The Sun. — London, England, 1840-02-26 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. LAW INTELLIGENCE. HOUSE OF LORDS, Fir. 25. The House sat to-day to hear Appeals. The Peers present were the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Huntley, Lord Wynforl, and Lord Camoys. biONTMORRYCI V. DRVERRUX. The argussents in this part heard case were resumed and concluded to-day, and The LORD CHANCELLOR iinmaallatcly gay. judgment affirming the decision of the Court below. TILNNANT V. THE COMIiNT CY PROYRII,O3I 6 ) OF TUE FORTH AND CLTDE NAVIGATION. Mr. PE MERTON opened this appeal, after which the further consideration of the ease was adjourned to Thursday. VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, Fix. 25. EIOLDATIORTH V. THIS CORPORATIOX 07 DARTMOUTH. This cue came before the Court upon motion to dissolve Len Injunction restraining the plaintiff at law from taking out execution upon a judgment he had obtained against the de fendants. The plaintiff asserted that, under a bond given him by the Corporation of Dartmouth, be was bound to de fend the Members of the Corporation against certain quo warrant°e which had been issued against them. The de fendants asserted that the bond was invalid, and therefore refused to pay the costs that had been incurred, and upon this the plaintiff brought the action, and obtained the ver dict upon which the injunction stayed execution. His HONOUR the Vice Chancellor, at the conclusion of the arguments, which occupied the greater part of yester day and to.day, gave judgment, directing the injunction to be continued up to the hearing of the cause, when the va lidity or invalidity of the bond would be determined. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. NOUSE OF LORDS, Pas. 23. Their Lordships met at Five o'Cleek. COLLEGE OF NI. 3 I.YNOOTH. Lord KE NYON presented petitions from places is the Counties of Kant and Surrey, againt the support of the Catholic College of Maynooth, in Ireland. He heartily concurrrd in the prayer of the petitions. CHURCH PATRONAGE (SCOTLAND.) The Earl of HADDINGTON presented several petitions against the present system of Church patro nay in Scotland. SPAIN. On the reading of the Order of the Day, The Marquis of LONDONERRY assured the House he rose with great diffidence to address their Lor dships on a subject which he confessed no longer invited the same interest which it attracted some months ago. —(Hear, hear.) He also laboured under a difficulty from the absence of the Noble Lord, who was the most acquainted with the foreign policy of this coun try, aud with the affairs of Europe, of all the men in the kingdom, not excepting the Noble Viscount at the head of her Majest'y Govern ment, aud the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs.—(Hear, hear.) But yet he was ready to do those Noble Lords the justice to acknowledge that they concurred with hi:n in deeply regretting that the illustrious Duke was not in his place.—{" Hear, hear," from Lord Melbourne)—and that they had not now the assistance of his wisdom and discretiou, of which their Lordships had so many times experienced the value in discussing the foreign affairs of England. He trusted that amongst their Lordships there was only one prayer, that the illustrious Duke would soon be amongst them.—(Hear, hear.) He confessed that, after all the teiscussion which had taken place, in the course of the present session, it required some degree of nerve on his part again to address himself to the sub ject of our relations with Spain —(Hear, hear.) He felt the greater embarrassment, because from what he saw going on in another place, it appeared that the great interest of_efieh country at present was on the question of the privileges of the House of Commons, and on the propriety or impropriety, of sending Mr Howard, the a tt orne y, to gaol. tlaelr Lordships also had been entertaiaed with several interludes on the pregress of Socialism. A'd these 1 things showed that the attention of the country was mitered on their own internal concerns, and the con sequ2iiet was, that the conduct of affairs abroad was hardly ever alluded to. But he could not but remember that the Noble Earl, the father of the Rsiform Bill, had stated that he considered the House could never be better employed than in discs rig the foreign po:icy of the country. He like wise remembered that a Noble and Learned Lard, whom he regretted not to see now in his place, because he always illustrated the debates by his eloquence, and elucidated them by his clearness—ha remembered hear- Mg that Noble and Learned Lord say that the fo reign policy o! the Government ought always to be before the country.— (Hear.) The Lord Privy Seal Lkewise had, on a former occasion, stated his anxiety t' have the foreign policy of the country discussed. Marc particularly had be expressed himself anxious to hare a field day on the affairs of Spain, in order that he might hate an opportunity of justifying the policy which had been pursued in that country. He (the Marquis of Lendenderry ) we; not unwilling to give that Noble Lord the opportunity of advantageously displaying those abilities which ha (the Marquis of Landoaderry) would he the first to admit and to honour. Flaying stated the embarrassments under which he laboured as incidental it: the subject which ho w is about to bring forward, he begged to be permicted to say one word as regarded himself. Their Lordships might ask why he should take upon himself to DC constantly bringing this subject forward? To that he would reply, that in early life he had been intimately connected with that country—he, per haps, was the first British officer who had landed in Spain. He had accompanied Sir John Moore through the whole of his campaign ; and during the years 181:3 and 1814 he had served in that country under his Noble and Illustrious Friend the Duke of Wellington. He had taken a very great interest in every thing con nected with that country from that time ; and lat terly he had made a tour through that country, and he would say that the kindness and attention which he had received, both from the Carlists and Christinos, noel increased his interest in that most interesting country and that most magnificent people. He de plored the course which her Majesty's Ministers had pursued in their foreign policy towards that country, and he attributed in a great measure the misery which Spain hid endured for the last six years to that policy. He was free to conks; that during the last six months a great change had taken place in the character of the war in Spain. He was free to confess that there had taken place a temporary suspension of that war, which for the last six years had been carried on ; but how had that suspension been accomplished ? That army which, during six years, had sustained the attacks of the Noble Viscount's Auxiliary Le gion, assisted by the fleets of this country blockading the coasts, and by the effective Pyrennean blockade on the other side. He would admit that that army no longer existed, but how had its annihilation been accomplished. Had it been broken up and de stroyed m• action—had the Duke of Victory annihi lated it by planting his victorious standard on the lines of the Carlists ? However great the Duke of Victory might be, he must say he was not great on the field of battle— he loved not turmoil—he loved a life of repose and quiet, and seemed to be one of those officers described by the Noble Viscount the other night, who had earned their distinctions in other places than the field, and by ' other means than arduous service. He could not boast that by any great battle he had driven the defeated Carlist legions into the sea by the force of his arms, neither could he boast that by fair and just negotiation ! the measure of their destruction had been accomplished. They had now before them the transaction by which this event had been brought about, a transaction the most treasonable and treacherous that had ever been recorded. He confessed that in moving for those papers his great desire was to chew that the British character, British of ficers, and the Briti,sh Government had no share whatever in this transaction, because all Europe had resounded with the treachery o f t h e p rocee di ng , an d i t wou ld b e very satisfact ory if the Nolse Lord would give proof of that by documents laid before the House. He knew that it had been said in another place that they had so s . hare in th ese t ransact i on: . That statement might be satisfactory to the Government ; but unfort unate ly they had an id ea t h at what was satisfactory to them was al so sat i s f actory to the country at large lie thought that thi s was not the case. Itwas e ; s singular circumstance, that \Then, on a former evening, he had mentioned the treasons of Maroto, the Noble Viscount and the Noble Lord the Secretary for F e _ reign Affairs both stated, or wished rather, in their tender sympathy, to commute these abominable treasons into a return to allegiance. If he believed— if the Noble Viscount could entertain—such principles, badly as he already thought of his politics, he should think still worse of their dangerous consequences. H e should take the liberty, with respect to this man's con duct, to refer to a publication which had been sent to him as an individual interested in the aft fairs of Spain, and to which he begged to call the attention of their Lordships ; and until bet ter evidence was produced to the contrary by the Noble Tissount and his colleagues, it would be found to bear out all the accusations ou the subject which had been made against the Government, while the individual who had sent him the book staked his honour and veracity for every word in it. The author's name was M. G. Mit chell, and in the course of the work he found in two places reference made to Lord J. Hay and Lord Palmerston and their communicati ons with Maroto • and not only after the d a t e at which lie had moved for papers had communications been made under a flag n of truca sent Bilboa ; but a f ter the second communication n had taken place, Maroto had issued a proclamation bear ing ri'nte the 28th day of July, to which he wished their Lordships' attention, to show the treachery of the man, for after :hes.: communicatio ns he said in his proclama tion The cause of the King and their religion were h committed to their defence-=domestic treason and tits cord were emongst them. Sand call e d upon thernt o prove • their loyalty by their coeduct, and endeavour to prove 1 that such gas: passioes never fe un d p l ace i n the breasts of ! loyalists, who were armed for the mostsaesed purpose."