The Sun. — London, England, 1840-01-29 00:00:00

tonctlinta, as they did, very briefly on them, because, where 1 little has been alleged , little remains to be answered— (Laughter. ) —and I think the next point upon which the House of Commons are called upon to exercise an opinion hostile, is their patronage. Upon this point I have little more to do than to re:er to statements made by the Right Hon.. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, who, I think, stated, and such statement was received with the general approbation of this House, that in the distribution of the patronage of the Govern ment it was a common rule, and a sensible one, to give the pa tronage which falls to the Government to your friends, and not to your opponents. I believe if Admiral Fleming had been a Tory, we should have heard nothing but of his merits ; not the slightest hint could be suggested that he was not a perfectly fit person for the situation, looking at his rank, his station, and his ser,se s. --(Oh, oh, and cheering.) I don't know whether : Lerman is aware of the duties of this. office —pro . • • lot, if his inquiries have not besu more extensive to. t than on others. A worn-out veteran would not have ;seen able to have discharged the duties of it—worn-out veterans are entitled to rewards and pensions, and this House has awarded distinctions and rewards to those who have served their country. The post of Admiral Fleming is an active post. It is not one that ought to be given to a worn-out veteran—a worn-out veteran is not the character of the person appointed to it, and looking at the charges made on this sub . ject, as well as on some others, I can conceive no other motive for them but the bitter disappointment of seeing the filling up • o; those appointments fall into the hands of their political op ponents.—( Cheers.) Then as to Sir John Newport, would I the House, after the public services he had performed, make I air granting of a pension to him a ground for withholding their confidence from the Government ? I can hardly imagine why this is brought forward as a subject of complaint. lion. Gen tlemen may be anxious to assume the reins of office, and the failure of their attacks on isolated portions of Ministerial po licy, their dis ippointment and chagrin at seeing the patronage of the Government still in the hands of their political oppo nents, may prompt them to tiring forward these charges. But in the absence of the sligligaka. charge of corruption, it is not, 1 think, fit to be introduceTS7an item in the indictment now to be preferred, and which is to settle this" momentous" and important question.—(Cheers and laughter.) The next point the Hon Gentleman alluded to was the Ballot. It has been imputed as a charge against her Majesty's Government, that after the Speech which was delivered by my Noble Friend last year, who was sincerely opposed to the Ballot, a place has been offered to and accepted by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh. If a justification were required for making that question an open question, it might be found in this, that if the refusal of making it an open question deprived the Government of the services of the greatest and most dis tinguished glen to be found in the ranks of the most zealous and constitutional men that this country possesses, that would have formed the strongest argument for making the question of the Ballot an open question. I must say fur myself, that although I am now in favour of the Ballot, I did at one time oppose it. I had that confidence in the public virtue which led me to deprecate it so long as the slightest hope re mained that public opinion would check the increasing evil that was felt at elections from the arts and intimidation and serruption which was unhesitatingly and unblushingly exercised in order to bring back the representation of this House, by indirect means, because it could not be done by direct :maw, to the same state that it was in before the pass ing of the Reform Act.—( Great cheering.) I was a reluctant convert to the Ballet, but I must confess, at the same time, that I am by no means satisfied of its sufficiency.—(Cries of " Oh.") The Hon. Gentleman went. on to say that he had stood upon a popular hustings, and had been asked if he would support the Pallet, and he had been asked if he could point out any other measure by which the position of the lower classes in that country would be benefited, and he had at once admitted the force of that reasoning. He had moved for a Committee, and it had sat during the last two Sessions (although from his ' necessary attendance upon other matters he could not, during the last Session, devote much attention personally to it) to in ' inquire what means but that of the Ballot could be devised to satisfy the demands of the country to put down the abuses to which Parliamentary elections were liable. He (Sir G. Grey) had seen that in most cases the ablest and most successful men were those who resorted to bribery and intimidation to the greatest extent. He was bound, then, to admit the force of the reasoning, and the Ballot being an open question, without being convinced of its sufficiency to remedy the evil, in deference to the wishes of his constituents, and heing convinced that no evil of any magnitude could result from it, he had recorded his vote in favour of the Ballot.—( Loud cheers.) The majority of that House was divided upon the question of the Ballot-- public opinion out of doors was divided upon it, and was the House prepared to decide that because the Government had admitted into its ranks men who were known to be the advo cates—the honest and independent advocates of the Ballot, from the conviction that everything else must fail—he asked was the House prepared to condemn the Government for that, and call upon them either to resign, or exclude from their ranks the honest advocates of the Ballot ?—( Cheers.) The Hon. Baro net had next alluded to the finances of the country,aad althogh he had touched the subject but slightly, the Hon. Alddalfian could not avoid making some allusions, and he thought them rather invidious with regard to the penny post.—( Hear.) He was rather surprised to hear the Hon. Gentleman as a commers vial man, and acquainted with commercial affairs, when com plaining of the state of the finances of the country, condemning a nteasun. which bad been asked for by the almost unanimous voice of the people of England.—( Cheers.) He thought if his memory did not fail him, that ha had voted in favour of the introduction of the Penny-postage with the Hon. Alderman— (Cheers and laughter)—and that he might be more correct upon the matter, he had asked for the registered list of votes, to which they were indebted to the Hon. Member for Shef field, and in them lie found the name of the Hen. Alderman in the majority.—( Hear, hear, from Alderman Thompson, and laughter.) But that was not all—the Government had n ot been reckless in proposing to the House the adoption of the Penny-post system. They felt that it was a great experiment —an experiment upon the finances of the country, and before they pledged themselves to carry out the plan of Mr. Rowland Hill, they called upon the House of Commons to guarantee the finances of the country, and pledge themselves to make good any deficiency that might arise from carrying the measure into effect.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet was entitled to throw ridicule upon that proposition as he had done on a for mer occasion. Was it, however, perfectly consistent to vote in favour of the introduction of the measure, anti against the resolution which pledged the House to make good the dea ciency?—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Alderman, it would appear, did not consult the Right Hon. Baronet on that occasion.— ( Hear, hear.) He had no confidence in the Itight Hon. Ba ronet.—( Cheers and laughter.) On that occasion he place f confidence in her Majesty's Government—( A laugh)— and so great was that confidence at the close of the last Session that he not only voted for the penny-post measure, but against the resolution which would guarantee the making good of any deficiency.—( Hear, hear.) Now, the Hon. Alderman blaimed the Government for bringing forward the penny post measure, and among the many questions which had been put to his Right Hon. Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer that evening for the purpose of founding observations upon them in the course of the present debate, he was surprised the Hon. Alderman had hot asked whether his Right Hon. Friend could bold out any hopes of the finances of the country escaping their present perilous condition.—( Hear.) Instead of that he came down and asked the House to pass a censure upon the present Govern7r.ent for proposing a measure which had been most strenuously demanded by the country, because the finances of the country were in an embarrassed state. He felt ?hat he would be wasting their time, and offering an insult to tam judg'nent of the House, if he now asked them whether they agreed with the Hon. Alderman in condemning the Go vernment for having honestly, consistently, ant zealously car ried out their intentions with respect to the penny post. So long as it was impossible to carry the plan fully into effect—so long as the experiment of a fourpenny postage was carried on to enable the Post-office authorities to complete their arrange ments, it was repeated day by day—it was instilled into the minds of those who only viewed one side of the question, that the Government meant to abandon the penny post.— ( Hear, hear.) That was not now insisted on or even whis pered in the House, but the advocates of the measure—advo cates most probably under the pressure of their constituents --(A laugh )—carne, down and asked the House to pass a vote of censure on the Government for having carried the measure into effect.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Baronet had expressed a hope, as a great landed proprietor, that the landed interests of the country would know what the intentions of the Government wet e. He (Sir G. Grey) supposed the Hon. Baronet referred to the question of the Corn-laws. He had thought that with respect to that question the opinions of the Government had been explicitly expressed during the last Session. He was aware also that it had been made a subject matter of complaint that the. Corn-laws had been made an open question in the Cabinet. But, he would ask, were Honourable Gentlemen opposite agreed upon the question ?—( Much cheering.) Were they nil prepared to vote with the Right Honourable Baronet in the course which he meant to take with respect to the Corn-laws ?—( Hear, hear.) Would the Government whit the Right Honourable Baronet would form, if the present motion was successful, cancer :n resisting any alteration its the :.t I s, ,elaws?—( Hear.) He admitted the question to ~..port ant and momentous one, and before the present ,!, sal the House would be informed what plan was .1 be substituted for the policy of the pres'ent Go- _ . :••rticautt: ? On that subject the House could easily infer what would be the policy of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, because a near relative of the Right Hon. Gentleman, who was lately a candidate for a bo. ough in the southern part of the couotry—( Hear, hear)—and he thought it important that the lion. Baronet, the Member for Scuth Devon, should be aware of the opinions expressed by a Right Hon. Gentleman, adopting his own views of questions if public policy, and especially upon that most momentous quesion. What did that High Hon. Gentleman say at a meeting of his friends. Why, if the re port.of his speech was not a misrepresentation, and he was sa tis6o that the Hon. Baronet wou!d pledge himself for the character of the pareri n which the report. appeared, when he announced its name--the Mist of England Conservative— ( Laughter, and cheering )—if that report was not an erroneous sne the Right Hon. Gentleman Ird stated, that on the sub ject sf tke Corn-laws an attempt had been made by his oppo nents to injure him by misrepresenting his opinions. He had seen swarms of 'children and mothers anxiously asking how they could feed them. He had seen fathers stating that they could not supply their wants. All that dissatisfaction and dis tress had been occasioned by the Corn-laws, and it would have been useless in him to attempt to contest the borough if he hall wit made that statement.—( Great laughter and cheering, ) Well might he (Sir G. Grey) say, as Richard said to Queen Anne K Was ever woman in such humour wooed— Was ever woman in such humour won?" --(Laughter and cheers.) That was not the first occasion on which a change—a most important change had taken place in the seotirnents of the Right Hon. Baronet, because, on the sane question, which through the whole of his previous political lice tie had moat determinedly opposed, a similar cha nge h a d taken place. The Right Hon. Gentleman to whom he alluded, at tht*time that declaration was made, stated that he was in constatt communication with the Right Hon. Baronet, and that very morning:, subsequent to that speech, he stated that he had received a letter frcm the Right Hon. Baronet, which (and that is a very remarkable circumstance) contained a pre diction of the present debate.