The Sun. — London, England, 1847-05-18 00:00:00

RAILWAY I_COMMITTEES, HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(YESTERDAY.) GROUP VI. VJ'XIMS, SOMERSLT, AND 'WEYMOUTH ANIENDIYIENT (No. II.) (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) Dr. Lyon Playfair had made an analysis of several speci mens of Itadstock and Newcastle coal, and from the result of those experiments, he was led to believe that for household purposes there was little or no difference between the two qualities of coal. Mr. Ashbourne, land and mineral surveyor, residing in the neighbourhood of Radstocii, corroborated the evidence of the first witness, as to the extent and yield of the coal-fields in Et o mersetshire. Capt. Scobell, lessee of a portion of the Radstock collieries, and director of the Wilts and Somerset Railway, and Mr. Fere, mining engineer, gave evidence as to the importance and extent of the coal fields at Radstock. The Committee then adjourned till twelve to-morrow• GROUP VII. The Committee met this morning at two o'clock in Room 7 ; Lord Claud Hamilton in the chair. LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN (ANDO VZ TO TIM BISHOPSTOSE AND SAWS- BURY BRANCH," WEYMOUTH AND SIZI.COSIBE G= HAR BOUR AND BiL GLDS TRUESETS. Mr. RiuscomßE stated that the Bill was unopposed; that it was promoted by the South-Western Company, and that its object was to construct a line of nineteen miles and three quarters in length, from Andover, on the Basingstoke and Salisbury line, to a point on the Bishopstoke and Salisbury line near K em b n dge Mill; and thence from Romsey on the same line to Redbridge on the Dorchester line, and so on, by means of this branch and a small portion of the main line of the South-Western, to Southampton— thus making a considerable portion of the line t o be applied for next session by the well-known Manchester and Southampton Company. There is some little difference in the route, but the course traversed is nearly the same, or at least will answer the purp ose f or w hi c h that line was partly designed. A considerable portion of the Andover Canal would be used, an agreement to that effect having been entered into with the proprietors. The capital would be 400,0001. Mr. Kerr, C.E. (Mr. Locke's assistant), detailed the minutiaae of the line. Mr. WsEELiiisa id he appeared as counsel for the Man chester and Southampton Railway Company, which had been thrown out by the Standing Orders' Committee, in support of a petition of the promoters of that line, which, however, be would not trouble the Committee with, as it was their in tention to withdraw it. The CHAIRMAN, and the other members of the Committee, seemed astonished at any appearance on behalf of a line which had been rejected by the Standing Orders Committee; and which, consequently, was not before them or Parliament. Mr. WHIELER explained that certain clauses had been arranged between the parties, which, as the Manchester and Southampton had been rejected, would not be inserted in the present Bill, it being understood that they should be in serted in any future Bill to be promoted by the South- Western or by the Manchester and Southampton, in case they should come before Parliament in a subsequent session. He only wished to state those facts in order that they might be placed upon the records of the Committee, and to withdraw his opposition. Mr. }Ruche% the solicitor to the South-Western Company, explained that such an arrangement had been come to. The CHAIRMAN said no doubt the object of the Learned Counsel had been answered by the statement he had made; but it seemed to him that the parties for whom he appeared had no locus standi before them. DECISION. The CHAIRMAN then declared that the preamble of the Bill had been proved ; and, the clauses having been agreed to, he intim Ited that he would report the favourable decision of the Committee to the House. The tolls will be the same as were agreed to in the revised Bill of the South-Western last year. WEYMOUTH AND MELCOMBE REGIS HARBOUR AND BRIDGE TRUSTS. The object of this Bill is to improve tl:e harbour of Wey mouth, and to make it a better port of communication with the Channel Islands than at present, by reducing the tolls. It is promoted by the Corporation of Weymouth. The rail way companies there have guaranteed to pay the present proprietors of the harbour the interest they at present re ceive. The harbour will be invested in Commissioners. The Bill was unopposed. The CHAIRMAN declared that tbi preamble had been proved. GROUP XV. The Committee met this morning at twelve o'clock ; Mr. Bernal in the chair. EASTERN COUNTIES (ROYSTON TO WAR, e.c.) Evidence in favour o f this line was concluded this morning b HOUSTON AND lIITCEIN RAILWAY ACT AMENDMENT (EXTENSION TO NOV'S TON .AND CA.MBILIDGE.) Mr. Sergeant WRANGHAM opened the merits of this Bin, and proceeded to call evidence for the promoters. The Committee adjourned till to-morrow. GROUP XVII. GREAT NORTHERN (DEVIATIONS BE TWEEN LONDON and GRANTHAM). (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) Mr. Sergeant CLARKE replied on behalf of the Ambergate Company, in opposition to the deviations at Grantham, and recapitulated in his address the 'various points elicited in the evidence. Mr. WILIZIORR replied on behalf of Mr. Ostler, and dwelt upon the great injury which the deviation would eause to that gentleman's residence. The Committee then adjourned till twelve o'clock to -1110/TO W. GROUP XVIII. GLOUCESTER AND STONEROUSE JUNC , TZON. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) Mr. Ba,s, the principal agents for Messrs. Pickford, the carriers, was then called, and stated that his principals were the largest carriers in England, and that great inconvenience was felt from the break of gauge. Mr. Saunders, the inspector of the Gloucester and Bir mingham line, was giving evidence of the inconvenience,when The Earl of LINCOLN suggested that perhaps Mr. Stephen son might show some reason of an engineering character why a different system should be adopted between Gloucester and Stonehouse from that between Cheltenham and Gloucester. Mr. Daniel, on behalf of the Midland Company, said that there were several objections beside the break of gauge. There were the stations, the inconvenience of the number of trains, beside a variety of other evils. Mr. Cripps, on behalf of the Great Western Company, said that there was already an agreement by which the Midland Company were bound to work over the broad gauge line. Mr. Stephenson was then called. The Earl of LINCOLN inquired what were the peculiar en gineering difficulties which prevented the same plan from being adopted between Stonehouse and Gloucester as was adopted between Cheltenham and Gloucester. Mr. Stephenson replied that the saving of the expense was so trifling, compared with the advantage derived from the avoidance cif danger and the equal benefit derived from the separation of the stations. If he were the engineer of two independent companies, both adopting the same gauge, whether broad or narrow, he should still advise the formation 'of two separate lines. To the inquiry as to why the same mystem of management was not. adopted throughout, he said that below Gloucester there would be a necessity fur using different engines, a separate staff, and the expense would consequently be very great. To Sir WALTER JAMES Mr. Stephenson replied, that that could not possibly be effected, as the engines and the carriages could not possibly be accomplished, as the buffers of all would have to be changed. Mr. DANIEL stated that the Narrow Gauge Company were ready to give the utmost compensation that could be required for the breach of contract. Mr. Saunders, the secretary of the Great Western Company, explained that if such a proposition were adopted as had been suggested, there would be a far greater evil than any which any compensation could recompense, for, unless there was a broad gauge traffic over those joint gauges, all the business southward of Bristol would be abstracted. The Earl of LINCOLN suggested that some agreement might be entered into, if the case were to be adjourned till to-morrow. The Committee sat there in a double capacity, not only to adjudicate fairly between two great contending parties, but also to save a great exnense to the public, an object which, his capacity of a Member of Parliament, he was very desirous to effect. After a long conversation, in which Mr. SALTNDERS stated, on behalf of the Great Western Company, that they had no objection to the laying down of the narrow gauge lines, provided the Midland Company would consent to work a certain number of broad gauge engines between Bristol and Gloucester, Mr.-Damin. said that the Midland Company objected to the working of the broad gauge engines, but were willing to allow any compensation which the Committee might deem fair. Some further discussion ensued, after which it was decided that parties authorised on t, .11 sides should meet for an agreement, and the Committee adjourned till twelve to morrow. GROUP XIX. OXFORD, :341..NEURY, AND COVENTRY (COVENTRY AND SOITTNA.M BRANCH.) (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday. ) After some further evidence for the opposition, Mr. FLOOD replied on behalf of the promoters, going over the evidence adduced for the Bill, and contending that no ease bad been made out against it. The room w DECISION. mission of the partiesas Uien cleared for a decision. On the:re-ad , The CrtmastAx said the Committee had decided that the Wreambla of the Bill Was proved. The consideratio n of the clauses was postponed till to morrow. GROUP xx. HAMPTONOHOESIL.Auz WOZVER., CIET.T.TIOSasasAft and. 111VaSEAM LINE). (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday,) `!he cost The length of . the line would b e t wenty-seven miles: and 6000 01 The Committee then adjourned. GROUP XXVI. :DERBYSHIRE, STAFFOILDSETRE, AiSTa WORCESTERSHIRE JUNCTION. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) consequence of the Committee not having received the report of the Railway Commissioners on this line, they post poned their decision on its merits. The Committee adjourned till Thursday. GROUP LXVIL EASTERN COUNT/ES (WISDEACIL TO SPALDING), AND OPPOSING LINES. The Committee appointed to consider this group met at es'elve o'clock, and proceeded to hear the reply of Mr. HOPE, for the Eastern Counties Railway, against the treat Northern Railway (King's Lynn), and the Boston, .mford, and Birmingham (Wisbeach to Sutton Bridge). 