—. [Tile Noble Marquis here read some papers in French to show that the communication ha alluded to had been going on between the Spanish Government and our officers.] On these grounds he thought that they should prove to Europe that the British Government had been no party in those transactions. He also thought it necessary to have it stated whether such a man as Maroto had been countenanced by the Noble Lord. If Maroto had betrayed Don Carlo'', might he not also prove a traitor to the cause of the Queen ? That individual, however, had been decorated with orders, as the reward of his treachery.—(Hear.) Was it possible that the Spanish Government could have thus encouraged him, if the country were re gulated by the common principles which regulated other nations ? He supposed, from the honours al ready bestowed on Maroto, that if he had come over to this country the Noble Viscount opposite would invite him to dinner--(Laughter)--or he might possibly have introduced him to Court with Mr. Owen. He would now allude to that portion of her Majesty's Speech which expressed her satis faction with the present state of affairs in Spain. The words of the S p eech were as follow : " I rejoice that the Civil War, which had so long disturbed and desolated the northern provinces of Spain has been brought to an end, by an arrangement satisfactory to the Spanish Government, and to tie people of those provinc,es." He (the Marquis of Londonderry) did not see how an arrangement, concluded as the one in question had been, could be called s atisfactory.—(Hear.) With respect to the Basque provinces being satisfied with it, they all knew that those provinces would not be content unless they had obtained their privileges.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The object of the Queen's Government had been throughout to do away with the privileges in question. Espartero had merely held out a promise that he: would do his utmost to obtain their r a tifi cat i on , but he had nothing in the shape of a guarantee on which the people of those provinces could rely. All the acts of the Government had tended to disappoint the hopes whichthe Basques were encouraged to entertain. The Government had, in the meantime, obtained posses sion of the best fortresses in those provinces, for the pur pose of preventing the people from any further rising. Those provinces were still far from being settled ; and he asked how could her Majesty's Ministers soy that the people in the North of Spain were satisfied with the manner in which the temporary pacification was brought about ? The speech of the King of the French took quite a different view of the matter. That speech said that a great change had been effected in the situation of Spain, but that his Majesty had still to regret " that he could not announce that the civil war which had so long desolated the north of that country was at an end ; although i• had lost the gravity of its character, by which it endangered the stabi lity of the throne of Donna Isabella. The greater part of the northern provinces were pacified, and there was reason to hope that those in the south would not be long behind them." His Majesty attributed the improvement in the state of the country to the wisdom and firmness of the Queen's Go vernment, and to the assistance which ,she had received from his army, and from the subjects of her Britannic Ma jesty. But that was not the fact. The annihilation of the Carlist army was effected by treasen. The British Government did not venture to assert that the pacification was brought about by the assistance of the French army, and the British Legion. But it was not to be wondered at that they should state their satisfaction at the result. For six years they had been sending arms and ammunition and troops—they sent nut the Leg ion. But they knew that the pacification would not have bean effected if it had not been for the treason of Maroto. It was notorious that when he betrayed the army it was in the best possible con dition, and was more elcient than it had been at any other time. The policy of the British Government had bees most unfortunate, and they must now be convinnad it would have berm better if there had been less intervention, and the people had been left to themselves. What had been the result of the efforts made by Great Britain for six years.—(Hear, hear.) There had been no improvement in the condition of Spain after an expenditure of fifteen minima sterling, and of one hundred and fifty thousand lives. According to the returns which he had moved for last year the total amount of expenditure by the British Government during the six years of the civil war in Spain, taking into account tae expenses of the auxiliary legion, the artillery, the snips, and Lord John [legend the oecers, ovaa 616 639/ and if to that was added 260,000/. due to the legion, which this Government might yet have to pay—there was a mil lion of money for leaving the affairs of Spain in as bad a condition as we found them. He wished the English peo ple to know that. That was the fruit of the mistaken pa iiey of intervention. He wished, if they said that the war in the North had subsided, they would recall the ships ; he wished they had sent out ships to protect our trade with China, when we would be in a better condition than we now were. lie (the Marquis of Londonderry) saw in the Bay of 'I arragona the frigates Tribune, which was one of the hes'. frigates :n the navy, driven ashore, and that was a very small part of the injury which the ships had snffered upon these dangerous coasts. Such was the result of the expedition of one million of British money. It was stated also that the South provinces were in a state of probable tranquillity, or at leant in such a state that her Majesty's Government hoped they would soon be tranquillized. lie had visited some part of these provinces, and he could state that Cabrera was in possession of the strong fortress of Nlorella, which was well provisioned, and commanded a large portioa of the country, and that Gene ral had at his disposal full forty thousand men. In Cate lonia and in Aragon the people were quite as musty in favour of the Carlist cause as they were in favour of that of the Christinos—nay he knew that the great body of the Spaniards were more attached to the cause of legitimacy than that which the Noble Lords opposite supposed to be such a bleesing—whet was called a Liberal Government. That so-called Liberal Government was not able to collect the revenue, or execute the laws in the south of Spain. At Madrid they went on, but in no other place. Suppose Carlism was put down, there would still be the two great parties of the Exalts does and the Jioderadoes, which would alwaya keep Spain in a ferment. One day they were embracing each other, and the next day forgetting it all. and again they were in 1 fierce opposition. The Noble Earl opposite bad been very severe upon him, because he said that he (the Mar quis of Londonderry) had charged the Spanish Govern ment with dishonesty in buying up the a3signats.—He had not made such a charge. He stated that they were gene.. rally circulated amongst the Jews, and that a report did exist, that they were purchased by the Commission in this country. But was it anything new to charge the Spanish Government with dishonesty ?—why it was impossible to walk the streets without seeing it paraded upon every wall. He would relate an anecdote in order to show the feeling upon that subject existing in Spain itself. In Grenada he met ono of the most enlightened and intelli gent of Spaniards whom he had ever met. He introduced himself, and asked him what was to be the end of the mise rable and unfortunate state into which Spain was plunged ; and his answer was, that if they could only get six honest Ministers to govern Spain, within twelve months every thing would be right, so that even the Spaniard; them selves were quite aware of the dishonesty of their Govern ment. He had stated so much, because he was unwilling to be held up by the Noble Earl as gu il ty o f a h e i nous crime, by making such a charge. At the close of last Session the Noble Earl made a speech, which had certainly had a great effect in this count r y. I n t h at sneech the Noble Earl stated that he had always found the Christino Generals most anxious to attend to his recommendations respecting the convention. It was true that parties were established in order to carry the convention into effect, but it remained as a dead letter until it was found that Cabrera was enabled to make reprisals ; then the Queen's Generals decided upon putting it in force. When they were advertising for a new loan they had stated that the finances were in a flourishing condition— ' that property in Spain was more secure than it had ever been before, and that capital had had opened to it now and extensive channels for employment by the sale of the Crown lands. Ho must protest against all these repre sentations. He would say that the revenue was not worth more than half its nominal value, and that it was in a great measure forestalled. The Crown lands had been formerly held by the monks, who tilled theta, and their cultivation was then carried to the highest possible pitch. They had sinced been sold to speculators for half their value ; the monks had been driven out, and great impo verishment had been the consequence. It was me lancholy to see the unfortunate state of the monk. and friars. The Spanish Government had seized the Church property, and before they had done so, they had said that they would give the menks and friars pensions for subsistence—they had taken possession of the property—they had seized and sold the convents—they had turned the people out, and never from that day to this had they given the unfortunate monks and friars one single farthing for their support. He had been in a nunnery at Scville—( A laugh)—and the unfortunate women there had told him that they lived entirely upon charity. Now, he would ask, could anything be stated so disgraceful to any Government? The Noble Lord opposite knew thin to he a fact, and yet he would say, as had been stated elsewhere, that they had conferred a great benefit upon Spain by the establishment of a Liberal Con stitution. There was no prospect of any cessation to this state of things—there was no prospect of any recovery of their finances, and ho would ask the Noble Lord what principles he intended to adopt for the future towards that country ? Was he prepared to go on with his intervention to any extent that the Chris tino Government might demand. Don Carlos was troop! I, v driven out f rom Spain ; he was now a pr i soner i n e ; what oc cas i on was t h ere f or t h em s till to continue ti intervention? why Why di ddi they d theyat still i still e o continue t occupy o blockade Passages with t heir ' the coast w i t h their They were surely not afraid that Carl os would re-ente r fleets? Spain ? Th e y had stated in the Speech from the Throne that peace was established. Now he would say they ought to d e cl are e i t h er one thing 'h ace was not established, and they were goin g en w i t blished, and they o ug h t not t war ; or p eace was esta o go addi tional expenditure ad infinitu m . onThey incurri ng thi s that upwards of a millio n h a d already b should reco ll ec t if the Noble Viscount continued his systemtcen expended, and don, he was very likely to be embarked in of interven now carrying on between the tw o great parties the contest And what would be said, if thee were to in Spai n . Noble Viscount holding up the Moderados see the the Exaltados, the ultra-Radicals of Spain ?