The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-03-15 00:00:00

264 Zbe. ILiberpool gttanbarb. FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 15, 1833. THE affairs of Portugal are fast approaching to a con clusion, if not already concluded by the retirement of Don Pedro from Oporto. It is now obvious enough that the ex emperor has no chance whatever of regaining the thrOne -of his father. It is melancholy to reflect that the greater part of the blood shed in this hopeless contest has been that of our own countrymen. Unfortunate young men have been enlisted under specious promises, tempted by brilliant offers, and led away by dreams of fame and con quest, and by other dreams of a still more golden nature, and shipped off to a besieged town, there to endure all the pangs of famine, all the mortification of direct insult, and all the ignominy of defeat. The refugee Portuguese, in the service of Don Pedro, have exposed themselves to none of these losses and privations. They have eaten their brown bread and drank their stolen wine in peace, sleeping securely in the deepest cellar, beyond the reach of Don Miguel's shells. But this is not the worst part of the enterprise. Du ring the occupation of Oporto by Pedro, the British mer chants resident there have been plundered with impu nity, their trade interdicted, and themselves and families nearly ruined. The manufacturers of England have been exposed to the same casualties. Their exports have been altogether disenn tinned ; the best market which they had in Europe has been closed against them, and French and German goods now supply the place of those articles for merly supplied by Sheffield and Manchester. Why has this been permitted ? It . was, we are told, to give the contending princes fair play without any inter ference on the part of the British Government. This ex cuse may have the merit of being plausible, but it is, ne vertheless, totally unfounded. The British Government have interfered in favour of Don Pedro—not in an open manner, we admit—not in a fearless and honest way, but by connivance, by secret aid, and by a skulking and discreditable mode of interposition, which would have been "more honoured in the breach than the observance." But, while we say this, we beg it to be understood, that we are not acWocating the claims of either brother, or holding. up the one as a more preferable sovereign to the other. For Don Miguel we have no more respect than we have for Don Pedro. They are both equally objectionable in our estimation. It is a great mistake to imagine that Pedro has been contending for his daugh ter's rights.and not for his own absolutism as the legiti mate monarch of Portugal. This is well known in the country where he is detested. The objection to Miguel, on the other hand, by those who contend that he is a usurper, and has no legal claim to the crown, comes with a very ill grace from an English refotmer; v;lio is an ad mirer of Don Louis Philip, King of the French. Miguel holds the crown of Portugal by a better title than Louis Philip does that of France. Miguel has the nation on his side—almost every noble family, certainly every priest, every Hidalgo, every farmer, every peasant. Can Louis Philip.say as much ? Miguel's may. be a disputed inhe ritance according to legal descent ; bUtis that of Nicholas of Russia one whit more hereditary ? Has Louis Philip any title to the throne founded in law or popularity ? No. Has Bernadotte of Sweden any hereditary claim ? Has the Pacha of Egypt any right to usurp the sove reignly of Syria and Western Asia ? Not the slightest. The claims of these Emperors, Kings, and Paellas are by no means so well grounded as those of Don Miguel of . . Portugal: It is not, however, for any of these reasons that we are anxious to see -a stop put to the conflict -which has been too long waged before Oporto. We are guided in this matter by the interests of England. 'We hav6 seen these interests not only neglected but deeply injuted by his Majesty's present ministers. This is not the juncture to sacrifice any of our Commercial advantages for the sake of the strut ionsliberalism . of the whigs. The sooner we desist from such speculations the better. - •The eyes of the country are now beginning to open to this waste of life and destruction of private property,', both of which are wasted and destroyed in a hopeless, a senseless, and a fruitless . quarrel. . . NOTHING has transpired which Can be relied upon either in confirmation or refutation of the rumours rela tive to the unfortunate Duchess of Berri.