3 'he Committee then ordered the room to be cleared, and en parties being re-admitted, '1 'he CHAIRMAN announced that the preamble of the Rao tern Counties (Wisbeach to Spalding) Billiwas proved. T 1 ie Committee then adjourned. GROUP XXIX. GREAT NORTHERN (PURCHASE OP EAST LINCOLNSHIRE AND BOSTON, STAIK ronn AND BIRIVIINGILAMI—STABIPORD Ara 13 vasnaticii LINE). Mr. Duncan presented a petition on the part of the Eastern Coun ies Railway against the provisions of the Bill. Mr. CosTEs was heard in answer, and the Committee de cided that the Eastern Counties bad no locus standi, aad that they could not be heard. Captain Laws then explained to the Committee the nature of the amalgamation. The Committee then passed a resolution declaring that the preamble of the Bill had passed. The clauses of the Bill were then agreed to. GREAT NORTHERN (BRANCH TO PIO - CASTLE). Mr. Sergeant KINGLAKE was heard in favour of the pro• visions of this Bill. The Committee then adjourned. GROUP XXXI. The Committee met at twelve o'clock; the Right lion. F. Shaw in the chair. SOUTH YORKSHIRE (DEVIATION FROM DONCASTER TO GAINSEOILOTYGH). The Committee were occupied during the morning in hear ing the evidence of Lord Galway, a landowner on the course of the proposed deviation, against the lines. Mr. WELI-3, on the part of the promoters, and Mr. Vsiva- ISLES, on the part of the opposition, having been heard, The room was cleared for the DECISION. On oar re-admission, The CHAIRMAN declared that the preamble of the Len don and York Deviation from Doncaster to Kossington was proved. The Committee then proceeded with the clauses of the Bill, and adjourned at four o'clock. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1847. GROUP XXXVI. The Committee on this group met to-day for the first time, in Room 14; Mr. Roebuck in the chair. The Bills comprised in this group are the following : London and North Western Railway Company (purchase of the Earl of Ellesmere's interest in the Manchester South Junction and Altrincham). Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport Railway and Branch. Manchester and Southport Railway , and Branches. London and North-Western (Ormskirk and Rainford Branches, &c.) East Lancashire (Southport Branch and Preston Extension). St. Helen's Canal and Railway (Warrington and Black brook Branches, &c.) London and North-Western (Lime-street, Liverpool, sta. tica &e.) The first Bill taken was the LIVERPOOL, CROSBY, AND SOUTIEPORT, AND BRIINCN. Mr. Ausxm opened the case for the promoters of this line. Dr. Duncan, of Liverpool, was examined, and deposed to the great sanatory advantages which would be conferred on Liverpool by giving access to the coast if this line were laid down. Mr. Bidder, civil engineer, was examined as to the engi neering works, which were of the usual character, and pre sented no peculiar difficulties. DECISION. The Committee then declared the preamble proved. MANCHESTER AND SOUTHPORT RAIL- WAY AND BRANCHES. 31r. - HILDrrcH opened the case for the promoters of this line, when The Committee afterwards adjourned till to-morrow. GROUP XLIV. The Committee met this morning at twelve o'clock ; Mr, B. Denison in the chair. SCOTTISH MIDLAND JUNCTION (BRANCH TO MAUZLENCEBIRK.) Evidence was continued for the promoters of the Bill. Mr. TALBOT then called evidence for the Aberdeen Com pany opposing, and Mr. ANDREWS was about to address the Committee against the Bill, when this privilege was abandoned by both sides. The Committee intimated they could give no decision on the preamble till they had the report of the Commissioners. ABERDEEN (iniEcsnw BRANCH). Mr. WEBSTER stated that the object of this Bill was to deviate slightly from the line sanctioned last year, where it approached the town of Brechin. It was unopposed. The Committe, without formally deciding the preamble, went through the clauses, which were agreed to. The Committee adjourned till to-morrow. GROUP XLVIII. GLASGOW, AIRDRIE, AND NIONZLANDS (CO'..7ILAIRS AND CENTRAL JUNCTION BRANCHES). (Continued fram our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) Mr. Sheriff Bell was examined as to the crossing of the green. He did not think the green would suffer by the crossing, while the line in its progress would take away a considerable amount of inferior property. The compensation given for the alleged encroachment would enable the cor poration to make important improvements elsewhere. The viaduct would be a highly ornamental object. Mr. Sheriff Alison generally corroborated the evidence of the previous witness. He did not think the crossing would in the least degree injure the green, otherwise he would not support it. Dlr. Binnie, builder, gave similar evidence. The pro perty to be taken was in value 30,7001. Mr. Adie, C. E., gave evidence as to the engineering fea tures. The central junction was about a mile and a half long. The estimate was 105,0001., in addition to the 10,750/. for the Caplaw-hill branch. The scheme passed through the green in eight hours, twenty-four feet high on the average, and around the Clyde by a atone bridge. He did not think 1 the scheme would interfere with the green , w hil e it wou ld be a great public accommodation to the through traffic. The Committee adjourned till to-morrow at twelve o'clock. GROUP XLIX, EDINBURGH AND GLASGOW (LEASES). Evidence was then called for the promoters. Mr. HOPE was heard for the Scottish Central, whose locus standi was disputed. The Committee decided that the company had a claim to be heard in opposition. Nothing of general importance was elicited, and the Com mittee adjourned at four o'clock. COMMITTEE on PRIVATE BILLS LIVERPOOL GUARDIAN GAS COMPANY. The Committee was occupied during the whole of the day in hearing evidence in favour of this Bill. Adjourned until to-morrow. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, May 17. (Before Mr. Commissioner SHEPHERD.) IN RE SPICES. AND POULTON. These bankrupts carried on a very extensive business as paper-manufacturers, having three mills, one at Alton, one at Bognor, and the other at Wandsworth. They were also farmers and hop-growers, and one of the partners (J. E. Spicer) traded as a paper•manufacturer, and farmer upon t e own account. They now came up upon the balance 'beets, prepared by Mr. Butler, accountant, to pass their last examination. With respect to the private balance-sheet of J. E. Spicer, which runs over the same period of time as the joint balance ;•heet, the following are the principal items therein :—Private debts and liabilitie., 10,111/. 18s. 2d. ' • and to creditors hold ing mortgages, 7,9901. The assets are 10,1461. ss. 4d. ; profits, 4,3321 Os. 11d. ' • capital, 1,474/. 19s. sd. ; trade and personal expenses, 7,3471. 19s. ld. ' • losses, 5381.75. 6d. ; transferred to partnership account, 2,7011. 93. 11d.; old debts (paid), 7241. I ss. 10d. ; liabilities as per contra, 2,550/. 143. 4d. After some discussion, the case was adjourned for the pur pose of further inquiry. (Before Mr. Commissioner UOLROYD.) IN RE W. QUINCET. .___ This bankrupt, who was a t in-plate-worker, in Old-street, St. Luke's, came up to pass his last examination; but, no balance-sheet having as yet been filed, the case was ad journed. IN RE A. DANIELLS. This bankrupt was described as a merchant having for merly been in business as a perfumer, receiving about 1,0001. a year, and living like a gentleman, which he disposed of for about 1,500/., and then entered very largely into rail way speculation, being at one period worth about 12,000/., but in the end his speculation resulted in a very heavy loss. This case was before the Court a short time since upon ap plication for certificate, and it was adjourned till this day, for the purpose of investigation, and more particularly re specting the proof of Mr. More for 614,0004 being a balance of account, resulting out of railway speculation. The bank rupt's debts and liabilities amount to about 10,000/., running over a period of three years, and the assets appear on the balance-sheet to be, property 162/. 9s. Bd. He commenced with a capital of 3,189/. 14s. 11d., and the losses and ex- penses amount to about 10,0001., the profits being stated at 285/. 6s. 6d. Mr. Bagley appeared for Mr. More, to oppose, and Mr. Lawrance for the bankrupt. It appeared that Mr. More bad been in business in Liver pool, and in 1839 became bankrupt, but owing to some negli gence on his own part, he did not obtain his certificate until July, 1845, at which period be entered the Liverpool market as a sharebroker ; and he did not know what was the amount of his debts, or the dividend, if any, paid under that bank ruptcy. He was not a sworn broker. - He had not offered to withdraw his opposition on payment of 300/. _ _ . Mr. LAWRAiCE stated that the last item in the account between the bankrupt and Mr. More, upon which the proof of 644,0001. was now sought to be made, bore date the 11th of August. The certificate was dated the 25th of July, and 21 days were required for the certificate to remain at the Court of Review; therefore the whole of these transactions upon which the proof was made took place at a time when Mr. More was an uncertificated bankrupt ; under these cir cumstances, be (Mr. Lawrance) must submit that Mr. More was not entitled to prove. After some further discussion the proof was admitted for the full amount claimed. Mr. ;Shultz, a stockbroker, was then called and examined by Mr. BAGLEY, in the course of which it was stated by the witness that he had had transactions to the extent of thousands of pounds with various persons, and that the bankrupt was the most punctual of all. Upon the part of Mr. Ripley, a stockbroker, an adjourn ment of the case was prayed for under these circumstances : Mr. Ripley was a creditor for 5,0001., being the result of a loss upon Birmingham and Oxford shares, occasioned, as was alleged, by Emanuel Daniell, who, it was stated, had represented his scrip buyer to be a man of fortune, but had al nays refused to disclose his name. Upon going, however, to the office of the o ffi c i a l ass ignee (Mr. Edwards) a bond of Lord Yentry's for 7,0001. being mentioned in the bankrupt's it was coocluded that P"cee(Zings, and the same havin g Emanuel Daniell, prove against the estate. a bankrupt then denied e. any such transaction. havainng Mr. LAWAANCE objected to Mr. BAGLEY and Mr. circumstances, and the Court and con, th e bankrupt, be beingsh o w shown theto M b r io ß th i e la r ley of was his employer, and hence the trial to His HoNoun said that he did n stood in the position of a creditor °entitled tea t The bankrupt had stated on a former coneurra em dedi p n.n lo r y n e m d e h n i t s u b n r d o e t r he s r uc in h L&waaaca having been heard pro tie4; u t c h h at fav li o l u or r e . occasion, that More the baiit he would be unable to prove himself a creditot,r estate, but it appeared to him (the Commissioner) this was a creditor. Upon the last occasion. also rupt stated that be had nothing to do with West Riding shares, but it appeared that he had, and he now sought - to excus e himself, by stating that he was merely agent. But for the ,h e i c s oi H ne on h o er u e r a c t ou a l l d i. nTohtispecrocueirvtewhouolwd t r e cnl ba a nk tio r n upt inn couldco cotton, o hav be slow to tempt traders from te legitimate a c t a e s s e r t c h u e la o t b i j o e n c , ti if on th a e p y did nOt go too fart and in . peared 0 be, that the bankrupt had been trading out of his avocation as a trader, and it also appeared that he had been speculating in that which a trader ought not. In order to show traders that they were not to enter into illegitimate speculation, incurring losses, and then enter into one or two legitimate speculations for the ;-tiry)so of o‘nllng it,w this Court, and Oei,g tivlde free of ali the debts, the judginctr of 'he Court was, that the certitie.are be suspended for twelve months, with protection from month to month. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. SOUTHWARK. James Morris was charged with having discharged a loaded pistol at Frances Mary Colman Morris, his wife, with intent to kill her. The complainant, a genteel-looking young woman, stated that she was married to the prisoner in March, 1846, but that she was separated from him for some time, owing to his improper conduct, and that since then she had been living at home with her father, an accountant • and estate agent, Newington-causeway. On Friday last the prisoner called on her, and said that he wanted to give her a boa and shawl, and begged that she would meet him the same evening, in order that he might let her have them. She, however, re fused to meet him alone, but submitted that she had no ob jection to be at the place of appointment with a female friend, and she was accordingly accompanied to Weymouth street by a Mrs. Staples, a friend of her family. When they arrived at the place the prisoner was there waiting for them, and he led them through several obscure streets and lanes in that neighbourhood, until at length they came to a very unfrequented spot, when, she being impatient, com plained that he was leading them about to no purpose. He said that they would get to the house where the boa aid shawl were immediately, and they stopped for a moment, and while she stooped down the prisoner discharged a pistol at her head. She heard the report, saw the flash, and also distinctly heard a whiz, as if a bullet or shot, she could not say which, had passed near the side of her head. At the same instant she screamed out, and the prisoner ran one way and she another, until she reached a house, into which she ran for protection. She added that a warrant had been obtained against the prisoner a short time since for assaulting her, and that he did not appear to the process, nor had she seen him for some time previously to the evening in question. In reply to Mr. COTTINGHAM, the complainant said she did not see the pistol, the act was done so instantaneously; but heard the click of the trigger and the report at the moment the flash crossed her eyes. Her bonnet was not in jured, and she only suffered from the fright occasioned by such a circumstance. The prisoner had frequently quarrelled with her, and was , of a very turbulent spirit, so much so, that he had been in custody and held to bail for assaulting and threatening the life of his own mother. Mrs. Ann Staples corroborated the above statement. Mr. Corma HAM inquired the reason the prisoner was not brought before him on Saturday, the alleged offence being perpetrated on Friday evening ?—ln reply to the magistrate, the complainant's father said, that his daughter informed him of what had occurred on Friday night, and that he went and gave information at the station-house, but was told there that he must wait until the magistrate was made acquainted with the facts before any steps could be taken in the affair. Mr. CorrarGnAm expressed his surprise at this piece of information, and said, that a deliberate attempt to destroy a wife by her husband having been made, it was the duty of the police to have taken immediate steps for the apprehen sion of the offender. Inspector Cowell said that the prisoner was given into custody on Saturday afternoon, soon after the court closed, and that not a word was said then of his having shot at his wife; that a warrant of assault was previously issued against the prisoner, and that it was upon that warrant that he was charged. Mr. COTTINGHAM, addressing the prisoner, said that as the charge assumed so serious an aspect against him, and as he had no professional person present to advise with, probably it would be his better plan at present not to enter into any defence, or say anything in answer to so grave an accusation as attempting to shoot his wife. However, he was at liberty to do as he pleased on the subject. Prisoner—This is all a conspiracy against me. I did not fire a pistol at my wife, for, in fact, I had no pistol to fire ; there was no report, or flash, or anything of the kind; if I had fired a pistol, I should have run away,l but I remained near the spot, where my wife said she was shot at, and it is not likely if I had attempted such an act that I should have stopped behind. Her father, as well as herself, has a spite against me, and all they want is to get rid of me by any means they can. Her father took out a warrant against me on purpose to have me locked up, and he was the cause of our separation. When my wife left me I took her in again, and lately we went down to Dudley to her grandmother's, and had only recently come up from that place, when, by her father's interference, we again sepa rated, and I declare that the story about the pistol is all a fabrication. Mr. Corrnicitax—Then, do you deny being with your wife and Mrs. Staples on the evening of Friday? Prisoner—l was with them, your Worship; I wrote a note to my wife to come for her - shawl that was in my possession, and she came with Mrs. Staples for it, and she screamed out all in a mo ment, and ran away, saying that I had fired at her. I did make a noise with my finger and thumb, and likely she might have supposed it was the click of a pistol, but it was no such thing. It is all a plan to get rid of me, as my wife thinks then that she can do as she pleases. I again declare most solemnly that I had no pistol, and that it's all a base conspiracy to ruin me. Mr. Corriamn AM here called forward the complainant, and asked her particularly whether she could have been mistaken upon the occasion—whether the noise he described he made with his finger and thumb might have been mistaken by her for the noise of the trigger of a pistol? The reply was, that she (complainant) could not have been mistaken on the point; that she distinctly heard the report as well as the noise made by a bullet or shot passing near to her head. Airs. Staples was also recalled, and she still adhered to the accuracy of her previous statement; that it was ridiculous for the prisoner to assert that he had snapped his fingers, for she distinctly saw the flash and heard the report of a pistol close to the complainant's head. Mr. CoirniGuais said he should remand the prisoner, in order that inquiries should be forthwith made respecting the pistol used on the occasion; and also to procure the attend ance of some other parties who heard the report of the wea pon at the time it was fired off. LAMBETH: Lydia Hart, a fat swarthy gipsy, was placed at the bar before Mr. Elliott, for further examination on a charge of felony. On the former examination it appeared that in the month of February last the prisoner knocked at the door of a house in Nelson-square, and on a young woman, the servant, an swering her, she first asked her to purchase some laces, which she exhibited, and next urged her to have her for tune told, saying she would tell it her for half-a-crown. The young woman had not then the required sum to give her ; but another meeting was appointed, when the prisoner told her she should " charm" the young man who courted her at once to marry her, provided she gave her a sovereign or a sovereign's worth. The young woman gave her 10s. in money and several articles of wearing apparel, for " charming" her young man, and soon afterwards they were married. The fact of his wife having parted with the things coming to the ears of the husband, he made a stir in the matter, and an ap plication was made to the prisoner to return the money and articles, but she refused to do so. Maria Foster was called, and upon being sworn, deposed that on the sth of February last, she called upon her present sister-in-law in Nelson-square, and there found the prisoner is conversation with her. The prisoner also addressed her, and asked her to have her fortune told, and she gave her a shilling for telling her fortune. The prisoner told her she was likely to come in for a deal of property, and also said that ifshe called on her another day, and gave her a sove reign, or the value of it in goods, she would tell her the exact time when she should get the property. Witness said she had not that sum, nor the means of procuring it, upon which the prisoner told her she might take the property of her mis tress. This, however, she refused ; and subsequently applied to the prisoner for the restoration of her sister-in-law's pro perty, but she refused to give it. She then told her that it was her sister's intention to apply to a magistrate about the things, and her reply was that she might do so, and be d----d. Mr. Games, who attended for the prisoner, submitted that there was nothing felonious in the charge, as Mrs. Foster had admitted, in her cross-examination by him, that she had merely lent the things to the prisoner. Mr. ELLtcrrr observed that it was quite clear the prisoner had obtained the property by trick and device, intending, at the same time, to apply it to her own use, and he should therefore send her before a jury for trial. Mrs. Foster was for some cause or other absent, and the prisoner was in consequence remanded to another day. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, MAY 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Ambergate, Notting ham, and Boston, 114 dis.