—(l7, a ,, in r , . t ) Another part of the Noble Earl's speech stated that . the Queen's party were ,gateful for every thing that had been done for her—he should like to know how they had shown it. Words were fine things, but would the Noble Earl toll them, if he had been able, during his administratio n in Spain, to accomplish a commercial treaty with that country, and why not? The great body of the people ' in Catalonia were liberal manufacturers, and prevented a s long as they could a treaty with this country. Their ob ject was to get French goods i • and though English goods , were introduced, the trade ?ii them in Catalonia was car ried on bv an hundred thousand smugglers, who paid no duty to the Government. Then, as he could not get a commercial treats', what did he do in the slave trade ? If he were rightly informed en the subject, if ' we did not as to Portugal, give half a million of money, we treated with them; but in the Isle of Cuba the slave trade was carried on by the Spaniards to a great extent, and though he had given the Noble Earl all the information he possessed on the subject, the Noble Earl could not accomplish the abo lition of the slave trade, nor anything like it. What, in any other manner, bad Spain done for England, for all England had done for her, in the six years she had fought for the Christino Government, and for the expenditure she had incurred for its es tablishment?—(Hear, hear.) The last part of the Noble Earl's speech said—." All the nations in the world sympathised with the liberal institutions established in Spain." The Noble Earl had lived a long time in Spain, and had great experience, no doubt ; and it would be very bold in him (the Marquis of Londonderry) to presume to put his opinions in opposition to those of the Noble Earl, but he fancied the Noble Earl's residence had been chiefly with the Government, and that be had travelled little in the great cities in Spain, for if he had, he would have found that the prevalent feeling there was in favour of the old established institutions of the country ; and he thought they must live long before they would see the day when those feelings would subside. He had now gone very imperfectly and shortly into a subject of immense extent, and was unwilling to detain their Lordships. He there fore threw himself on their indulgence, assuring them he had but one object in the course he had pursued respecting the foreign policy of this country.—( Hear, hear.) In that course he had stood almost alone, but he had derived some consolation in receiving the ap probation of many of their Lordships, and more par ticularly of a Noble Friend at a distance, who stated his opinion that he had pursued the right course. The Noble Lord concluded by moving that a humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty that there might be laid on the table of the House copious extracts from all communications between the Foreign office and the Admiralty, and the British authorities in Spain, which bad taken place betweea the Ist of May last and the present period, relating to the Convention of Bergara, together with copies of the said communications. The Earl of CLARENDON said he should address but few observations to their Lordships, for it was impos sible to reply to a speech embracing so many, and such various arguments, which seemed to be a budget brought back by the Noble Marquis from the Peninsula, which had far better have been opened in the Cortes than in their Lordships' House ; but he felt anxious to give a different version of the arrangements which had taken place in Spain, because, with their Lordships, he attached considerable importance to the matter under consideration, not only in reference to Spain, but because the character of officers and others Iliad been maligned for the supposed part they bad taken in the arrangement; and ho rejoiced that an opportunity bad at length arrived for putting their Lordships and the country in possession of the truth. The Noble Marquis had alluded to a speech of his made last year, and ho commented upon it very severely ; but he shrunk from nothing he had then asserted, but, on the con trary, considered that event had come to pass more quickly than he had expected, and quite as satisfactory, which proved the truth of his assertions on that occasion. He had not expected the Noble Marquis would so long have delayed bringing forward his motion on the subject, and he thought it somewhat inconsistent. When he found the papers relating to the Convention of Berge , a could not be regularly laid upon the table, and in order to arrive et the arrangements made by certain classes in Spain, with which the Government had nothing to do, it might have been supposed he would have moved for correspondence. It was not his intention to follow the Noble Marquis through all those parts ofhis speech which had no reference to the motion, such as the French book—the probability of his (the Earl of Clarendon's) inviting Maroto to dinner, and also what the Noble Marquis had done in a nunnery to which he obtained admission ; but so far as he could collect the opinions of the Noble Marquis, they were, that an arrangement had taken place neither honourable nor satisfactory, and that he threw much blame on the Go vernment for allowing such ail arrangement to take place. He would state a few facts, for the purpose of calming the Noble Marquis's apprehensions both as to the ar rangements themselves and the course adopted by the Go vernment. In the first place, ho would observe, the Spanish Government determined to make the most strenuous exer tions to bring the war to a close ; ho did, in the early part of the summer of last year, place at the disposal of Espartero resources such as he had never before at hie command, and which would enable him to act with vigour against the enemies of his country. The Cdrlists saw that from arms their success was hopeless, and that no greater dis aster could befal the country than the triumph of a prince, of whose unfitness to reign there had been abundant evi dence. Carlos was now in exile and misfortune, and therefore, lee would not say of him what otherwise he could hare stated. It was sufficient for hire to say, among the most esteemed of the Prince's followers there was , now a general feeling that hie character was of that order which produced misery to subjects, and that it was desirable for the benefit of the country that the contest so long car ried on should be terminated. With these feelings the ne getiations were commenced, which terminated in the Con vention of i3ergara. Those negotiations had been orizi nally begun by the officers arranging the exchange of prisoners. These officers felt that it would be cruel t o continue longer the barbarities of civil war. And General Maroto received significant hints from the Chief under him, that the Bi.eayans would not any longer endure the deprivation of that peace which they were desirous of obtaining at any price. No 'miter was the Convention known than 21 Carlist bat talions laid down their arms, which were piled, and in spite of Espartero's suggestion that thoy should resume them, and await the ratification, they proceedeil home without them. Eapartero had gone through the country afterwards, and had been met by the joyful population, who enthusiastically responded to the cheers he proposes for Queen, peace, and constitution. Let not the Noble Marquis imagine that this had been done by the magic of Maroto's name, or any influence of his. The troops had no: been led into an ambuscade—they bad not been prevented from resisting if they wished to do so. Maroto had only yielded to the feeling he knew, and had long known, to exist. He was glad that the Noble Marquis had not adopted the foolish suggestions which had been thrown out in the papers; for he (the Earl of Clarendon) had the curiosity that morning to look to see what the papers had said on the subject, and be found it gravely asserted that the pacification had been the result of bribery by British gold; and that Maroto had received 150,0001. from the Secret Service Fund. Now he believed not a shil ling had been devoted to the purpose. He was convinced that there never was a transaction more free from motives sordid and pecuniary. Tet he must state that be did not think Espartero would have been to blame had he used such means, if he found them necessary, to save the effusion of human blood. It was a new doctrine that a belligerent party might not avail itself of the defec tion of its opponents. Generals always were glad of it.