-- It is said that a deputation of her friends was invited to visit her, but this, we suspect, is unworthy of credal for considering the number of her most zealous friends it can hardly be believed that none of any distinction amongst them, as is alleged, would avail themselves of. the invitation. It is the policy of the heartless upstart who treats so harshly the niece of his own wife and the mother of that prince who is the rightful heir of the crown of France, to -pre vent the duchess from commanicating . with her friendi, and it would not surprise us if she should never be per mitted to depart from the prison of Blaye while she lives. We do l i .ouis Philip no injustice by the insinuation. The present, we believe, is the fourth or fifth admi nistration which the citizen king has called to his coun cils, but although it has for its head an old marshal of Napoleo'n's, it is, nevertheless, in a very distracted state. Soult has been two or three times defeated in the Cham ber of Deputies on paltry questions about money. They have refused to vote him some £2OO to repair his office, and provide better chairs for his clerks; and they have, besides, fleeced him of 50,000 francs Of the secret service money. This is really very cruel ; but it shows how the wind blows. THE longer we reflect on the proceedings of the House of commons, relative to the Liverpool election, we are the' more 'convinced of their invidious and • unconstitu tional character. An obscure. junta in. this town have succeeded in inducing the House to enquire into certain indefinite charges of bribery. It is• not alleged that either Lord Sandnn or Mr. Ewart has been. guilty of this bribery, and, therefore, there is no accusation affect ing their right to represent Liverpool in the. present . parliament. The charge is against the corporation, for THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. having employed undue influence at the last election, and against certain burgesses for having accepted bribes. So far we understand the case ; and if the object of the inquiry were to punish those who gave and received bribes, (supposing that such bribes were given and re ceived) in order to effect the return of Mr. Ewart, or Lord Sandon, or Mr. Thornley, or any one else, we should be among the last persons in the world to offer any objection to the proceeding. But the accusers go much farther than this. They contend that if bribery can be proved against a certain number of these bur gesses, the offence taints the whole body of freemen, places them beyond the pale of the constitution, and warrants parliament in disfranchising the innocent as well as the guilty. When did we ever hear of such a burlesque upon judicial proceedings ? Helen Macgregor considered that Bailie Nicol Jarvie merited hanging merely because he was a weaver; and yet this lady is represented as labouring under long-nurtured prejudices and exasper ated passions. Here, however, is a case which throws into the shade the arbitrary decision of the outlaw's wife. Peter Jones is to be sent to the tread-mill because John Smith was found drunk in the streets last Sunday morn ing. The liberal reformers of Liverpool virtually call upon the House of Commons to send as it were every weaver to Botany bay, merely because some half-dozen or dozen weavers have been convicted of street robberies; or in other words, two thousand freemen of Liverpool are to be deprived of their political rights, simply because some five or ten freemen have committed the unpardon able offence of accepting a bribe in. the shape, perhaps, of a gallon of ale at the last election. We have very little respect, and certainly no reverence for the majority of persons who compose the present House of Commons; but arbitrarily as they seem dis posed to act, and covertly as they are aided by his Majesty's ministers, they date not commit the crying and atrocious act of despotism and injustice which the liberals of Liverpool require at their hands. We say they dare not, from a sense of fear, if not of shame-L--from a sense of overwhelming ridicule, if not of censure—pass a bill to disfranchise the freemen of Liverpool, even if all the allegations set forth in the petition were satisfactorily proved. But let us view the subject in another light. Lord John Russell has established a precedent which must, if acted upon, lead to gross oppression. He admits that upon a petition being received from any city or borough charging a certain portion of the electors with bribery, the house is bound to enquire into the facts. Be it so. But the rule must not be confined to Liverpool ; on the contrary, it must hereafter be made. to apply to