—( Hear, hear.) (c it Robert Peel here intimated some doubt of the correctness of the statement.) He (Sir G. Grey) would pledge himself to show the Right Hon. Baronet the statement in the course of the debate. His impression was that the letter of the Right lion. Baronet was not read, but its contents were stated, and among the rest that the Right Hun. Baronet had expressed the greatest interest in his snows, and his sense of the importance of winning that borough from th e G overnmen t.—(A l aug h. ) Pie would admit that it was not stated that the Right Hon. Baronet had in his letter said anything of the Corn-laws.— ( Hear, hear.) But was it to be supposed that the Right iron. Baronet, to whom the progress of his Right Hon. relatives canvass was duly reported, would have been kept in ignorance of the ways and means by which his success was to be secured ? --(Hear, hear. )—Did not the Right l lon. Gentlemen pub licly proclaim that all the world would be against him, and none for him, unless he were a Corn-law repealer ?—( (lean ) The public would also infer from the tone of the Right Hon. Baronet's letter, that on the meeting of Parliament there would be a great struggle between the Opposing parties, He thought, under thesecireumstances, that it would be satisfactory to the House toknow what the views of the Right Hon. Baronet were on the subject of the Corn-laws. He (Sir G. Grey,) would not hesitate to say, although he honestly differed from his friends on the subject, that he entertained a strong opinion as to a modification of the present Corn-laws, and he should deeply regret, if the Hon.. Baronet came into power, that he should ',ledge himself to uphold the present system against the expec tations which had been excited by the passage in the letter to g hich he had alluded.—(Hear , ) The other points t o w hi c h W ttree had been made, were their Colonial Passessicns, and .I.:PP: 4, . r- ' # 4.0 -,..,.:,,-- ~... ~ • 4 ; eZi1 . ..4.1 .1.14 +..-, China; and the question was,with respect to the latter, whether ' the occurrences that had taken place could be fairly charged upon the neglect of Government to do what was necessary for the maintenance of British interests and the honour ct the British Crown. Upon that subject the voluminous pap s s laid upon the table by his Noble Friend would supply the fullest in formation. Before these papers were read or examined, the House was called upon to condemn the policy of the Govern ment. He would ask the Hon. Alderman whether, as a com mercial man, he could find any fault with the measures adopted by the Government for the protection of the commercial inte • rests of that country ?—( Hear.) With regard to their colonies, he had so frequently obtruded himself upon the House that he was unwilling to refer, at any length, to the subject; but now that he was no longer connected with that department, he might express his satisfaction at the trifling space they occupied in the speeches of the Right Hon. Mover and Seconder. He believed the Hon. Alderman was connected with the North American Colonies, and he would ask him whether he was not satisfied that there was at present a prospect of a satisfactory settlement of the affairs of these colonies?—( Hear, hear.) That had only been marred by the suspicions which had been instilled into the minds of the disaffected, that the House of Commons had resolved to withdraw its confidence from the present Government. He was gratified to think that such was the result of the Government of his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. P. Thomson) of whose appointment, although much had been said out of doors he had not heard one whisper in that House.— ( Hear, hear.) With regard to Ja,maica he begged to express his heartfelt satisfaction at the state' of affairs in that colony— he rejoice.) that after the warning conveyed in the proceedings of last Session that the House of Assembly had proceeded to business in a spirit which he trusted (although it had not yet been fairly tested) would show that they were still worthy tf being entrusted with the affairs of that colony, and that they were willing to legislate in a spirit of fairness towards all classes of the community.—(Hear, hear.) He asked the Right Hon. _Baronet whether, in his opinion, matters would have progressed so satisfactorily from the time of Sir Charles 3letcalrs arrival in the Island if the policy which he had advocated had been fol lowed out by the Government at home ? He saw in a Con servative journal, the Times, and in a conspicuous part of it, a communication from acorrespondent who, he was satisfied, from his intimate acquaintance with the opinions of the leading Mem bers of the House of Assembly, could be no other than the agent for Jamaica. In that letter the writer expressed his satisfaction at the tone and character of the speech of the Governor, and strongly condemning the course adopted by the Conservative party in that House. There they had a statement made by a gentleman, than whom no one could be more conversant with the opinions of the House of Assembly, that the course adopted by the Conservative leader in the House of Commons was not the one which had produged the present happy results. That was only a specimen among many that upon the various questions of policy the Right Honourable Baronet did not go far enough for those with whom he was associated. He had a tendency—and he (Sir G. Grey) spoke sincerely when he said that he admired him, that he highly respected him, and esteemed him for his character, his position, and his talents, and he still more ad mired him for that tendency to liberal opinions, for his avowed deference to the opinion of the public, and for his anxiety to elicit truth, and he regretted to see that he was obnoxious to many Hon. Members whose passions would carry them farther. —(Cheers.) Before he left the subject of thdir colonies he would observe that he was rather surprised throughout a ques tion of so important a nature not one word had been said with regard to that great and important part of their dominions, India.—( Hear, hear.) Was it that India had furnished for the first time no charge against her Majesty's Government ? (Cheers.) Was it on account of the remoteness of its position ? Why the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke last year, before the result of Lord Au ckland's policy and the triumph of British arms was ascertained, had given notice for a motion upon the subject for an impossible day during the recess —( Much laughter)—avowedly because he would not lose a single moment in calling the attention of the House to the affairs of India. From that day to the present they had never heard a word of the notice, while Lord Auckland's policy and British valour had:achieved a triumph, for which he hoped that House would, in a very short time, by a unanimous vote, con vey to them its thanks.—(Hear, hear.) Was it on that ground, he would ask, that the confidence of the House was to be withdrawn from her Majesty's Government, because India had been governed in a way that reflected honour upon the British arms, had extended her possessions, and protected her commerce? He asked why that subject had been omitted altogether from the speech of the Hon. Baronet, when its importance in connection with the policy of the Government was considered ? Before he sat down he begged to express his satisfaction that the tone of the debate was not likely to partake of what 'might be considered ex tremely unfair to that House, viz., the introduction of topics connected with religious differences, which each side of the House had kept out of view lately.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard nothing, and be assumed that it was not intended to be made a charge against her Majesty's G over nment, that the Roman Cathoic Emancipation Bill had not been suffered to remain a dead letter. He assumed, although he saw the Hon. Member for Kilmarnock taking notes, that it was not intended to condemn them on account of the appoint ment to the Government of gentlemen who were eligible by the Act, proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, in the spirit in which he was anxious to carry it out to the full participation of those rights which were legally conferred on them. He was not aware that there were any other points to which it was ne cessary he should allude. With respect to the general charge of tampering with the institutions of the country, he might point to the formidable array before him, as a proof that there was no ground for apprehending any dangerous innovations—. (A laugh)—but he would refer also to the speech of a Conser vative leader in the ether House (Lord Lyndhurst), w hich lad been printed, and widely circulated throughout the country, and his boast was, not that these institutions were not tampered with, but that nothing had been done in the House of Commons—(Hear, hear, hear)—and as a proof of that he had referred to the absence of Acts of Parliament, and of all legislation on the part of the House of Commons. Had the Right Hon. Baronet nothing to recommend him but the connection of his party, he would venture to tell him that it was not from that side of the House, but from his own party, that he had most occasion to fear. Lord Lyndhurst had given a striking illustration of the unfortunate position of the lion. Baronet, when, in allusion to an analogous case, he asked how, under such ciacumstances, could the King's Government be carried on, and the event to which he then so prophetically alluded had been truly verified by the result.—(Loud cheers.) If there was one point more than another which had tended to excite the new-born zeal of gentlemen opposite, it was that Ministers had adhered to the principles of the Reform Bill, and sought to carry it out in its spirit and intentions, whenever that measure was agitated in that House. Hon. Members op posite gave it their unqualified approbation, although at the same time they sought to excite a clamour against it out of doors, and to deprive by such means their Catholic and Dissenting fellow-subjects from the full benefits conferred by it. Had that House not to consider when it was called upon to withhold its confidence from the Government whether the Hon. Bart.'s policy or that of Lord Lyndhurst was to be adopted. There was one point to which he felt parficularly called upon to allude, that was whether H in. Members had not been atten tive observers of what passed on this subject during the last Session of Parliament, in which the Hon. Baronet had taken a part which had gained for him the unqualified approbation of that House. He, the Honourable Baronet, was on that occasion left to fight his battle single handed, but he had fought it in a manner which entitled him to the highest ad miration of that House; and if now the Hon. Baronet were to become Prime Minister of this country, were Hon. Members opposite prepared to give him their confidence and support in those measures which he might deem necessary to the prospe rity of the country ?—(Cheers.) He would ask the conductors of the motion now under discussion if, as its result, a dissolution should take place, were they prepared to oppose themselves to those improvements which that House had sanctioned, and to others which the country called for ?—( Hear, hear.) If he wished for a proof of the unanimity and c. nsistency which prevailed amongst those Hon. Gentlemen he had only to instance the case of the Recorder of London, who in a tone of triumph, and as if speaking of a matter of the most perfect in difference said, with reference to the proceedings in Stockdale's case, that the lion. Baronet was supported by a small portion of the Conservative party—(Cheers)--and that small party was composed of the very persons who would refuse to support the Honourable Baronet ih any liberal measures. That small party, no doubt. included the Hon. Member for Lancashire ; indeed the Hon. Baronet had acted most candidly when, during the last Session, he had stated the names of eight persons upon whom he mainly relied for support. and who con stituted that contemptible array of auxiliaries? He had no wish to wound the feelings of the Right Hon. Baronet; on the contrary, lie sincerely hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would meet the reward he merited for the fair course he had pursued. —(Cheers.) But it did become an important question for that House to ask itself before it came to a decision on the motion now before it, how far the sentiments of the Right Hon. Baronet would be supported by those on his cwn side of the House, and how far he could rely upon them for support'?