— ' (The Marquis of Londonderry, " No.") No I Why, did the Noble Marquis, when Martnont left the capital of his country to foreign troops, or when Bourmant, on the eve of the battle of 'Waterloo, betrayed his benefactor and his friend—did the Noble Marquis complain that the British generals took advantage of that ? or did he accuse the British Government of availing themselves of it ? It was not at all a similar case to a war among foreign nations— no disgrace attached to desertion in a civil war—it was a i mere change of opinion, and might be a very praiseworthy , one, but the Noble Marquis appeared to think that her Majesty's Government ought to have interfered to prevent the reconciliation which had taken place amongst the belligerents, and have goaded them on to their hated warfare. He was glad that that opportu nity had offered of rectifying what had gone abroad re. specting Lord John Hay, nor could he believe that the Noble Marquis could in his heart feel it right to cast blame upon that Noble Lord. Tho Noble Marquis must feel how deeply responsible her Majesty's Government was—first of all, to the Queen of Spain, her Majesty's ally ; secondly, to all those who thought it better that our ancient ally should enjoy the blessings of peace in prefer ence to the turmoil of a civil war. Again, to all those who had unfortunately with truth declaimed loudly against the cruelties which had taken place during that war. And again—and he was most happy to say that they formed the large majority of the people of this country—again how deeply responsible were the Government to all those who sincerely desired to see an end put to that war where brother fought with brother, and wherein all ties of relationship were torn asunder. Instructions were sent out to Lord John Hay and Colonel Wylde to aid by every means in their power to put an end to that disastrous war, and, speaking as an Englishman, he wished that it had been the ex clusive work of her Majesty's servants. Colonel Wylde and Lord John Hay had upon all occasions done their ut most to put a stop to the effusion of blood, but it had been brought to a close by the determined resolution of the belligerents themselves to terminate their own affairs, and it would be in the history of Spain one of the most glorious incidents yet recorded. Victorious as Espartero undoubtedly was, notwithstanding the opinion of the Noble Marquis on the subject, occupying a great extent or country, to which her Most Catholic Majesty's arms had not before been carried, ho was in a condition to dictate any terms--( Hear, hear)—and be (Lord Clarendon) would say that he did not know of any instance of greater prudence, patriotism, or generosity than that of Espartero, when, on the part of his Sovereign, he guaranteed to the officers and men permission to retain their rank and full pay in her Majesty's service, or to return to their own homes—( Hear)—and guaranteed to the people of the provinces those privileges of which every Sovereign of Spain for centuries had endeavoured to deprive them. Tue Queen and the Cortes were not long in proving to the world that the General well understood the fair, and for giving, and charitable spirit which, he must say, on every occasion had distinguished the Liberal party in Spain.— ( Hear.) The Cortes unanimously addressed the Queen, promising to support her in redeeming the pledges of the General, and the people throughout Spain rejoiced wish' acclamations at an event which had so long and so ardently been desired. It was only in a portion of the Press in this country that regret at the conciliation was expressed, and the peace denounced in terms of indignation. In this Christian country, so distinguished for religion and bone volence, it was painful to see such denunciations poured ' out against the cessation of bloodshed—the termination of the misery in which so many thousands of families were involved, and the conclusion of a civil war. It only proved how far party spirit can obscure the judgment end feelings of man.—( Hear, hear.) To party spirit alone could be attributed tho vituperations poured out against the Government. That party feeling was disappointed and defeated in its objce , , by the overthrow of the attempt to establish a principle of Government incompatible with liberty. Those who supported such despotic views, by ju9titytng resistance, supported the cause of revolution; whereas popular institutions secured the monarchy, and rendered h obiitylsaitablhste'oeer liberal l h z e uoi nli possessioe of freedom.—( Hear, hear.) No man who reflected could deny that this country had a grteuirtie_thA interest ligiicin in , the independence and prosperity of Spain, distti institutions. o b r n e t denied, sh.e_ allii ce a w Lr . o a) u w l ' al tn b dw e ~t g hs ,er therefore, establish mentyr e f pro motedore, that every aid sihlloibuziabl,earn,div,eiinldteocdth, the usurper, uestio the ee success loyalt of whose cause could rot be but injurious to us, at the 0. - nne time that it would ( b li e e. d ir est i ructive to the liberties and hay cry p P r n is e i :i n f s 0 ci ‘ t ‘ f li N 0 Popery" was S s P t a a ir n L o — utcry should be raised for the re cstblish raiei:erd. )in thisAt this country, time it w t • v h a e s n i t u : r i e.. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1840. ment of the Catholic religion in all its power and all its intolerance. As to the conduct of the two parties, the liberal and the despotic, in their success, let their Lordships compare the conduct of the two parties in 1823 and in 1537. He asked the Noble Marquis what, in his conscien tious opinion, would kave been the conduct of Don Carlos if he bad been successful within the last few months?— ( Hear.) Did the Noble Marquis think that the usurper would have received his opponents into power and confi dence ? or would he have imitated the example of his bre ther Ferdinand, who, in 1823, broke every promise which he gave, and violated eve!) , pledge which the General of 100,000 foreigners had given in his name, establishing a system of persecution, of executions and gibettings, of which modern history will furnish no such instance ; and doing this in spite of the remonstrances of the Duke d'An gouleme, who felt himself disgraced by the violation of his pledges Was Don Carlos • more amiable man than his brother ? Was he less hampered by his connection with the fanatical party ? Was it not, on the contrary, the fact, that Ferdinand endeavoured to free hi m s e lf f rom t h e i r control, and that ho was distrusted by them ? Whereas Don Carlos had for years before his brother's death been inti iguing with them for the possession of the throne. There could be no doubt that he would have restored that pai ty to their full domination, and that they, exasperated with all that they had suffered for the last ten years, would have wreaked a terrible vengeance on their opponents. But, on the other hand, what had been the conduct of the Con stitutional party ? Had the Noble Marquis, or those who thought with him, heard that any of t h e C ar li sts who had submitted were punished or imprisoned, or had their goods confiscated? On the contrary, every engage ment had been faithfully kept, and the forgiveness and fidelity which had been manifested by the liberal party reflected the greatest credit on Spain. He must admit, however, that part of whet had been s a id b y the Noble Marquis was true. The civil war was not quite at an end, and that much time might elapse before the country which had been so long agitated by a question of life and death would subside into a state of perfect tranquillity. He must say to those who represented the opinions which the Noble Marquis represented that nothing but misrepre sentation could occasion the regret and disappointment at the step which had been made towards the perfect tran quilization of that country.—( Hear, hear.) He ould consent to the returns for which the Noble Marq u i s move d , and he trusted to the candour of the Noble M arqu i s, w h en he perused his dthosepape, to state to the H ouse that they bad removed prejudices.—( Hear, and a l augh.) The Earl of ABERDEEN ( who was at first nearly inaudible) was understood to say that he was; but little disposed to take any part i n the discussion, not because the subject was not worthy of it, .but becaus e th e con d uct o f both parties had b e en so atroci ous and disg race f u l, t h at it was difficult to feel an i nterest in the success of either, or to regard their proceedings without feel ings not far removed from loathing and disgust. He would not stop to inquire on whom was to be poured the greatest measure of indignation ; but it must be admitted that any Government organized and possessing institutions ought to exhibit conduct very diffe ' rent from that which distinguished the court and camp of Don Carlos (as we understood). But the Noble Earl opposite (Lord Clarendon) surprised him when he des cribed an act of treachery as a great measure of pacifica tion, and yet it struck him that the Noble Earl might say with him that, however much we may like the treason, we must hate the traitor. But perhaps he (Lord Aberdeen) might have learned a good deal from the Noble Earl, and 0,13 wrong in looking upon that act of treachery ag immoral and disgraceful on the part of General Maroto. He thought the conduct of that General could only be looked upon with condemnation. Whatever was the character of Don Carlos, and he (Lord A.) had never given an opinion about it in that House, yet the treachery of his General who was trusted by him waa unjustifiable. It was all very well to say that that officer had only returned to his duty, to his lawful Sovereign. That was not a fair way o f p u tti ng t h e question. The contest in Spain was one of disputed succession, and one of the most difficult ever known. Tbo laws of Spain recog nised the claims of Don Carlos, and three out of the five !Treat powers of Europe had not yet acknowledged the Queen. The support of Don Carlos was not, there fore, to be looked upon as rebellion against a lawful Sovereign. It might have been that Don Carlos had succeeded ; and would the Noble Earl then be prepared to denounce as rebels those who had sup ported his opponent ? He did not blame the Government I r acknowledging the Queen, and establishing friendly relations ; but that was a different question from mixing ourselves up with the contest of that country, and taking part in the unhappy disputes which prevailed there. The Noble Earl (Lord Clarendon) had said that he was bound by treaty to take part with the Queen. . Lord - CLARENDON begged to say that the Noble Earl misunderstood him. What he had said was, that her Majesty's Government were bound to do everything in their power to promote the pacification of Spain, and that the officers were instructed to promote every negociation :chick' held out a prospect of permanent tranquillity. Lord ABERDEEN wished to bring the attention of the Noble Earl and the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) to the obligations of the Quadruple Alliance, which he re carded as a most impolitic treaty. When the Noble Viscount sat on the Opposition side of the House he had very odd notions of the manner in which treaties ought to he observed, and once stated that for the last 150 years England had the worst character in Europe for disregard • ng treaties.