every other place which returns members to Parliament. The discomfited candidate will thus be enabled to annoy the voters of his rival without rendering himself liable to much expense. He may, in fact, have the means of dis- franchising every poor elector without that elector being heard in his own defence. He makes the charge; he procures, and of course pays his own witnesses ; but who is to bear the costs of the defence ? The commons have no available fund for this purpose, and it is well that they have not. Is the defence of their purity to be borne by the accused parties alone ? Are fifty or sixty labourers or mechanics to leave their wives and children upon the parish, .and march up to London from Carlisle, Berwick upon-Tweed, or Truro in Cornwall, for instance, to rebut the charges of some enormous capitalist, or some rich liberal, who presumes upon his money, and speculates upon his insolence and audacity ? If this is to be the order of the day there will be no end to treachery, false hood, and litigation. If Lord John Russell's precedent is to be acted upon, we hesitate . not to say, that it will open a door to perjury, and lead to contentions in every town in the kingdom of the most injurious and afflicting nature. The poorer electors will see that this is an en gine erected against them.. They will perceive that their rights and privileges, and those of their children, are, by this precedent, to be called in question by every officious creature who aspires to distinction, and by every disap pointed candidate whose pretensions to respectability are disclaimed by an overwhelming majority. For ourselves, of this community, we feel all the shame which is na turally inspired by the reflection that the originators of this iniquitous precedent are our fellow-townsmen. They have thought proper, for their own selfish and sinister ends, to make war upon the poorer freemen, who, per haps, have not the honour to belong to the shopocracy, or, live in houses rented above £7 or £B. It is an attempt to rob the defenceless, for defenceless they are in every respect, unless their Cause be espoused, as no doubt it will, by the corporation. It is for them, therefore, to consider well the peril of their situation, and the claims of those who have placed them upon their trial. They cannot march up to London to vindicate their rights, and demand the protection of the legislature ; but they can meet here and adopt such' resolutions as shall leave an impression like a brand upon the characters and preten sions of their illiberal accusers. They have more in their power than their enemies dream of; and if they act in a spirited manner—firmly, but peaceably—like resolute men contending for their just rights—they will make those quail who would at present trample upon them. TrrE events of every day prove most incontestably that the-present ministers, the longer they continue in office, are the more impelled by the love of arbitrary power than by any regard for public liberty and the rights of property. On Monday evening they introduced their bill for the extinc tion of Protestant Bishops in Ireland—for the shutting up of churches—for taxing the revenues of the clergy— and fur appropriating part of the church lands to secular purposes. The bill was read a first time, and Lord Al thorp actually had the modesty to propose that it should be read-a second time on Wednesday. All this was pro posed to be chine although the house was in utter igno rance of the details of the bill, of which we venture to say that Lord Althorp, who is not "absolute wisdom," was equally ignorant himself. The mere abstract of the bill occupies four closely printed columns in small type of the London journals. To read the whole bill is a day's work, and yet it could not be in the hands of members before Wednesday, and could not possibly , be read by them before Thursday, and yet these members were cal led upon to vote its second reading on Wednesday, before they could possibly have perused it ! This is Whig legislation ! The second reading was subsequently deferred till yesterday, but even this favour, or rather this mark of ministerial liberality hardly mends the matter ; for considering the harassing duties which members are now called upon to perform, it is quite im possible that they can, on a day's notice, and a hurried perusal, have more than a very imperfect knowledge of the elaborate and intricate provisions of the bill—a bill replete with more extraordinary innovations than any ever introduced into the House of Commons since the days of the Stuarts. Far be it from us to give offence, or expose