-Birkenhead, Lancashire. and Cheshire Junction, 2 dis.-Bi-mingliam and Oxford Junc tion, 6% p.-Chester and Birkenhead, 44-East Lancashire. New, 1:, 4 dis.-Great Northern, 1% dis.-Huddersfield Canal and Railway, Extension, % dis. -Leeds and Thirsk, Prefer. ence, par-London and North-Western, Quarters WA p.- London and South-Western, 62-Ditto (scrip), Y' s dis.-Man cheater and Leeds, 321. Shares (late Extension), par-Man chester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Quarters, No. 1, 3 % p.- Ditto, Eighths, 2% dis.-Midland Stock, 114-Ditto, 401. Shares, 2% p.-Ditto, New, 1 3 / p.-South-Eastern and Dover, 36-Ditto, New, No. 4,6 s. 3d. dis. MANCHESTER, MAY 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Ambergate, Notting ham, and Boston, 1% c. dis.-Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire, 1% c. dis.-East Lancashire (late B. and P.), New, 1 9-16 dis.-Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding, 1 1 4 c. dis.-Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal, Thirds, par-Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle Junction, dis.-London and North-Western, 171-Ditto, Manches ter and Birmingham, 66 c.-Ditto, Quarters (C), 5!4 c. p. - Manchester, Buxton, Matlo c k, and Midland, 1,4 dis.-Man chester and Leeds, 32L Shares (late Extension) 3-16 -Manchester and Southampton, 295.-North Stafford shire, 1 9-16 p.-Northern Counties Union, 3 dis.-Preston and Wyre, Halves (A), 3 1 ,4 p.-Shropshire Union, 2 die. SHEFFIELD, MAY 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Ambergate, Notting ham, and Boston, 295. dis.-East Lancashire (scrip), is. dis. -East Lincolgshire, 265. p.-Manchester and Lincoln Union, 31s. dis.-Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincelnshire (Grimsby and Sheffield), 8% dis.-Ditto, 12/. 10s. Shares, 1% dis.- Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 1 dis.-South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole, 3% dis. LEEDS, MAT 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Ambergate, Notting ham,*and Boston, 30s. n. dis.-East Lancashire, 28s. 9d. dis. -Ditto, New, 1 3 / 4 dis.-Ditto, New (scrip), 9d. dis. s.- East and West Yorkshire, 38s. 6d. n. dis.-Great Northern, 28s. dis.-Leeds and Dewsbury, 10s. dis.-Leeds and Thirsk, 514-Ditto. Preference, Is. 9d. p.-Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 19e. 6d. dis.-London, Brighton, and South Coast, 51% -Ditto, Fifteenths, ls. p.-Malton and Driffield Junc tion, 19e. n. dis.-Manchester and Leeds, Fifths, 3% p.- Ditto, 321. Shares (late Extensions), par n.-Ditto, West Riding Union, par-Newcastle and Berwick, New, 1% p.- North British, Quarters (late Carlisle Branch), 13s. 6d. p.- Ditto, Extension (scrip), 2s. p.-North Staffordshire, 1% n. p.-North-Western, 395. dis.-South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole, 12s. 6(1. dis. HULL, MAY 17. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Ambergate, Notting ham, and Boston, 245. n.-Great Northern, 21 -Manchester and Leeds West Riding Union, 2s. 6d. p.-North British, Quarters, 795.-York and Newcastle, Preference, 2, / , p. EDINBURGH, MAY 15. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Caledonian, New, 395. 6d.-East Lothian Central, 40s.- Edinburgh and Glas gow, 69-Edinburgh, Leith, and Granton, Quarters, 1 ls. 6d. -Edinburgh and Northern, New, 625.-Ditto, Newport, New, 38s. 6d.-Edinburgh and Perth, 35s. -Glasgow, Dum fries, and Carlisle, 5-Great Northern, 505.-North British, Halves, 14 1 ,E ex. int.-Ditto, New Quarters (scrip), 15s. 9d.- Ditto, Thirds, 50a. GLASGOW, MAY 15. Dundee BTOCK and x c ' P l e a ; I " , nock, and Ayr, WA —Ditto, Halves, No. 1, E-Q—uTharteers2, Edinburgh and Perth (New Co.), 36s.—Glasgow, , Kilmar- Halves, No. 2,6/ , 6s.—Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, s„ t a s le s s B.— ar E e—C ast al n ed d o ia n n ir 2 , 5. 23 9 3 / d 4 . :: —Kilmarnock and Ayr Direct, 19 s. —Manchester and South ampton, 10s. 6d.—North Brit ' ash, New Quarters (scrip), 16s. B%—Ditto, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, May 17.'' •• The LARD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at tial hour. FACTORIES BILL. 1, .rd "VJiAR\CLI I'l presented a petitions from the inhabitants of Huddersfield with 5,000 siguatures ; a similar petition from Blackburn with 4,520 signatures, and a similar petition from Boness, Lancashire. Lord FEVERSHAM presented a petition from the in habitants of Ashton-under-Lyne, signed by 2,301 persons; also 100 similar petitions from various manufactories in Oldham and its neighbourhood ; also thirteen petitions from various other places in Lancashire. The Bishop of CHESTER presented similar petitions from the clergy of Bolton, Rochdale, and Burnley, signed by 60; trom the clergy of Manchester, signed by 35; another petition from the medical men of Man chester, Bolton, and Rochdale, signed by 141; a petition from the clergy, medical men, manufacturers, and in habitants of Londley, in Yorkshire, signed by 760, also for a similar purpose. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition from the inhabitants of Warrington and ot h er p l aces , s i gne d by 1,688 persons, also in favour of the Factories Bill. Petitions in favour of the Bill were also presented by Earl St. GERMANS and Earl GREY. PREVENTION OF PROSTITUTION AND SE DUCTION. The Bishop of EXETER presented petitions from the county of Middlesex and the county of Norfolk, praying their Lordships to adopt measures for the pre- Yention of prostitution. BILLS FROM THE COMMONS. Messengers brought up Bills from the House of Com mons. _ __----___ TOWNSIIEND PEERAGE BILL. The House then went into Committee on this Bill. The Bill passed through Committee. PUBLIC GRANARIES. The Earl of WINCHILSEA rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, respecting the ex pediency of establishing public granaries. The Noble Lord, who was very imperfectly heard, was under stood to say, that had the Government established such depots at the beginning of this scarcity it would have done much to have prevented the present state of things. It would have prevented the supplies from being hoarded in a few hands. He however sug g( sled that for the future the Government should take up the matter and provide for the accumulation of grain in order to supply the working population at re duced rates. Earl GREY said that the question opened by the Noble Earl was of too much importance to be disposed of by any incidental discussion, and he therefore ab stained from commenting upon it, not because he agreed with him in his opinions, but from the deep sense which he entertained of the present state of the country. a he subject then dropped. POOR-LAW (IRELAND). Earl FITZWILLIAM moved for certain returns con nected with the rateable districts in Ireland. After a few words from Lord ELLENBOROUGH, Earl GREY said that the returns asked for were already upon the table in another shape, and to place them in a new one would require so much trouble that he would desire his Noble Friend to postpone his motion in consequence of the present pressure of business. The Earl of FITZWILLIAM denied that they were in possession of the returns which he asked for. At the same time he would be most willing to oblige his Noble Friend. The Earl of WICKLOW said he would press his mo tion for the returns. After some conversation, The NOBLE EARL postponed his motion till to-morrow. FACTORIES BILL. In moving the second reading of this Bill, The Earl of ELLESMERE said—ln rising to dis charge the duty I have undertaken of moving the second reading of the Bill now before your Lordships for limit ing the hours of labour in factories, I should be sorry to waste your Lordships' time with any prefatory matter of apt rsonal nature. I must, however, take permission frankly and briefly to express my regret that a subject which has of late years excited so much interest and discussion elsewhere, but which has little occupied the direct attention of your Lordships sitting here, should not have the advantage of being introduced to it by some voice more familiar to your Lordships' ears, and by some authority to which your Lordships were more accus tomed to defer. My apology to your Lordships and myself consists in the circumstance, that having taken, in the discussions which the subject has undergone in another place, a part which, however humble and occa sional, was not inconsistent with the task I have now undertaken, I have been invited to its performance by a numerous body of those who are directly interested in the fate of this measure, and who earnestly desire its success. I must also state that lam act ing at the earnest desire of a Noble Friend of mine, of whom I may say, as was said of certain great men whose images were missed in the procession of theßoman triumph, that with reference to this subject his absence from either House of Parliament makes him even more conspicuously present to the mind than if he were present in either.