The Sun. — London, England, 1840-06-20 00:00:00

I,' Vl4 N lic ED 'lO sr itng for a separation of Church and State ; also several pe vtions to tea scene effect from DuLning, Dumfries, and other places. Mr. BAINES presented a petition from Morden„;in Sorry, against tilt ericani , gcment of idolatry in . The Won. Member moved that it should be printed with the dates, iatanded to found a motions on it : also petitions frees various pari,,hes in Yorkshire, against any grant for the purpose of Church Extension. Mr. CHILDERS presented a petivion from Malden against Church Extension. Mr. HAWES presented a petition from Lambeth, praying the House to take the conservation of tie River Thames out of the hands of the Cirporation of Londee. Mr. THSIGii'.I3. predated a petition from officers of the East Ineia Company complaining of the soale of sta.. peraanaation alloa.zmeo in the Company. Mr. RALPH CORE presented a petiticii from Car am-von, praying for the dissolution of a Poor-law Union in that oonnty. Mr. THORNE LY presented a petition from Wolrer hampton, signed by 4,000 persons, against the present system of Sugar Duties. Mr. BROCKLE HURST . prasented a petition from Cotton Msnufacturera in Lancashire, complaining of dis tress, and praying for the repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. GREG presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters and other inhabitants of Richmond, in Surrey, against any grant for Church Extension. Mr. O'CONNELL presented petitions from the fisher men of the cast coast of Ireland, and from a place in An trim, praying for an eqnal protection in the British Fisheries; alto a petition from Tralee, praying a repeal of the Corn laws ; and a petition from the same place, in favour of the Government plan of railways in Ireland; also petitions against the war with China, and Lord Stanley's from Blackroek, in the county of Kilkenny ; also two petitions for the removal of Mr. Feergus O'Connor from York Castle ; also petitions from a parish in Middlesex, and other places, ag ainst Church Extension ; also a peti tion from the consta bles of the old Dublin police, praying that the (+Lowe might take their case into consideration ; and a petition from a Total Abstinence Society against granting any indemnity to those parties whose opium had been con fisnated in China. Mr. BRISCOE presentee( a petition from Warminster against Chnrch.rates. Sir R. INGLIS presented three petitions, praying for Church Extension ; also lave in favour of the Chimney Sweepera' Bill. ,nlr. TIABSIGER gave notice that on the '2.d of July he wenld °all the attention of the House to the petition of the servants of the India Company, complaining of the scale of coropensations acted upon by the Board of Control. Mr. WARBC:hTON, Sir H. PARNELL, and other Hon. Members gave van-ions notices of vacations, of which not a word could be heard in the gallery, in consequence of the groat excitement and noise in the body of the House. Sir ROBERT PE L said, that not seeing the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs in his place, he would postpone the questions which be in tenn.ed to pat respeeting the interference of her Ma jes•y's Government in behalf of the persecuted Jews of Damascus. Bat haring seen in the public papers a document penrporting to be a despatch from the Governor. General of Jamsiea, containing his address to the House of Assembly of that Island, in which he congratulates the viembera upon the happy termination of the session, and thanking them for their zealous devotion to their public; duties—(:lour)—lee begged to ask the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, whether the repert was au obentio ?—( Hear. henr.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that with regard to the tiint questioa of the Right Hon. Gentleman, he could only say that he had no doubt his Noble Friend wculd be per fectly ready to give an answer. With respect to the se cond question, he had to say that the published report of the detpatch was perfectly correct, and be had directed that it s ho u ld be priened, for the purpose of being laid before Parliainent—( Hear, licar)—and her Majesty's Govern w.ent felt the greatest gratification at the conduct of the BOU3O of Assembly of Jamaica.—( Cheers.) Sir R. PIZ EL said that the object of his first question was not to throw blame upon her Majesty's Government. Gut ha thong_ ht the shameful treatment of the Jews of Damascus wee not au unfitting subject to be mooted in the British House of Commons.—( Cheers.) That treat ment was disgraceful to the ag e in which we lived— ( Cheein)—and be feared it ha been connived at by some Christian Authorities.—( Hear, hear.) CANADA. Is aassvar to Mr. Pakington, Lord I RUSSELL said he had not received any fresh delpatchos oa the subject of the Seminary of San Suipice. Mr. O'CONNELL sold ha had a petition from the Ftesch Canadian.; to present on that subject on Monday. JAMAICA. Mr. O'CONNE L L asked if the Noble Lord the Colo nial Secretary would state what Bills he hid objected to passed the Jstnaic.t Legislature. Lord I. RUSSELL said he colic' not state that •.rith out naakiag rather a long statement. He had nut, how ever, thought it right to reeommt.nd her Majesty to disallow any of the Acts. Ile cou,:idered that somewhat an inexpedient course—( Hear, h , ar)—and he preferred me;-,ing representations, he trested not uninfluential, to the local legislature.