ourselves to the tender mercies of a reformed parliament; but see ing'the mode of procedure which ministers have chosen to adopt, and which we cannot characterise in any other terms than a solemn burlesque upon legislation, we are, half despairingly, driven to the necessity of asking—what use is there for a House of Commons at all ? If honour able members are called upon to decide upon important measures, without having leisure to reflect upon them— and called upon to decide them the more quickly because they know least about them—we say it would be better for the country, even on a principle of economy, that the discussions of parliament should be superseded altogether, and that ministers should enforce their crude reforms upon their own personal responsibility. All measures hurried thus precipitately through the house are based upon con siderations 'which are calculated to excite.the most seri ous alarm in a country not yet ingulfed in the severi ties. of uncontrolled despotism. Such precipitation proves either that the measure itself will not bear dis passionate scrutiny, or that the ministers, relying upon their packed majorities, their pledged supporters, and their willing slaves, disdain consulting them on a matter which they do not deem it expedient that they should fully understand. "The bill must be carried," says Lord Al thorp, "or we resign." The meaning of this is, that the Cabinet is the legislature, and the parliament the execu tive. The church of Ireland must be spoliated, and the Curfew bell tolled over the expiring liberties of an un happy people. Why? Because, we of the government have not the courage, or the sense of justice, or the true public spirit of a protestant government, to coerce the re fractory priests and the demagogues of Ireland. They and their infamous designs must all merge in a measure directed against seven millions of people whom they and they alone have been encouraged to excite to acts of dia bolical outrage and open rebellion. The leading agita tor is allowed-to escape. No hand is laid upon him. He rejoices in his silken honours and his patent of prece dence—his sedition goes for nothing—his treason is only an argument in favour of the bill—but his victims are doomed to the gallows, 'or to slavery in a convict settle ment, for following the instructions which he was per mitted to give with perfect impunity. He quaffs the goblet of wine purchased by the contributive alms of un happy men, who, if they escape transportation, will be shut up in their houses from sunset to sunrise. This, however, explains the secret. The 'coercive bill is not passed to put down O'Connell and the agita tors. It is the ministerial apology for robbing the church.. The execution of the suppression bill is con fided to a man who is an avowed agitator. He is to have the life, property, and liberty of every man in Ireland at his mercy. Lord Anglesey happens to be in this predicament, that those. for whom he professes a friendship, suspect him; and that those who are deemed his enemies despise him. He has the confidence of no party. Those against whom these coercive measures are directed, have hitherto been his chosen friends. Lord Cloncurry enjoys in competition with Dr. Doyle the hospitality of his table and his entire confidence. Lord Plunkett, once a furious advocate against the union of the two countries, is Lord Chancellor and the keeper of his conscience. At his Court of the Castle of Dublin, few protestants are invited, and hardly any ever appear. He lives in the splendour of borrowed royalty, without a coronet to grace his entertainments, and without a cheer to elicit a happy smile at a public procession.. In retaining the noble marquess in the government of Ireland, the ministers must abide the consequences of the suspicions they excite. Those who best under stand the state of affairs in that country, contend that the suppression bill is only the auxiliary of the Church Spoliation bill. The lesser , evil, they contend, is only a specious veil to cover the intentions of the reformers. The coercion is against the church, not levelled at the agitators. In short, we are much mistaken if it be not a fraud altogether. A PETITION to Parliament,. praying for the total abo lition of flogging in gaols; and, in the army and navy, has been got up in this town,—to be presented, of course, by Mr. Ewart. IVe have. seen this curious document at the Commercial Newsroom, and have been amused by observing, that the only matter of fact connected with it is conta►ned in - the intimations appended to it, namely, that copies of the petition lie at a certain