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, the mea sures now proposed for your acceptance have originated in far different quarters than in the mind of one so little entitled to your Lordships' attention as myself. They have originated in the crowded receptacles of human la bour; they have been elaborated in the factory and the alley, amid the whirl of Machinery, and in those long rows of lodging-houses whiCh grow up around the giant chimneys of Lancashire and Yorkshire. This Bill has its root in the stern experience of the husband and the father. From this lowly, but lam sure in your Lord ships' view, not contemptible seed, the idea has mounted upwards in the shape of such petitions as those which have encumbered your Lordships' table. Men of higher education—men whose lives are one professional and practical exercise of philanthropy—have assisted these men to the ears of the Legislature by their sanction and their advocacy: medical men in every branch of prac tice, clergymen of every religious persuasion. Spring ing from such a source, founded on such a basis of feel ing and opinion, it has made its way through much dif ficulty against powerful opposition, till it has obtained the sanction of an influential portion of a Cabinet, of a conclusive majority of the House of Commons, and, so supported and recommended, has reached the table of your Lordships' House. I state these things, my Lords, not for the purpose of inducing any one of your Lordships to abdicate your privilege of free discus. sion or of deliberate Judgment. Latest and least of the importations to your Lordships' House, I should be sorry to signalise my first endeavour at ad dressing your Lordships by proposing any surrender of your independence, any infraction of your privileges. My Lords, the principle of this Bill has been impunged as involving legislative interference with the rights of capital and labour. I might slur this objection on the ground of repeated precedent. lam prepared, however, if necessary, to contend that I am advocating nothing inconsistent with the doctrines of political economy at a ll. My Lords, I dislike a meddling Government. I believe with them that for the creation of the greatest producible wealth in any given co mmun i ty , an d , there tore, for the widest diffusion of that material well-being which attends the production of wealth, the policy of abstinence from legislative meddling is the sound policy, master manufacturer and the and, therefore, I think it incumb en t on any one who departs policy lhe to assign distinct grounds for operative have both a right, I admit i t , to say to me— h i his justification. from that you are interfering with my free action—you are select ing mine from a crowd of other occupations, to make it the subject of experimental legislation. I claim an ex planation. I demand an exceptional reason for your conduct. My Lords, I find that justification, as most of your Lordships will anticipate, in the inherent, inalien able tendencies of that agent which Watt forced into the service of man as applied to the four great branches of our textile industry which come under the provisions of this Bill—l mean the tendency, in the first instance, to attract to its ministration the labour of those whom, in respect of age and s e x , or b o th, nature never intended for hard and continuous labour ; and next, in its tendency to make that labour continuous, and un ceasing, and protracted to a limit of physical and mental endurance which, in my opinion, no Christian legislature can see its subjects approach without ac knowledging the duty of interfering, if it can interfere, for their relief and protection.—(Hear.) It is 01 this ground, my Lords, that, finding as I do, with regard to these branches of industry, the means and opportunity of interference, I claim the right to exercise them. I say, my Lords, finding the means and opportunity, for this also is an essential element of practical interference, and is my reply to an argument which, though often used, is, I think, singularly inconclusive to a course of reasoning very commonly adopted towards any man who is hunting down a particular grievance, and which endeavours to divert his attention by pointing out fifty other objects of pursuit. My Lords, there is doubtless enough of ab use , an d m i sery, an d oppression in the world to make a sentimental or flighty philanthropist fold his arms in despair. My Lords, I invite your Lordships to interfere with these large collected ag gregations of labour, because theory and experience tell me you can do so with effect—because they are open to inspection and capable of control because you can do much to prevent abuse, and, if the hard necessity arise, to punish it. I am aware that this very feature of the case has been alleged as a reason for non-interference. It has been said that the factory system is the very department of our industry in which abuse and oppression are most discoverable, and can least escape detection. We have been repeatedly told that we take an unphilosophical view of the effects of the use of machinery; that it is the great ditninisher of the sum of mental and physical labour, the fertile source of leisure and contentment, and that we should be cautious how we meddle with its ope rations. I admit these facts; but I demand your Lord ships' attention to some further facts connected with the employment of that fixed and expensive capital into the scope and effect of which it becomes a duty, from which, as a legislator, I cannot e sca p e, to inquire. Th ere i s, in my opinion, no grander result of human intelligence than a large cotton mill; but I say this of it, that from the moment its engine is started, raised by the capital and governed by the will of the acute and enterprising individual who sits in its office, it becomes the di rect i nterest of that pres idi ng genius that its motions should be as unceasing and continuous as human contrivance can make them, that there is no part of that vast system of wheels and levers which can rest without loss, or, in the ordinary an d average course of commercial pr osperity, pursue its motions without gain. The human labour attached hand and foot to that system for the most part admits not of relays. What is the natural, the inevitable conseq uen ce of this ? Why, that which has resulted —that with which, step by step, gradually, cautiously, effectually, and successfully, you have been endeavouring for thirty years to moderate and control, in wise defiance of the abstract principles of political economy. That the strong impulse of gain is placed in direct and dangerous antagonism with the claims of humanity—that it almost invariably prevails in the struggle—(Hear, hear)—as for a time it was left, and it lett to itself, it reduces a part of your popu lation to the condition of slavery, unmitigated by that interest in the physical i)g of the party which does operate on the slave-own,r of Carolina, or the owner o a heck o 1 a hunt.: 1 , , Leicestershire, or Ritt n row.—(Cheers). My Lords, such things have been ; to prevent them you have repeatedly interfered and your labours have net been in vain. Now, my Lords, does the same reason hold good with other departments of human industry in which machinery of human contrivance is less concerned? I say machinery of human contrivance, for I hold that, in some sense, the earth itself is a ma chine, that the clod of the valley, in which you drop the germ of future vegetation, is as much a machine as that in which you deposit your portions of raw cotton to be twisted and elongated. In another place, my Lords, I took the liberty, at the risk of some offence, of telling the lords of the soil that in this point of view I consi dered them as master manufacturers, and I re-assert that opinion here. Your Lordships, in the management of hereditary estates which have descended to you from the Conquest, are working with machinery as well as Mr. Greg or Mr. Birley ; but, my Lords, there is this dif ference between the machinery of God's contrivance and that of his creatures. The earth will work alone, in the silence of night, under the stars of heaven, unlit by your gas, utifed by your fires, admitting at intervals, which nature indicates, the regulated assistance of man, taking him into partnership, but with no direct tendencies to make him its slave.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Such, my Lords, are the considerations which have induced me to overcome the repugnance I individually enter • tain to meddling with concerns which, from their mag nitude and complexity, I dread to approach.—(Cheers.) Two main objections haie been taken to the measure, two principal and widely distinct consequences have been held out as certain to ensue. It is said, that by striking off a twelfth from the time during which, when employment is rife, you are at present able to labour, you will either diminish wages or incur defeat from foreign competition. For the first of these consequences I have always advised those with whom I had been in communication to be prepared, and I have certainly always received the answer that, to the best of their ability, they had counted the cost, and were prepared, on behalf of themselves and their families, to encounter it. I am not fond of prophesying in matters of this descrip tion, but if, on the one hand, I am not prepared to risk the miserable value of my reputation for accuracy on a calculation of the exact effect upon wages, on the other, I ask any man to favour me with a calculation of the amount of actual domestic economy which may be effected by the mother of three children who returns to her home two hours sooner than at present. I cannot calculate this, because I cannot sew, I cannot darn, I cannot wash, and I cannot cook. On these matters I must refer your Lordships to your wives and servants. Still less can I calculate the evanescent quantities, the moral effects of leisure and repose to the mind, or lay down in advance statistical results on bodily health or longevity. I have no doubt whatever that the average sum total of these elements, if they could be calculated, would show a set-off to any probable diminution of money wages, which will one day be satis factory to those who have co-operated in passing. this measure.—(Hear, hear.) On this subject I must also call your Lordships' attention to another circum stance—the deductions now made when the work is brought in by the operative for waste and spoil. My Lords, from such information as I can obtain, it is my firm belief that nine-tenths of that spoiled work occurs in the last weary hours of the operative's present aye • rage toil. I have never met with any man, of any class, conversant with the subject, who has not laid much stress on this circumstance. I pass, nay Lords, to the question of foreign competition. I do not profess to receive with indifference, from men for whose station, acquirements, and abilities I have profound respect, their warnings on this subject ; but I am consoled by the re flection that no step has been taken in this matter which has not been preceded by similar warnings of ruin and similar threats of emigration to those which, I doubt not, have assailed many of your Lordships as they have assailed me. And yet, my Lords, I hold in my hand a paper which shows that England has yet held her own against the competition of the world, and which leads me to think that if she is doomed to suffer decay, it will originate rather in a diminished supply of the raw material than in any legislation which, for the sake of the highest interests of humanity, your Lordships may have consented to adopt. My Lords, I believe that from a concourse of circumstances peculiar to the character of this nation, England is in a condition to set an example to the world in this matter. as she has done in others—that she is able to do right and fear not; and more than this, that her example will be followed, and that foreign statesmen who may not be disposed to follow it will be pressed by that influence of public feeling and opinion which is acting upon ourselves.