The Sun. — London, England, 1847-11-25 00:00:00

been more or less mixed up with the question of re lations between landlord and tenant. The most vio lent outrages hate been met with the severest pents'- ties, but we have never placed landlords and tenants in a position in which they could respectively en tertain feelings of kindness and confidence towards each other, although the rclations of landlord and tenant are those in which such feelings are most especially re quisite.—(Hear, hear.) I say that this question of land lord and tenant has been one of the difficulties in the ray of legislation for ninety years. It existed before the agitation fur the removal of the Roman Catholic dis j abilities—before the agitation for reform—and almost bet ore the agitation of the tithe question. I can assure the House it is with apprehension as well us hope I approach the consideration of this question. The Go vernment is devoting its earnest attention to the subject; but we have to lament with reference to this as well as other questions, that we are deprived of the advice and counsel of my late lamented friend Lord Besborough. His Lordship informed me that, although he had sketched a plan on this difficult subject, which he thought might be embodied in au Act of the Legislature, yet he should not like the measure to be brought forward without his being in his place in Parliament to explain its details. Unfortunately my Noble Friend's illness prevented our ever knowing what wore the views which he entertained on the subject. I hope I have said enough to show that we aro not liable to the charge which the Honoureble Member rather insinuated than formally preferred, of having coercion alone in view, unac companied by remedial measures. I feel now as strongly as I ever felt that that would be a totally mistaken po licy. Ido think, however, that it is our primary duty to check those atrocious crimes which we have lately heard of in Ireland. I conceive this to be necessary, if for no ether purpose than to protect the introduction of capital and improvement which is so essential to the progres sive prosperity of Ireland. When Gentlemen express their regret that English capital is not introduced into Ireland for the purpose of effecting improvements in the cultivation of the land, they should bear in mind that it is in vain to hope that this should take place as long as crimes of such magnitude and atrocity continue to be committed in that country. I should hope, therefore, that if we are successful in checking crime, that circurn cumstance may be placed among those things which will tend to improve the social condition of Ireland. I will say no more about that measure, because in a very few days my Right Hon. Friend (Sir G. Grey) will have an op portunity of explaining its character to the House. With respect to the Noble Lord (Lard G. Bentinck) I must awn that the phrase of that statesman for whom the Noble Lord has always professed great admiration—Mr. Canning— " a great deal of good indignation thrown away,"— seems to me to be very applicable to a good deal of the Noble Lord's speech. I thought that when the Right Hon. Gentleman, who'sits next him (Mr. Berries), asked for an explanation of the arrangements between the Bank of England and the Government, and of the mea sures lately taken by which the law might have been infringed; and when my Right Hon. Friend (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) said that, the House having gone so fully into Irish matters, it would be better to postpone the discussion on that subject until Tuesday next,—l thought, I say, that this was a very fair ar rangement, and that, as the Right Hon. Gentleman, who is as competent a judge as anybody, seemed satisfied with it, we should hare heard no more of the subject till Tuesday. If the Right lion. Gentleman or the Noble Lord had said last night that they wished the debate ti be adjeurned, or that on the report of the Address this question should be: fully discussed, my Right Honour able Friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer') would have been ready to take that course, both be cause he has no personal interest in the matter, and because, having hadlis mind directed to the subject for the last six weeks, he would have been as well pre. pared yesterday or to-day to make all necessary explana tions on the part of, the Government as he sill he on Tuesday next.—(Hear, hear.) And yet the Noble Lord seems to be hardly recovered, even now, from the indignation which he expressed with respect to the course pursued by my Right Hon. Friend. The Noble Lord, however, has taken this opportunity to go very much further than that particular measure of which he appears to complain, but of which I do not know, even at this moment, whether he complains or not. We thought it necessary, at a moment of great emergency, to recommend to the directors of the Batik of England to advance their notes upon approved secarities, telling them at the same time that if thereby the Act of 1844 should be infringed, we would then come to Parliament and ask for an indemnity. Having done so, we thought it our duty to advise her Majesty to summon Parlia ment at the earliest possible period, in order that we might state to Parliament what had been done, and en able us to meet any consequences which might have ensued from the step which was taken. If our conduct was wrong—if it was likely to lead to public injury—if it was on a slight or fanciful occasion that we thought it advisable to recommend a suspension of the law, the Noble Lord has it in his power to propose a resolution to the House to that effect. We do not, however, think that we have failed in our duty to the country or the Crown by recommending this course—(Hear, hear) —and yet, because we propose to postpone discussion on the subject from one Tuesday to another, the Noble Lord seems to think that we wish to avoid explanation. I can assure the Noble Lord that he shall have all the explanation on that subject which ho can desire, and an account both of the causes which led to the adoption of the measure, and of the consequences which have flowed from it. Those consequences have shown that we were not mistaken in the step which was taken. Those con , sequences have shown that, consistently with maintain ing the convertibility of the bank-note, we could main tain public confidence, which had been very seriously , impaired.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord alludes particu• larly to the deputation from Liverpool, and evidently his mistaken the sense of the answer which I gave to that deputation. Of' course it was not for me, while the matter was under deliberation, to state any step which had not ie.en adopted by the Government. I told them, At the present moment I see no public advantage in interfering with the conduct of the Bank, but the Go vernment do not preclude themselves from taking any neasure which at any moment they may think conducive to the public interests."—(Cheers.) That was my answer to the deputation; and when the deputation proposed that two gentlemen of their number should call upoii me on the following day, for the purpose of ascertaining whether there would be any change in the intentions of the Go vernment, I said, " I can hold out no hope to-morrow which I do not hold out to-day."—(Hear.) The Noble Lord fins gone into a great deal of declamation, as ,I think, but in which I shall not follow him, with respect to our proposing a certain rate of interest to the Bank, the rate of interest at that time demanded by the Bank and by many private parties being, I believe, 7,8, or 9 per cent. My belief is now, that in our naming that rate of interest consisted the safety of the measure which we authorised—(Hear, hear)—and that if, as the Noble Lord seems to think we ought to have done, we had ad vised a general issue of bank notes at 41. 15s. or 5/. per cent. interest, we should have increased that want of confidence which it was the object of the Government to diminish. That is all I shall say on that part of the subject.—(liear, hear.) But the Noble Lord has thought it proper on this occasion to raise a kind of song of triumph on the calamitous situation of the country, and the extreme prosperity of foreign commerce. The Noble Lord has spoken of the French loan. We had ourselves, some time ago, occasion to borrow a large sum, and the terms on which the loan was contracted were 891. 10s., while the French Government only obtained 75 francs 25 centimes. That circumstance does not show that our financial situation is so bad as the Noble Lord repre sents it. But then the Noble Lord went on, without any show of reason for the assertion, to speak of the calamities which had occurred, and of their connexion with free trade. So far as I observed his reasoning, I was reminded of the old labourer who discovered in Ten terden steeple the cause of the Goodwin Sands.— (A laugh.) There have been free- trade mea sures, it is true, and there has been great depression in trade ; but the connexion between the two the Noble Lord has failed to establish. Have there been no other periods of depression in this country ? In the year 1793, to which the Noble Lord himself has alluded, was there not a period of commercial depression and panic ? And yet, at that time, those laws and du ties which we hnve since abrogated existed in full force ; and the laws of protection did not prevent that depres sion and revul s io n o f trade which this country has many times witnessed. I agree with the Noble Lord, partly, in what he says with respect to railroads. I have never attributed so much importance as others have done to the effect which they have produced upon the money market. Undoubtedly, railroads are among the causes of the panic and distress which have been felt ; but, to attribute the whole revulsion and distress to:the railroads is, I think, attaching an exaggerated importance to them. Unfortunately, Sir, whether you have protection or free trade in this country, make your laws as you will, regu late your currency as yon please, it happens that this country, when it rises to a state of great prosperity, rushes on precipitately to build a system of artificial and fictitious credit, which is sure, at some moment or other, to bring down depression and a revulsion of that prosperity. I fear that this state of things is inseparable from that enterprise by which our merchants are distinguished. The reason why the panic was so great and extensive is, that there is no country with transactions so large as ours affected as this country must be by events which take place iu different