives should wish to tell the House that the factory with. The throughout the land would no longer be trifled them in this House that they a_ef hFerrand) wa s glad that Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had c h k ad th ta ro u u n g t h ed . out England.—( Hear.) He • f handed rpr had come to this House pray in .' rayers had been denied. and children, and their p they had not done so. The ho rn y - 14 the wives and children men tec e t n ion a for their wives t d exci e in their s ympathy was of the miners, but decorations which illustrated the favour by the hear.) The factory operatives They had not denied protection to wo blue book---(Year , getum up similar decorations. They would also work u pon the f eeli ngs of Hon. Members, if they could not r e ly upon their justice, and 500 factory cripples, assembled ire Palace-yard, would raise a shout of supplication to the ROllBB of Commons, and the universal burden of their pray er wou ld be, We will have the Ten Hours' Bill. Mr. ROEBUCK said he would pass over the noisy decla mation of the Hon. Gentleman who had just resumed his seat, and direct his attention to the little argument con• tained in his speech. He was in no way connected with the commercial interest of this country, and therefore could have no other motive for opposing this Bill, except that he considered it would be for the public good that it should not pass; and yet. be cause he opposed it upon conviction, he was to be called -a cold-blooded political economist.—(Hear, hear.) It was time he had investigated the science of political economy as applied to the laws of trade, and as that investigation had induced him to come to a very different conclusion to that of Honourable Gentlemen opposite, it was hardly fair that vituperation of the vilest character should be heaped upon his head.—(Hear, hear.) He should, how ever, hardly have addressed himself to this question had it not been for the address of the Noble Lord the Member for Newark, who wound up his speech with half a doom of this country perorations, and concluded the last of them with this observations—" And yet the working people Ho (mean understand that gentlemen on this side theof_ _ ing of course his own) also are attache Ten Hours' Bill, and d to that party Of historic recollection, are in favour of a were not opposing themselves to the rights n n *g_h p ts ary of indeed He t thepeople.".— ( Hear, hear.) Historic recollection thought, if he were to look back into the page of history, he should find that this party had been engaged in one continued effort to repress the energies of the people ; t, 'Me but he was not called upon on that occasion to enter into the lists with the Noble Lord upou that subjec but