—( Hear.) ECCLESIASTICAL DUTIES AND REVENUES BILL. In answer to Sir R. PEEL, Lord J. RUSSELL said he should poiitpane this Bill to Aloniqc s*t'ittaight, but that he should go on with it, and hoped to evo-ry it thin 5c,..i00.—( A laugh ) IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. On the motion of Lord STANLEY, the Order of the Day for going into COmmittee on this Bill was read. The question that the Speaker do now la r va the Chair WRS then put, aoil ai,,rrrud to sllc,nt!y. The kii,u . •!e then went into Committee, Mr. FiIESIMELD in the Chair. On the question, pro forma, that the Bill be read a first 111.m4., Me. O'CONNELL said he considered the engage na cot w keit had linen entered into binding on him not to divide till the first clause --(A lau;h.) The 1111 was there formally read, se it is called, a first and weed time. On the preamble Navin, been postponed, the first clause was put, upon whisk Lord STANLEY said he had, considering the lareness of the Illss-sion, to till up the blank t r the data at which the Act was to come into effect, for the 29th Jul;;, 1841, in stead of the next t2Oth July. Lord MO it.PEThi said that he was then under the tie_ cessit„y of proposing an amendment, which would occur rreviously to that to which the Noble Lord had, called the attention of the Islous.e.—(ll-2-ar, hear.) The amendment which he (Lord Mcypetb) proposed would occur in the seventh liste, after the word .‘tliat."—(Crics of " Hear, hear," and a lanh.) That was a very early part in the progress of the Bill, to micn an amendment ; but, with his own views of the general character and seop2 of that measure—of the time and circumstances ender which it was introduced; anti considering the feeling which it had excited rmor the great body of the Irish people —( Hear, hear, hear)—and the streets r,n . tch he be lieved would follow from its enactiner,t;—zensidering these things., he owned he wits Lot sorry to bring what ever appeared to him excerv.ionablo„ in, the details or the principles of the measure, under the consideration of the Committee, at as early a p er i o d as poss i ble, in order to bring the math points to a speedy issue. —(1-1 or, hem.) The first clause—he should say the first line appeared to him to give the fairest passible opportu nity for such a cearse—an opportnnity which his sense of the effect and the character of the Bill rendered it impera tive on hire to avail himself of. It seemed to him that the first clause is its effect—he would not sa y in the inten tion of the Noble mover—se:tooled to disranchii ernen t all the existing eenatituencies of Ireland._ (Hear, hear.) . The edam) enacted, that not w ith stan di ng any l aw now n foree in Ireland, so person would on or after the Ist day of November, in the present year, be entitled or per mitted to vote at any election cf a Member of Parliament (the University of Dublin alone excepted), unless such person were duly registered according to the provisions of the Act. It seemed to him that the propriety of suhjeeting all the existing rights of voters in Irelaad to the forms of registration enjoined by the Bill should depend on the sense which the House might entertain of the p ropr i ety o f i ts subsequent provisions, and that if those provisions were only fair, temperate, jest, and reasonable—if they were only cal culated to maintaia the purity a n d th e i ntegr i ty o f reg : s _ tration in Ireland, without needlessly limiting the elective franchise, it seemed to him th a t i n th at case t h ere would be . no objection to sup erse d e t h e existing farms of reeistra non by these whien the Bill maces:id. But if, oy the other hand the eubaequent provisions of the measure eon tal"(1 "luah,eliat wasrestrietive annoy ine and oppressive —if they 'nod a tendency needless ' I an wantonly to limit te• r'-ghts of voirrs, and to p h a a r r i ais al e a n n t d w wo n r c y j legitimate dew e cl7;nstants, he thought that to Pam before it subjected the y rioNli*s of voters t o s uch as ordeal ; and to put every person, n, however duly admitted to exerciae nitheevfortaens h . ch w ise, h un i der h th d e yoke di of those novel provisions. during the p rogress of the BM acd le a a reay given n the observ a t ioas wit h which he had thought fit ' to' accompa n y ecoulsi sufticiehtly prov e t h at hehad thosetak rotas, latter unfavourable view of the character and scen the of the measure. The objectio ns made to its detailsoapned. provisions bad been already specifically admitted—even by some of these who had given their g th o a l t ng ho in o to r ie s diumittoe ; and, therefore, he did no those wise might conscp.entiously object to the measure were thou bound to support the clause to which h e b a d alluded. If the Bel had hiarelY enacted that any voter who was now on the registry and who had lost his qualifie a e n , shoald be removed from it, be (Lord 31.) could not b ut approve of such provision. The Bill which his Hon. an d Learned Friend the Solicitor-General for Ireland brought in contained a similar enactment, but what h.e was contend ing for was the right of those to retain their places on the registry who had not forfeited it by any subsequent pi:e eeelling. He knew he might be told that the Bill which her aajeeity's Government had introduced contained a clause similar to the first clause in the Bill of the Noble Lord. Be did not deny that similarity ; but what he would insist on was the great dissimilarity of the other clauses. Beth Bills gave an annual re v i s i on t o t h e J u d ge o f Assize, but that of the Noble Lord was given in a manner very different from that proposed in the sills brought is by his Learned Priced. Th e Bill o f t h e G overnment gave a simple and easily comprehended forma of notice—that of the tickle Lord was of the moat complex character, and was one which would require the aid of a lawyer to be properly filled up. The Bill of the Government gave costs against an objector, under certain circumstances. That of the Noble Lord gave costs, even against a person w h ose name was en the register, as well as against the objector.