quarters of the world, which no one could have foreseen or imagined. It was said a long time ago by Lord Chatham that the credit of this country was a sensitive plant, which shrank from the touch; and, if this were true in the time of Lord Chatham, what is the case now, when the substantial wealth of the country is so much greater than it was at that time? Well, then, if that be the case, and if engagements have been made which are beyond the immediately available capital of the country, there must, in consequence of that undue extension, be a panic and collapse, during which the country must undergo a considerable degree of suffering. The Noble Lord has told us of the scarcity of cotton at Liverpool, and that that is a consequence of free trade. Does he mean to tell us that, Liverpool being a depo for cotton, foreign merchants resort there to buy it at the market price, and that as a consequence, esp culations in cotton are unduly braced up? I should have thought that the fact of their being there was 'rather an advantage than otherwise, and that the circumstance of their purchasing cotton when the market was low was a circumstance which Liverpool traders would not look unfavourably coma Ip in• upon. But is the t made by the Noble Lord, that cottons and cotton wool have been admitted at a low duty ? W h y , was a duty of 60 to 80 per a long time ago, when there with the foreigner in cent., we were sc tiding those goods into the markets of Asia and America, and competing hardly imagine, therefore, that it is in respect of those articles places where protection was of no value. I can hardl • that the N o bl e L or d' s co mplaints against free trade are made. Well, then, is it corn?—(hear, hear.) Does the Noble Lord mean to say that he complains of the ad mission of foreign corn during the past year? Does he mean to say that there is any class of statesmen in this Indies, show a terrible balance on the other side. For an increase of 7,000 packages on one side, there is a falling off of 30,000 on the other. And this is your Your balance of trade! This is the result of free trade! When her Majesty recommends the further considera tion of the navigation laws, I think prudence might sug• .gest to the Noble Lord, with all his courage, the pre lriety of holing his ruthless hand.—(hear, and a augh.) Surely, in the present circumstances of the country there is lit le to encourage us in extending the free trade systfzu. Let us, who were told by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tanr,vorth, in 1845, in proposing the renewal of the income-tax, that such would be the elasticity given to trade and commerce and all branches of industry by his new coin naercial policy, that he hoped to be able, some time in the course of the next spring, to dispense with the pro perty and income-tax altogether--let us. who are now told i n. h er Majesty ' s speech that she " regrets to inform us of th e i n j ury which the revenue has sustained," Pause a little before wo resolve to proceed further in the ruinous toure d which has conducted us to our present disastrous. position.—(Hear.) Remember that, if we are bel'.eve the evidence given before the Navigation Ca nhinittee, the question to which her Majesty's Speech refers concerns a capital amounting to no less than 4 , 00 0,000/. invested in shipping alone, and 14,006,0001. *More invested in those trades which are necessarily con nected with shipping.—(Hear.) Let us bear in mind that it is a trade of which the fruits alone amount to 28,00 0,000/, a year, and the annual expenses to 26 ,000,0004 Without going now into the general ques tion, I say, that when a mighty interest like this is con earned, I cannot permit the report on the Address to the throne to pass without entering my protest against kinisters peocceding, with regard to it, in the same rash course which has been pursued respecting other im portant interests.—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty has been pleased to tell us that she has given directions to have the estimates which are to be laid before us framed with a careful regard to economy. I rejoice at that in formation. I feared that we might have had to listen to some proposition for ti e imposition of new tax es ; but I hope that I may now congratulate the country on her Majesty being abie to dispense with the imposition of any fresh tax upon her subjects. As the property and incense-tax expires in the course of the next epring, sway I not venture to hope that Ministers even contemplate the possibility of being able to dispense with that burden ? (Hear, and laughter.) For myself, I confess that I cannot see daylight at present. I know sot what course we can, with safety, pursue, unless it be that of retracing our steps. The Hon Member for Lancashire said last night that he could sea only one ray of sunshine to idurninate the gloom and darkness which surrounded us, and that was to be found in the circumstance of her Majesty having been whisked along a railway at the rate of 45 miles an hour.—(A laugh.) • According to the Hon Member, her Majesty passed like a bright star through the darkness; but if he can furnish Us with no greater hope than is afferded by that circum stance, I fear that we have only the prospect of a melan choly future before us. Oh ! how changed are the auspices under which we commence this session as c ompared a with thos e un d er w hi c h t h e session of 1846 y egen ! Then her Majesty permitted her Royal Con sort to honour us with his presence in this House, as it 'were, to swell the glory of the psgeaut—the sort of triumphal procession by which free trade was ushered in- Great promises were then made--high expectation, w ere raised. Icm surprised at not seeing here in his Place the Hon. Member for the West Riding of York and the borough of Steckport. One might have ex• Phnted that lion. Member to have appeared here to face the dangers and difficulties of the present hour. I think, if t h e li on. M em b er were here he would deem it 4 4 duty to explain how it has happened that all his Promises and vows have been broken.—(Hear, hear.) We knew that in 1841 the lion. Member delivered a a celebrated address, one of those eloquent effusions Which helped to make up the weight of 416 tons of tracts circulated in the course of the Anti- Corn-law a h i tation—to th e non • e l eetors o f S toc k port , in which he , to e l d his audience that it was necessary only to abolish '"e ' impious and anti-Christian corn-laws," and in two eonths f rom the pass i ng of t h e Bill which should direct that object, flour would be six f ar thi ngs e Pound, whil s t there would a l so b e p l enty of - e in Ployment at advanced wages. The Hon. Mem "r also said that every mill would be going, and every loom in motion,—th a t new h ouses, new It°:narches and new chapels wo u ld ar i se i n all three Lh'ns, and, in short, th a t th ere wou ld b e no l i mit to o prosperity of the manufacturers and their work '°Pie• The lion. Member further called upon all firistian men to put down the impious monopoly which he 8541 , took from each of the persons whom he was addressing fourpence out of every shilling, which four t :e they ought to have to expend in the purchase of eat4l e "free, and clothing. Yes ! the lion. Member did hesitate to declare that the un-Christian corn-law ge?ck one-third of their food from the wives and families h;;lthe Poor in order to increase the overgrown wealth of • ( 4' buk e of Buckingham and Sir James Graham.— ,h i eear, hear.) I rejoice to see my Right Iron. Friend his Place as large as life.—(A laugh.) I rejoice to th e al3' Right Hon. Friend looking so well, fresh from Ile contemplation of those hoards of wealth which the n °n • Alf naber f or S toc k port gave h im cre di t for possess thgt which is doubtless a more agreeable occupation than tr e at of bestowi ng attention upon those miserable free theeir " M easures which are now beginni ng to d evelop fatal results. I also rejoice to see my Right Hon. • Friers on the pre fnt occasion, because, if I recollect • gligi'llY, eontempor neously with the address to which 1 I s _ h( en reterr ing appeared another from my Right 71ot Friend, arid his presence here proves that he has become the lictire of an imprecation which he intro ..°P"toed into that address. My Right Hon. Friend, in his at,.sech t o t h e electors of Dorchester, expressed his horror n - _certain cha nges th en suggeste d b y some persons, certai n exclaimed— " May I be cold before that dreadful day, (RPressed with a load of monumental clay !" ear, and l aughter.) And then my Right Hon. Ford indulged in this apostrophe— When thou, imperial Troy, to fate must bend, And see thy warrior s f a ll, t h y g l or i es end !" hellhhter.) But to revert to th e p rom i ses w hi c h were • wagee nut in 1845—how different are the results of measures from what we were taught to expect -seal e l v ere promised prosperity and happiness, instead of p i , awe see nothing but ruined employers and starving ju st Ple--starving i n t h e m id st o f p l enty —f or h ave we teat thanked Almighty God for the bounteous bars un c l e ? new different was the position of the country purs the protective system, when we were content to the old our prosperous and wealth-making industry in ogeto trade -winds of national and colonial protection ! thirtrear, hear.) Then came the day when, unfortunately, it were and commerce of this country—wantoning, as • Ipi th ` f P,' in their very wealth and prosperity—not content to the lne benefits which they possessed, must needs listen Met; seductive language of the Right Hon. Baronet the Ss gh u er for seatemorte, and the lion. Member for h ( e , P o rt, and to abandon the solid advantages which gl e ic e nioyerf for the meretricious tinsel of free trade,— ee I li h o r ese % h l e i a k V NOW how changed is their state! a Younker or a prodigal, eg a 'carped bark puts from her native bay, ei h g g g'd and embraced by the s t rum p e t w i n d! Seha over-„ l ike a prodigal doth she return Lean' ribs and ragged sails, g gr ' r ent, and beggar'd by the strumpet wind." th e ( o 1 ' T . RUSSELL—B e f ore I a ll u d e to t h e speech of es an sw h ic Lord,- I wish to make a few remarks in th o „ e :r to the observations made in a temperate tone by i hg ' i on- M em b er for Middlesex, who inquired respect certain measures propose bydthe st k a T t t l , re respecting which the Hon. Member inquired went passed passed in the last session of the last Parlia i,a,_ or advancing money for the improvement of <a property. The Hon. Member asked why that tha t ail had not been acted upon? I can assure hies h ato t a h ll the persons engaged in carrying that measure and .eircet have given their best attention to the subject, gap:loans happy to say that more than a million and a th. ! 