—(Cheers.) They had not now to inquire what were the principles of the Hon. Baronet, but what were the principles of his party; for the question before them was a question of principle, and before Hon. Members voted they ought to ascertain what were the principles they were going to vote for, and those principles ought to be stated. He had ever advocated a course of gradual im provement ; he would still support all improvements which might be necessary, and would oppose those which went fur ther. He would ask the House to recollect the improvements which had taken place under the present Government, anti within the last century, and then say under the existence of whet class of principles those improvements had been adopted; to the maintenance of those principles, for good or evil, he would adhere, rather than submit to the repeal of those Acts by which Dissenters had been admitted to come privileges, and their Catabolic brethren had been rescued from degradation. He would not regret to see the Hon. Baronet coming manfully forward, and avowing a change to more liberal principles; and ho should only regret that such a change might lose many of its beneficial consequences by not having been earlier made. But what was the charge preferred against her Ma jesty's Government, and upon what grounds was it the House was asked to withdraw its confidence? Was it because, that, under that Government, 800,000 of our fellow-subjects had been redeemed from slavery, and England and Scotland obtained corporation reform in spite of all the opposition that could be raised against them ? These were but a few of the items of a most important catalogue of reforms which had been effected under the present Government, and he would leave it to Hon. Members opposite to say what had been the results of their policy during the period their party held office. The measures of reform to which he had pointed their attention were of no insignificant character, they were measures of great magni tude—they were imperishable memorials, which hereafter would be appreciated by their descendants and posterity. He had bee n pressed by the other side of the House into this con test, a n d he would now conclude by offering his most decided negrtive to the motion of the Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Mem ber then resumed his seat amid the most deafening cheers. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET then rose, but for some minutes was rendered inaudible by the rush of Members leaving the House. He said he felt he should not be dis v,,,cHhheoarauretgsehitnialged e s iae d sn( ,ot of the fromr t if thehlreia on n ( Hv l i n . es o i: t oi meb m nee, a rhr k se : ;.rst ) s wt o , ,hc m eot e uhl laeds pt observations nrao:ictdersete.dseisnegdl%si on ett Newport ; but if he (the lion. Member) were aware of the calamitous results of those proceedings, he vr,uld scarcely have alluded to the subject with such perfect indifference as he had done. Was there, he would ask, nothi ng ser i ous or alarming in the fact of a large body of armed men marching upon a town—was there nothing alarming in the loss of life which was occasioned by it—or were they to look lightly at an event for proceeding with which three men were now lying under sentence of execution:—(Hear, bear.) He would tell the Hon. Member that were he connected with the district in which those events had happened, he would be inclined to think differently on the subject, and he felt sure the views entertained by the Hon. Member would not meet with the approbation of the public. The fate of that unfortunate man, Frost, rnialst be traced as a consequence of the rule laid down b y the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) a rule which he had taken care not to follow up himself.—(Hear, hear.) By the appointment of Frost to the Commiss:on of the Peace, that Noble Lord had incurred great responsibility, because it gave to Frost a power and influence which enabled him to do much mischief. That was the opinion of many who had considered the subject, and who thought that that appointment had a w th the crimes striking influence in producing the events at Newport. He fate(Lord G. Somerset) had resolved not to sa t y e a i r word uaspon crimes of those unfortunate men while h unde cided, but he would new go back a little farther. In 1 836 Frost had been appointed a Magistrate—before that appointment he had been on two occasions reprimanded by the Lord Chief Justice. Had the Lord Lcutenant contradicted one of the charges brought against Frost? Not one. The letter was in the Noble Lord's possession, and no doubt he would produce it.— (H. , ar, hear.) The Noble Lord must have known of Frost's connection with the Chartists lcng before he dismissed him from the Magistracy. Why had he not up to that time (January) taken steps to suppress those Chartist proceedings ? Lord J. RUSSELL said steps had been taken befora that time. Lord GRAN VILLE SOMERSET—lndependent of Frost's proceeding, had the Noble Lord done anything to suppress that dangerous publication, the Vindicator, which had to so alarm ing an extent inflamed the minds of the people ? Nothing, until it was too late. That paper had done much to poison the minds of the people ; indeed, it was now the opinion of many that it had done more than anything else towards promoting the recent outbreaks.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) With regard to what had been stated by his Hon. Friend, the worthy Alderman, who opened that discussion, in reference to the County of Monmouth, he could bear his testimony to that st itement. He believed that the population among o hich the disturbances had arisen, were in a state of comparative comfort, and he had reason to think that they were in general a very fine and honest people; and though he did not wish to say it toeheir credit, he would mention it as an alarming symptom, that in the entire of their long march, and during great stress of weather, they had abstained from all acts of mischief. He believed that, with very few excettions, no violence had been committed by them—that they had received no refreshments which they did not pay for. That seemed to him to be an alarming feature in the case.—( Hear, hear.) The whole progress of the insurrection had been marked by that honesty, that absence of violence, and that determination to look to the main object only ; and he repeated, that that was a dangerous symptom in the feelings of that population. The only exception to their good conduct was, that they pressed persons to join them in their unlawful purposes. It was far from being his intention to trespass at any length on the time of the House, but he could state to them that, at the pre sent moment, the feelings of disaffection which had arisen in those districts had not been put down—there was, at this mo ment, a feeling of irritation—there was a want of confidence in the minds of a large portion of the inhabitants of that coun try, which he feared would mar its condition for many years. There had been, hitherto, no district more prosperous; but he feared that that prosperity had received a great check. He did not think that the severity of the law was the only means of remedying those evils ; but he was sure, that if the Government did not devise some mode of preventing the sale of the seditious and blas phemous publications which were circulated so largely through South Wales, force and the rigours of the law would be unavailing, and they would not have put down that unfor tunate spirit which now exists. He believed that there was a strong feeling in those districts that agitation was not discou raged by the Government—he believed he might may, without wishing to make any attack on the Hon. Member for Dublin, that when a high judicial situation had been offered to him, it was felt that agitation was rewarded in Ireland, while in Eng land it had been punished. That feeling might be erroneous, but it certainly existed. Government might tell the Chartists that their conduct had been wrong, but they would point to the other side of the Channel, and they would say that the Hon. Member for Dublin, who had been so honoured, thought he was right, and that they thought they were right too. The purposes of that Honourable Gentleman were not less illegal than theirs. Was not the Union of Ireland and of this country as binding and as solemn as any of those institutions of England which the Chartists wished to overthrow ?—( Hear, hear, from the Opposition Benches.) Those opinions he had just expressed had been conveyed to him from a source, of whose accuracy he could not doubt, and whatever might be the angry remarks they might provoke from the Honourable Member for Dublin, he could not help stating them to the House. He did not mean to enter into a discussion of the va rious points alluded to by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Grey. He should, however, make one observation, that, if it be permitted at. elections to make use of any weapons, it would also appear from the speech of the Right Hon. Gentle man, that in Parliamentary proceedings all sorts of logic were allowable. He alluded to the inferences drawn from the speech on the Corn-laws, of an election candidate (Mr. Dawson), which he (Lord . Solnerset) had thought a most extraordi nary perversion of all the rules of logic. He had now done, and had he not felt it his duty, he would not have addressed those observations to the House. Mr. HAWES rose and said that in another' place, and at another time, it had been said that a great country could not carry on a little war. He was sure, however, that this debate would show that a great party could carry on a great war, with little materials at its disposal.—(Hear.) He had never heard anything so irrelevant to the question under discussion as the speech of the Noble Lord who had just addressed the House, and the matter which he had brought forward. The greater part of the speech was occu pied m putting questions to the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, which the Noble speaker ought to have put him self in a way to answer before coming to the House. This was to be a great debate—but it was principally to the opinion which it would produce out of doors they should look. No party, however, he believed, ever felt more confident as to the impression likely to be produced on the public mind with regard to the matter of a debate, than Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the House felt on the present occasion. They were not going to let Mon. Gentlemen pass with vague generalities—they would ask them what were the principles by which they proposed to govern the country, and the measures they intended to adopt. They were about to appeal to the coun try as to a jury—that jury had, however, already manifested a decided bias with regard to the question in dispute. Whether they looked to Edinburgh, to Devonport, Birmingham, or to Newark—( Hear, hear)—they found that all had sent Mem bers to the House of Commons who would support the Govern ment on the present occasion; and they had certainly the sin gular advantage of being already aware of the sentiments of those to whom they appealed. He (Mr. Hawes) was at the same time prepared to show, that under the present adminis tration of the empire, the material condition of the people had much improved. There had been two or three periods, he should observe, in modern times, when attacks had been made by Hon. Gentlemen on acts of useful and liberal policy. The measures of Mr. Huskisson had been assailed by the same party who now assailed the present Ministry. He was now ready to show, that during the period of Whig Admi nistration—that is for the last nine years—the country had suffered no deterioration in the elements of its presperity.—( Hear, hear.) And, if that were so, it would be for Hon. Gentlemen opposite to show what course they would follow which could heighten that prosperity, or which could avert that distress which he was at the same time pre pared to admit existed. The great object of Gentlemen on the other side was to change the principles on which the country was governed. They had twice an opportunity of seizing on the administration of affairs—they bad once tried the tone and temper of the country, and they had been driven from power by a vote of the House of Commons. On a subsequent occasion they had endeavoured to assume the reigns of power, but they had fallen from their hands. It Has certainly a striking circum stance, that on a former occasion to which he alluded, namely, in the year 1835, when the great object of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite had been to form a Government calculated to obtain the respect of the people, he had discarded old Tory principles, and had not attempted to frame an Administration on the principles of his party. The Noble Lord the Member for Lancashire, and the Right Hon. Member for Pembroke, were the Gentlemen to whom he had applied on that occasion, both of whom had gone over to the other side of the House, from that side of the House to the other, while they avowed that they Lad not changed their principles. The Hon. Baronet must then have changed his.