counting-house not far from Paradise-street, at the Mereury-otlice, &c. &c. The petition lies in almost every line. The first paragraph asserts, that flogging, or as it is,termed, " the mutilation of one human being by another," is a "system" in the gaols, and in the ariny'and navy.' The other two paragraphs of the petition. allege, that this punishment is customary. Now, nothing can be more destitute of truth. Flogging is neither the system nor the custom in our gaols—the army or .the navy ; on the contrary, it is well known, that it is rarely resorted to, and that the necessity for its infliction is gradually being superseded by improved discipline. No one . can be more opposed to wanton or unnecessary punishment of any description than we are; but might it not be permitted to those pro fessionally connected with the subject to judge how far a total abolition of corporal punishment is practicable. We will venture to assert, that there is not to be found in the British service an officer of distinguished rank who is of opinion that flogging could be totally abolished in the army and navy consistently with due subordinatic recent instance occurred at (we think) Norwich, of ment refusing to obey the commanding-officer on 1 The colonel, with great intrepidity, seized the fir in the ranks, and instantly ordered the infliction lashes. Immediately a mutinous disposition Asa pressed, and submission and order restored. case, and in many others which we could went° unavailing for the main purpose of all punishment be solitary confinement ? The feeling and hyP° affectation of humanity which this petition man° really disgusting. Are the magistrates and of l our public prisons cruel and sanguinary ? Or , ° brave men who have gloriously fought our battle ciless and bard-hearted ? Yet, such is the imP° which the petition would insinuate. That sod' viduals, moved by a morbid (if not a spurious) hu t be induced to give their signatures we readily b' but we confess that the whole thing looks like an' tion from the political unions,—a stratagem of th e ment to bring odium upon the public service, an d to insubordination. One of our contemporaries whom we never in a controversial spirit without laughing, or fancying, comical as it may appear, that we are encounter, the arguments of a steam-engine, ha last number taken upon himself to decide the fat r . Liverpool Corporation. He does this characte enough, and of course quite mechanically. S has told him that a "great legal authority" in has pronounced an opinion most unfavourable Corporation. This great authority turns out to Harrison the barrister. This learned person, legal authority, is reported by our contemporary said, that had the petitioners against Lord Sand turn proceeded with their case, the noble lord! most unquestionably have been unseated. Till great legal authority it seems has given an eqo verse opinion against the Corporation. How soft must our contemporary be ! A poi, educated at a Sunday School would have estimate! correctly the value of legal learning, and a ball opinion. For twenty guineas, and with a feW t explanations, merely to act as a salvo to the cons' we have no doubt that Mr. Harrison would give nion exactly the reverse. We beg leave to 0 , hint to our contemporary without the expectati ther fee or reward, and lie may depend upon it advice it contains is not the less valuable bees given gratuitously. LONDON LATEST NEWS. Wednesday Evening, Halfipast Seven 01 We have bad no material news to-day, either domestic or nor have we any accounts from foreign parts of any monic!), general belief that a change in the administration will take P!', tinues. Lord Althorp is pointed out as one likely to ret' least so far as relinquishing the chancellorship of the Excliol miserably has the time of the House of Cothmons been fritter!that it is vv doubtful hether_any of the great measures, banP - - „ - will be able to be discussed at all during the present session') we understand, is the general belief, and when it is reni` s , e l what important matters are left in doubt, the efficiency of the t ed House of Commons may be judged of. The Bank Cherot Emancipation Question, the East India Charter, the Gil Question, are all in this manner hanging, like Mahomet's state of suspension. In the meantime the feeling of the utte . r oe ciency of the existing administration is gaining ground, e'v among the trading classes, who were originally, during the Mania, the most earnest supporters of the Whigs. That very accurate, impartial, and totally unbiassed 11 .'fl the Tunes, with its accustomed tergiversation, and