8 r money has been applied for under that Act. Of 4441 ht s ins more than half a million has been sanctioned, g " .ti tt . is evident, therefore, that the Act is in full er!. ti.on.—(llear, hear.) Of course there were many fo rms inquiries to be made —of course there were 'met connected with the, advance of 'security of estates which it vv. necessary money e t y o comply p the ' Wi th, and no doubt many person': ctus© the advances have not been ma e at an earlier e disappointedd be peereiod; but, advances to the amount I have stated havin tn°oll sanctioned, it is to be presumed that theg R i v r , l C'Y bo properly applied, and be the means of dehang increased employment to the people of Ireland also g the present winter.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member gleott„referred to the Encumbered Estates Bill. That ®a s r e Wail withdrawn tow a rd s t h e close of the gist se ssion , Partly o n accoun t o f t h e advanced period of the seg i" n ands partly because of a very strong opposition ag ga sh s p nd run g up against it on the p art of some parties ttehe'clere interested in it. That subject has also ob basin, t he attention of the Govern ment , and a Bill tro e r similar object to that of last session will be in attegni_ late. this or the other House of Parlia ment . I ad, In greatest importance to a measure of th at 18 th e 41 my opinion one of the greatest evils of Ireland meansao nominal possession of estates by persons who have t caan r of improving them and doing justice to their that e'th-(Rear, hear.) In many govrannuation, havinginstances persons in estates without the means of ea: i e ng them would large able, by selling a part, to e ta 'n remainder far more valuable. With reference 'letn tn hr a tion, which was also referred to by the lion. AtliLa* 'L , I have generally held that emigration is useful "liee e ll ' id iare - measure in some respects, but I do not t hat there is that over-population in Ireland . hir e Mc persons e I believe that if agricul goun,trwhich is the great branch of ' industry in that theret ''."'re to be pursued with skill and science, ere a.lst be means in Ireland of supporting, not only ete"l but es-en a greater population than it has hitherto hi"::4incd•—(Hee.r, hear.) There is another measure . )1 4 en be Introduced rael y, a !educed in the course of the session, o Bill; t orsee mear,he lo a r r the amendment of the grand jury TO. muchar, tend te.i)th That . is a measure which will sa me subject improvement of the country. o vast importance, and, at the th e , e li me, se difficut t o • ' for the Legislature to deal with, we have devoted flies reatest attention eg , `ally e ha ve gone over the details" of a I will at 'res fa that hop e to be . able to introduce _car to us to h e chaiisot embodied regulations which ap do inland, the with the improvement of the ch . defeasti%one hand, and with the un 00' d and in go - • --(Hear, hea rights of property, on the to ( ggstion of - t ri) I allude to the great and difii is'i...nhnt I leek tetelett relations between landlord and s 'Q L. I find that for r what has happened in Ireland, f.ence, of poverty, a n n s d ty Years the questions of sub of crime, in thet country have tritSDA EVE House, or in the country, who arc so determined on pro- ls. per pound. That was a necessary effect of over tection, that when wheat is at 110 s. the quarter, they speculation. Whether the Bank was under restriction would impose on it a prohibitory duty?—(Cheers.) or not, after a period of gradual progress towards pros- Even under. the Act of 1828, of which the Noble Lord perity, the degree to which credit rose was of itself one has been heard to express his admiration, when wheat of the causes of the evils that followed. Would his Hon. was 725. or 735. a quart-r, foreign corn was admissible Friend opposite Venture to say that half-a-dozen or a at Is. a quarter duty. dozen of the l argest h ouses that had recently failed were Lord G. BENTINCK—I never expressed any admire- wealthy ? Why, many of them had been in a state of 1 tion of the Act of 1828.`'=” ■ ;IXR4. --- "'erd, bankruptcy for years. It was only the state of the Lord J. RUSSELL—I am mistaken, then, in that re- country that exposed their condition, and prevented specs. Perhaps the Noble Lord is in favour of a more greater evils. Nothing could be more unfortunate than prohibitory law.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) But still the existence of such large concerns, possessing great the Noble Lord is call e d on to explain whether, when credit, and thereby interfering with the prudent and at wheat is at 110 s. the quarter, he would still hav e a duty tentive man of business. With the credit they possessed of 20s. or 3 03. imposed upon it. It is evident th a t they had sustained themselves for years; but, when he such a system could not he maintained, and it is saw one house failing for 1,000,0001, another for equally evident that in admitting corn duty free we had 1,500,0001, and a third ter 500,000/, he would venture to the assent of this House, and of the other House of Par. say, that if they would look to the Manner in which those liament, and of every rational man in the country.— debts had accrued, not one in ten of those houses ought (Cheers.) And if s ('U have to send ou t of the country t o h ave b een i n existence ten years ago. It was for the many milli ons o f gold to p a y f or it, y et a s t a t e o f benefit of commerce that they should he removed. He famine and scarcity is such that you must get corn was sorry for the victims, and that the failures should wherever it i e to b e bought, and admit it duty free. take place all at once, for he would rather that those That state of circumetances, however, has nothing to houses had gradually d es d decned witho do with the ques ti on of free trade, but has entirely coming together to that r ecrease ult whichand had ) spread alarm ut arisen out of an unavoidable emergency. But then the in the country, and which was most dangerous to the Noble Lord goes on to complain that tea, coffee, an d credit of small dealers and men who went on in a mode sugar are at very low prices, and that traders aro obliged rate manner. One of the best means of restoring things to sell those articles at a loss. That, again, Sir, is not to a prosperous state was to prevent extravagance in the the fault of free trade. Free trade does not oblig e public service ;to bring them within a proper limit. gentlemen to import articles at a loss. The whole He was always for paying wel those did serve matter is a s p ecu l at i on of their own. They may have the public ; but not those whom they l did not who want. lie mistaken the price at which those articles may bo sold, would, for instance, Save 1,500 ,000 / . b y d o i ng awry w i t h but free trad e l eaves t h em to their own calculations of the absurd blockade of the coast of Africa, and he hoped loss and profit. Surely, this is far better than layi ng i t before any attempt was made to renew the income down by Act of Parliament at what prices articl es shall tax, a proper explanation would be given why the be sold. It is by no means, I assure the Noble Lord, a people of England were put to such an expense. sine qua non of free trade that these gentlemen shall He had moved for a return which would show the import at a loss or continue to sell without reasonable House the enormous amount this country had paid profit. Now, then, with regard to the actual state of and which had only ended in an aggravation the country. The Noble Lord thinks that the want of of the horrors of the slave trade, and he could not protection and the laws relating to the cur rency h ave t hi n k t h at the time was far distant when the country brought us into a state w hi c h he called no less than a would put an end to that expense. Ile had believed it state of shame, bankruptcy, and disgrace.—(l.lear, hear.; , was most mischievous, and that for every slave that I should be very sorry if these terms were applicable to would, but for their interference, have been destroyed the condition of this country, but Ido not consider that on the coast of Africa, they were at that moment the they are by any means applicable to it. I consider the murderers of some 50,000 or 60,000. So far from the condition of the country to be owing, to a great extent, cause of humanity having in any way been served by to the spirit which, if railways had not been the object, their proceedings and so-call e d precautions on the coast would probably have taken some other course of ex- of Africa, the slaves were now crowded in smaller yes. penditure, and to the import of food to the amount of sell than ever before were used, and the horrors con not less than 30,000,0004 sterling; and it is owing to tinually perpetrated for the purpose of avoiding detec this and other c rcunsstances that we have had a great tion exceeded anything that had ever been known even in revulsion of trade, and that great distress has fallen on the worst days of the slave trade. That trade had the commercial and manufacturing world. But Ido not become a mere matter of smuggling —man smuggling— for an in s t ant g i ve credit to the statement that we are and, while he agreed heartily with those who said that in a position of shame, bankruptcy, or disgrace, or that it ought to be put down, no matter at what cost, he we shall not rise again. —(gear, hear.) I do not protested agaiust the absurd course they were at this believe that the intelligence and energy of British moment taking to attain that philanthropic end. Let merchants and manufacturers, with the advantage of a those measures be at once adopted which would make change of duties, will not again enable them to enter into free labour cheaper than slave labour and their purpose competition with any nation of the world.—(Cheers.) I was accomplished.