—(," No, no," from an Hon. Member on the Opposition benches.) Did the Hon. Member then mean to say that the Noble Lord the Member for Lancaehire and the Right Hon. Members had changed their opinions—for there must have been a change somewhere. He thought, however, some reasons should be assigned for that change. Was it to be . said that the material elements of their prospe rit y had b e en injured or weakened by the course pursued by the Govern ment? He would take the liberty of stating to the House a few facts, which he had obtained by referring to the statistical papers lying on their table. If he could infer what was the state of the country by referring to the consumption of excise able commodities, he found a steady increase in them. He would refer to some accounts on that subject, proceedin g from a Right Hon. Friend of his—the tormer President of the Board of Trade. In the article of tobacco he found that there had been an increase, since 1830, of 15 per cent., in sugar there had been an increase of Bi, in tea of 3 per cent., in coffee of 124, and in soap of 33 per cent. In spirits there had been an increase of 24 per cent. ; and in another article on which the duty had been reduced, namely cocoa, there was the large increase of 39 per cent. In cotton wools there was an increase since 1832 to 1838, of 32 per cent. So far no decree had taken place in the material productions of the country. In the article of timber there had been an increase since 1430 of 5 per cent. There were various other commodities to which he could refer, but he would refer at present to the shipping interest. With regard to steam-vessels which had come into existence in modern times, he found that there had been 331) in the year 1830, and 600 in the year 1836, while in the year 1833 there were 810. With reference to the general shipping of the country, he should observe that in the year IM4 we were the great carriers of Europe, and that we then entirely commanded the seas. We had at the time a shipping of 2,414,000 tons. In the year 1827 a new Act had been passed, by which a great number of sh ps had been struck off the registry ; yet in the year 1838 we had a shipping of 2,420,000 tons, being a slight increase on the tonnage of 1814. He need not allude to the large investment of capital in railways, and to the number of them which now covered the face of the country. In 1830 there were sixty-one railways, but there were now 103. With regard to the revenue in 1830 it was 50,000,000/. ; in 18,38 it was 47,000,000/. ; during the time 6,000,0001. of taxes had been repealed. He found that in 1839 there were 21,000,000/. invested in caving banks, while in 1839 there were 23,300,000/. The number of depositors was now 49,000, and the amount of deposits was 1,300,0001. a-year. The amount of annuities paid was 12,000/. a year ; and the number of societies paying them amounted to 300. .Perhaps, however, Hon. Gentlemen opposite might wish to turn from the internal condition of the country to the forei g n policy of the Government. —( Hear, from Mr. Colquhoun. ) He was glad to hear that cheer from the Hon. Member for Kilmarnock. Was he dissatisfied with the Austrian Treaty? He ( Mr. Hawes) had taken some pains to ascci tain the results which followed from that measure. He thought it might serve as an example to all future statesmen; and that it hid been more fruitful of good fleets than any other event he could point out. The results of un e pp constitutionalopt 1 ports t r a tta,ntreatya with, ut 9 es 51 influenceday, grounds B rcl oao r ff t neei by e l ys. the Austrian Treaty, as fir as regarded the Tariff and the Qua t rantine shills in that ti .r‘ c a e r l,ea t iarssnea o gdmt f o wetu t n:te u of r nao o pnu p op,ri e rt( Laws, had largely increased the amount of British ship sugar, and various other articles. These ships had previously ft l'Afe Governmenta t L was nd o a n G Government liberal motives, was sure to be taken advantage of, and to be most vexatiously opposed by the Hon. Gentleman on the opposite side of that House.—( Cheers from the Ministerial aide, and cries of " " No, no, from the Opposition.) There was one one subject touched upon by the lion. Baronet to which he could not help alluding ; that Honourable Baronet spoke of agitation, and ascribed it to a party at his (Mr. Hawes's) side of the House; but did the lloneurable Gentleman recollect the agitation that was got up against the Poor-laws? Bathe (Mr. Hawes) thought he would not be in clined to allude to the question of Poor-laws, after the sever:, castigation which he got with reference to that subject— died with great caution by that party who were never un willing to resort to that alternative, wherever their prejudices manifested so bitter an hostility to the Minis ever oppositeside of that House, who never Libe ral Government.—( Hear, hear, hear.) . N_ o party try as the to appeal to 'ices of the people.—( Great cheer ing.)the passions and the preys( he thought it He bad no hesitation in saying shrunk from any opportunity, however unworthy, opinions generally support.---( Hear, hear.) The grounded upon dis graceful for any party to stoop to such means, in order to ad vancedob- tain by the Opposition on that occasion, were which had little imagination, so or no foueda• ion but in their own fertile the most exaggerated statement of dangers, . that he could only suppose them to be honest at the ex pense of their understandings.—( Cries of " Hear, hear,") He should take the liberty of referring to one or two of the misrepresentation forthecene : Minutes of the Privy Council, not for the purpose of entering of the grosspeoudot hSfaueri upon Trieste,ose into the religious portion of the subject, but of complaining of made of the benefi cent measure which was proposed by this Government. The Committee of the Privy Council brought forward and main tained a measurelnspection of Schools upon the Government plan. It was then distinctly declared the grounds that would induce them to give their attention to whicha lv4.a was these schools ; it was made a sine qua non, that they should be carried on upon the clearest Christian principles--( Hear.) It was made a sine qua non that the Bible should be regularly read.--( Hear, hear.) He only referred thus generally to those documents, because they were printed and circulated by the authority of that House, and, of course, could have been refer red to by any one who pleased to examine them. It could not then be denied that the basis upon which these schools were formed was purely religious—( Cries of " Hear, hear)—anti upon that basis only the Government was induced to give them their support.—( Hear, hear.) But a Society, calling itself the " National Society," circulated a precious do cument, which, on the outside, was marked " Pri vate and confidential." This document was certainly never intended to fall into his hands. It was signed by a No ble Lord, a Member of that House, and was, of course, sent round to all the Clergy in England. The document stated, " that inasmuch as they, the Clergy of England, were Protes tants and Churchmen, they were called upon to oppose any education project founded upon such principles." He consi dered this document, which was, no doubt, penned by a Cler gyman, who acted as Secretary it appears, to be utterly un founded in its allegations. And further, that those who made the assertions therein contained could, if they pleased, have ascertained every truth connected with the measures they so generally condemned.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He wondered that they should have adopted, by means so utterly unworthy, such an instrument to raise the minds of the people against what he would call a most religious and beneficent project.—( Cheers.) There was one thine' ' he should observe upon whil e p ass i ng over thi s su bj ec t, an d that was a distinct protest against the " National Society" assuming to themselves to be the representatives of the Church ; it was a little body of persons who met somewhere about the lower part of West minster.—( Hear and laughter.) He must say, if agitation be the work of any party, it was never used more unworthily than by the party who originated such means in order to advance their objects.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped he had satisfied the House by the statement he had made, that the country had much increased in its prosperity while under the government of the present Administration. He had shown the increased consumption of every article in the excise—( Hear)—he had shown the, increased consump tion of timber—(Hear) —and the great increase which had taken place in their revenue.—( Hear.) He should be ready at any time to show the great progress the country hadmade in its trade and commerce, but great as that progress had been, it would have been as nothing compared to what it would most positively be if they were disembarrassed from these laws which disturb their currency—( Hear, hear, from the Opposi sition)—which injure every other country without benefiting them.—( Hear, hear.) He considered those laws were based upon injustice, and, therefore, could not p issibly continue— ( Hear, hear, from the Conservatives)—but he hoped in a short time to have an ample opportunity of discussing that question. —(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentlemen opposite hoped to obtain public support and sympathy from those appeals which they made to the country at large; the more their principles were known the more would be the opposition which would be given to them.—(Cheers. ) The more the results of those measures were canvassed, the more the country would have reason to be grateful to them for giving every opposition pos sible to their party in that House.-4 Hear, hear, and cries of " Ord. r.") He thought the country was entitled at all events to know the policy that the Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side would be inclined to pursue. "Nothing had been more - vague and undecided than their resolution, it simply expressed dissatisfaction towards the Ministry. Surely they already knew they were dissatisfied with the Government. —(Laughter. ) And he was certain, they would have not the smallest objection to take their places.—( Great laughter.) He presumed that this debate would not end without receiving a statement from them of what their course of policy would be, and what measures they would propose.—(Loud laughter.) He should like to know whether they meditated getting rid of the Poor-law Act or the Catholic Emancipation Act, er whether they would deprive the Protestant Dissenters of their po'itical and civil rights because they dared to dissent from them.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Let them come forward manfully and avow their principles, and perhaps he and his party would support them, if they showed a better system of policy than what they now so loquaciously find fault with. Let them recollect that there three parties in that House, viz., the Tories, the Whigs, and the Radicals. The Hon. Gentleman could have very little doubt but that they had many grounds of complaint, for they were the third party.—( Hear, hear.) Let them (the Oppo sition) tell the House what their policy would be, if they had the reins of Government in their hands, and not skulk about generalities.—(Hear.) He, however, thought that the mer cantile interest would have some claims on that House. so as to induce the Government to pursue a different course than what they had done.—( Hear, from the Opposition.) In a country like theirs, with such an enormous amount of corn merce, it was most necessary, for this interest, to be blessed with a steady Executive.—(Cheers from the same quarter.) As the opposite party appear to assent to this, the country will tradeer another al 'prser IcBe3 t have a right to claim from them a cessation from those constant obstructions which they have so perseveringly carried on against the introduction of useful measures--( Hear, hear, and laughter)—and which were calculated to place in great peril the Colonial interests of the country ; and, still worse, their po licy was engendering the growth of a party who was at the bottom of all, and who were opposed to every fair and rational system of Government. If the decision on this question be in favour of the Government, which he had no doubt of, the country would have a strong claim upon those Opposition Gen tlemen to put their shoulders to the wheel, and assist tho Mi nistry in the passing of good measures for the benefit of the country. There were a great number of subjects which claimed their attention, such as questions relating to trade and improvements in the law, the currency question, &c.. &c. They must also advance the communications throughout the country, independent of the railroads. He had a right to say that the Ministry had increased in popularity, when he looked at the result of the late elections.—( Hear. ) If they could only get rid of those bigoted party squabbles, they could easily pass sense useful measures.—(dear, hear.) He apologised for the time he had occupied the House, and thanked them for the attention with which they heard him throughout his speech, the topics of which he had not fully arranged. He hoped, however, he had shown that a real improvement had taken place in the country ; that public opinion was in favour of the present Ministry, as instanced by the late elec tions.—t Hear, hear.) He therefore begged to put in his claim, as one who was connected with the commercial interests of the country, to entreat of them to abate their party hostility, and let every man—no matter of what party he might be—join together in one general and simultaneous exer tion to benefit their common country.