—( A laugh.) He d ffcred from the Noble Viscount in that, and thought this country remarkable fur fidelity in that respect, and the more so as popular Governments were generally considered to be the least to be relied on. The object of the quadruple treaty was the restoration of internal peace in Spain. It was entered into in 1834, when Don Carlos went into Portugal, and its first object was to remove the. two Princes, Don Miguel and Don Carlos, from the Peninsula. After that had been effected Don Carlos escaped from this country ; the articles of the treaty were renewed for the purpose of restoring peace in Spain, this country undertaking to furnish ammunition and stores for the use of the Queen, and the King of the French undertaking to prevent supplies from being conveyed to the Pretender through his territory. If the restoration of internal peace in Spain was to be the only termination to this treaty, what a prospect of inter vention and of interference in the internal affairs of Spain was open to this country. This country could not expect to separate itself from the internal condition of that country as long as anything in the shape of disturbance, or of misgovernment, existed. It was not the expulsion of Don Carlos, or the cessation of war, but the internal peace of Spain, that was to give a cessation to that treaty. This country had never entered into a similar treaty before, and he thought it was most impolitic, and most likely to lead to very mischievous consequences. What was to be gained by it ? The Noble Earl (Claren don) had said, that liberal institutions, and a liberal Go vernment, had been established, and that that was a subject of congratulation. The Noble Viscount at the head of the Government had said, two or three weeks ago, in speaking of Turkey, that they ought not to look to the opinions, or religion, or character of countries, but that it was the essential interests of England that were to be looked at.—( Hear.) He (the Earl of Aberdeen) agreed with the Noble Viscount upon that ; and, generally speaking, he thought the Noble Vis count was correct upon these subjects when he followed his own judgment, and did not listen to the advice of others.—( Hear, bear.) But the Noble Earl had talked of arbitrary Governments, and the despotic union of the North. That was all very well for declamation, or a paragraph in a newspaper, but it was not a course of policy which any Government ought to follow. One of his great objections to the treaty was, that be thought it had contributed to that state of estrange ment and alienation which at present exists with the French Government. That treaty, which was to bind them to act in union with France, had, be was convinced, been the main cause of any degree of estrangement which existed at the present moment.—(Hear, hear.) They had heard of nothing but mutual complaints as to the mode in which that treaty had been carried out. He said nothing of the French alliance ; no person could de sire more to cultivate the friendship of France than him self; but friendship might exist for every salutary purpose between nations, without an alliance for carrying into effect a common object. He should be glad to know what was the interpretation which the Noble Viscount put on the obligations of the quadruple treaty as it existed at the pre sent moment. It appeared to him that all the engage ments were on the side of the English Government. He supposed the Queen of Spain undertook to govern well because England was to restore internal peace, but every onerous engagement was on our side. Would the treaty be at an end as soon as the Noble Viscount chose to say in ternal peace was, in his opinion, restored. Another point he wished to refer to was the claims of the officers and men of the legion, for whom their Lordships must feel that sympathy which their deplorable condition deserved. The Noble Earl (Clarendon) appeared to have exerted himself very laudably in their behalf, but his efforts had not been attended with success. He (Lord Aberdeen) had concluded a treaty in 1829 for the indemnity of cer. tain of British subjects, who bad suffered from the vio lence of the Spanish authorities. A large sum was paid by the Spanish Government in money, and for the remain der bonds were issued, the payment of which was gua ranteed by the British Government being a party to the treaty. Those bonds retained their value when other stock was worth nothing, inasmuch as the name of Great Britain was a sufficient security. The annual amount of the interest on those bonds was only 31,000/., and yet that had not been paid. It was no answer to say remonstrances had been made. The engagements of the legion we r e o nly binding on the Queen , but this treaty was binding en Spain ; and if Don Carlos had suc ceeded, the fulfilment of that treaty would have been ,exacted from him, or forty-eight hours would not have ha elapsed without re p r i s als being threatened, unless he d liquidated these claims. It was absurd to say, however reduced the Spanish finances might be, that they could not extort 30,0001. a year in fulfilment of their own en gagement:.—( Hear, hear.) He was not certain that these persons claiming under that treaty might not ha's, a claim against the English Treasury for the amount. He had brought this subject before the House two years ago, and he hoped the Noble Viscount would not think it un reasonable if he expressed a hope that he would not have to bring it forward two years hence.—( Hear, hear .) Viscount MELBOURNE observed, that as his Noble Friend (Earl Clarendon) had stated there would be no ob jection to the production of the papers, into any statement as to the part which British agents h e should not enter and British officers had taken in the aff airs of S p ain, as it was obvious that that subject could be discussed with much ts g hi r ue e n a i t nn e tf r e rtsatisfactiont that ti h n e hn n a. d their et n Lo t hgni rds ven hi p w same tos time, h e in ir considering treaty, t to y i , s s a e u s. d 1 the animadversions made on it by the public pre.s, he thought his Noble Friend (Earl Clarendon) was justified in going into some explanatio n of the circu in stances under which that treaty was concluded. The opinions urged by the Noble Earl (Aberdeen) op dbp yoi dispute. These N e r u e rrb l t he h e e pos e s u a ok m be j e 4 e( a t\ s i so, ne t h lBl, o i n s h : go t however, an h v) i e c rh, as had been ho: too originexi aptreny he. l e . d cause the Treaty had been concluded, and had been acted upon. As to the observations that had been made about he termination of the proceedings, he would observe, . that if the enemy's General had shown a desire of giv. ' ing up the contest, would the Government have acted in a manner worthy of themselves or of their country if they had not taken advantage of that contingency. He could not forget that a Swedish General had said to his Sove reign, in the field, on certain circumstances arising— " What may seem meet to your Highness is not for me to inquire or determine, but this occurrence is in our favour, and all advantages in war are lawful." Was it not their duty, therefore, to take advantage of the occurrence that had arisen, and to bring the contest to a termination ? Any other conduct would have been childish and puerile, and he was sure that neither the good sense of the country nor tke good sense of Parliament could ever form any other judg ment. What might have been the transactions between that officer and his General, whether he acted treacherously towards him or not, or whether his conduct was right or not, was not a matter for inquiry ; they were engaged in effecting a pacification of Spain, and an opportunity was afforded them of carrying their policy into effect. Then his Noble Friend had asked him what his interpretation was of the great Quadruple Treaty, and what was the situation in which England stood with respect to Spain. He did not know that it was quite fair to call on him, without having the treaty before him, to state what were its precise obligations ; at the same time, he had no hesitation in stating his opinion. The first treaty was formed in the beginning of the year 1834, on the expulsion of Don Miguel and Don Carlo. from Portugal. That treaty was fulfilled. Afterwards Don Carlos passed through Eng land, went to the north of Spain, and the fresh articles were entered into, by which England was bound to assist in putting down all disturbances that arose from that circum stance. Therefore that treaty was not satisfied by the expulsion of Don Carlos from Spain; but he should say unquestionably, from his impression of the subject and of the consideration he was able to give to it, that this country was bound to give her assistance to Spain as long as any of the hostilities remained alive in Spain which were produced by the event of Don Carlos going to the North of Spain. All the hostility that existed in Spain arose from that circumstance, and he should say this country was bound to give assistance till these hostilities were dis. pelted. The treaty did not bind them to further interfer ence in the affairs of Spain—it did not bind them to in terfere in future difficulties—it did not bind them to in terfere between parties, or in the ultimate settlement of the affairs of Spain ; but until the object of that treaty was effected it remained binding on this country. Strong representations had certainly been made ; still at the same time he thought more allowance should be made and more indulgence shown to a Government placed in such peculiar difficulties. He had no objection to the production of the papers. Lord A S HBU R'FO N, who was very indistinctly heard in the gallery, was understood to denounce the conduct of General Maroto. The real circumstances by which the war had been brought to a termination were, that all the principal chiefs were entrapped and assassinated, and the people being left without assistance of any kind, and find ing themselves without leaders or guides, threw down their arms and submitted. After making some reference to the foreign policy of England, which he said should always be influenced by considerations solely affecting the interests of the country, the Noble Lord concluded by stating his dissatisfaction at the explanations that had just been given to the House. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY replied. It bad been said that the reception of Espartero in the Basque provinces was most enthusiastic ; but the recep tion had been induced solely by the hope that their privi leges would be restored to them. He had good reason to believe that in the city of Seville, where a great meeting had been got up to congratulate the Queen, it was impos sible to get up a " Viva " from the assembled multitude. The motion was then agreed to, and the House ad journed. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Fns. 25. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes to four, and great hopes were entertained that there would be no House. There were only thirty-five Members pre sent at four o'clock, hut the Speaker beginning to count again —before he had done, half a dozen Mem bers rushed in, and made up the required thirty-nine. On the motion of Mr. HINDLEY the Protestant Dissenters' Assurance Company Bill was reed a second time. Mr. M. PHILLIPS presented a petition for some Improvement Bill relating to a town in Lan cashire—complaining that the Standing Orders Com mittee had thrown out the petition for the Bill, on the ground that it prayed new powers, and tlerefore being held to have the character of an original Bill— that the regulations for such a Bill had not been com plied with. The Hon. Member asked if the parties could not go on with those parts of the Bill which were not objected to Mr. GREEN and Mr. SANFORD thought a new Bill should be introduced. Sir T. FREMANTLE differed from his Hon Friends. Sir E. KNATCHBULL and Mr. PRESHFIELD doubted if the Bill could go on, as the Committee had not reported specially, but generally, that the Standing Orders had not been complied with. The SPEAKER was of opinion that the petition had better be withdrawn, and that another petition should be presented, praying that the parties be at liberty to proceed with those parts of the Bill which were not objected to. The present petition fo: a new Bill was certainly informal. The petition was accordingly withdrawn. THE CROYDON RAILWAY. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET presented a petition from the Croydon Railway Company, praying for leave to go on with their Bill notwithstanding the unfavourable report of the Standing Orders Committee. The Noble Lord then moved that the petition be printed with the votes, and that motion being agreed to, he gave notice that he would to-morrow call the atten tion of the House to the allegations of the petition, and move that the Bill be allowed to go on. On the motion of Lord JAMES STUART, the Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr Railway Bill was read a second ti me , an d or d ere d to be committed. Oa the motion of Mr. SANFORD, the Chard Canal Bill was read a third time, and passed. Mr. GREEN brought up the Report of the Standing Order Committee on the Exeter Water Works Bill, on the Eastern Counties Railway Bill, and on the Tunstall Market Bill, on all of which the Committee reported that the Standing Orders had been complied with, and leave was given to bring in the dif ferent Bills. On the motion of Mr. H AYTER, the Tweedale Patent Drain Tile and Brick Company Bill was read a second time, and ordered to ba committed. Colonel BUTLER presented a petition from a parish in the county of Kilkenny, praying for the Ex tension of the Elective Franchise and Corporate Reform. Mr. GREG presented a petition from Manchester against the Design Copywright Extension Bill. Mr. HINDLEY presented a petition signed by 682 inhabitants of Lyng, near Ashton-under-Lyne, praying fora total repeal of the Corn-laws. Sir C. STYLE presented a petition from a parish in Essex, praying for the release of John Thorogood, and the repeal of Church•rates. Mr. STRUTT presented a similar petition from Derby ; and also one entreating the House to pass some Bill for the summary conviction of juvenile offenders. Mr. M. PHILLIPS presented a petition from Man chester praying for a total repeal of the Corn-laws. The lion. Gentleman also presented a petition from the Calico-printers in and near Manchester against the Designs Copyright Bill. BROtiIERToN presented a petition to the same effect from the Designers of Patterns of Man chester. Mr. BELLE W presented several petitions from parishes in the county of Louth, praying for an Exten sion of the Suffrage. Mr. ELLIOT presented petitions from Jedburgh and Hawick praying for a Repeal of the Corn Laws. Mr. F. DUNDAS presented a petition frnm some parish in the Isle of Orkney, praying for the :abolition of patronage in the Scotch Kirk. Mr. PCUMPTRE presented several petitions pray ing for Church Extension, a system of National Educa tion founded upon the doctrines of the Established Church, and against any further grant to the College of Maynooth. Lord COLE presented petitions praying for Church Extension. Mr. BARNEBY presented a petition with a similar prayer from a place in the county of Wore ?Ater. Mr. GRANT presented four petitions from places in Invernesshire against the intrusion of ministers against the wish of the inhabitants of the parish. Lord J. STUART presented petitions with a similar prayer, from Hamilton and Cumnock. Mr. HOPE JOHNSTONE presented similar pe titions from places in Dumfriesshire. Lord G. SOMERSET presented a petition from the Salesmen of Newgate and Leadenhall Markets, praying the attention of the House to tho present system of carrying cattle upon railways. Sir DE LACY EVANS presented petitions from several parishes in Westminster, praying the abolition of the Corn-laws, and an extension of the Suffrage. CASE OF FROST. Mr. LEADER presented petitions from the Glasgow Operative Masons' Association ; from East Bromley, in the county of Sussex ; from 1,500 freeholders of Mary lebone ; from several hundred inhabitants of the borough of Tewkesbury ; from 3,000 electors and rate-payers of Brighton ; from Chichester ; from Leamington ; and from 5,000 freeholders of the borough of Portsmouth, all praying a free pardon for Frost, W illiams, and Jones, and all of them praying for it not on the grounds of mercy to the prisoners —not because they sympathized at all in the attempt made by them—not because the petitioners supported rebel lion and violence—but as they every one of them state. because a point of law had been reserved in their favour, which nine out of the fifteen Judges decided was a good point, and six out of the fifteen decided had been taken at a proper time. Peti tioners stated that in ail cases of doubt the prisoners were entitled to the benefit thereof, and he (Mr. Leader) ❑eed not state that he most heartily concurred in the prayer of the petition for these reasons. Sir C. B. VERE, Lord HEKNIKER, and Mr. B. Wlr,. ' IRAItAM presented petitions in favour of Church Ex tension. Mr. G. W. WOOD presented a petition from the merchants of Manchester engaged in the manufacture of English goods for exportation in favour of the Copy- right Designs Bill. The petitioners stated that the system of copying designs abroad destroyed the reputa tion of the English printers for originality. Mr. JERVIS presented a petition from 69 printers of the metropolis against the Copyright Bill. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented petitions from Finsbury, Newington, Shoreditch, and Chedlington, praying for a free pardon for Frost, Jones, and Wil liams ; also a petition from two bookbinders in Clerken well and the men in their employ against the Copy-right Bill. Colonel T. WOOD presented a petition from the Guardians of the Poor of the Uxbridge Union, praying that all workhouses erected under the statute might ha exempted from all assessments made for the relief of the poor. Sir T. FREMANTLE moved for leave of absence to General O'Neile for one month, on account of ill health. Sir R. H. INGLIS presented a petition from the inhabitants of the Ward of Walbrook, praying for the release of the Sheriff; and stating that the Report of the Inspectors of Prisons had no printer's name at tached to it, and therefore Messrs. Hansard were liable only as publishers, and consequently, if copies were sold in any office of the House, Messrs. Hansard would not ,be subject to any action at law. Also, 22 petitions from various parts of England, praying for Church Extension. Sir T. D. ACLAND presented a petition from Torrington, praying for the release of the Sheriff. Also, a petition from Sandford against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Mr. GALLY KNIGHT presented a petition from Nottingham in favour of Church Extension. Sir JAMES GRAHAM presented a petition from a place in Scotland against the intrusion of ministers. NAVY. Sir THOMAS COCHRANE moved for a re turn of tha number of seamen and marines employed in the British Navy during the year 1839.—Ordered. FRENCH SILKS. Mr. WILLIAMS (Coventry), seeing the President of the Board of Trade in his place, wished to ask him a question. He had seen a statement that a negotia tion was now pending with France relative to our com mercial relations with that country. His constituents, who were deeply connected with the silk trade, felt a very great anxiety to know whether it was intended to alter the present duties o❑ the importation of silk goods. They were the more anxious to know that, as they con sidered the present duty barely sufficient to afford them the necessary protection. Mr. LABOUCHERE was sure the House would feel that the circumstance to which the Honourable Gentleman had adverted of the negotiation being now pending was a sufficient excuse for his not entering into any detailed answer to the question.—(Hear.) At the same time he must say, from the representa tions that had been made to him, he thought a great deai of unnecessary alarm existed on this subject. It was not, nor had it ever been, in the contemplation of her Majesty's Government to abando❑ the principle of an efficient protective duty.