—(Hear.) lie meat entirely °greed do not find, although the last two moths have been with the Noble Lord at the head of the Government in months of calamity, that this country s p in that state of thinking that this was one of those ordinary and occa decline and ruin which the Noble Lord, with a good deal sional calamities which, be their legislation what it anda fa I l i ir n r .g lB6 ; -. , 7 it ' of exultation apparently, speaks about. I find that in might, would b e perpetually checking the ;progress of a the nine months ending on the 10th of October, 1845, the country situated as was England. The point was to as declared value of British and Irish exports was certain in this instance what was the real as well as the 41,732,000/. ; in the same. nine months of 1846, proximate cause of the disaster. He hated all restric -4t 1100,048h,0t0h0e there is 3 i 9 s ,9 n 7 o t , s o u o c o l / 1 . a ; fa s l o hn t g htst, al- dons on banks; ho was for free trade in that as in every off as other direction—(Hear, hear.) He had stated, at the should inspire a man with despondency about our future time when the Act of 1544 was under discussion, that it proepeuts. It is a severe, but at the same time, a tem- was bad in principle, because it pretended to provide a porary calami t y. I find, also, th at the exports from standard, and did, in effect, make the bank of issue a Liverpool of B r iti s h . manufactured goods, to the United separate establishment, and he had then prophesied, States, were, fur the three- quarters ending on the what had since proved true, that it would utterly fail in 10th of October, 1846, 4,03 . 0,003/. ; and for the same obviating such a season of distress' as this at certain in inperiod in 1817, 6,291,0171. ; making a difference tervals. It seemed to him the most inexcusabl e incon favour of the exports of manufactured goods sistency to grant to every man in the kingdom power to during the present,. year of 2,261,014/. That shows pursue any particular trade or trades without restraint that, according 'fas the wholesome operations of trade and then, at the same negotiations to liiuinously those and exchange, the food which we have brought exchanges by which only any could be can to this country in greater quantities than usual tied on. Ho was not of opinion, nevertheless, that the has been the cause of greater export s of our manu. recent measure of the Government was a wise on e . I t factures.—(Hear, hear.) I t i s to t h at export of manu had practically had little effect beyond removin g an on _ factures—to th e re t urn o f t h e gold which we have sent founded degree of distrust and alarm; it had not added abroad —to the state of the exchan ges , an d t o sever a l one shilling to the capital of the country and no man in other circumstances of favourabl e au gur y, th a t I look, reality found himself one whit the richer in conic not for the immediate restoration of prosperity, but for quence. H o th ere f ore regretted that, great as the *tiler the gradual restoration of a better state of things, and gency was, the Government had had recourse to such an from that to our wonted and former prosperity.— invasion, not to say infringement of the law; the prece• (Cheers.) The Noble Lord fies spoken of the esti- dent was bad, and if often followed would leav e th em mat, s, and sa y s t h at h er Majeety has promised that without any security at all for the stability of systems they shall be framed in accordance with the strictest which bad been deliberately approved of by tho nation,— rules of economy. The words -of the Queen's Speech, (Hear, hear.) Though not approving of this part of however, are that "they will be* framed with a careful the policy of her Majesty's Ministers, he would not op. regard to the exigencies' of the public service."—(Hear, pose the Address. It was with the greatest satisfaction hear, and a laugh.) I can assure the Noble Lord, and he had listened to the explanation of the Noble Lord I must assure the House, that if the revenue in some that he was opposed to asking from Parliament any ex of its principal branches should be in a declining state, traordinary powers for the enforcement of the law upon and there should be anything wanting which we the population of various districts in Ireland. He (Mr. might think essential for the defence of the country, or Hume) had, throughout, resisted every attempt to over for any other purpose, we shall not be deterred by any awe a people, and to maintain that profitless system of fear of not meeting with the approval of the House coercion in which statesmen once found their only re from asking for such supplies as may be necessary. source. Ho cordially concurred in all the observations And I say, perhaps unnecessarily, that we shall not be made on this subject the preceding evening by the lion. deterred by any fear of the disapprobation of this Member for Northamptonshire (Mr. Stafford). Cer- Howe, because I believe it is the character of this House tainly that House was called upon to grant to the Go to give such supplies for the public service as to enable vernment every assistance in putting down the crimes these realms to be furnished with all proper means of which disgraced some parts of Ireland—(hear, hear)-- (Weise°, and the State to be maintained as it has been and it would be their duty also, in passing hitherto maintained.—(Hear.) With these views, there- measures of that nature, to take into consider fore, I differ much from the Noble Lord. I agree with ation the means which were wanting to ensure him only in the facts which relate to the present state of the fature and permanent prosperity of that country.— difficulty and embarrassment. That there never was so (Hear, hear.) In the Speech addressed to Parliament gloomy a Speech Ido not agree, and lam sure there last session by her Majesty she directed attention to have been many periods in the history of this country the " permanent condition of Ireland ;" in the Speech much more gloomy—(hear, hear)—but I have always of this session not one word was said upon that topic ; found, and I have always read, in times when I took no and this omission would lead to the belief that nothing part in public life, that by the energy and spirit of this was intended to be done for the permanent establish country those periods of difficulty have been surmounted. went of order and the effectual creation of wealth in I believe that this period of difficulty will bo surmounted ; the sister kingdom. An Hon. Gentleman had alluded to I will not say by the wisdom of the measures of the the state of the church in Ireland. Thirty years ago he Government, but by the energy and noble character of (Mr. Hume) had spoken of the abolition of the Este the nation; but so far as going along with it, approving blishment in Ireland as the only remedy for the discon of its efforts, and not desponding of its fortunes, I will tent of the majority of the people ; and if so late as say that the Government will not prove itself unworthy 1824 that step had been taken, if the privileges con ceded to Scotland and England were extended to Ire of the nation.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. G. R. ROBINSON said his experience told him land, and if the Roman Catholics, as the inejority, that in every fresh difficulty and crisis of this sort the had been relieved from the predominance of thereligion of country did not recover its elasticity and return to the the minority, there would now have been no cry for the same advantageoue and prosperous condition it was in repeal of the union. The Protestant Members of Balla before, as the Noble Lord seemed to imagine. But how mont were the most strenuous in their opposition to such was it that, after a period of 32 years of uninterrupted a course; they-said, "We who have property in Ireland peace, they found themselves in a condition which, know best, let us alone ; we are the proper judges of without any despond enc y, was, i n hi s opinion, infinitely what is wanted." They had be en l e ft a l one , an d w h a t more discouraging th an any other he recollected ? was the result? Why t h at that property had been swept (Hear, hear.) Looking to the advantages we possessed, away or rendered unproductive, which, had the people it we used them rightly, and to the enterprise of our been contented, happy, and prosp erous , would have in merchants, he was not ore to take a desponding view of creased tenfold in ealue.—(llea hear.) This, then, was the future ; but he would tell the Government if th e y the time to get rid of the all•absorbing evil of Irel and. relied too much on the energy of th e p eo pl e , an d th a t Let the Church Establishment be at once got rid of, energy was not assisted and supported by the Govern- and let the people be placed on the same footing and mm nt, the country would continue to retrograde, as it equality as the people of had done for several years past. With respect to the great reluctance that he would be induced to give his navigation . laws, he had looked with much attention to consent to a Coercion Bill, and the only reason why be England. It would be with the precise words in her Majesty's Speech on th e would give up his aversion to such a course was the con subject, and he did not object to them, He did not fidence he placed in the Earl of Clarendon. The conduct object to inquiry into those laws, with a view to consider of that Nobleman in Ireland had been admirable, and he whether any or what relaxation or modificatio n was assuredly as fit to be entrusted with extraordinary might be made in them applicable to the existing state powers as any Viceroy he (Mr. Hume) had seen in his of things and the maintenance of the maritime i n t eres t s tim e . It was a matter of regret that the Noble Lord in of this country and its dependencies. He would not the course of his speech had not given the House some he tempted, at such a time as that, to go into any account of the result of our interference with Por discussion, but he would implore the House not to con . tugs} and of eur proceedings in Spain.—(Hear, hear.) sider the present state of things as one to be lightly Perhaps the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign passed over, lie was glad to find that the Government office was sorry that he had not left his neighbours to intended to appoint a Committee of inquiry, and that the fight out their own quarrels ; and if he would look to inquiry was to be general; for nothing but a searching the history of the last nine or ten years, he would find and faithful inquiry into the complicated difficulties by that in every case in which we had intermeddled with which the country was surrounded would, in his opi- the internal concerns of neighbouring countries to the nion, afford the slightest chance of relief from its em- neglect of our own, whatever m i g h t b e th e momen t ar y barrassment. If such an i nqu i r y was ma d e, an d the éc l at attend i ng our generosity, permanent and essential Government was sincere, and not imposed on by th ose injury had been done both to the people interested and notions which the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) must to ourselves.