—( Cheers. ) Mr. COLQUHOUN next rose—The Honourable Gen tleman who had just sat down asked why they would trouble the House with their conflicts? He (Mr. Colquhoun) would respectfully suggest that he proved himself a most dangerous supporter of her Majesty's :Government. He said that the commercial interests of the country required a steady Govern ment.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) He (Mr. Colquhoun) agreed in that observation. With regard to their foreign policy, which the Honourable Gentleman said had thriven so wonderfully under the present Administration, he (Mr. ' Colquhoun) expected that the Right Honourable Secretary for the Colonies would have assisted him with facts to support his assertion, but on that head he had been quite silent But he told that Hon. Gentlemen that he (Mr. Colquhoun) was ready to meet him foot to foot on that question. And he thought he would make it plain to the satisfaction of that House, that in consequence of the policy pursued by the Secretary of ' State for Foreign Affairs, the channels of their foreign trade were dreadfully obstructed. Their manufactures had not the fair scope they would otherwise have had; and if these facts were proved, surely the Government that caused these difficulties did not deserve the confidence of that House. He had no ac cess to the sources of information which the last Hon. Member duringt sFTs h trth e aaee i tut r ereuess e h h p v4a exports was 2ye t had, but he thought he would lee able to quote some facts that would surprise the Hon. Member. He would, then, compare with cu ednatd. those h v a o amu s n e edoer o teti f France e r n a ilmu n era c i : e t rs a ahb n o et 4 tl f e pae ce U tro i ne ilethyue fact—he cent., to t hu a pe t ne e rdu s . en et T i htn h ei e .: , 3 a l, n , cl ith lB s 3 o 7 ut t h he A ir m t e r r a i t e le a 2w4itphertheeenUt.n, and with North America 22 per cent. Then if they looked to their, trade with Europe, it had decreased 22 per cent. during the period of five years. Thus it was evident there was a de cided decrease in the trade of Europe. When they came to analyse those facts, they found that there was a decrease with regard to the trade of Spain, Portugal, Germany, Russia. With regard to Spain, he was quite aware of the continued disturbances that existed in that country, but if they had tar nished the British arms—if they had sullied the character of the British forces—surely, in return, they ought to have gained something—they ought to have gained some commercial advantages.—( Hear, hear.) If they parted with honour they ought to gain something in return. If the Noble Lord was so powerful in Spain, he was not able to save the trade of this country from the stringentrestrictions which could be put on. There was reason to believe that whilst in 1830 trade with Europe had risen to twice what it was in 1823, it had new fallen low er than it was then. There was another country with which we were connected, namely, Portugal, and in 183 k the attention of the Noble Lord was called to a very formi dable change about to take place in the commercial treaty with that country ; but he held lightly the remonstrances of the Hon. Member for Worcester (Mr. Robinson); but un fortunately in April, 1837, notwithstanding all that the Noble Lord had promised and hoped, a restriction tariff was imposed, and our trade with Portugal stood in a worse position than before. Then with regard to Germany—during the diplo macy of the Noble Lord a commercial league was formed, the consequence of which had been, that our trade with Prussia had fallen from 189,0001. in 1829 to 131,0001. in 1837.—( hear.) But the house had been told that our trade s'ith France had been most fruitful of profit —yet the Noble Earl was obliged to confess that the Pre sident of the Board of Trade stated last Session that our trade with France was laid under severe restrictions, imposed during his diplomacy. He was quite aware that Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side would say these were merely unfortunate re sults of .negotiation, but he should proceed to charges more explicit with regard to those negotiations—that of the abandon ment of the interests of British trade. When the Noble Lord took office in 1830, what was the state of our trade with the 1 centre of Eu:ope ? We possessed trade of an important nature with Poland, a country of twenty-one millions, whose commerce was by the treaty of Vienna secured to remain free. Yet what had happened? He spoke not of blotting Poland from the map of Europe—but the trade secured by that treaty did not exist, because Poland was encumbered by a Russian tariff. —( Hear, hear.) Another point of immense importa ee to A trade in the centre of Europe was the amount of tariff. Cracow as a central to the state of trade, and pointed out might distri butepoint from which the manufactures of England Noble Lord in 1836 called the attention of the Government was secured independence of Cracow with regard to trade well by the Treaty of Vienna, to which we were parties, as it us themselves throughout Austria and other countries. 'The as other Powers of Europe, and which was bindingupe the this important trade swept a way, so that during diplo macy of the Noble Lord our trade with France and Spain vasunfortunate and them ; but in 1836 this independence was violated,and incumbered by restrictions—with Prussia by an commercial Treaty—Poland, as far as trade was considered, was blotted from the m a p o f Z u rope, and Germany wa s shut u p from the access of British m anu f a ctures ; but it was natural that British trade, not finding vent where it formerly did, should pass to other parts, and in the year 1836 an attempt was made by British merchants to carry on an enterprising trade which might carry British manufactures to eight important countries. It was guaranteed by treaty that the mouth of the Danube ought to remain free, but at this moment Russia shut up one side of the Danube, and opposed the progress of British trade in the most formidable manner on the other, and allowed the sand to accum u l a t e at i ts mou th. He asked the Noble Lord why he had been so inactive while this serious injury affected our trade. Another point of yet more importance was the Dardanelles, which, when the Noble Lord took office, was free to British manufactures— no power interf ere d with British trade in the Black Sea, but a change took place in 1833, and, as was stated by the pre sent Vice-Presid en t o f t h e Boar d o f T r ade, the Key of the Black Sea, whi c h h a d b een formerly open, was now closed against us by R uss i an di ctat i on. O w ing t() the absence of Lord Ponsonby f rom C onstant i nop l e , what was the come (pence from 1836 to 1838? 'rho merchants of Glasgow, Newcastle, and Hull, petitioned the House on the unprotected state of trade in the Black Sea. lie thought these changes were owing to the ineffective diplomacy of the Noble Lord, and when he saw British trade swept at once from tho eastern shore of the Black Sea by those quarantine regulations of which the House had heard so much i n 1836, in the case of t he Vi xen , and found our merch ants at T re bi z ond declaring they could not invest their capital from fear of hostile encroachments on that coast, he thought justice had not been done to the trade of this country.—(Hear, hear.) His Right Hon. Friend had directed attention to the East. He had no wish to detract from the. lustre of British arms, hut was quite willing to admit that their achievements in that part of the world had been distinguished by vigour and accompanied by success, but he would call his attention to a few remarks, as bearing upon the diplomacy of the Noble Lord. In 1833 and 1834 Persia was an independent State, and might have been a successful barrier to Russian encroaehments. The Noble Lord boasted of having effected a change in Persia, and it was re markable that Persia, thus altered in 1836, became estranged in 1837, and hostile in 1838. Another specimen was the transac tions at Java, where our trade amounted to 200,0001., and where the dwies, by treaty, never varied nor extended beyond 6 per cent. Those duties, contrary to treaty, were raised to' 5 and even 40 per cent. during the negotiation of the Noble Lord. When the Noble Lord commenced those negociations we had a flourishing trade with Algiers, a country possessing ten millions of inhabitants, where we enjoyed the right of importing and exporting at a duty of 5 per cent., but the " friendly" Government of France passed an ordinance in 1839 to exclude all British ships, extended the tariff, and most seriously incommoded our trade, and almost destroyed it. At Rortendic in 1834 the British merchants had sustained through France a loss of 100,0001., and Session after Session the Noble Lord had assured the House they should obtain redress, but they had not done so to that hour--(Hear, hear)—and the French, •perceiving the impoli c y o f th e Noble Lord, stepped from Senegal to Gambia, and there put a stop to British com merce. The same course was pursued in America. He need not call attention to the injury our trade had sustained in Mexico in consequence of the feeble policy of the Noble Lord. Rio de la Plata was most willing and able to receive our merchandize, and there was a large British popul a ti on a t B uenos A yres rece i v i ng it. What happened there ? a similar blockade was declared there, because the French saw that it would be tolerated as in Africa, and they had now absorbed at Monte Video the small remnant that was left of our South American trade. He should say nothing of the Noble Lord's policy with regard to North Ame rica, for the Noble Lord was aware that our trade with the United States had risen in an unprecedented degree, and it was of the utmost importance these two great countries shiauld remain in harmony , but he would ask the Noble Lord haw it happened that for nine long years he had allowed negociations to proceed without leading to any result. His Right Honourable Friend had said nothing about the Colonies. It hid been proved by indisputable evidence, and confirmed by Lord Durham, that the Canadas had long been in a state highly detrimental to our trade. Lord Aberdeen's policy would speedily have effected a settlement. But in 1835 the policy of the present Government had been delay. They appointed a Com mission, not to act, but to inquire. At last, in 1837, the Noble Lord (J. Russell) thought it time to attempt something, and he proposed ten resolutions, which, however, had soon fallen to the ground, because, forsooth, it would not be desira ble to "tarnish a new reign with an appearance of energy." He would shortly advert to the small but important island of Newfoundland ; he would not allude to the proceedings of the Assembly contrary to all right and law, he only wished to state that a zealous, able, 'and upright Judge, Chief J•istice Boulton, had been at the instigation of that assembly dismissed from his office by the Government, because it was alleged that he had been " indis creet"—" a strong politician," that is, firmly attached to the maintenance of the connection with the mother country. Why, her Majesty's Ministers had not always been so careful. —(Hear, hear, hear.) If, as had been stated, they had offered the Bench of a sister country, to a gentleman who cer tainly had not retired from political life, among whose virtues even his warmest friends would scarcely reckon discretion— ( Hear, hear, and a laugh)—surely this was a strong contrast in the proceeding of the Government, and powerfully exhibited their impartiality.—( Cheers.) Now, the mover and the seconder had been taunted with having said nothing about Ireland. He would leave it to gentlemen more closely con nected with that country to go into detailS on that topic. But this he would say, that, however the state of thing there might lately have been mitigated, yet so long as he found that her Majesty'.: Ministers avowed, and so long as the present Lord Lieutenant (justly respected as he was in his private capacity, and in many particulars entitled to admira tion for his public acts) adopted the principles of Lord Nor manby's Administration—under which gaols had been sum marily opened and emptied--criminals of notorious atrocity cast loose upon the country—juries selected on a plan which, by the acknowledgment of the very Crown Solicitors themselves, was fatal to justice—(Hear, hear )—and the sheriffs elected, in defiance to all law and precedent, in some cases, as in that of Carlow, the most violent agitators appointed; and when to all this was added the ignorance of the Noble Mirquis, the closing of his eyes to the wide sp rea d consp i rac i es against 'Pro testantism, he could not augur well for the future state of Ire land.—(Cheers.) • He would not enter upon the subject of Chartism. But when he recollected . the proclamations of the Noble Lord (John Russell) in the spring and summer of 1839, against illegal meetings and trainings, and the selling and manufacturing of arms, he could not but regret that the Noble Lord had not taken such precautions earlier.