—(Cheers.) My Lords, in the course I have taken in accepting the conduct of this Bill I have undertaken a grave responsibility for its eventual consequences. Should it prosper to the extent of my hopes and expectations, and should I live to see that result, I reserve to myself, as my sole but all sufficient reward, the gratification of that spectacle. Popularity I have not sought, and utterly disclaim. If that reward should eventually fall due, it is impossible that the intel ligence and justice of the people should not place the saddle on the right horse. It will be due, in the first instance, to my Noble Friend—it will be due to the master manufacturer, who has not allowed himself to be swayed by considerations which would place his own interests in seeming, though, as I believe, delusive con trasts with those of others. It will be due to those who have worked through the long hours of this Bill in the workshop of the Legislature, and not the labourer of the eleventh hour, who now begs your Lordships' pardon for so long trespassing on your Lordships' attention.— (Cheers.)' The Noble Earl concluded by moving the second reading of the Bill. Lord FEVERSHAM said that in seconding the motion of his Noble Friend who had just sat down, he wished to make a few observations upon this measure generally, A considerable body of the industrious and well-disposed operatives, men in favour of this measure, from a desire not only to avoid the present severe labour and its sudden alterations, but from a conviction that it was a measure which must eventually result in the ad vancement of their interest--by their eqalising the amount of labour to be distributed amongst them, and rendering their employment more constant. The ques tion of wages was one which had induced many to stand forward in opposition to this measure, who ap proved of its regulations as being likely to benefit the working classes. It was possible that the rate of wages might be reduced, but that would be coun teracted by the greater certainty of employment. This Bill had been brought into the other House by a gentleman who was himself deeply interested in the manufactures of the country. Mr. Fielding had spent a long life in the cotton manufacture, and during the course of that life he had most materially benefited the working classes, and he had brought forward this men sure with a view of adding one more benefit to the many he had conferred upon the working classes. The opinions of this gentleman were supported by a very large number of those who were also engaged in the various manufactures of the country, and who had equally the welfare of the operatives in view. The Noble Lord then proceeded to refer at a considerable length to documents which showed that from the year 1819 to the present time the provisions of this Bill had been mat ter of agitation, not only amongst the class whom it more immediately affected, bat in the Houses of Parliament. and since that time, up to the year 1847, the consumption of cotton had increased nearly at the rate of 400 per cent. ln seconding the motion for the second reading of this Bill, he was not aware of what reception he would meet with from the House and from her Alai esty's Go vernment, but he hoped that a measure, which was so perfectly consonant with all recognised principles of po litical economy. and so well calculated to benefit the working classes, would not be otherwise than favourably received. Lord BROUGHAM said that he was very sorry to Oisturb the unanimity of feeling which had appeared upon this question during the evening, by an expression of dissent from the measure before them. He was glad to see so large an attendance of the Right Reverend Pre lates, as this matter was one, in the discussion of which they ought to be more than usually interested ; and he trusted that he should be enabled to lay before them such views of' this question as would perhaps induce them to consider it maturely before giving an assent to it. The question was not one which was merely affecting the interests of the manufacturer—it affected the condition of that great body of men who laboured for the support of these manufactures, and with whose condition and labour he had, ever since he had had the power of reasoning, maintained that they had no right of interference. There were no mysteries of political economy in science connected with this ques tion, for if any man who had formerly worked twelve hours a day were restricted to ten, it was nothing but common sense to believe that suck a step would have the effect of increasing the price of manufactured com modities. He could not too highly deprecate the conduct of any man who volunteered to meddle with this vast subject, which effected thirty-seven millions of the trade of this country, and assure the world that he was so confident of its theory that he had no doubts of its future success. There was no question which required more citation and slowness of action than this. It required the deepest and acutest circumspec tion to deal with it ; and for any man to dare to assert that there could be no soundness of the principles of the measure was really surprising. At the present moment, the manufacturing districts were overstocked with labour—they Were overwhelmed with an immense body of destitute children —and their Lordships ought, there fore, to be the more cautious in the steps they took with regard to the intermeddling policy. It must not be supposed that he was the advocate of the mill owner. On the contrary, he was speaking for those whom the millowner employed—namely, the labourers ; and on their behalf, and their behalf alone, ho warned their Lordships of the direful consequences that must inevitably follow the adoption of this measure. There was, however, no ground to justify their Lordships adopting it. True, they had in terfered to a moderate extent already, but then that in terference was to get rid of a crying evil. Here, how ever, there was no such cause to justify the interference. There were no charges of cruelty brought against the millowner—there was no overworking of the labourer. He was satisfied with his present situation, but the pro moters of this Bill knew better than he did himself, and told their Lordships that he was not only overworked but excessively and cruelly overworked. Their former interference was in defence of children to prevent their being unduly employed at night, but the present Bill was not to protect the labourer but to destroy one-sixth part of the total manufactures of the country. That was the real object of the Bill, or at all events it was 'the direct tendency of the measure, and he put it to their Lordships whether they were prepared to strike such a blow at a branch of the trade of the country, which exported upwards of 70,000,0001. per annum, and employed upwards of a million of people. Surely such a step must considerably reduce the wages of the labourer, and yet it was said that the Bill was for his protection. For his protection, indeed ! Why, he had been told upon the best authority, that if the steam-engine of a mill were stopped fer repe'rs, but f a ft •-. moors, it had a eyisiderable c-flect upon the v,a!-.r., s of the labour e r. Th e labourers in manuf7v , tories wt old every that labour, and by the present Bin toe wages would undergo a very material diminution. More than one-sixth also was taken from the master's profits, and if the profits of the masters went away, the wages of the man must follow. He had no doubt but if this Bill were persisted in they should have ere long to retrace their steps. The argument of his Noble Friend who had just sat down— that manufacturers were at present compelled to work only six, seven, and ten hours per day—was no argu ment at all in favour of the Bill. The present distress in the manufacturing districts was very great, but that surely was no reason why they should endeavour to per petuate it, which would be the effect if the present measure became law. "To belay" things, as the sailor termed it, and make no effort to change them for the better, was not the way to secure the prosperity of the manufacturing interest ; and he apprehended if they placed restriction on the hours of labour they would be only confirming the existence of the present state of things. He would ask their Lordships would the Americans, the Dutch, or the Swedes, follow their example? No, they would not; but the conse quence would be that not only those nations but the French and other continental nations would be stimu lated to increased exertion, and would eventually suc ceed in driving them from their own markets, and anni hilate the manufacturing and commercial superiority of this country.--(Hear, hear.) With regard to the moral effect of this measure he would observe that poverty and distress was as fatal to the mental and moral as it was to the physical condition of the people. Now, by taking off one-sixth part of the profits of the manufacturers, there could be no other result than a dimi nution of the bodily comforts and circumstances of the working classes. (Hear, hear.) The consequence of this would be poverty. And no more effectual means could be desired to secure the moral degradation of the people. He certainly did think there would be much more good sense in an eight hours' Bill, than one for ten hours. The principle was the same, and the probability was greater of effecting the object they had before them. The man who had worked ten hours was so fatigued as to be unable to attend to what was intended to enlighten his mind. —(Hear) He (Lord Brougham) had had experience of that for twenty-five years, during which he had en deavoured to educate the labouring classes, and had been successfully defeated by sleep.—(Laughter.) But the most remarkable thing was that all the good was to be obtained at the sacrifice of one-sixth of the working man's week's wages. Mr. Arkwright, a gentleman who possessed four mills in the North Riding of Yorkshire, having heard that his men were agitating short time, made a proposal of short time to his workmen. The first and largest mill decided for the long time ; the second, by a large majority, chose the long time ; and the third and fourth decided for the short time. He put one at least of the mills on short time, according to their own election, but they had not been long under the new arras gement till they discovered that there was a dimi nution of their wages. This was a new fact, and they re-considered their choice. But there was another au thority against this Bill. The House of Commons had sent up the Bill backed by a majority. In theory it was to be reckoned the same House of Commons. Well, in March, 1844, the Twelve Hours Bill was rejected by a majority of three ; shortly after they rejected a Ten Hours' Bill by a majority of 7—not the same ma jority ; and they would neither have the Ten Hours nor the Twelve Flours' Bill, and the Eleven Hours even had not yet been heard of.