—(Cheers.) And then it was well to re. have imbibed from persons less informed th a n hi mse lf, member that we could not afford such interference. The and by those fanciful theories with which the free- fleet which we were now maintaining in the Tagas for traders had for many years deluded the country, ho be- the support of the rotten Government of Portugal— lieved that the state of things would recover, and pros- (Hear, hear)—cost us at least 1,000,000/ a-year ; and perity would he restored. lie had not y e t seen th e the expenses of our navy, which was principally in Hon. Member for Stockport in the House, but he should requisition by other powers, were at this moment most like to ask him whether the predictions ho had ma d e as to unreasonably high. In conclusion, he begged to say the benefits the manufacturers were likely to derive from that with these reservations he would agree to the free trade had been fulfilled. The manufacturers might Address, and to the report; and he trusted in a short suffer the last, but they would not suffer the least, time to see, by the co-operation of the Government and he would tell them, that if they were so se lfi s h as with the industrious people of this country, our trade to call for the withdrawal of protection first from again flourishing, and our prosperity as well founded agriculture, then from the West India Colonies, in the and undoubted as it had been three years ago. cultivation of sugar, and afterwards from the shipping Mr. G. BANKES regretted that the Hon. Member for interest, the mischief that would fall upon those several Montrose had not mentioned some of those nations which interests would afterwards fall upon themselves. As a he declared were so anxious to follow our example, and test of our commercial policy, he looked to the condition to reciprocate with us the blessings of free trade. The of the labouring classes, and in his opinion no class had Republic of the Equator might probably be induced to a deeper interest in opposing the principles of free trade imitate us; but where was the second?—(H ear , hear.) than the labouring , population of the country. Tho Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth, Mr. HUME was surprised that any Hon. Member in introducing his measures, had promised us the alliance with the information of his lion. Friend could stand up and assistance of Naples and Prussia, and that was all. in that House and question the allegation of the Noble Prussia, it was announced, was already shaken ; and Lord (Lord J. Russell), that from every great commer- Naples, even then, had entered into a treaty of recipro cial crisis the country had gradually recovered, and re- city. The state of Naples, events bad proved, was not gained its f ormer state of prosperity. His Hon. Friend in a condition greatly to benefit us; and if Prussia was was chairman of a society in which the shipping interest really shaken it shook as the needle did, returning ever was much concerned,_ and he would find, that whilst in to the pole—that polo being its own interest, and that 1825 the number of British ships was 19,000, and the interest consisting in a hostile tariff.—(hear, hear.) In tonnage 2, 0 00,000, the tonnage was now 3,000,000, and the absence, then, of any decided information as to those the number of ships had increased in proportion. Again, nations which had been influenced by our policy, and let his Hon- Friend look around him in every town, and unable to entertain any hopes beyond Naples, judging especially in this metropolis, and see how great an ac- of free -trade principles by the result, though it might be cession of houses and addition to every kind of property admitted the experiment was not yet fully tried, the there had been, and then how could he say that things (the Protectionists) must be permitted to say that the y had not recovered ? His Hon. Friend had referred to the prophecies which were so liberally indulged in at the price to be navigation laws- If his Hoe- Friend would read the evi- time of the passing of free-trade measures had been ' the told they might expect all speculation in corn woulddence t s a e k e e t n ha la t ef t o h r o e se th la e w C s o w m e m re itt m ee 6r ia e t a h a e tr l i as m t en se ta ss l i t o o n he most signally falsified.—(Hear, hear.) They wore shipping interest than anything else. Wherever pro- to be put an end to, uniformity in tection had been removed a beneficial effect had been secured, and an exportation of our manufactures in pro produced. So long as the silk trade was confined to portion to the quantity of food they imported. How had Spitalfields, and competition was excluded, they heard these predictions been fulfilled? The first houses that every two or three years of distress amongst the weavers, had f a il e d , an d that had opened this career of Calamity, and of subscriptions for their relief, but when a change had been in the corn trade, and were those houses whose took e no time, in fact history of It would be the the trade, had there been such place in the trade, and competition l was admitted, in fate was so well deserved!—(Hear,) A t • . they heard no longer of that distress. speculation None had been more in corn as immediately after the consent of Parliament frequently spoken of as a losing interest for two or three had been given to a trial of free trade, and so far there same with the shipping interest. Non years together, and then it took a spurt. He must, fore their hopes had been grievously disappointed. At therefore, express his regret that his Hon. Friend should no time had there been greater fluctuations in prices— venture upon such opinions as he had expressed. The 455. in August, and 120.5. in May —and as to the third Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), in answer to a remark prophecy, how lamentably had it be en d emonstrated to of the N o bl e L or d o pp os it e , h a d b roug h t forward a be false. The Right Hon. Baronet promised that if statement of the exportation of cotton. Why, did the foreign corn was poured in on them, the increase in the Noble Lord opposite know that in 1825, from ex- exportation of articles of their own manufacture should cesiive speculation, when the Bank could do what be proportionate, and when it was urged that we would it pleased, cotton was raised from 10d. a pound have to pay in gold, the reply was, "So much the to 15d. and 18d. ; and what was the quantity better." %Vas it so much the better? Had our menu of cotton imported ? In 1824 it was 149,000,0001 b. ; factures gone forth?—(" They have.") Have they?— in 1835, 222,000,0001 b. ; and in 1326, 177 , 000,0001 b. ; at what price?—(Laughter.) Surely th at was some end what took place ? His Hono ura bl e F r i en d e l ement i n the calculations of manufacturers- T sureyt behind him, who was lately Presid en t o f th e Ch am b er o f was also of some consequence to th if i fur Commerce operativer Commerce at Manchester, would recoll ec t th e fa c t th a t th e same quantity of gold he had to exchange the merchants, instead of exporting cotton a t a loss o f t w i ce as much of the manalaoturfrl article as 2d. per lb., were obliged to export it at a loss of formerly.—(Cheers.) The prioe W4l to be considered; - w TEI E SUN, LONDo'N, X). N' G, 0 VP. 11 1847. by that pries) they had lost, and from the loss ever} inhabitant of the manufacturing districts was now slit feting- For these reasons he was entitled to say that their free-trade prophecies so far had failed. Another signal proof of the shortsightedness of their vaticina dons was to be found in the working of the Bank Charter Act. It was declared with regard to that panic of 1825, adverted to by the Hon. Member for Montrose, that such a calamity could never recur while the Act of 1844 was in operation. Yet, after three years, after a full trial had been given to it, and despite such a wholesome re medial measure, another season of panic, more ruinous than any which preceded, had startled them, and that Government, some Members of which—the Chancellor of the Exchequer certainly —were disciples of the. Bight Honourable Baronet (Sir R. Peel), had found it neces sary in a temporary pressure to give way, and t , suspend a measure which, instead of preventing calamity. only increased commercial distress when it Ives occa sioned.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for Montrose did not appear to think that suspension had done any good beyond restoring credit. Why, a country like this lived upon credit. An eminent statesman had ca'd in that House, that credit, if not the sun, was at least the sunshine. Their sun was now gone, for their gold, under the operation of their law, had been all exported, and they must look for their sunshine in whatever quarter they thaught it likely to he found.— (Cries of "hear, hear.") He was of opinion the Go vernment had done well in getting that little degree of credit for the nation; they had, indeed, much to answer for that they had not clone so much sooner, before s number of great firms had fallen. Was it for the Go vernment to select who should and who should not fall? The Honourable Member for Montrose had said that there were some ten or twelve of these firms that ought not to have stood—that ought to have given way sooner; but would he Government adopt that line of argument? If that had been their policy, let theta say so; but, if not, they were answerable to those mercantile houses, and to tho people who were dependent upon them, for the ruin they had allowed to fall upon them.—(hear, hear.) The Right lion. Baronet, the Home Secretary, was understood to deny the statement that had appeared in the public papers, to the effect that he, as the repre sentative of one of the northern counties, had been the immediate cause and instrument of the very proper pro ceeding which the Government had taken, but which they had resisted so long, standing out against all other applications from London, from Liverpool, from New castle, and other places, but yielding at last to the urgency of those connected with the col lieries.—(Hear, hear.) No one who knew the Right lion. Baronet could for one moment suppose that lie had been impelled by any but the most honourable motives in any share he might have had in the course taken by the Government—(Cheering) —there must ha+ e been some peculiar urgency to induce the Government to do at once what they had before refused so obstinately and denyingly. The House ought to have heard from the Noble Lord, and ought that night to hear from one of the members of the Government, what had been the peculiar circumstances which had led them at last to do what they had refused at first ; and also why, when once they thoeght that course right, they had not taken it sooner.