—(Lord J. Russell—" I did.") The Noble Lord would excuse him fir adverting to that former proclamation of his—the proclama tion at a certain Liverpool dinner.—(Loud cheers, in which Lord Stanley's voice was peculiarly audible)—the effect of which he (Mr. Celquhoun) had at the time ventured to pre dict, in Ayr, would be to encourage and inflame the Chartist disturbances. Now with regard to the late changes in the Cabinet. He avowed at once that he did not think religious opinions of any kind honestly, sincerely entertained, should be ground of exclusion of any man from any office in the State. — (Cries of " Hear," in which Lord Stanley also cordially joined.) Therefore on this . head he should urge nothing against theie appointments. Although differing, of course, widely from the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh (Mr. Macaulay) on public policy, yet he must confess that so long as the present Government were in office he rejoiced, as an admirer of the personal talents of the Right Hon. Gentleman, to see him placed in the high station which he now adorned. Neither had he any objection to the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, as to whom no one, whether friend or foe, would deny that there never was a more assiduous and unwearied servant of the Crown. Nor had he anything to urge against the appointment to the Secretary. ship for the Admiralty. But there was one appointment which had created great dissatisfaction, not on religious but political grounds, and which he feared was calculated to deepen the distrust with which the Government was viewed—and that was the appointment of the Right Hon. the Member for Tipperary, to the Vice-Presidency of the Board of Trade. (Hear, Hear.) Admiring as he did the Right Hon. and Learned Member's talents and eloquence, he could not but reflect that at his election he was nominated by one of the fiercest agitators of that most turbulent country—that he had been the fellow teller with Mr. Feargus O'Connor, in favour of a re p ea l o f th e Union—( Hear, hear, hear)— an d had taken the troulsle to de clare that there were but few points of difference between him self and his " Hon. Friend"—Hear, hear)—and further, h e could not avoid recollecting that th e Right. Hon. and Learned Member was the chosen Mend and follower of the Learned Member for Dublin. (Hear, hear, hear.) What faith, then, could he have in the reconstruction of the Cabinet under these circumstances?—( Hear, hear.) Now, some satire had been vented against the want of union in the Conservative ranks, because, forsooth, they did not quite agree upon the point of privilege.—(Hear, hear.) Why, would the Ministers declare on what .points they were a g reed ?—(Loud cheers.) On the Ballot ?—( Cheer s ,) O n the Corn-laws ?—( Cheers. ) As to the Corn-laws, one member of the Cabinet conscientiously advocated their repeal, which the head of the Government avowed it to be folly—( A voice from the Treasury bench, " madness.")—Madness ! so the Ministry wished to take refuge from folly in insanity.—(Hear, and cheers.) Then, as to the Ballot, one Member of the Cabinet (while the others were against it) expressed his doubts, questioned its efficacy, yet would vote for it.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Bart. (Sir G. Gray) had laid it down as a principal that the ex tremes of political opinions in the Conservative party would guide the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth, that, to use the phrase of the Noble Lord (J. Russell), rather inopportune, by the bye—" parties were guided by their tails".—( Laughter and cheers) If so, was it net true in a still greater degree of gentlemen opposite ?—( Cheers.) What were the opinions avowed, not by inconsiderable sections, but by influential parties among them? Extension of the suffrage was one. And it was an unfortunate thing that all the new additions to the Ministry brought it nearer to the cold and chilly Nova Zembla of " Extension of the Suffrage," gave it more the complexion of " extreme opinions." (Hear, hear.) They wished for a fixed Government, and they knew that they had no chance of a fixed Government in one which permitted open questions.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord knew it also, or if he did not know it, why did he not give them a chance of trying the sense of the country on it? There was a time when the Gentlemen opposite advocated popular control, and contended that all should depend upon the will of the country. Did they hold office by the will of the constituency of the country? If they did, would the Right lion. Gentleman follow the wishes of many Members of their own party, and try the experi_nent of Triennial Parliaments ? Would they grant a dissolution ? They might for a while be propped up by the vote of that House—by a majority of two, or, perhaps, by what they might consider a more splendid majority, they might receive a post ponement of their sentence—a remission of penalties fora short period longer; but he felt assured that the principles they were pursuing, the principles to which they were approximating, as indicated by every change in the Cabinet, the principles of ttie extreme party among their supporters were not the princi ples of which the people of this country would approve.--(Loud Cheers. ) Mr. bISBORNE rose, and pointing to the Opposition Benches, said, " Behold what a blessed thing it is for brethren to dwell together in unity !"—(Cheers and laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had declared that he was far from disapproving of the recent appointments in her Majesty's Government on account of the religious principles of the gentlemen who had received them. He was sure, after what the Hon. Gentleman had said about unity, that such must be the universal sentiments of his party.—( Cheers.) The Hon Gentleman had spoken of great political bodies being driven forward by their tails.—(Opposition cheers.) He should wish to know whether the present motion had emanated from the head of the Conservative body, or whether it had been produced by the agitation of the less noble organ.-- ( Ministerial cheers. ) He admitted he had considerable doubt when he saw how this motion had been introduced. During the wbo!e of the Recess the Conservative animal had been lashing his tail with great vehemence, but the who', of the bishing had reference to one particular object. There was but one particu lar subject of condemnation of her Majesty's Government, and that was religion ; but nothing was said about it in that House. —( Cheers.) Was the subject of religion tabood in that House? —(Loud cheers.) Could it have been supposed that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down could have addressed the House for one full hour, and yet not one syllable on the subject of religion could be found from:one end of his address to the other 2—( Cheers.) He believed that during the Recess the Hon. Gentleman had had opportunities of addressing large bodies of people. Did the Hon. Gentleman lay the same restrictions on himself then ?—(Cheers. ) Would those people have formed any idea that the foundation of the Bill of Indictment brought by the Hon. Gentleman against her Majesty's Government would have been the diminution of our trade with America— that we had lost our trade with Cracow—and that the sands had blocked up the mouth of the Danube—(Cheers and laughter)— for these were the charges that were prominent through out all the entire part of the speech of the Hon. Gentleman. He did not intend to defend the foreign po licy of the Government, to which the Noble Lo:•d who presided over the Foreign Department was so competent ; neither would he touch upon the colonial policy. But as an independent Member of that House—(Laughter from the Opposition, an swered by cheers from the Ministerial side of the House)--as an independendent Member of that House —(Loud cheers from the Ministerial side)—he believed he had a right to canvass how the motion of the Hon. Baronet addressed itself to his mind.—( Hear.) It was not a qualified motion, he admitted, it was an; open, manly motion ; but it was also a barren Motion ; he willed to know if it was to have issue or not, and if so, what the nature of that issue was to be.___ (Cheers and laughter.) If the Hon. Baronet carried motion, he would follow it up by an address to the Crown, praying for the removal of her 1117jesty's Ministers; and ho wished to know if in that address they intended to as, sort, as was the constitutional privilege of that House, who were to he their successors? There was one grand peculiarity respecting his motion—it was one of the mos demo cratic form possible. It did not declare that the acts of the Mi nistry were good or bad ; it did not declare that their principles were good or bad—but it said that the Ministers of the Crown ought to possess the confidence of that House.--(Hear.) That was a principle that he had always maintained, hut it had not always found such countenance from Hon. Gentlemen op posite. He remembered in 1835, when the Right Hon. Baronet opposite was at the head of the Government, the very first day they met they had shown him that the House had no confidence in his Government. They had rejected his Speaker —(Cheers)—they had amended his Address—(Cheers)---they bad dismissed his Ambassador—(Loud cheers)—they had suf- fered, for a period of more than two months, to have a dal ) " city only on one occasion. Sir R. PEEL—Not once.—(Laughter.) Mr. GISBORNE—The Bight lion. Baronet did not re collect even thist one majority. They had given him abundant proof that he did not possess their confidence, and yet he did not admit that as any reason for resigning.—(Cheers laughter.) He said they were unfair—true he did nett possess their confidence, but he was willing to pass all their measures. (Cheers.) He would observe their foreign policy—( Cheers and laughter).-,he was going to pass their Tithe Bill.—(Loud cheering from the Opposition.) He bowed te_the correction, but at least he said that his Tithe Bill was the same as the one that had been proposed the year before.—( Cheers from the Ministerial side.) " What objection," said the Right Hon. Baronet, " have you to the reform of the corporations—it :is true I hold an office in the corporation of 'l'amworth, but that a most pure corporation—l can have no objection to reformsig the corporations;" and because they would not wait for the Right Hon. Baronet's Acts, but wished to remove Wm because he had not the confidence of the House. The Right Hon. Baronet called them a tyrannical majority.—(Loud cheering and laughter.) He rejoiced that Honourable Gentleman op posite had at length come round to the opinion that a Ministry ought to be removed which did not possess the confidence of that House, although it was not from that side of the House that ;le had expected such a proposition to emanate. Now, a word with respect to the time at which this motion was brought forward—he thought it was as well to call things by their plain names. Her Majesty had just announced that her nuptuals were about to take place; and on the occasion of Royal marriages, it was usual for sundry promotions to take place—also for certain Peerages and Baronetcies to be created—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition)— and for certain other offices to be given away. He admlttecl to Hon. Gentlemen on the other side that it was an exceedingly legi. innate object of desire on their parts to have the giving away of these appointments; and although Hon. Gentlemen on his side the House had not had their cravings whetted by long abstinence like Gentlemen opposite, ye': he doubted not but they also had good substantial appetites; therefore he would not lay anything to their charge on that account. But he had uedersteod, when the Address was moved at the beginning of the Session, that their chi valrous feelings would not allow them to interrupt the harmony of therproccedings by attempting any ameadment.—(Hear, hear, hea .) They had not even attempted to introduce the word Protestant, although they had high authority for saying that such an introduction was absolutely necessary. A high authority with Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said that it was highly einportant the public should have the satisfaction of knowing that the Prince was a Protestant, and that the word ought to have been introduced into the Royal Speech. True, they had heard of some proceedings in the Privy Council. but still the important word ought not to have been omitted, and the House of Lords should take that opportunity of introducing the word so as to put the public mind at rest on that important subject. He had not found that such an amendment had been brought forward in that House, and although the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Oxford, had brought the subject specifi cally before the House, their chivalrous feeling had induced them not to insist on this important point. Perhaps this had been done lest it should remind the House of what had taken place when Mr. Martin had brought in his Bill for preventing Cruelty to Animals, when the Chairman of the Committee was reading the clauses, and came to the clause prohibiting any cruelty to :ny horse—" Stop, Sir," said Mr. Martin, " and before the word `horse', insert the word ' ass.' " Now, this was done, not because the horse was not sufficiently protected by the previous enact ments, but because the ass was considered so important an animal that he was entitled to a specific mcntion.