—(Laughter.) The 3d of May came, and the Ten Hours' Bill was again rejected by a good workable majority of 137. But the year 1846 came, and with a split in the House. The Corn Bill had been passed, and the land-men and the wool-men were pitted one against another. A measure affecting corn had been carried, and the other party were now determined to turn against the mills. A short period of three years got a majority of 108 for the second reading ; such was the unaccountable change. And was this the time when the House of Commons should come to such a conclu sion ; a time when everything was threatening, and food riots were occurring in the country ? Was this a measure to enforce in the present state of things, when in our country, the other day, 200 special constables were sworn in, in consequence of the food riots; when the people were craving for employment and food, was this the time, upon speculation, upon shadows, and upon fantasy, to pass a measure which would curtail the four great and staple manufactures of England? Nothing could injure or curtail manufactures, or in the slightest way injure ;hem, that did not, of ne cessity injure man. The wool trade was one of the four that was to be struck at by this Bill. 240,000 tons were grown, and they were about to cut off one-sixth part of the labour upon it; and would not that, of necessity, cut down a part of the labour. He had heard the speeches of the Noble mover and seconder of this measure, and they were characterised by an absence of all personal reflection, and therefore his observations did not apply to them, but to less wise men elsewhere. A measure to be worthy of the sanction and adoption of the Legislature, and, to be useful must combine beneficence with benevolence. The execution of good was as essential as the will to do it, in order effectually to benefit those for whom it was designed. There were, he admitted, thousands of poor, hard-worked, half-famished men engaged in the manu factories, and they all wished to remedy their sufferings, but their reason should be convinced of the efficacy of the measure they adopted before they passed it. They should nut pass it because their feelings of compassion were roused without seeing clearly that that which was offered to them as a remedy would really have the effect intended. He had himself seen the toils of these unfor tunate men engaged in agriculture. He had seen them returning to their homes worn out by sixteen or seven teen hours of labour, with garments drenched with per spiration, without even the comfort of a change of clothes, or the comfort—to them a luxury—of fuel. He had seen these, and was not the condition of the hardest worked factory labourer to be envied by such men as these ? Their physical existence was affected, and a man employed as a farm labourer was at the age of 45 as infirm as a man of 70 in the upper classes of life; and if they spoke of unhealthy employment, why did they not turn their attention to other occupations far more delete rious and destructive than that of factory labour. There were the workers in steel and brass, who lived in an atmos phere filled with the filings of the metals upon which they worked, and who died at early ages from diseases engendered by it. Why did they not pass such a mea • sure with regard to them? Why, it would be to them as it was to the factory labourers, an act of the grossest and most cruel injustice ; and yet the workers in brass, from the time of Tubal Cain, downwards, were destroy, d by their occupations. It was upon all these grounds, and with many apulogieselor having so long detained them, that he asked theni: W refuse their assent to the Bill, and moved that it be read that day six months. The Bishop of LONDON said that he felt that he laboured under a great disadvantage in following the Noble Lord who had just spoken ; but he felt bound to express to their Lordships his entire concurrence in the measure which they had then under discussion, and which had been so ably attacked by the Noble Lord who had just sat down. He gave his assent to the measure without the smallest feeling of doubt upon his mind that the grounds upon which it was proposed were unsafe or unsound.—(Hear, hear.) Ho was ready to admit as a general principle, that they should not in terfere with the free competition for labour ; but there were circumstances which might warrant such an inter ference, and render it necessary. He thought that it was the duty of a Government to protect the interests of any large class of the community when it was likely to suffer, and to remove, as far as it could, any evils which pressed upon them unnecessarily. It was with regard to the large body of children employed on fac tory labour, that he thought this measure most parti cularly deserving of their Lordships' attention. The physical condition, and the moral condition of the children were objects to which their attention ought to be directed in whatever occupation they were engaged. The Noble Lord had painted to them in glowing colours the miseries suiThred by the agricultural labourer, but he (the Bishop of London) thought that the picture was overdrawn. The agricultural labourer could breathe the pure air, and see the clear light of Heaven, and he could at any time suspend his toil—even though it were only for a few minutes—so as to prevent that exhaustion of strength and spirits which continuous labour would necessarily entail. The factory labourer, on the contrary, was shut up in a close factory, and could not rest for a moment. The ma chinery w as k e pt co ntinuously motion; for a given number of hours, and a upon the labourer ; debilitated spirit, the given a i m n o m un o t of work was to be done. This had its natural effect and was marked by the exhausted fact, notorious to frame, and the early death. d number of deaths.average fearfully increase The t h e manufacturing districts, all in the manufacturing dis l t t ri w ct a s s , the labour ourenuse d d u a . ration of human life, in e t l h a e s s f e a s c . t o Thislabourerso t than the with the children employ e d, amongst half the only evil which a s t h h oe arose; o t o e s r ep e. among rfatri ,v e " w as the consequence. e ore ey reac e the not only physical wealiness, butßafwantthof meuthaldcul ovation age of thirteen, they might, perhaps, be sent to an evening school ; but after thirteen a double amount of labour was thrown upon them, and their physical powers being too much exhausted during the d ay, to admit of their attending an evening school, they lost all that they had learned. It might be argued that this in terference would—pro tanto—injure either the working classes, by reducing their wages, or the p ro p erty of the manufacturer. That argument was not borne out by the facts which had already existed ; for the former Factory Bill had produced neither any serious di minution of the produce of woollen goods, or in the wages paid to the operative.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble and Learned Friend had told their Lord ships that the adoption of this Bill would considerably reduce the manufacturing produce of the country. Now it was a well known fact that from the best and purest motives a large number of mill-owners had long ago prescribed the short hour system in their own esta blishments with the greatest success. Now was that a sufficient answer to the argument of his Noble and Learned Friend. In his own humble judgment it was, for he could not believe that the mill-owner to whom he had allud.al could be so blind to their own interests as to continue the system they ha 1 commenced if it reduced their trade: Now, the truth was, it had produced no such effect. It had improv e d t h e con di tion of their labourers, both i n mind and body, and the result had been that the former productions of their mills had not been reduced by the disinterested step they had taken. There could be no doubt that, at the present moment, the manufacturing interest was suffering from the severest privations, and yet the labourers employed by that interest, were patient and contented under their sufferings, and he was therefore glad, that in supporting this measure, Government had showed that they sympathised with them in their sufferings. In conclusion, he had only to assure their Lordships that he believed this measure would add to the influence of this country, and improve the sons of toil, aed it was upon that ground he supported it. The Duke of RICHMOND would not has had it not been for one or two remarks which hod fallen Iroru his Noble and Le abed Eli ..o had addressed their Lordships at so much length. His Noble and Learned Friend had told them that the majority of the mill owners were opposed to this Bill. Now that was not the case. The mill-owners were supporters of this Bill, and although he entertained the utmost disrespect for the mill owners or the A n ti-corn-law Leagtte's support, he cordially agreed with them in supportn3:g this measure. His Noble and Learned Friend bad told them that an agricultural labourer was not so strong as any one of their Lordships who had reached the age of, seventy. Now, if his Noble and L ea rn e d Friend wishe d it, he could produce an agricultural labourer from Sussex, of forty-five years of age, who would carry any one of their Lordships upon his back without any diffi culty, and in his opinion few Noble Lords could sworn' plish such a feat as that.