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill of the Government undoubtedly intended that the claim of nu registered elector should be re-investigated, except for some matters which had arisen subsequent to the registra tion. The Bill of his Right Hon: Friend Sir Michael O'Loughlin, of 183 e, and t h at o f t h e Chi e f - J ustice of Ireland, of 1888, g ave an a p pea l aga i nst the franchise to but that w as i n t en d e d t o erne the Judges of Assize, resit the original lists, made in 1832, not by the Assistant Barrister but by those appointed for the pur pose, who acted without concert, and under that system it was notorious that various abuses had crept in, but that list had been exhausted in the present )ear; the eight years had now expired and the lists now in existence had been made by those authorities against whom there was no - chirge. They were made by the Assistant Barristers, to whom even the Noble Lord intended to entrust the working of his own Bill. Let the Nouse contrast the form of notice proposed in the two Bills. One was senple and easily understood. The Noble Lord's con sisted of no less than eleven heads, every one of which must be filled up withoat flaw, otherwise the claimant enight have costs awarded against him. But when the Noble Lord came to the objector what was the form be prescribed ?—( Hear, hear.) It was merely this, that he should give notice to the Clerk of the Peace that he intended to object to the voter.—( Cheers and counter cheers several times repeated.) Mark, the objector was not required to give any statenaent ef the nature of his objections.— ( Renewed cheers from botk sides of the House.) After having giveu that power to any one on the register, whether a claimant be already entitled to vote, the Bill proceeded to enforce not only on the Judges of Assize, or the Assistant Barrissers— not once for all, but at every recurring revision._ that was every half year—the duty of re-opening the in vestigation of the whole case, no matter how strictly it had been sifted, or how lawfully it had constituted the vested right of the individual. Again, in every town, county, and borough in Ireland the collectors of taxes and clerks of the peace was required to make a return of all parsons, every half-year, who were liable to taxes, or were in arrcar of taxes, and the Assistant-Bar risters were required to expunge the name of every defaulter, whether such defaulter was objected to or not. Now, he called upon the Committee to reject that clause.—(Laughter from the Tory benches.) It might be a laughing matter to Gentlemen opposite to play fast and loose with the franchise of the people of Ireland—( Laughter and repeated cheers)—but ho was glad to see she supporters of that Bill manifest on every occasion the spirit by which they were actuated, ( Cheers.) The clause required not only that the taxes should be paid up to the period of regi•tra tion, as required by the 'Reform Act, but it enacted that if one single omission of the payment of any rate-cess or tax should take place at any subsequent period, the voter should be expunged from the list, whether he was objected to or not, and no matter what was the evidence of the default provided that it was satisfactory to the Assistant Barristers. Now, he called upon the House to reject that clause as one of penalties and disfranchisement.—(Great cheering.) He would call upon the Committee to interfere and protect the people of Ireland from such injustice.— ( Renewed cheering.) He called upon the House to look at the process which the voter has to go through in order to establish his vote in the first instance ; under the original registration every deed or instrument was required to be produced by the claimant connected with his claim, and the Assistant Barrister was to inquire minutely into them all, and going through the whole of this strict process—this elaborate investigation—had every claimant to make good his right to the franchise for eight years, and he ( Lord NI.) called upon the House not to allow the unhappy voter again to be deprived of his franchise and oompelled to travel through all those traps and pit falls.—( Cheers.) After a man had once so strictly es tablished his claim, he ought not to be obliged constantly to go over the same evideace. Justice to Ireland was ant the extension of the inconveniencies and absurdities of English legislation, and the denial of all its blessings. In his conscience he believed that grave results de pended on the issue of thie Bill.—( Hear, kear.) To the benches opposite on this Bill already had been given several party triumphs ; they flushed with victory, expected another new, but few of them knew at what stake they were playing, and surprised was he that the Noble Lord, unwarned by former failure, and unsobered by past experience, should have dashed into this venture and drawn a whole party after him.