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition.) That was the very ground for the introduction of the word Protestant in the Address of the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) It was not because the public did not know of the Protestantism of Prince Albert, but on • the ground that on so important a subject no doubt should be left on the public mind, and the Protestantism of the Prince should be avowed in her Majesty's Speech, and specific mention made of it by her Ilinisters. He said they had omitted to make the amendment in that House and he certainly for one, did not blame them far not takir.:gthat step. They had relinquished now, howev e r, their chivalrous o . WY, of not desiring to disturb her Majesty tinder present circueSi stances, and had at length determined to join in an attempt to dis place her Majesty's GOVertlMellt in the present Session. As re !serried the administration of public affairs, he left them—for he was sure they were in better hands—he left them to be dealt with by the members of the Government which administered those affairs. He would state to them what had been said in that House by Mr. Fox, in 1803, on a motion for a vote of censure on the Government of that day. Mr. Fox at that time had said :hat he could not agree to the vote of censure, because he did not think their successors could prove themselves in any way more competent. He (Mr. Gisborne) recommended the practical good sense of Mr. Fox, to the consideration of many Honourable Gentlemen of that House. In the .early part of his life he had received vivid impressions of the great men who had once electrified that House with their eloquence—of Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, Tierney, and others— but he would venture to doubt whether, when the Right Hon. Ba ronet opposite rose on great occasions—free fr nn the trammels of party—whether, on such occasions, he had ever seen any one more qualified to take a leading part in the deliberations of that assembly constituted as they then were. And it was his (Mr. Gisborne's) opinion that the Right Hon. Baronet opposite was greater in the Reformed House of Commons than ever he had been in the unre formed House, and he said that more willingly, as after long and close observation he had arrived at that conclusion, for he had come nto -that House with a very different opinion of the talems of the Right Hon. Baronet. And again, when he considered that the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Colonies had come into that House very young, and throughout his long Parliamentary ca reer had advocated the same principles of Reform, and all popular measures—he said also, when he considered the character of the Noble Lord, his great moral worth, and his power upon the House, he said that he believed no Member was more qualified to conduct the business of that House than the Noble Lord to whom he had alluded. It was not on account of a want of confidence that he declined to vote in favour of the motion of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Devonshire, but he (Mr. Graham) took his stand on the Reform Bill, and he could not for get that the Hon. Memberpredicted the failure of that measure, and he believed gloried in the accomplishment of that prediction. In his (Mr. Gisborne's) opinion, that measure wanted an important amendment for the machinery of the Bill. He believed, as then constituted, it would deprive the people of their rights, and place them in the hands of those who opposed popular power and popular support. In conclusion, then, he believed that the posses sion of the confidence of the House of Commons was the only safe foundation on which the Government could then stand.— (Cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) That confidence was not possessed by the other side. The motion ho believed, as he had stated before, would have no issue, it was not desirable that it should, and certainly he should give his vote most cordially against the motion of the Hon. Baronet.—(Cheers.) Mr. D'ISRAELI then rose and said, he believed Noble Lords and other Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House would not be induced to continue in office with all its responsibilities for the mere gratification. He certainly did not think that the pa rallel between Protestant and ass had any application. He hoped however that it was not a specimen of the religious influence of the other side of the House.—(Cheers from the Opposition side of the House.) He confessed he felt some difficulty in replying to the observations of the Hon. Gentleman that had just sat down. Judg ing from the eulogy the Hon. Gentleman hail bestowed on the captain whom they on that tide of the House were proud to follow, he (Mr. D'l.) indulged in a fleeting hope that the Hen. Member had intended to give his support to the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Devonshire. The Hon. Gentleman had said that he was prepared to take his stand on the Reform Bill, but then he said that that Bill required a most important amendment. The Hoe. Gentleman had said that no Government could stand without the confidence of the House of Commons. Whether the present Government had the confidence lof that House was the problem about to be solved —(Heer, hear.) They had admitted rather re cently that they did not possess the confidence of that House.— (Cheers from the Opposition.) And perhaps some Member of the Cabinet would let the House clearly and distinctly understand what had transpired, and what had occurred—what change had taken place in the prospects of the country, that had induced theta to believe that they then possessed the confide.nce of the House. The question was, was the country in a satisfactory state : to that question the country itself had given an answer—then came the question, were the present Government able to right the vessel of the State in these times of great peril, and to that the great body of the people had answered "No." The Ministry before they came to that House for a vote of confidence must be prepared to show that England was in a state of domestic peace—that our foreign relations were in a satisfactory state, and one honoutable to her station among nations—that her financial affairs were slot dis similar to what they had been for a century, the great bulwarks of the credit of the country. He said it was the duty of the House of Commons, without reference to party, not to allow another Ses sion to pass without inquiring rigidly . oto the causes of the present distress—why we were embroiled with almost all Foreign Powers —and why our finances were in such an unfortunate condition. He apprehended that not even a Cabinet Minister would get tip in his place and say that the domestic state of the country was satis. factory, and as to the state of Ireland he was prepared to enter upon that question at the proper time, but he thought it was ex tremely unfair that when they spoke of Chartism immediately to 3 fly to Dublin.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheering.) It was said there was an alliance between those on his side of the Houseand the Chartists.—(Hear, hear.) He was not ashamed to say that he sincerely wished that more sympathy had been shown to them by both sides of the House.—(" Oh ! oh !" and laugh. ter.) When they found vast masses of the population in a state of discontent, it was their duty, as Representatives of the People, to make some attempt to find out what was the cause of that discontent. He remembered the Noble Lord, late the Secretary for the Home Department, coming down to an almost empty House and levying troops, and on that occasion he gave what ho considered to be the cause of that discontent—he then said Chartism was the offspring' of the agitation of the New Poor-law, and he laid the whole of the blame on the shoulders of he who had that night been called the incendiary Oastler. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin was also a great agitator—those on his side of the House had often taken his dimensions—(Laugh. ter)—but his own friends now brought him down to the level of a poor insignificant individual. The Attorney. General, after last Session, had gone down upon a flying visit to his constitu ents at Edinburgh, and there he boasted that he had put down Chartism without a blow ; and in a publication in October, to which Cabinet Ministers were contributors, it was boasted that Chartism was at an end ; Parliament was prorogued, in spite of all warning, and the consequence was insurrection—not in a part of the country where there was any Poor-law agitation—not where it. was what was called a bread and knife question, but where wages were high and work plenty. The Chartists would soon find out that in Aristocratic England even treason would not be successful unless it was Patrician, and they might get a Nobleman to head them, and again surprise the Noble Lord. Jack Straw might head an insurrection and be hanged, but if it were headed by my Lord John Straw it might be successful.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Ministers must tell the House that they had a profound knowledge of the causes of the insurrection, and had taken steps in Statesmanlike manner to prevent them, before they asked that House to say they were the fittest Government for the country. He admitted that the great want of Great Britain was a strong Go. vernment—could such be found on the Treasury Benches ? Alas, no; they had acknowledged that they were not, and could not be. —(Cheers,) They confessed themselves to be the middle party— the weakest party, in whom was centered all power—they were like the gentlemen who took the inside of the oyster, and gave their adversaries the shells. It was said that a strong Government could not be formed from the Opposition—the responsibility rested on them, let them try it.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Governtnent appealed to their strong measures—they were the evidences of weakness, and the consequences were Special Commissions, asking for troops at the end of the Seision, when sixty men were present, and altering the whole of the Police force of the country in twenty.four hours. There was no communion between the Go vernment and the great body of the people—they were supported by Corporations of their own creation—it was not a natural state fo things, and would not last. The supporters of the government r excellent e was n o o u n e found the Government gu ilty, b u t th e y recommen d e d them to mercy.lf they looked thro ug h th e li s t o f the different individuals wh o h ad left the Liberal Cabinet,the materials _wouldth e forwould tho formingr e find theretido a o see e what ;tm forthe fo wanted—namely,ttire. Secretaries,tControl, ao d m many y Lo o t t d her Pr officersi'y Seal,w Minister,; Cabinetmuch e and a p lco e r s d id C o h ,t an o c f el t i h o e r, B t o l a ir r e hi d e o C fc e o f oo among them, if he (Mr. D'lsraeli) mistook not, a ri(w neral. This showed the employment of 3 steady master-Ge . Executive—steady he admitted them to be, but only in their purpos e to enjoy office . — (Hear, hear.) One of their steady supporters had that night stated the real desire of the Government holding office House think that desir e was ? Why a wish to'and hold power rdfiodr the e purpose of snaking a Peer or creating a Baronet.—(Hea o r w hear.) e Sir H. VERNEY—Thought Ministers had so selves as to deserve well of their country • all the measures they had brought f orward had been found to work ' well. Ministers had a right to congratulate themselves upon what they lied done for Ireland, notwithstanding they had been opposed by the Aristo. cracy of the cou n t ry. hear.) He had ' in vain attempted to ascertain what were the specific grounds of attack of the Gentle men on the other side, against the Government. The Hon. Member for Kilmarnock had referred to several charges, but he had fixed upon nothing definite.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, Ile saw no serious objection to her Majesty's present Government but their weakness—(Hear, he. , e) _and then the whether tt ,e Hon. Mgr (Hear, hex r.) He woe k' question with him was, W ets opposite win form a stronger.— Id venture t o say that the measures passed ,'wring the last ten Yew - s, whil e a W hig Government administered'. 1 , h' affitirs teof the count ry, pres en t e d a series of the most noble acts for e. 1 the at 'vantage 2 nd h onour of the country that had ever ' 4 : a i r , •st wing a the present mo ti on was directed, had been t . been to 0 carry th ose measures, and that the parties who part .1 ' ' s ': , oast 'd•--(iieat , he ar. ) He could not forget that the' 1 party succeed 1 them if th ey l ost their offices, had been opposed Hear, h to them.—(. --, 'ar-) He should th erefore givehis most decided', opposition to would the me tion of the Honourable Member for Devon shire.