—(Great laughter.) Lord CLARENDON felt c ons t ra i ne d to oppose this measure, because he felt that it would oppress and injure those who were to be benefited by it rather than improve their conditi on . —(H ear , bear.) 1314 he felt that it wo u ld no t on ly be a ttended with that result, but it would inflict a serious Wall upon the trade of the country. Besides, there was no case of cruelty or injustice on the part of the emploYF made out for this Bill, and considering that at this moment the factory labourer did not on the average work more than eleven hours per day at very easy work, he thought there was no necessity for their Lordships fur. ther interfering in the progress of the trade of the country. There could b e no d ou b t th a t the Bill, if it were passed, would materially reduce the manufac turing productions of the country, and it Mus t ' therefore, of necessity, reduce trade, and see' ing that, as in former instances, there was no crying evil to be put down by the Bill, he could nat conscientiously give it his support. But be fore their Lordships gave their assent to this Bill, it was their duty to consider what effect it would have upon other branches of trade than manu f ac t u rers. la 2 the first place, a reduction of the hours of labour, front twelve to ten hours, would largely reduce the consular tion of coal in this country. It would also reduce the consumption of tallow, wool, and many other similar articles of manufacturing consumption, besides reduelayi the amount of shippin g em pl oye d b y t hi s coun try. f . was, therefore, almo s t i m p oss ibl e t o ca l cu l ate the ~ „ii`‘ w jury the passing of the Bill wou ld i n fli ct upon "" country. This country did not depend upon th e greater number of hours which her labourer; worked, in competing with th e f ore i g ner, upon the superiority of h er machinery.—e but lle ar ' ) Well, then, if the working of that machinery were to be reduced, what a serious effect it would have upon till red export trade of the country. He, th e refore, imph their Lordships not t o be led away by an impression th at in passing this Bill they i m p rove d t h e con dition of th e labourer, because it was c l ear , th a t if it re duced the tra de of the cou n t r y, it mus t, as a necessary conse quence, minish the wa g e s o f th e manu f ac t ur ing labour e r . He thought the present ti me was no t f avo urable for this experiment. He agreed w i t h th e N o bl e and Learn ed Lord that the op e r a ti ves were not f avoura bl e to the Bill, and that they had never asked for it. There were mill s at present working six, eight, and ten hours a de li and among the manufacturing population, this st ate things was by no means satisfactory. Let them app ly the rule proposed by thi s Bill to other classes in so ciety as well as ma nu f actur i ng. L et hi m as k their Lor d ships how they would like an Act of Parliament c ella• pelting them to di s p ense w i t h t h e s i xt h o f the labour _OO / their domestic serva n t s ? Wh a t did they think of t h e Legislature enforcing them, then, to accept the sixth.: the labour of their o w n agricultural labourers ? L et him ask the Noble Duke opposite how he would like such a proposition ? The Duke of RICHMOND could see no reasonable objection to it if the half of the agricultural labourers died from excessive labour—(Hear, hear. The Earl of CLARENDON said that that wag s i e°. assumption in which he could not agree with re gard ...- the manufacturing population. He deprecated lat., ference with the income of the poor man. 7e, this measure they were interfering with bins, and I l es inflicting the most serious injury t o the working clas of this country. For these reasons, therefore, he W eal record his vote against the measure. The Bishop of OXFORD would state which induced him to give his vote in favour oaf messure before the House. It was contended that the supporters of this Bill were driving the manufacturers the country abroad, and that they were interfering with the legitimate property of the manufacturers. cs-Di t he how did the case stand ? Why, this very es, manufacturers themselves—had, to the extent 0I",7 - . _ thirds of their number, petitioned in favour of the measure. He denied that the Bill was an interference the reasons with the legitimate profits of business. It was only an interference with unsound and injurious speculation. -- (Hear, hear.) It was nothing but an assumption that one-sixth of the income of the working classes would be taken away by the measure. He himself put that proposition to some working mechanics, and was told by them in reply that that was the argument of my Lord Brougham.—(Laughter.) But what w as their answer to it. They said that they could not admit its truth, but even if it was so they could not see their children growing up with their bodies wasted and their minds injured even to save that one-sixth of their income. —(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl told them that they exported thirty-seven millions of goods annually, and that by the present Bill they would be cutting off one-sixth of that amount. He thought that the asser tion of the two last hours of the day's labour being the only profit of the manufacturer was incorrect, and was based upon too nice a calculation. He believed that these last two hours were not hours of profit, taxing se they did excessively the energies of the poor creatures who were engaged at those factories, and that they were rather a drawback than otherwise on the labour of the rest of the day. Those who knew their own lute rests had taken this view of the matter. The Messrs' Marshall of Leeds, for instance, had cut off one of these hours, and had reduced the time in their factories to eleven hours. In the case of another firm, which had taken an account of the work done for five weeks before a reduction of the hours of labour, and five weeks after wards, it was found that more work had been done dun. ing the ten hours than during the twelve.—(Hear, hear.) b v y e very the c lateoun te s r i p r a r R t a o b f e r t t h r i az Peel, in a I b B e l e s a ug , b A ro nie h a t su f r owa measure, to obtain for it the sanction of the Legislature: and the publicfrom thatmind, time and to frequent the atrsht presenteeesrusliat,b attemptsoi t had had been They had already made several preliminary steps which agitatinge m ade might serve to give them some experience of the opera tion of the Bill. They had passed a Bill against women working in mines. That was against much opposition; but the result had been with increased good effect, both to the women themselves, the subjects of that legislative measure, and to the masters of those mines. They had passed a Bill limiting the time to twelve hours in those very factories, and the result had been so far beneficial. The result must be good. The wail' of the measure was evinced by dire effec ts on the physical and moral condition of the labourers.—(Hear.) It became then not a question of wealth or loss. Wealth so gained was unlawfully qagained,buleesttioo question m a f n pf d ots t he h e e t r Nh e efoobrleetßh amountae Earl i (eocgfilsallraaetbnuodruoernc2)o.ulTduhneaotat n s w a sa n ws c e sanction it by refusing to interfere. But why were the capitalists that the alternative offered them was no work at all? Long hours or no work—such was the alternative, the tsilih.loiieru)pewlsds,taatptlyhitriCae:ol:gnpillfr,:ailrintttefhisdVtett,erh,defestoioohhrrffuiepaLeirsrttorehryddadniotsutnobiptthe needy workman, and s w d h i i ci nh n n ot e interfere, were were they to retrieve themselves ?—how, but by com bining_jauWnr thelabouring evils? Were they prepared to encounter these, or to drive classes —fro m their shores to a foreign land? On what did their stspe" riority as a manufacturing nation rest ? On these two the a ir tte L ad o a re n ; choose ? things—the security in this country of all vested pr o ; perty; and, 2d, the physical strength of the people, a n d their patience in attending upon machinery. Were they prepared to drive the population to that extremity that the manufacturer should be in dread of seeing his Pre" perty in flames; or to countenance a system which as certainly reduced their physical strength as it existed, and thereby to cut off the right hand of their strength and their greatness ? He trusted their Lordships would better consider the results of their decision ere they came to a vote upon the Bill. Lord BROUGHAM explained. Lord WHARNCLIFFE—The question before them now was not a new one. It was important, and it had occupied an important space on the attention of the Legislature ; it had come before them in 1801 ; it had been taken up again in 1815 ; it was again before Par liament in 1831, in 1844, and 1846. During all that time public opinion had grown ; the votes of the other House of Parliament and public sentiment had botti progressed, till, when the Bill was before the other House of Parliament, petitions were presented with 178,000 signatures, while only something like 1,000 were sent in against it. The Noble Lord, who spoke throughout in a very low tone of voice, concluded by stating that he would support the Bill. The Bishop of ST. DAVIDS regretted to rise at that late hour of the night, or to weaken the effect of the elo quent and tender address of the Right Rev. Prelate who had preceded him. But some things had struck his mind with great power, and he hoped he might be allowed shortly to address their Lordships. He agreed witla many things which had fallen from the Noble anti Learned Lord, and yet he felt compelled to give his voter in support of the motion by the Noble Earl (El lesmere). There was one thing which fell from , the Noble and Learned Lord which seemed to him to have no foundation whereon to rest. He said that this was a subject on which legislation could not interfere. Why ? On what did he rest the assertion ? Was the Legislature a body lessfree from sinister motives,orme r e. likely to be moved by a bias ? Did the N oble and Learned Lord say so on the authority of what he r con ceived to be the principles of Political Economy nr What was the principle of Political E conom y Why, that the Legislature should not in terfere 0 with free industry. But here lay fallacy. It was assumed that industry was In going back into the history of the factory syf?i,!.; they could not deny but that great abuses b ad exis rt and that many of the manufacturers had not done_etnl"o! towards the working population which was desirabl_o a_ their part to do. No doubt circumstances had they much to cause them to pursue the course which had done ; but on that very account he thought that in terference was required, in order to put an end to th e evils and abuses which existed in the system. In the to follow course of the present debate, the Noble and Learned Lord Lord opposite (Lord Brougham) had en deavour alarm them with a fearful picture of what wa s it the measure passed—that wages would be redhead, would fall, and general distress overtake ! a JI o_l3redhead , uufacturing districts. Now to that he (the Bleb P u