—(Hear. hear.) EAST INDIA COMPANY. Sir R. JENKINS rose to call the attention of the House to the petition of the East India Company, presented on the 11th of February, for the alteration of the duties on articles of East India produce. He should observe that the East India Company was no longer a trading company, and that they appeared on behalf of the population of India, to whom the ' British Legislature was bound to extend its care. If the resources of India were not equal to its expenses, there might be some reason why the interests of the mother country should be preferred to those of its inhabitants ; that, however, was not the case ; but India was, on the contrary, a source of great glory, wealth, and power to this country. The annual remittances from it amounted to 3,000,0001. sterling, for which, as there was no return, this sum might be considered in the shape of a tribute —not to mention the immense fortunes which individuals bad made there.—(Hear.) He called on the House in return for those benefits to protect the interests, and to encourage the industry of the inhabi tants of India by every means consistent with justice to others. The first article alluded to in the petition of the East India Company was the article of sugar. The duties on East and West Indian sugars had, in 1836, been equalized ; but at the same time the im portation of foreign sugar into the East Indies was prohibited ; and the provision was imposed that her Ma jesty in Council should be satisfied that the importation of foreign sugar was prohibited duly in the Presi dencies. Now it was of the necessity for that reference to the Council that the Company complained. They saw not the need, they felt the hardship of interposing such delay in their trade. The very reference itself provoked a contest, and it became a matter not of fact, but of opinion. And India had not always proved herself able to contend with conflicting interests, which were more powerfully advocated at home. The Com pany wished to have the provisions of the 6th and 7th William IV., giving certain exemp tions from this troublesome proceeding to the Presi dency of Bengal, extended to the whole of India. All that the petitioners desired was that that confidence which had been placed on some of the dependencies of British India should be made general : two of the sub , jects to which the petition alluded were tobacco and , spirits. The tobacco which castle from our American colonies only paid a duty of 2s. 9d. per pound while that which was imported from British India paid 3s. The petitioners, therefore, prayed that that article coming from India, might be placed on the same footing, as that which came from our American colonies.— (Hear.) Then with respect to spirits—he alluded principally to Ruin—whilst the imports from the West Indian colonies paid Do. a gallon, those from India paid 15s. a gallon. Now he did not see why rum should not be admitted from India on the same terms as it was from the West India colonies. The petition also stated that whilst the cotton goods of this country were exported to India at from 3ito 7 per cent. the goods manufactured in that country were only admitted into this on the payment of a duty of from ten to twenty per cent. Then with regard to silk, it was treated in the same man ner. In India, silk goods were subjected to a duty of 3f and 7 per cent., while Indian silk goods were sub jected in this country to a duty of 20 per cent. He was quite satisfied that this injury might be done away with without prejudice to either the manufactures or the re venue of England. There was another article alluded to in the petition, which at the present moment wasa subject of peculiar interest in this country—he meant the lately established culture of tea in Assam. He thought that it would be good policy, and most advantageous to this country, if protection and encouragement was given to that culture.—( Hear, hear.) In time, no doubt, the tea grown in Assam would be as good as that im ported from China, and he truste , l yet to see that a very considerable proportion of the tea consumed in this country would be the growth of India.—(Cheers.) There was another point, also of very great interest. A difficulty arose two or three years ago respecting the importation of coffee from the kingdom of Mysore. Upon the article of coffee the petition prayed for an equalization of the duties, upon the same principle as upon the atticle of sugar. It being clear that Mysore and other States similarly circumstanced were treated by the British Government as British territories, induced British subjects to embark their capital there, and much of the produce imported from those countries was the result of their exertions. The East Indies should be considered as British posses sions in every point that could lead to their benefit. The natives should be entitled to the privileges of Bri tish subjects. Yet under the Navigation Act they were excluded from the privileges of British seamen, though negroes of the West Indies were not. A ship from India could not, except under peculiar circumstances, come to this country without British seamen, and could not leave this country on her return without British seamen, who thus had to be carried back as passengers. He had thus gone into the general statements of the petition, he trusted, without much tiring the House.—(Hear, hekr.) The empire of England in India had been ac quired by this country under circumstances that made it the wonder of the world. The natives of that country looked to England for encouragement, protec tion, and assistance ; and when it was considered what benefits we derived from them, surely it could not be too much to ask that they should have full scope afforded them for their industry, and every assistance for their en couragement. He felt convinced that the desirable results prayed for by the petition could not be effected until every enactment that interfered oppressively with India was obliterated from the Statute Book. The Honourable Baronet concluded by proposing the resolutions of which he had given notice, the effect of which was that the duties payable on East India sugar, spirits, tobacco, silk, and cotton should be made equal with the duty paid on similar goods from other countries, and that the House should on Wednesday the 4th of March resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider the dutiespayable on articles the produce of British India, with theview of equalizing them. Mr. HOGG seconded the motion. He felt a deep consciousness of the imp or t ance o f t h e present pies tion, and he also felt prompted to discharge his duty by his strong feelings of gratitude and attachment towards that country, where he had passed the best days of his life. He know well how little disposed Hon. Members were to submit to the 'Action of an Indian debate. There was none of that party feeling involved in it which commanded the attention of the House, or afforded an expectation that the great leaders would take any part in the discus s i on t h ere were no watchful con stituents to note those who were absent, or canvass the votes of those who were present. It was a mere detail of grievances long existing and patiently endured, urged perhaps by the feeblest portion of the House on behalf of millions, who exercised no influ• encs in their councils.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The day had passed by when India might be regarded as wholly separate and distinct in its political and commercial relations from the rest of the empire. No man seeking to take a part in public life, could now look upon India as a country fitted only for the sphere of EVENING EDITION. civil and military operations, and unworthy of the attention of the British Legislature. The countries which intervened between the North-West frontier of India and the European States were no longer un known. His Hon. Friend, in selecting the present time for the discussion, had chosen that which was most opportune and most fitting. They could not have forgotten that many days had not elapsed since they voted the thanks of that House to the Indian army for its achievements in the West of India. It was unnecessary for him to remind the House of the unparalleled length of their march—the difficulties of the country they had travelled when they taw the natives of India vieing with the British troops in their endurance of toil, their bravery in the breach, and their moderation in victory. Whence came the resources necessary for that stupendous campaiga ? They came from those on whose behalf ho now solicited justice at their ban& He prayed them not to confine themselves to barren votes of thanks; let them do substantial justice to the countless inhabitants of that mighty empire which had furnished them the means. Let them not refuse to India the means which Providence had afforded her of recruiting her strength. He hoped the House would express an opinion upon thi.a subject that would be strong enough to support the Chancellor of the Exchequer, if wavering, and to coerce him, if reluctant. He believed that every one admitted the injustice and im policy of discriminating duties with reference to different parts of the same empire, but, with respect to India, the impolicy was peculiarly striking. Look at the relative situation of India and England. It so happened that each could supply what the other required, and he could see no limit to the extent to which they might mutually benefit each other without collision and interference. He believed that if there was a desire to legislate selishly and solely with reference to the advantage of England, that object ' could not be accomplished otherwise than by doing full, entire, and ample justice to India. England required an outlet for her manufactures ; India offered a market almost without lireit with reference to the extent of her territory and the extent of her population. The natives of India were not indisposed to buy our manufactures, but they wanted the means, not the will. If the condition of the natives of India were improved by the en couragement of their commerce and agriculture, British capital would be induced to find its way into the interior, and they would enhance thereby the interests of England, and perform a sacred duty to India. There had not been that