—( Loud cheering.) The Noble Lord concluded by calling on the Com mittee to reassert the constitutional principle that a reinvestigation of a vote, should be had only from fresh matter, and with that view he moved the omission of all the words after the word " that"—( A laugh) —to insert these words, " in every registry under this Act, the name of every person, who, when such register shall be made, shall be on the register as a voter—shall be retained thereon so long as the same right remains, unless he shall die—( Laughter from the Opposition) —o r unless there shall be proved fraud or personation."—( Cheers.) The amendment having been put, Lord STANLEY rose and said that he had hoped, after the very many discussions they had already had on the principle of the Bill,: that the time had at length come, when, with the consent of the Government, they might have entered seriatim into the discussion of its details, according to the ordinary and invariable Parliamentary practice, ie Committee. When the proper time had come, according to Parliamentary usage, he should have been most ready to submit the details of the measure to the consideration of the Committee. Undoubtedly, while he did not mean to accuse the Noble Lord opposite of any improper motives, he should say that when the Go ; vernmeet had pledged itself that on that day without any further obstruction they should have entered on the discus sion cf the Bill in Committee, he had not anticipated that any discussion should be rai`'...ed on the first clause —a clause, according to the Noll' A Lord, perfectly harmless in itself. Lord NI 0 RPF,',: -t_e.No, not perfectly harmless. I Lord ST e e Nt E y. —`yell, then on a clause not perfectly . narroles:s in itself—(Hear, hear)—but which never , :neles the Noble Lord ten minutes ago contended to he 'oat - unless and unconnected with the subsequent provi •l sions of the Bill,—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Titat clause was one whic:i the Noble Lord himself had in troduced on two different occasions, whether harreh ss or not.—(Renewod cheerine.) Ile should say he did not expect they we-e to be called on to discuss the details of every other clause of the Bill, while that alone was under 1 discussion._( Hear, hear.) In point of fact, if h,e were to follow the Noble Lord in the course he had adopted he should lead himeelf to fall into one of those snares and pit_ falls into which the Noble Lord had told them he was drawing the House, and against which he (Lord Stanley) begged Hon. Members to be especially on their guard. It he were to follow the Noble Lord he should give rise again end again to discutsions on the principle of the mea sure at a eime when they should consWer its details.— (Hear, ;tear.) The Noble Lord had said that the first dsuse could not in itself be attended with any injurious effects, and the Noble Lord had found it convenient to admit that that clause, as it stood, verbatim et lderatim, was a copy of a clause introduced, in 18:35 and 1836, by the Noble Lord himself—(Loud cheers)—assented to by the House in ISea, and sent without oljection from ally human beiag en either side to the other House. of Par liarnent. The Noble Lard might have also added, that in the year 1838 a similar clause was brought forward by hie then Attorney-General, and if it were the slightest satisfaction to the Noble Lord, he could tell him that Le was ready to receive any of those clauses which his own Attorneys-General had introduced. Ho denied it was any more 1 Bill of wholesale disfranchisement than that clause in the liaelish Registration Bill, which said that no per son should vote in 1841 unless his name appeared on the register of that year.—( Hear, hear.) lie would prove that it was not only not more so, hut that it actually was less so. By the English Bill the register was the autho rised list of voters, and must necessarily be as, or it would he of no use—there would be no earthly use in a register if it were not so, and so convinced were the Government of it before, that Mr. O'Loughlin and Mr. \Voulfe at once put the clause in the front of their Bill, yet no clamour was raised against. them—(Cheers)—they made the re gister the criterion of voting, and nothing else. So again slid the llon. Member for Limerick ; he introduced a simi lar clause in his Bid of 1838, and whQ attempted to put him down by the ciamourons cry of disfranchisement?— (Cheers.) The Solicitor-General fur Ireland had not indeed put the clause in the front of hi s Bill, b ut h e contended that the very same principle was embodied in the fort}-third chime of his Bill L-(1-lar, and loud cheering.) He said in it that the moment the new register was made under his Bill, then it, and it only was t,) be the criterion for voting.—(Cheers.) Now if he liked his own language better, he (Lord S.) would at once adopt it in place of saying the first of September, or any other date ; that being admitted, what became of the cl.l - of disfranchisement which had been raised against him ?—( Cheers.) But now the Noble Lord said, thet this clause must be taken in combination with the other clauses, and that on this first clause the Committee was to debate every provision of the Act for Regulating the Registry. If they did so, there was no use in going into Committee at all.--(Cheers.) The object of a Committee was to take the clauses of a Bill in detail—( Hear, hear)—and the course which the Noble Lord proposed was trifling with the Homo and th e public.