—(Hear, " n e ar. ) Mr. E WAR a bad ' heard nothing th a t even i ng from Honourable Gentlemen opt , ositt“Vv 4 tich could at a ll j ustify the motion whirls they had with : uch formidable array and preparation annbtr. cal.-- (Hear, hear.) He would not now make allusiop to those somewhat violet peoceedi ags that had taken place in the interval between the last and the pees alit Session, because he could not allude to them with any other fe clings than regret and sorrow. Nor would lie tr ier to the b se t lianalial and after.dinner exhibitions that had been alluded to by Hon. Members.—(Hear, hear.) But it was i hii, invention to cs sth nt himself with a few obsei rations; first of ail laying ( own the ale tile principl es w hi ch he considered to be con erected wits. the vital interests of the co un t ry; and, secondly, exa. mining how I.' l. the e different parties in th a t H ouse crone up to wits . . .the principles. .11,..1 , elieved that th e safety and prosperity of the country was based ttp,:n national education and freedom of trade. .—(Hear, hear.) On eds. cation alone he would base the qualifica tikm of voting.—(l4ear, b. ear-) It was lamentable to see England voting millions for the art "Y and navy, and giving only a p a ltry sum of x0,000( h on come when even the patty oppo. site %maid wonder at the opposi, .iota they had giv en to that ques tion. e time f o rt h would e (Cheers.) ' great purposes of national education. ss. s It was impossible to see how tt.'e Party oppe site were going on without-seeing that they were drat,:ging the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. P eel) along with them, but uhwilli tag ly—he was much too liberal fa. - them. It was well described in the words of the poet-- . I,,Vhile with fond look from her pia rsuer flies, , Ho w much at variance are her S tet and ey es ." i —(Laughter.',` He saw much further than those who nominally followed him. Then as to the Ministry- •he trusted they would become more lit'eral—he had hopes of t `it , nn. They were going ! in the direction .the people wanted, but they did not go quick ,' enough ; lie trusted, however, they would sow be induced to accete- rate their pace. Their views were more in a. scordance with those ofthe liberal party, than those of the gentlemt a opposite, and therefore naturally they had more .contidence in t! tem. On colonial affairs he hoped they would go on in the spirit oft hatnoble Report made by Lord Durham—if so, they would secure the interests of both coun tries, and at the same time give freedom t as our foreign possessions. In Ireland their policy had been unquestionably successful. The He u. Member for Kilmarnock had not Jisputed the fitness of the present Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for his high office, although he had found fault with the Marquis of No rmanby ; but the policy of both having been the same, tile approb; ttion he had bestowed upo:s the one might be fairly claimer' by both. He could not omit expres sing the gratitude which every Liberal Member must feel towards the Sovereign of that country - who, for - the first time since the reign of William 111., had maintaine d the :principles of toleration and. liberty against the prejudices of a great portion of her subject F.. , Considering that the principles of tJae present Government ap. proximated most nearly to his owri and considering that of t he other two parties the one had not the will, and the other had raot the power, to carry these principles I.: nto execution, he felt bo*and to meet at once with 'a decided netli , e the proposition of the Hon. Baronet, and in giving - his support to the Government on that oc casion, he felt that he •was best steppe , rting the cause of free trade and national education. Mr. WHITE said the confidencte he felt in the present Govern ment was far beyond' anything lie could feel for the policy of the Hon. Gentlemen opposit e. He would remind the House that the reformed Government had. effected a reduction of taxation to the amoun , of four millions— that they had improved the Corporations of Scotland, and had now than once brought forward a similar measure for Ireland—that t,;ey had promoted a system of national • education, on Scriptural pi inciples, but free from the domination of the high Church party.- —(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to enumerat a the v.arious other measures of lin p:ove,nent brought forward by the present Government, arid con-, eluded b . ,. expressing his det ertnination to give his decided opposi.. lion to the motion of the Hon. Baronet. tion of Mt . LITT4 iN, the debate was adjourned till to- i On the Cato morrow. Mr. 11. PAL IVINR mo ved fo r leave to bring in a Bill for the re moval of Irish and Seo, tch pout , ers. The object of that Bill wou ld be to continue an Act 11, 1 w On t hat subject, and whi c h wou ld soon expire, for an additional b 'at fins 'ted period. Lord GRANVILLE S,IMEI .SET said be should. deem it his duty to protest against the , econ d reading of that Bill, unless re. turns connected with the opt Tatit ms of that Bill were previously laid on the table. Mr. PALMER vs as sorry "e should be an objection s en t er:- tained against the Bill. It had we rked well, and he had h ear d b ut B of one exception—that was Mourns uth, where an expense 011201. had been incurred under it. 'day fortnight. rtturns connected with the Leave was given to bring in the 'Bill, which Mr. P a l mer sa id would be read a second time ore Wedne. Mr. WALLACE moved for several Courts of Scotland, which were ordered. Mr. BERNAL brought up the Report on _prince Albert's provi sion, and leave w a s g i ven to b r i ng i n a Bi ll, aut horning a pro v i s i on of 30,0001. per a nnum . Colonel SIPTHORP gave not i ce of his intent. ion t o move for a return of the expenses incurred in the outfit of Mt Poulett Thom. son to Canada. The House adjourned at a Quarter past Twelve o', Clock. THE BARON GERAMB'S " PILGRIM.AGE TO PALESTINE."—We are requested to state, that Mr. Colburn, of Great Marlborough-street, has this day published •" A Pil grimage to Palestine," by M. J. de Geramb, Monk of La Trappe, in 2 vols. post Bvo. with illus•rations. price 21s. bound, which can now be had of all Booksellers. Mr. Cl;)urn has also just published " A Winter in Iceland and Lapland," by the Hon. Arthur Dillon, in 2 vols. post Bvo., with illus trations, price 21s. bound. MRS. S. C. HALL'S "MAR IA N."-Highly as we have hitherto estimated Mrs. Hall's powers, we have never so fully appreciated them as now. In her delineations of character there is much of originality and truth; :in her senti ments a spirit of honour and virtue; and in the conduct of her story a manifest desire to do good—and these in combination with wit, humour, and pathos, all natural and all true. The cha racters that figure in the story are various and well-described. The foremost and the best is Katty Macane, the prime agent throughout; she is clever, active, and thoroughly Irish; her heart is filled with affection for the foundling Marian, and her wit and humour overflow in every thing she says and does. Mrs. Hall's sketches of Irish character are known to be inimitable : her picture of Katty Macane is perfect. Scarcely less true, though necessarily not so broad or humorous, are Dr. Darling, Sir Henry Perronett, and Miss Womble. Lady Bab is from life, and Mrs. Cavendish Jones no less a reality, though per haps not so easily identified. One distinguishing feature of " Marian" is the spirit with which the authoress speaks of young ladies' establishments, a spirit in which we think the majority of her readers will concur. In summing up our opi nion of " Marian," we can only say that we think it the best novel Mrs. Hall has written.—Horning Herald. THE NEW NOVEL, BY THE AUTHOR OF " SYDENHAM. " -We are requested to state, that. the new novel entitled " Fitzwiggins," by the author of " Syden denham," in 3 vols. post Bvo., is published this day by Mr. Bentley, New Burlington-street, and can now be had at all the Libraries. Mr. Bentley has alsojust published—l. The Saucy Jack, or the Privateer and the Indianian, by Lieut. Charles Peake, RN. 2 vols. 18 .- mo.—ll. Sam Slick's Letter-h a of the Great Western, 1 vol. bound, 10s. 6d.—111. Lady Chat terton's new novel, " A Good Match," &c.,3vols.—lV. Confes sions of a Thug, by Capt. Taylor, the Second Edition, 3 vols.— V. Mrs: Trollope's new novel, " One Fault," 3 vols. Also, by the same author, " The English Wife and the Foreign Hus band," a Romance of Vienna, 3 vols. New edition, 245. FORGED BANK OF ENGLAND NOTE.-A man, named Samuel Ramsden, was brought up before C. J. S. Walker, Esq., at the Salford Town Hall, on Thursday last, charged with uttering a forged 51. Bank of England note. Mr. Diggles, the deputy-constable, stated the prisoner went, on the preceding day, into the Wilton Arms public-house, and asked for change for a note. Mrs. Taylor, the landlady, had not change, but set out to get it ; and it was then discovered that the note was a bad one. The prisoner, in his defence, said he was a butcher, and came from Bolton ; he received the note at at the Sawyers' Arms public-house, in Manchester, but he did not know from whom. He was remanded. The note which was exhibited in Court, is a very bad imitation. On the genuine notes of the Bank the signature has been en graved, and scratched over with a pen; and the paper has no water-marks upon it. PRIZE CUPS.—Ne:•r and Second-hand SIL VER PRIZE CUPS are offered at very REDUCED PRICES, and sele7tioz. may be made from a great variety, both of Sizes and Patterns, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Goldsmith and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill (Seven Doors from Gracechurch-s treet), London. Drawings of Cups will be forwarded in answer to a post paid application. It is desirable Letters for Drawings should mention either the size or about the price of the Cup or Cups that may be required. SHEFFIELD MADE PLATED DISH CO VERS.—A. B. SAVORY and SONS, Goldsmiths, No. 14, Cornhill, London, opposite the Bank of England, submit for selection, in their show-rooms, a very large variety of SHEF FIELD SILVER-PLATED DISH COVERS, from Fif teen Guineas the set ; they have silver edges and handles, and silver shields for engraving the crest or coat of arms. Double Dome Pattern. The Melon Pattern. Size. £ s. d. Size. £ s. d. I Plated Dish Covers, 20 in. 5 13 e 1 Plated Di s h C over , 20 in. 5 P, „ Dish Cover, 18 in. 4 7 1 „ Dish Cover, 18 in. 4 . n 2 „ Dish Covers, 14 in. 5 P.: 0 2 „ Dish Covers,l4 in. b " 0 Per Set £ls 13 01 Per Set £lh 17 6 Plated Currie or Hash Dishes Seven Guineas the Set. A Pri,-,e Current, Stamped as a Newspaper, containing drawings and every information relative to the purchase of silver or Shef fidd plate, may be had on application, or will be sent into the country, free of postage, in answer to a paid letter. MR Ti S , . On the 4th inst., at Dint(7nliot:se, Glocestershirs, the lady of William Gist, Esq., of a son. On the 23d inst., at Reddington, Surrey, Mrs. George Engstrom, of a son. On the 24th inst., at the Vicarage, West Tarring, Sussex, the lady of the Rev. J. W. Warter, of a son. On the 25th inst., at Li ncoln's.inn-fields, the ,wife of the Rev. Thomas Dale, of a son. On the 26th inst., in Devonshire-place, the lady of the Rev. J. Lincoln Calton,. of a son. .4TRIED. On the 15th inst., at ll4 Epsom Church, the Rev. Augustus George How, to Clara Frances, eldest daughter of the Rev. J. Darby, Vicar of Skenfrith, Monmouth, and curate of Epsom aged 28. On the 20t'a inst., at Gretna, William Clark, Esq., of Bris tol, to L ou i sa, second daughter of the Rev. J. F. Dorcton, M. A., of Rodney-place, Clif on. On the 25th inst., at St. Clement's Dines, Mr. William Gilling, of the t ran ', t o L ou i sa , younges t d aug h ter o f the late John Knight Griffith, Esq , of Cheltenham. On the •>6th inst., at Tisbury, Wilts, Marrnaduke Robert Jeffreys, of Lincoln's-inn, barrister-at-law, Esq., eldest son o of Eaton-place, to A nna M ar i a, t hi r d the Rev. John Jeffreys, daughter of John Benett, of Bythouse, Esq., M. P. 0 I P.: At Trinidad, on the 13th ult., after a short illness, Mr. James Lumley French, aged twenty-two years, the eldest sur viving son of Mr. James Moore French, of the Royal Ex change, London. On the 10:h of November last, at the Cape o f G ood Hope, Major Adolphus E. Byam, of the Madras Artillery, aged 34. On the 18th inst., at Alatda-hill, G. G. Garnons, Esq., late of her Majesty's Customs, aged 73. On the 18th inst., at Fdinburgh, George, son of Captain and Lady Harriet 13. llamilton, aged two years and ten mon th s . On the 25d inst., at Rothsay, Isle of Bute, Major- General Sir James Campbell. K. C. H., aged 79. On the 23d inst., Mrs. Dorothy Venner, eldest daughter of Kingsford Venner, formerly of Bosenden, K en t, Esq., ;ed . 8.5• Abe 26th inst., Mr. Thomas Stuart, of the Mile-end-r:al9 aged 66. Lond on : P r inted and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112. Strand, at :Um Suit Otii;e, No. 112, Strand in 11:e County cf .111idillesex , —Wednesilay, January 39, 1840. EYE IN Gr EDITION. _P SUN. LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 29,1F40. E AT -D- 4 ( 4 , .44:: t 14' .; ON •