—(llesr, hear.) The Hon. Member for Mon trose had blamed the Government for having violated the law e but the Hon. Member was a supperter of the present Government ; and if he continued to support them, he must make up his mind to get used to such violations; for twice during the two years they had been in office, when the Right Hon. G en tl eman t h e P resident of the Board of Trade was Chief Secretary for Ireland, last year, he had taken upon himself a responsibility of that kind, and now the Right lion. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had taken the same course. The Honourable Member for Montrose must lecture his friends if he was so particular as to violations of the law, for it had not happened to any Ministry, lie (Mr. Bankes) recollected, that twice within two years they should have taken upon themselves the responsibility of acting contrary to the express dictates of the law. Ile is as, however, ready to give his sanction to the violation of the law in this case, and perhaps he might be ready to go further than a temporary violation.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that a great degree of additi ona l cala mity had been pr even t e d b y the degree of credit given by the knowledge that the law might be violated. The allusion to this matter had, moreover, been introduced into her Majesty's Speech in a very unusual and un precedented way; for her Majesty was made to appear the original propounder of this proposition of disobe dience to the law. The words in the Speech were—" Her Majesty, for the purpose of restoring confidence, autho rised her Ministers to recommend to the directors of the Bank of England a course of proceeding suited to such an emergency." Now, he should have thought that the proper expression to have used was the common one, that the advisers of the Queen had subrnisted to her Majesty the propriety of departing in this case front the Parliamentary enactment. He observed by the papers that it was reported to have been stated in another place that this course of violating the law had been taken at the recommendation of two Ministers only, and was not the act of all the Government. Hots ever that might be, he believed the public would not quarrel with the proceeding, except that part of it which recoil]. nsended that a high rate of interest should be charged. The inconvenience arising from that recommendation hail been very extensively felt, and that was another reason why the name of the Sovereign should not have le en used in this universal manner, coupled with a transaction which, so far as the usurious rate of interest was con cerned, might be unpopular. With respect to the Bank Charter Act, the ultimate determination of the Govern ment was not yet known, but the House had heard from the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchespe r, that while Parliament was sitting things were to g ) on as they now were, because if a difficulty arose the Legisla ture could interfere; but the Right lion. Gentleman had not declared whether towards the end of the session he would require from Parliament a conditional permission ter the relaxation of the law. The Government could hardly be entitled again to ask for such an indulgence if they allowed the whole session to go on leaving the Act in its present state. Whether an explanation of what the Government intended to do with respect to the Bank Charter Act was to form a part of the statement of next Tuesday, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had not stated; but it was to be hoped that the Government would at once answer at least these questions:—What was the peculiar ground which had induced them to relax this Act of Parliament? and why they had not relaxed it sooner ?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. LABOUCHERE—The lion. Gentleman who has just sat down reminded the Government that it had been their fate, during the two years they had held the gorernment, to be obliged, on two separate occasions, to exceed the law. It would ill become me to speak lightly of an infringement of the law of the land by the Government; but, on the other hand, I am not prepared to say, if it should be the fate of the Government to be a third year in office, and if circumstances should again arise which should, in their opinion, render it necessary ler them to take upon themselves the responsibility of exceeding the law, that they would fear to do so— (Cheers)—and then throw themselves upon the judg ment of the Parliament of England.—(Hear, hear.) That is the only answer I shall make to the observation of the Hon. Gentleman, which I apprehend was meant for a taunt. The last two years were marked by extra ordinary circumstances. The first occasion to which the Hon. Gentleman alluded, when I had the honour to hold the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland, was marked by peculiar calamity affecting that part of the empire. —(Heer, hear.) The present occasion, which we have met now to consider, has been marked by great and widely spread misfortune, affecting the commerci a l classes of thi s country; and I should be ashamed of the Government if, upon either of those two occasions, they had shrunk from taking upon themselves the duty and the responsibility which are attached to the offices they hold, which are necessary for the public service; or if they had hesitated in putting in exercise any power they might possess to stay the progress of the evil. I do . not conceive it is necessary for me to anticipate now that discussion which will far more regularly and pro perly come on when my Right Hon. Friend the Chan cellor of the Exchequer will state to the House all the circumstances and reasons which led to the course which the Government adopted with regard to that communi cation with the Bank of England. But when the Hon. Member for Dorchester says—" Answer me at least one question; tell me why was this step by the Government taken at this particular time; neither sooner nor later?" —I think he must see,—the House at least, on a mo ment's reflection, will see, that it would be utterly im possible for my Right Hon. Friend, or any member of the Government to answer that question without going into the whole circumstances of the case.—(Hear, hear.) And, as my Right Hon. Friend has promised the House to make his statement on a day no more distant than Tuesday, I hope the Hon. Member for Dorchester will restrain his impatience, and not ask the Government to do that which they cannot possibly do without at once opening a wide field of discussion. I should not have trespassed upon the House had it not been for some of the observations of the Hon. Member who has just sat down, and other remarks of a similar , charac• ter. I had hoped that the speech of my Noble Friend at the head of the Government had disposed of all that part of the discussion which attempted to connect the recent commercial distress with what some Hon. Gentlemen are pleased to term the utter failure of free-trade policy.—(Cheers.) But all that the Hon. Gentleman opposite has advanced under that head amounts only to this—that you have recently adopted free-trade principles, and it does so happen that in the course of the present year there has been a time of great commercial embarrassment and distress. But I must say that some of the observations made by the Hon. Gentleman regarding the supposed failure of free trade policy did appear to me to bo very strongly in favour of that policy. Think of the effect of introducing such a large quantity of grain! 10,000,000 quarters! Why, the answer to that is, we very much wanted all this grain.—(Cheers.) Ono would think that the most scandalous and wasteful expenditure of oar money had taken place in the purchase of this grain ) but the lion. Gentleman might as well argue that a man had brought himself to ruin who had spent his money in the baker's shop to purchase bread for his children.—( Hear, hear.) It is a remarkable circumstance, and one which I view in a Tory different light to the Hon. Gentleman, that in a time of most appalling calamity in Ireland, when, by a visitation of Providence, the supply of the usual food was cut off, the riches, the energy, the credit of this country should have attracted towards its shores this unusual import of food. In the whole com mercial history of this country, I say, I know of nothing which strikes mo more forcibly with an impression of the power of uncontrolled trade than this enormous supply of human food.—(Fleur.) The lion. Gentleman has challenged us to show an instance in which foreign nations have followed our example in free trade; but he has not, I think, observed the conduct of foreign nations with care and accuracy, or he would not have so spoken. My own conviction is that the example of this country has produced most remarkabl results upon the con d uct of foreign nations.— Ceers3 If I were now enter i ng fully into the subject 1 1l could ihow that many countries have made the most important modifications in their tariffs to the advantage of this country by the reduction o duties; but I will not now go into any memoirs upon that point further than to mention otle instance—•h t of the United States of Airerica.—(flear, hear.) It was only in December last that the Legislature of the United States revised their whole tariff, and made the most important reductions iu it; and everybody acquainted with the circumstances of that country knows that the party which pressed for these reductions, and carried them, were mainly assisted by being able to say, " England has altered her corn laws, and has shown a disposition to favour the com merce of the United States."—(Hear, hear.) I really feel that I ought not to allow myself to be dragged into a wide field of discussion on the present occasion. At the same time, having heard such confident assertions made by the Hon. Gentleman and others, on the opposite side of. the Home, with respect to the utter failure of the measures if free trade, as exemplified in the history of the last three or four years—believing as I do that there is no inundation in tact for making such assertione,and feeling ,ertain that whenever those Hon. Gentlemen shall, natead of vague assertions, venture to place their propo sitions in a te.ngible shape before the House, and bring forward something like proofs in their support, they will altogether fail in so doing, I felt it my duty to enter my ero:est against the assertions which have been brought rorward in this discussion, and having done so I hope 'he House will now proceed to receive the report on the Address.