accorihn' wonted habit of loosing hold when its friends are sinking, 0 01, , yesterday to announce the receipt of intelligence from 0_2 0 %0 accounts of the utter ruin of the expedition of Don Pedro. Th t the utmost alarm among the holders of the Scrip which fell l' ) ei It proves, however, to be (pure) invention, for although such. '„ e snore than probable, there has been no arrival from Oporto s i ".i last regular advice's. consequently' nothing can have been and . the quotation of -.the , Scrip has recovered to 6.1 dis• not improbable that some of our Liverpool readers may be 11 ,,! the Spanish Cortes Bonds, which have circulated pretty eN'',u throughout the country, we may here observe, that since `l, advices, a very great improvement has taken place, the ,1 been as high as 191, and closing tis afternoon at Soni( said to be on foot for amalgamating h these Bands so with me be issued, or a certain value is to be aflixed to them, and a eeT'' e of interest offered. However the details may differ, we 113c :4 doubt something is on foot, and we mention this to cheer t• 1 1" , ,,, may have heretofore considered their chance of any litl u " utterly hopeless. it We are unable to communicate anx- thing positive respr` Dutch Question, although our politicians hive been alarmed by a report that Lard Palmerston his kid an, resuming fiis ninet-protocol power of reasoning, of ever, we knoW nothing certain. The Consul Market during the last few days has mot any material feature. The closing price ibis afternoon of for account is 88i 1 ; ,Exchequer are rather fiat at 4' t` i , Belgian and Russian stock are both in demand; the fo r ' l3 l advanced to 89 4 , 90, and the latter to 104. Dutch is a'" , being 461 ; and Danish is firm at 74. We lek;in by the last advices Won Persia that the Shah his military preparations, and that it was rumoured they wet(' against the English interests. We have at the moment of closing this been informed th t India interests are sanguine, that the plan now projecting vemment will he more favourable than was expected. 1'be .„. 1 ,, tion given in by the leading West India triders at the vemment, as we noticed in our last, has, it is said, made . pression on the Ministers Ovid, tbeyhave requested further ioferi; The parties concerned are in hopes that by Friday next definitive will be made known on the subject. 11 , 1 A rt Tr 0. On Monday last, at St. Philip's Church, by the Rev. T. S• f w e„' Mr. Hugh Williams, police-officer, to Miss Hannah Hargrov e ' teth-park. On Monday last, at St. George's Church, Everton, by the P. Buddicum, Mr. Peter Wright, of this town, to Miss Jo e late of the Isle of Man. Same day, at Greenock, Mr. 11. M. Lennox, merchant, F., j only daughter of the late Mr. J. Scott, and niece of the late Scott, bookseller, of this town. MUM. Lately, at Manchester, Mr. Thomas Seal, aged 46, deeply id by a numerous circle of friends. el , ' "(in Sunday last, at his residence at Hartford, near . NOrth , s: p g Rev. George Okell, TIT. A., for upwards of 43 years the offlein t o i el incumbent minister of Witton, in this county, aged 69. O n r seV vious day the reverend gentleman had been riding 1 . out on 1 1 ° and in his usual state of health. Same day, at the house of her son-in-law. Mr: Robert Jon,esSE wick-street, Mrs. Powell, aged 70.; she will he deeply regre 6e extensive circle of acquaintance. 48 Same day,. suddenly, Mr. Thomas Breckell, historical e n ' , aged 32. ' On Monday last, at • her brother's house, 32, Virgil-stre et Margaret Lindsay, much regretted. a ce On the 13th instant, in Kildare-street, Dublin, much re'' Catherine, wife of Francis Taylor, Esq., of Edge-hill. e, On Wednesday, the 13th of March instant, Richard Rob . infant son of Mr. Robeit Richard Derbishire, Falkland-streql, 1 Same day, aged 14 months, Sarah Matilda, daughter of MT. Jones, Beau-street. l ' if Mr• On Sunday last, aged 16, Elizabeth, only daughter of - surgeon, St. Helen's. - ciao' Same day, Mr. Samuel Parkes, merchant of this town, John Parkes, late of Warwick. --.• TO CORRESPONDENTS. WC love "the whole truth," but A lorer of the whol e if must excuse us for not inserting his letter. „ We thank our friend Fidelis for his communication, It- A ,a precluded its insertion—his suggestion will be attcliu` To F. R'.s query, we reply yes. LIVERPOOL,—Printed on Tuesdays and Fridays, in Union liujir John Stieet, and Published at No. 7, Mei-street, SAMUEL FRANCEYS, Stationer, of No. 7, Anson-street. `';;so . ' Advertisements are also received in London by Messrs. 1 ,0 , & Co„ Warwiek-squate, Newgate•street; and Mr. B 4l' Fleet-street. I:st. P. Nei 1 . 4, M•