—(Tory chee r i ng an d cries of " Oh, oh" from the Liberal benches ) It was tri fling with the House to say, that the Committee should re ject the Bill, it it did not agree to every provision relating to the registry. However, it might be keeping the word of pro mise to the ear to go into Committee, he would call en the House not to permit the Government to sieritil from rea lisisig the pledge they had given, Although the Noble Lord (Morpeth) had introduced a discussion at variance with all Parliamentary usage, he (Lord Stanley) would not shrink from meeting the,. Noble Lord upon it..--.( Cheers. ) The first clause provided that no person was to vote who was not registered according to the subsequent provisions of the Act, upon which the Committee would have to de cide in their regular detsil.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord opposite had found it convenient to go through a his tory of the difficulties which at present surrounded the claimant of a vote in getting his name upon the registry. But he had carefully watched the Noble Lord, and he observed that the Noble Lord took care not to state that ' tkis Bill studiously protected all those who were now on the registry from every vexation and annoyance.— (Cheers.) He (Lord Stanley) denied that the present would measure was one o f di s f ranc hi sement. I ts provisions had found d En t g h l a English ever Re y for not so much tend ency to di s f ranchise as the registration clauses be of In e t n h t e it 6th d etlo vote, auseit p m ers ß on ill. now entitled the Clerk of the Peace was required to put upon the poll of eext rear as registered f' or eight years . previous. . Cer tainly there was an oYeet . given, but it was required to be destinetly proved ;janrth prima fecio evidence. The e being on . the register was various. points about the ob i jection, however, ought to be considered as another clause; Parliamentary and the Noble Lord, h a d h e followed P prac tice, would have waited f or it.—(Cheer s. ) But it su i t e d the Noble Lord that he should c l u b to eether all possible • • s to such claims, in order to l object al a trap f u r stra y votes. i — on (Loud cheers.) The Reform Bill Registration had been performed most carelessly the Noble Lord ad mitted, yet by the Noble Lord's proviso every case of fraud, every case of p er j ur y , every ease of pe rsonation, every case of bad evidence, was retained on the registry. —( Cheers.) The Bill gave to successful ; Periure, success , full villainy, a title to be upon the registry for the term of a natural life.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. SHIEL said the Noble Lord had begun b y de _ Glaring that his Bill was not a disfranchising Bi ll still he had not gone on to say that in cases of what h e called villainous fraud there should be disfranchisement— (" Oh, oh," from the Opposition)—there was indeed to be a re-investigation ; might that not be synonymous with disfranchis emen t?—( H ear , h ear , o h, oh.) Now in the Bill of the Solicitor-General for Ireland there Wes' 3 C franchisennent--only an abolition of the certi - .ay.. -;_ tem.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord (exclaimed the Hon. Gentleman) is loud in superogatory protestations of impartiality. I hope not from an in voluntary consciousness of their necessity.—(Laughter and cheers.) But here I appeal to the Noble Lord the Member for Northumberland, who pledged himself not to support a re-investigation of the existing registry.— ( Hear, hear.) But now, what has been the result of all this dreadful system of fraud and perjury ?—( Hear, hear.) One would have thought that the very bogs and forests of Ireland would teem with fictitious votes. —( near.) But how far is that from being the case ? The Noble Lord had made some reference to the county Tipperary. The Noble Lord had property in that county, and the Noble Lord was a constituent of his ( Mr. Shiel's.) —( Hear and laughter.) The Noble Lord was a corres pondent of the agent of the Conservative Club of that county. Lord STANLEY here intimated that tha statement was erroneous. Mr. SHIE L.—The Noble Lord has presented a pe ion from Mr. Kiernan who was the gentleman in ques- tion, in which petition it was stated that myriads A had been fraudulently placed on the registry list of that county. Let the House examine into that statement. The population of Tipperary amounted to 402,000 souls. Did the Noble Lord know the constituency of that vast population ? It might perhaps be 10,000, since such vil lanous perjury, such palpable fraud had been practised. Was it 8,000 ? Was it 6,000 ? Was it even 4,000? Surely by the aid of that excommunication to which the Noble Lord had so felicitously alluded, they had been able to work up the registry to at least 4,000.—( Loud cries of Oh, oh.) That constituency did not amount to 3,000. —( Loud cheers.) During the election of 1837 the con test lasted for five days, and the entire constituency was polled out, and yet they amounted to no more than 2,400. And still that was the miserable constituency which he (Lord Stanley) wanted to reduce, a constituency which had been raisedto that number only by the vilest stratagems, by the most unjustifiable expedients, by villainous per jury, to use the conciliatory expression of the Noble Lord. —( Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord had read a letter which he hal received from a gentleman of the name of Kiernan—he had received a letter from a person with whom he confessed lie was himself unacquainted, and he had read that letter in the House of Commons, as a ground for diminishing the Irish constituencies. An in quiry, however, had been made into the assertions con tained in the letters—an inquiry which the Noble Lord himself should have instituted before he produced such testimony as a ground for disfranchisement.