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. NEWDEGATE had been led to hope by the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of he Board of Trade, that he would take pity on the ignorance of the House, and help to enlighten them on , he subject of free trade. A few months ago he (Mr. Newdegate) moved an Address to the Crown for returns allowing the changes which had occurred in tho tariffs of foreign countries since the recent change in our customb' duties, but to this moment those returns had never been produced, and he had consequently been driven to this conclusion—either that her Majesty's Ministers intended to refuse to grant those returns, or that they were not aware what changes had taken place in the tariffs of foreign countries. As he had been informed, how ever, that an Address to the Crown did not ter initiate with a bygone Parliament, he was still in inclined to hope, especially after the speech of the Right [lon Gentleman (Mr. Labouchere), that ere long Par liament would be informed what changes had occurred in foreign tariffs in consequence of the relaxation in ours. The Right Hon. Gentleman had also announced, that although Government had twice violated the law within two years, they were prepared to violate it again if necessary. 11. thought it most unfortunate that Go vernment should have allowed so many large and im• portant firms to fail before they suspended the Bank Charter Act. He had seen a list of no fewer than 117 large and important houses which had stopped payment, and that list was not complete. The !limes of some of these firms were Alexander, Lesley, and Co.; Douglas and Co.; Sanderson and Co.; Reid, Irving, and Co.; Nephews Gower and Co. ; Perkins, Mullens, and Co ; Barclay Brothers and Co. ; Trueman, Cook, and Co. ; Robinson and Co. ; the Abingdon Bank, the Liverpool Banking Company, the Newcastle Bank, and the Royal Bank of Liverpool. He hoped the House would not be led away from the consideration of the grave circumstances of the country by the loose assertions which were made respecting the insolvency of many of these houses. Had not certain changes taken place in the legislation of the country ? Would it be asserted that the West Indian houses would have failed had not their property been undermined by the changes which had been made in the customs' duties of our country ? (Hear, hear.) Or would it be boldly asserted that these houses had experience previous to the present time of the pressure which had occurred under the restrictions of the Bank Charter Act ? He was surprised that the tone of the Right Hon. Gentle mars, the President of the Board of Trade, was so cheerful ; for if there was any department of the Government the representative of which ought to be in mourning it was that Right Hon. Gentleman. What were the accounts from Manchester ? By the last accounts it appeared that there were 20,000 men out of employment.—(Hear.) And every day brought accounts of more distrust, more mills closed, more operatives being thrown out of employment in other districts.— (Hear.) For the Government to deny the connexion between this state of things and free trade, was, he thought, to attribute inefficacy to their own measure. He remembered last May hearing the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets say, that it was an odd and alarm ing circumstance that during the period when the im ports of corn were enormous, there was at the same time a large increase in the import of articles of inferior necessity ; and he feared it would have a serious effect on the balance of trade. It had a serious effect.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord the Member for Lynn did not for a mo ment attribute the whole pressure to the mere action of free trade upon ordinary circumstances ; but when they had it shown by documents befor e the House that there was increased importation in other articles besides corn, how the Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade, could say that the free-trade measures had nothing to do with the present difficulties, surpassed his poor understanding. He must say, too, that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, in his poor understanding, had rather evaded answering the power ful address of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, who opened the debate. He (Mr. Newdegate) recollected an expression which the Noble Lord had used towards him last session, when he had counted out the House upon the debate on the affairs of Portugal, that his rescue of the Hon. Member for Montrose from the re sult o f a division on that occasion was something like the proceedings of a gode:ess of ancient days, who in volved her hero in a cloud and carried him off into ob scurity.—(Laughter ) He (Mr. Newdegate) thought that the Noble Lord had on the present occasion involved himself in obscurity. He would have them believe that it had reached even his understanding. The Noble Lord had professed himself unable to understand the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, who attributed the export of bullion to the necessary importation of corn, aggravated by the increased importation of other articles; he said he was surprised that the Noble Lord should complain of the low price of cotton at Liverpool, which had been produced by free importation. Really this was asking the House to believe that the Noble Lord was less able than they all knew him to be. The proposition of the Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck) was this ; the exportation of gold destroyed credit by the restriction which was placed on it by the Bank Charter Act. This destruction of credit artificially reduced the price of cotton, which was pur chased by those states whose credit was unimpaired, while it was useless to our own manufacturers, who were unable to buy it.—(Hear.) The Honourable Member for Montrose had said that many of the houses who had recently failed were houses which ought to have fallen, and he was sorry that more of them had not como down. Was that the way they were to deal with those upon whose speculations the whole free-trade measures were founded? Was that the way they were to deal with that credit which alone could bring those exports which produced the balance of trade, an save us from continual exports of bullion ? He had seen in the public papers expressions about " sweeping away false credit, and destroying houses which ought not to stand," and about " bringing credit as frequently as pos sible to the test of capital." What must be the end of such a system ? What but the reduction of the means to meet the effects of the free-trade legislation which had been adoptei by the House ? He not only regretted to have heard such expressions as those he had referred to applied by some public journals to the commercial men who were pressed upon by the exigencies of the times, but he had seen language used tending to harden the hearts of our fellow countrymen against the pro gressive distress of the working classes. He found the following remarks in the Speciater of last week : " The worst dark spot in the prospect for the winter lies in the discharge of railway labourers. These men are not numerous enough, perhaps, to impart anything of an insurrectionary character to the disturbances which they are sure to create in want and idleness ; but they are strong, brutal men—they have been pam pered, they will feel the pinch of destitution, and will be doubly exasperated by the appetite for enjoyment, and the gnawing of hunger in their robust and angry stomachs. Crime will abound this winter—crimes of violence and hateful excesses; and extraordinary pre cautions must be taken to check the lawless, if we would not have the horrors of stormed cities in our towns and rural districts." Was this the doctrine of those who professed political economy ? If it was at the suggestion of the Home Se cretary that Government had agreed to relax the pro visions of the Bank Charter Act, the Right Hon. Baronet had added another to the many services for which the country was indebted to him.—(Hear, hear.) After a few words from Mr. SCOTT, who said that every subject which had been brought forward was a verdict against the Go vernment, and that the distress during the winter would increase instead of diminish, owing to the want of employment, The report upon the address was then brought up, road, and agreed to, and ordered to be presented to her Majesty by the mover and seconder, and such Members of the House as were of her Majesty's Privy Council. The House then adjourned at a quarter to Ten o'clock. The Earl of Besshorough did not second the Address in the House of Lords on Tuesday night. It was Lord Elphinstonewho did so. The Earl of Bess borough is at present in Ireland. Count Kielmansegge, the Hanoverian Minister, has arrived in town from the continent. TAB HEBREW CAME O e r nc E e D o i " n t the G interlocutor which —We learn that in consequence Lord h as been _pronounced by Robertson, interdicting Professor Macdouall from exercising the functions of Pro in the U niversity, notes h ave b een pre trate and fessor of Heb e re sented toh the L w ord Ordinary by the agents for the professor, to to prohibit the clerk of the bills f r om issuing the certificate of the interdict and the passing of the note; so that the case will in this way come immediately w be illfore the inner . House, where L or d R obertson's judgment be viewedWe also understand that the reclaiming note for the Presbytery will not be taken up till after these notes are boxed, which in all likelihood will be the case in a few days.