rush of capital towards India which had been predicted in the discussions upon the Charter. It was as well perhaps that there had net been an improvident rush of speculation and capital towards India, because, instead of benefiting that country it might have been attended with utter ruin to the individuals, as was strongly the case in South America ; but he believed that British capital would speedily be forthcoming in the interior of India if that House manifested a wish to encourage by every means in their power, and he hoped that would be the result of this night's debate. If they looked to the general trade of India, and compared recent years with years long ante cedent to the Charter, it would be found that the result was melancholy, because there had been an absolute deficiency. In 1836 the amount of trade in Opium and Indigo, from Calcutta, was 32,900,000 rupees ; in 1806, 11,940,000 rupees ; but looking to the general trade, putting these articles apart, in 1836 the raw products amounted to 18,000,000 rupees ; the manufactures to 4,000,000 rupees ; the sundries to 1,000,000 (and odd) rupees; aggregate 24,000,000 rupees. In 1806 the raw products were to the amount of 15,400,000 rupees ; the manufactures to 13,800,000; the sundries to 1,000,000 rupees; aggregate 29,000,000 rupees. The result was that the House would see (taking the general trade, excluding Opium and In digo) in 1806, the trade amounted to more than in 1836. —( Hear, hear.) This was a melancholy fact, and enough to justify any Member in calling the attention of the House to it.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Let not the petition then be met by the statement, that though in special articles the petitioners might:be right, the result of the general trade was against them. The first article in the petition was sugar. Now, let the House recollect that they did not ask a new contract. They only wished the House to supply the means for carrying into effect regulations admitted to be just and equitable. The Government had a right to require ' that before the importation of sugar was allowed from thrs East Indies at West India duty, it should be proved t ) ".,at there had been no foreign sugar imported, so as to csreate an artificial surplus. What the petitioners asked them was, that whenever the Governor of any Presidency found a sur plus production of sugar, he might prohibit the importa tion of foreign sugar, and, at the same time, allow the ex portation of the sugar from that Presidency on the equa lized duties. He asked for the introduction of no new principle ; all he wished for was that the old one should be brought into action, and he would leave it to the Hon. Gentleman opposite to adopt the course which he thought would have that effect. It would be satisfactory to the House to know the good effects that had taken place from the equalization of the duties on sugar. In 1835, the lar,t year before the equalization, there was imported into t i nis country 98,722 hogsheads while, in 1838, two years after the equalization, there were imported 418,727 hogs i .leads. Then, with respect to'coffee, the produce of the British possessions in India ; in 1834, the year before the equali zation took place, there were imported 1 ,558,6041b5., while in 1838 10,285,3471b5. were imported. The House would therefore see the enormous increase that had taken place in four years in the importation of coffee alone. I n digo had also been imported at a low rate of duty, and a similar result had taken place. Sugar had been imported into the East Indies, at the low rate of duty. Pepper was also imported in the same way. Coffee, however, could not be admitted into a Bri _ tish Possession without a duty. Mysore was, in feet, treated as a foreign country, while its internal adrei.nis tration was placed under a British Commissioner. The entire administration of that country was now left to that Commissioner—the Rajah merely received from him a tri bute ; and yet coffee could not be imported from British Possessions into that country but by being made subject to a duty. Ho had also to complain that the duty on West India rum was now but is., while the duty on East India rum was 10s. The duties, however, on both should be. equalized ; and it would otherwise be useless to equaliree the duties on sugar. With all these disadvantages, hc,w ever, the production of rum in the East Indies had doubled every year. The next article was tobacco—of which ar ticle upwards of fifty millions of pounds were imported into Great Britain, and of that quantity India afforded little more than 40,000 lbs., with a country and climate pecu liarly fitted for the cultivation of tobacco. The reason was, that tobacco imported from India paid a duty of 3s. per lb., while it could be imported from the British settlements in America for the same sum. In point of fact the existins; usage was to admit the produce of their own Colonies at. a lower rate than that brought from foreign countries. If that were so, why not admit the produce of India at a 'sower rate than that of America ? The fact was that tobacco could be imported from Canada at 2s. 9d. per 1,b., w hile the duty on Indian tobacco was 3s. The aext article was cotton, and to cotton he would beg the particular atten tion of the House, because its importance was the great est, and the hardship to India in connection with it was the greatest. For centuries cotton had formed the great staple of India, and he believed that her fertile plains could furnish, almost without limit, that raw material so emi nently required for the manufacturing industry of England. —( Hear, hear.) Cotton produced in India could be im ported into England, and through the wondrous agency of steam could be manufactured into cloth, returned to Indias and there sold cheaper than the cloth made in India.-- ( Hear, hear,) The inevitable consequence was, that tho manufacturers there had been utterly ruined, and who's • districts thrown out of employ. In Dacca, where thos e curious and beautiful fabrics, the Dacca muslins, were mad e, a great number of persons had been thrown out of emplc y, and the misery and suffering of the wretched inbabiteents exceeded any thing that could be imagined. With th ese calamitous circumstances pressing upon India cotton p;,ece goods introduced into that country (England), -were subjected to an ad valorem duty of 10 per cent., while English cotton piece goods could be introduced into Cal cutta at a duty of 3} per cent. Such a proceeding was a gross injustice. To estimate the full extent of the suffer ing inflicted on Indian manufactures, owing to the compe- • mind di a. that F r c o o m tto t n he wa n s at t u h r e e s o ta f p t l h e e a c r l t i i m cl a e te of e s v o e n ry su imnh p at i bo: compe tition of E ng li s h manufactured goods, it should be borne in in In tent was clothed in it, and what increased the hardship was, that the inhabitants of that country had not the same facilities for turning their attention to other occupa tions as in England. Particular trades in India were so mixed up with the peculiarities of caste, that when a mao gave up the trade followed by his fore fathers, his helplessness and destitution were complete. There had been an enormous increase in the export of British articles to India. There had been in particular an enormous increase in the exportation of cotton manu factures to India, and a total extinction of the exportation of these articles from India ; so that while England inun dated India, and utterly destroyed her export trade, she at the same time nearly deprived her of her home consurnp aasndtakdeeenpalywaays tion, and the very occupation of old women and children, nn g y arn were, w circumstancesin api spinning . he C r a e l g a r m e i t t t o e u d s th a e s m th , er be e did not ask the House to protect the cotton manufactures of India by the imposition of prohibitory duties on Iv.dia cotton manufactures. He asked for no artificial pro tec non for India ; all he asked for was equal duties, fair ; competition, and fair play. He believed that if the House were to equalize the duties to-morrow, ' lndia, with respect to the minor articles, could not compete with England; indeed as England was, by machinery, almost unlimited in its powers of production. India co uld not compete with England ; and, in the language of the petition, he would not urge as a grievance anything that might be considered as the natural consequence of this ordinary course of trade, and not as the consequence of unequal duties. Then as to silks; silk piece goods ',ln ported from India into British ports were subject to an, rid' valorem duty of 20 per cent., but silk piece goods im ported from England into India, were subject to an ad valorem duty of 3i per cent. He would not dw ell on the great importance of encouraging by every m eans the culture of tea in India ; it was at present in its iss , fancy ; he would not say anything about a protecting duty, but he thought, considering th, uncertain eon dition of the relations between thin country and Chins, some protection should be given to its culture.—( Hear. lie had a long list of articles, the produce of the East In dies, which were subject to a duty of from 15 t e 200 pe n , cent., but he would not encumber the discussion at tb . present moment with it. He was happy his Friend bad D 0 moved for a Select Committee, as that would have had th effect of producing delay, but added to that there was 1 2 ° thins to inquire about, and what necessity, therefor(' ai could there be for inquiry All admitted the inequa r of the duty. The petitioners came to that House fe,r• tb n redress to which they wer e ent i t l ed, and he maint, Ano that the present time was the fitting one for affording ; tb 9% . redress. He trusted, the re f ore, that the Chancellor of t' , ect Exchequer, upon every one o f the resolutions whi ch been read by his Fri en d, would give a clear and exPllGrje explanation to the House. He knew not what c aurae Right Hon. the President of the Board of Tra d e miff " think it expedient to pursue on the present °cc. ; AS.OII. Be believed, however, that the Right Hon. Ger it i em an W I " resolved on doing ample justice to India, ' dot he re" t ' in conceit with others, attend to dive Eugg estiou from the Right Honourable the Chance' odor of the F. d chcquer--( Hear ) There were other !parties, too, an