—(Hear,hear.) The Noble Lord smiled—he was not astonished that the letter should meet with a contradiction, but he (fir. Shiel) was much astonished that it should have been brought for ward as a charge, without inquiry into the grounds on which it was founded. He (Mr. Shell) then held in his hands a letter which would bring the matter to a test.— ( Interruption, and cries of " Read, read.") Lord STANLEY only felt that there was a great in convenience in reading those letters ; he had himself re ceived that morning a letter from a landlord, confirming every word of the first statement.—( Cheers from the Op position benches.) .11r. SHIEL—Do you know the landlord? Lord STANLEY—No, I do not.—(Loud and long continued chaering from the Ministerial benches.) Mr. SHIE L would appeal to the House and the coun try, if it were on the solitary testimony of such parties as Mr. Kierman and the landlord in question, who was a Fsucitt, he believed, that they were to pass an Act which was to overthrow the rights of the people of Ireland. —( The Right Hon. Gentleman proceeded to read the letter to which he had referred amidst cries of " Name, name," from the Opposition benches.) The name of the writer was Michael Mara, a man, he would allow, who had been employed bythe Liberal party.--( Hear from the Opposition.) Honourable Gentlemen opposite might not, perhaps, at tach so much importance to such a letter as one emanating from the agent of the Cork Conservative Association, Mr. Nettles.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Read.") (The Right lion. Gentleman then read the letter of Mr. Mara, the substance of which was a contradiction of two state ments which Lord Stanley had put forward on a former debate. In the first place, no tenant of Mr. Faucitt, who had previously surrendered his holding,had voted at the elec tion of 1837; as four tenants only of that gentleman had appeared at the hustings that year, and each of whom had an undoubted bona fide claim. In the next place, Roger Meara, whose name was to be placed on the list of appli cants, although he had previously died, was not registerad, nor had any claim been put forward in his favour,—his name having been left on the list merely because it had been copied from a previous one. He ( Mr. Shiel) would suppose for a moment that there was a mixture of truth and falsehood, with regard to those statemente; but was it fair to rely on such evidence, as a ground for bringing forward a measure of such vast importance ? He would next refer the House to the case of Cork, which, with a population of 770,000 souls—nearly as large as the population of Wales—con tained a constituency under 4,000, while the constituency of Wales amounted to 34,000. He would thus oppose statistics to the statements of the Noble Lord ; and he would ask the gentlemen of England, whether, on a testi runny proceeding from decided partisans, they would fur ther reduce a constitueney already so small. But that constituency, though small, had been too large for their (the Opposition) party. Small as it was, it hau been suffi cient to thwart arebiCon, to thwart injustice—to batll2 lartioa, and to save the country from that fatal demi nien which it was the object of the present Act of Parliament to restore.—( Loud cheers.) By that Act the constituencies of Ireland might be gradually , diminished and brought down to proportions', better in ac cordance with the new policy of the Noble Lord opposite. By this Bill it was provided that no man would be en titled to vote, unless he had conformed to all its forms and instructions. (The Right lion. Gentleman lene pro ceeded to illustrate the manner in which the Bill would operate, by supposing the case of a claimant Rho, after bravin g his landlord, and succeeding in having his name placed •n the rcgistry,would be exposed to fresh perplexity and difficulties—to a journey to a distant part of the county, and the flagrant injustice of being called on to pay costs though his claim had been l reviously admitted. ) Let them conceive suck a claimant entering a Court of Justice under those circumstances, compelled to de fend his title against a Conservative club, which had perhaps em ployed a learned sergeant of great power, and somewhat malicious aspect--( Laughter)—to prosecute the objections. And let them then conceive the poor varlet sent home without a shilling, in his pocket, as an example to refrac tory tenants.—( Loud and long-continued cheering.) Such a system would be another advantage conferred upon Ireland in addition to the blessings she already owed the Nobla Lord opposite. —(Cheers. ) He was not exaggerat ing the case—if he were they were in Committee and the Noble Lord could contradict him. lie was glad the first clause of the Bill evidenced much of its mischievous matter, because an opportunity was thus afforded of a con scientous escape to those who had formerly been betrayed into giving their assent to the motion that the House should go into Committee. The Bill would in effect franchise the 101 constituencies of Ireland, a measure to which Lord Grey would not consent in order to pass even Catholic Emancipation. And for what purpose were they to disfranchise the 101. constituencies of Ireland ? For a purpose in reference to which be should be indeed a sceptic by whom the slightest doubt was entertained.