—Caledonian Mercury. [ADVERTISEMENT ] —ANOTHER EXTRAORDINARY CURE OF ASTHMA lilt HOLLOWAY' S PILLS. —Patrick Casey, residing at No. 1, Compton -place, Brunswick square, had suffered from a chronic asthma for more than three years. This poor man was so great a sufferer that he did not dare to go to bed for fear of the phlegm choking him ; indeed he could not even lay his head upon a table for half an hour lest ho should be suffocated. Nevertheless, this person is now labouring from morning to night, sleeps as well as ever he did in his lite, and in f ac t i s completely cured by the use _ at of Holloway's Pill s . S old by all Druggists, Strand,ts, and Profe ssor Holloway's Establishment, 24 . Landon, FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE a, OF TUESDAY. DIVIDENDS. At the Court, Basinghall-street._ J. T. Hazard, College-hill, paper agent, Dec. 14, at eleven —J. Reay and J. R. Reay, Mark-lane, wine merchants, Dec. 18, at eleven—J. Elliott, Daventry, Northamptonshire, victualler, Dec. 16, at halt-past one— T. Marriott, Moor-street, Seven dials, licensed victualler, Dec. 16, at twelve. In the Country. Rosetta Edersheim, Manchester, draper, Dec. 14, at eleven, at the Court, Manchester—T. Crosfleld, sen., Kirkham, Lancashire, linen draper, Dec. 15, at twelve. at the Court, Manchester—&. Barton and J. Barton, Manchester, copper roller manufacturers, Dec. 15, at eleven, at the Court, Manchester —J, and S. Knight, Mold, Flintshire, bankers, Dec. 15, at eleven, at tho Court, Liverpool—A. Smith, Liverpool, merchant, Dec!, 15, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—W. Heap, J. Roberts, and W. Roberts, Padihaul Lancashire, Cotton spinners, Dec. 17, at eleven, at the dour% Mancheater="-- W. Townley, Blackburn, cotton spinner, Dec. 17, at eleven, at the Court, Manchester—J. Collins and J. Col lins,Bath,;ll;c: ) ; lers fuld , Dee. 17, at twelve, at the Court, Bristol—C. T. Hawkey, Monkwearmout shore, Durham, Dec. 14, .tt °De, at the Court, Newcastle upon-'Tyne—lt.Sword, N„-..ttitle-upon Tyne, draper, I)ee. 16. at twelve, at the Court, e . At one, at the weastle-upon-Tyne —J. Burnett, Sunderland, hosier, Dec: '*. Court, Newcastle-upon-Tyne—W. 01iv. 4r, Darlin g ton, printer, D ec . 16, at eleven, at the Court,Newcastle _t upon -Tyne—E. D. Hall, Walsall, currier, Dec :27,1 s twelve, a t th e C ourt , Bi rm i ng h am —W. H a rdwick, , auctioneer, Dcc. 14, at eleven, at the Court, Leeds. PAYMENT OF DIVIDENDS. J. Thudll and W. Jeffery, Buckfastleigh, Devonshire; woollen manufacturers, 55., any Tuesday after Nov. 23;. between the hours of eleven and three, at the office of Mr. !Hazel, Exeter. J. Thuell, Broadhempstone, Devonshire, tanner, 4s. 3d., any Tuesday after Nov. 23, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Hirtzel, Exeter. T. Hill, Liverpool, ironmonger, 6d., on Thursday, Nov. 25, or any subsequent Thursday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Cazenove, Liverpool. T. Davies, Liverpool, merchant, 45., on Thursday. Nov. 25, or any subsequent Thursday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Cazenove, Liverpool. _ J. ft. Henderson, Leicester, wine•rnerchant, 9d., on Saturday, Nov. 27, and Saturday - , Pec. 4, and subse quently on every alternate Saturday, be; weep the hours of eleven and th ree , at t h e o ffi ce of Mr. Bi:tleston, Not tingham. W. F. Westall, Manchester, hotel keeper, ss. on Tuesday, Nov. 23, and every following Tuesday, betty -een the hours of ten and one, at the office of Mr. Hobson,. Manchester. W. Wain, Manchester, pocket-book maker and sta. tioner, 4s. 5d., on Tuesday, Nov. 23, and every following Tuesday, between the hours of ten and two, at the office , of Mr. Hobson, Manchester. T. Wallis, Oxford-street, woollen-draper, 35., arty' Wednesday, between the hours of eleven and th ree , at . the office of Mr. Whitmore, — Basinghall-street. L. Logsdon, Barnet, Hertfordshire, coach builder, Is. 4d., any Wednesday, between the hours of eleven. and three, at the office of Mr. Whitmore, Bag/ 4411 A street. NOTICES OF CERTIFICATES. At the Court, Basinghall-street. G. Frost, Leadenhall-street, City, cutler, Dec. 14. at twelve—F. Cornell, Halstead, Essex, ironmonger, Dec. 14, at eleven—W. Norris, Cambridge Villas, Great College-street, Camden New Town, builder, Dec. 16, at eleven—T. Byers, Upper Lisson-street, Lisson-grove, St. Marylebone, licensed victualler, Dec. 14, at one—C. _Houghton, Dudley-grove, Paddington, ironmonger, Dee. 14, at one—T. H. Pinder, Southampton, Cheltenham,. and Gloucester, tailor and draper, Dec. 14, at two—R. Harmer, Spital-square, silk manufacturer, Dec. 14, at one—P. Stock, Margate, innkeeper, December 1.5, at two—R. Law, Portland-row, Camberwell, pawn broker, Dec. 14, at half-past twelve—J. Dunlop, Dover— road, and Trindon, Durham, coal merchant, Dec. 14, at twelve—J. Ross, Great Tower-street, City, grocer, Dec. 16, at half-past twelve —J. Richardson, Union-street, Spitalfields, glass, china, and earthenware dealer, Dec. 16, at twelve—S. Hocken, Cornwall Villas, Albion-road, Queen's-road, Dalston, builder, Dec. 16, at twelve. , In the Country. W. Jerrens, jun., Gainsborough, Lincolnshire, grocer,. Dec. 15, at eleven, at the Town-hall, Kingston-upon-- dull—J. Rippon, Bristol, baker, Dec. 20, at eleven, at the Court, Bristol—J. Sharples, jun., Daisy-field, Lan cashire, cotton-spinner, Dec. 16, at twelve, at the Court, Manchester—S. Owen, Liverpool, flour dealer , Dec 15, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—J. Shakeshaft, Tran mere, Cheshire, licensed victualler and builder, Dec. 15, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—C. W. Mayne, Leeds, tobacco-manufacturer, Dec. 16, at eleven, at the Court, Leeds—W. Sampson, Sheffield, wholesale spirit -met. chant, Dec. 17, at ten, at the Council-hall, Sheffield--.- B. Organ, Westbromwich, Staffordshire, soda- water manufacturer, Dec. 18, at twelfe; at the Court, Birming ham—R. Linell, Shrewsbury, grocer, Dec. 15, at twelve, at the Court, Birmingham. At the Court of Review, Dec, 14. I Hagg, Colchester, tailor—J. Jones Birkenhead, Cheshire, chymist and druggist—J. T. Hobsob v Liver , pool, drysalter—T. H. Pullen, Sheffield, hosief-1 Ward, Birmingham, dealer in glass—B. Cook, Littlki Newport-street, Soho, grocer—T. Kemp, Tranmere, Cheshire, joiner and builder—C. Jones, Birkenhead, Cheshire, printer—H. Woodhouse, Aldermanbury, City, warehouseman—A. Denholm, Queen-street, Stepney, linendraper. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. 11. R. Cottam and J. Aspinall, Birkenhead, him. wholesale e — . Bl N oo o m tti fl o s t ld:s G tr . ee c t : Gte; Wyatt and e o f f a e n ed dealers-' a . l e r r s o _7_l Lawson, and IV. L. Wood, Great Tichfielti-street, q akea pianoforte manufacturers (as far as regal 4' W. L. Wtted) —J. Eaves and R. Eaves, Liverpool, ship lar..."d b —J. Foster and W. Beal, Plymouth, timber merdianis and cabinetmakers—W. Eades, sen., and W. Eades, Birmingham, machinists and lathe tool manufacturers-- li. J. Wallis and T. Cook, Loughborough, wine and spirit merchants—J. D. Howard and W. Wadham, cop persmiths and brassfounders—P. Foueard and W. Tuck well, Greenwich, stone merchants —T. James and H. Bullock, Uxbridge, surgeons, apothecaries, and ac coucheurs—H. Pritchard and J. Parry, Bangor, drapers and mercers—C. Millar and A. Eccles, Northwick, Cheshire, surgeons, apothecarie s , an d aocouchenrs—F. Sard and J. Blunn, Leamington Priors, Warwickshire, hatters, hosiers, and outfitters—J. Hollingsworth and M. Jones, Birmingham, woollen warehousemen—H. Badcock, R. Badcock, and J. Badcock, jun., Taunton, bankers (as far as regards J. Badcock, jun.)—D. Dodg son and T. Mann, Leeds, flax and hemp dressers—a Coke. E. T. Coke, and J. Salmond, Derbyshire and Not tinghamshire, coal masters and 'coal vendors (as far as regards D'Ewes Coke—J. A. Coleman and H. Weston, Maidstone, chemists and druggists —E. Greaves and 0. Unz, Manchester, merchants and commission agents— M. J. M. Fawcett and W. Hadfield, Sheffield, anvil makers —B. Falciola and A. Casartelli, Birmingham, carvers and gilders—J. C. Cockerell and W. H. Hoard, Conduit -street, Bond-street, auctioneers, surveyors, and land agents—W. B. Bairstow and B. Bairstow, Wake field, coal merchants—J. Naters and H. T. nave, ' Newcastle- upon-Tyne, G. A. Walker and J. H. Charnocic Wakefield, and J. B. Denton, Gray's Inn-square, drain ing tile and brick company—T. Harris and S. Yardley. Wood-street, Cl e rk enwe ll—J. F ox an d D. O'Connell. Chamber street, Goodnian's-fields, oil and Italian ware. housemen. INSOLVENT PETITIONERS. Richard Veevers, Manchester, superintendent of work house. William Barker, Bramhope, Yorkshire, journeyman stone mason. Richard Nuttall, Little Leyer, Lancashire, provision, dealer and shoemaker. Samuel Williams, Donhead St. Mary, Wiltshire, clerk. James Bayly Smith, Everton, Lancashire, excise officer Thomas Morris, Liverpool. Edward Hulbert, Bootle, near Liverpool, clerk. John Lockwood, Liverpool, tailor and draper. William Henry Connery, Liverpool. Edmund Hanxwell, Manchester, joiner. William Morris, Bridgwater, saddler. Jacob Stevens, Bridgwater, tailor and beer-housekeeper. Henry HicksTiverton, tinman. William Haythorn White, Sheerness, surgeon. Ann Smith, Milton, Kent, boot and shoemaker. Hanson Irving, Bradford, Yorkshire, packer. Samuel Nettleton, Leeds. ; Thomas Sheppard, Northampton, engineer. James Willyams Grylls, Redruth, Cornwall. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. A. M'Bey, South Meanecht, Aberdeenshire, and Aberdeen, horse dealer and farmer, to meet Nov. 25 and Dec. 28, at one, within the Royal Hotel, Aberdeen. J. and J. Gibb, Hamilton, builders, to meet, Nov. 23 and Dec. 16, at twelve, within the writing chambers of A. Currie, Hamilton. D. Ross and G. Matthews, Glasgow, merchants, to meet, Nor. 27 and Dec. 20, at twelve, within the vaiiin chambers of R. Walker, Glasgow.g R. Gilmour and T. Waters, Glas gow chants, to meet, Nov. 80 and Dec. 2 , Glasgow. the writing chambers of Mess ' 1 at tw t e im lv b e e , r wi ni th e i r r; Glasgow. J. and W. Crawford , wrights and builders, rs. G. and A. Young, to meet, Nov. 29 and Dec. writing chambers of Messrs. G. 20 , at twelve, within the W. Newlands and D. a ~,,,and A. Young, Glasgow. merchants, to m ee t 3l Nab, Glasgow, provision within the writing c h amberso and Dec. 21, at twelve, W. Mitchison- of R. Walker, Glasgow. , Glasgow • ianoforteand . 16, at twelve, Dee merchant and music sell er , to meet, Nov . ' 25 13 within the St ar hotel , Glasgow. R. Wu laniton, Stromnes • ks, inn eeper, to meet, Dec. I and 27, at twelve , within the office of A. L Wylie, writer. Strornness. W. Mitchell, Montrose, grain merchant, to meet Nov. 29 an d Dec. 20, at eleven, within the Star Hotel Montrose. M. Skeoch, Sighthill, near Glasgow, rope and sail manufacturer, to meet Nov. 30 and Deo. 21, at twelves, within the office of W. Mathison, writer, ' Glasgow. W. and T. Baird, L e ith, woo l mer c hants, to meet, Nov. 26 and D ec . 21, a t t wo , Coffeehouse, Edinburgh. within the Royal exchange Rainey, Jarvie, and Co., Glasgow, agents and manu facturers, to meet, Nov. 27 and Dec. 18, at twelve, within the writing chambers of Messrs. Mein and Cunningham, Glasgow. R. Stewart, Kirkaldy, manufacturer, to meet, Nov. 27 and Dec. 18, at twelve, within the writing chambers of Messrs. Tosh and Gibson, Kirkaldy. W. Bain, Helensburgh, wright, to meet, Nov. 29 anti Dec. 20, at twelve, within the Tontine Hotel, Helens burgh. Mr. Grenfell, M.P., had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday at the Home-office. I