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord made abundance of protests as to the mo tive which bad induced him to introduce this measure. The moral sense, it appeared, was shocked by the abuses which had taken place irs the registration ;of voters in Ireland ; but it was not always that the moral sense was so shocked. Let them look to the sanction given to the Irish Corporations as an instance.—( Hear.) In order to know the purport of the Bill of the Noble Lord, was it necessary to do more than to ask who was it author? Let them remember a few facts. In 1835 it was acknowledged by the Tory party that they looked to the division', sub isting between the Irish Members and the Whigs as the means by which they could carry on what was called a Conservative Government? and if those divisions be continued, he doubted much whether the abuses of the Irish registries would have been so closely investigated. Let them look to subsequent proceedings. In 1837 a fla gitious tribunal was in existence for the trying of elections in that House, since abolished by the Right Hon. Gentle man opposite, but supported by the party to which he was so incongruously attached, while that party endeavoured to avail itself of the existence of such tribunal, for the pur pose of aiming that blow at the representation which was now directed against the coastituencies of Ireland.— I (Cheers.) If they said these were by-gone transactions, he would allude to events of a more recent date. On Dec. 19 the Times newspaper announced, officially he supposed, that the present Bill would be brought for ward. The Session had commenced, and the Hon. Member for Devonshire ( Sir J. Y. Buller) bad brought forward his motion. During the debate which followed the most odious distinctions were taken between the English and Irish Members, and a spirit and animus by which the present measure was dictated were then made manifest. lie was not surprised that the Hon. Gentlemen who had supported that motion should vote in favour of the present measure, but it was most inconsis tent that any man calling himself a Reformer should become the auxiliary of the man—when Irish questions came before them, denuded of the slightest confi dence—k Hear, hear)—who had been told by Lord Althorp, and in alluding to that circumstance, he was not violating the rules of justice, or passing the limls of that courtesy the claims of which be should ever be most ready to acknowledge—wh o had been told by Lord Althorp in the face of the House and of the country, that his Irish Administration bad been a lamentable failure--( Cheers)— who, since that time had, by his political conduct, acquired the most unqualified title to the disrelish of one country, and the distrust of another—( Cheere)— who in his public dealings swamped the Lords when a Whig, and the people when a Tory--( Vehement cheering) —who lauded to the skies in 1832, when it suited his pur pose, those Irish Members elected under the existing sys tem of registration--who now wants to slap the door in their faces—( Hear, hear)—and who, worst of all the traits in his political character, and of all the incidents in his po litical life the most to be lamented—who, after having de nounced an expiring faction and holding them up to public scorn, lent his great talents to that party, which was not now less deserving of that designation because he 'combined for its triumph, forgetting the principles which with him should be matters of inheritance—( Hear, hear)—and which every beating of his heart ought to tell him he should never have deserted.—( Hear, arid long continued chering.) That was not the man to who n the nice and delicate task of legislation for Ireland should be confided. It was not for him to remedy the evils of a country on which he had inflicted the greatest evils. If these might be considered as by-gone recollections, let him advert to those feelings, which in the course of a few weeks, the Noble Lord, by his unhappy measure, had suc ceeded in introducing into Ireland. The country has been at rest ; pubne excitement had subsided ; the tithe question had been settled, and that wise policy to which the House had last year borne so signal a testimony, had succeeded in calming the passions of the people, when suddenly the Noble Lord burst on them with the apresent let o that h m a t e l a o s o u s r e e , , a agitation-from ata l tl d which they hi e elements h.twhee rye g of again n confusion brought bs t e n p e r s a e r e y u t r :i triumph; —(Cheers.) p ( h C ; h e h e e rs m . )iehTthdee Noble' e l h t iL h ao e arl l Q r m i e s mi ii i , dt o 'gt p ah l i e enm o a- f the fruits o f t h at emancipation, p wilich some of his party THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 20, 1840. would g o so far as to call for its being altogether rescind ed. But his victory was one which would cost him dear. —(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet opposite had said that Ireland presented the greatest difficulties which his Government could encounter ; but would the Bill of his Noble and formidable Friend—( Hear, and laughter) — tend to diminish that difficulty ? He belie'ved that by that policy it was then proposed to adopt the country would be brought to a state almost as frightful as that which preceded the passing of the Emancipation Act. Hon. Gentlemen opposite smiled, but the excitement of Ireland ought net to be contemned. They should have been taught by experience—painful, if he could not say humi liating—riot to hold it in disregard. It was by that agita tion that Emancipation had been carried ; and he would tell them that it they encountered it again, they would again be vanquished. For the consequences they should be responsible. If calamities were to follow—if the rights of property were to he endangered—if religious animosity were awakened, and if the public mind should again be ready to explode, they alone, by consenting to per severe with that measure, would be responsible. —( Cheers.) It was not entirely to Ireland the evil operation of the Bill would be confined. The fierce democracy that bad arisen in this country would derive new strength from it, and in the foreign relations of Britain it would be felt— ( Hear, hear)—and Foreign Cabinets would avail them. selves of uur dissensions to enforce the meat humiliating conditions.—( Hear, hear.) He asked the House would would it, for the sake of maintaining a miserable ascend ancy in a distracted province, sacrifice the interests of this great country—( Hear, hear).—for which he felt as deeply interested as if his first breath was drawn in the same air with the Hon. Members around him ?—( Hear, hear.) For that reason he implored the Committee not to sacri fice perhaps the best means of conciliating the affections of millions of high-minded men. The great moral bulwark of a government was justice to the people ; it was cheap, it was easy, and impregnable. The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman concluded amidst much cheering. Mr. D'ISRAELI supported the clause. He had not heard one single argument against it, Dr. STOCK said the Hon, Member who last addressed the House had exhibited no small degree of moral courage in rising after the splendid speech of the Right Hon Mem ber for Tipperary. The Bill was nothing more than a Bill of disfranchisement. [The Learned Gentleman spoke in so low a tone as to be nearly iueudable in the gallery.] Mr. Sergeant JACKSON said, that in the eloquent speech of his Right Hon. and Learned Friend the Mem ber for Tipperary, there had not been from beginning to end a single argument against the clause. The Right Hon. Gentleman had read ' the margined note of the clause, and against that directed his warm declamation. But that note was totidern verbis the same with that of the Bill introduced by Mr. O'Loughlin, in 1835. The Hon. and Learned Gentlemen then again went through the case of Mr. Quinlan, whose lease depended upon lives—one of them died, and yet he went up and polled for Mr. Shiel, although the landlord to whom the lease had lapsed was present and protested against the vote. In Cmk there were 6,700 names upon the register, while only 4,400 were entitled to vote, after deducting deed men and others who had no right to the franchise. Upon that register there were the names of 49 men who canto forward to re-register, but the Assistant- Barrister refused to put 33 of them on the register for want of value, and the others for sonic other want, yet not one of them but might tender his tote at any election. He would pro duce his certificate, and the returning officer would have no power to reject the vote. Again, in the city of Cork there were upwards of 8,100 names upon the register, but not more than 4,000 had a right to vote. In 1832 there were hundreds who swore they were worth more than la in order to get upon the register, and within three months, in order to save them from being rated, positively swere that their houses were not worth 3/. That was in evidence before the Fictitious Votes Committee. The Learned Ser geant then cited a great number of eases, to prove the extent of fictitious voting in Ireland. Mr. G. ROCHE controverted his statements as to Cork county. • Mr. PO WE RSCOURT repeated some statements ha had made on a former night of fraudulent votes in Wick low, and said he could give 40 cases—naming two. Mr. JAMES GRATTAN repelled the charge of per jury, made in a petition presented to the House against 47 electors of Wicklow. The Hon. Gentleman entered into explanations for the purpoae of showing ,that the charge was wholly unfounded. Mr. CALLAGHAN supported the amendment. After a few words in explanation from Mr. Sergeant JACKSON, Sir MONTAGUE CHAPMAN denounced the readi ness with which strong expressions were used in the House, reflecting on the Irish constituencies. After a few words - from Mr. Sergeant LEFROY, Mr. PIGOT said that there were a few points con nected with the question then before the Committee, on which lie wished to make some observations before they proceeded to a division. The question then before them was not as to the propriety of abolishing certificates, but whether or not the amendment of his Noble Friend involved a principle which it was their duty to adopt. The question was not merely whether or not the first clause was to be agreed to, but whether the main principle of the Bill, 'the investigation cf the claimant's right, should receive the sanction of the Committee: The Bill involved a violation of vested rights ; it introduced an ex post facto sy stem of legislation, and it did so, not to the extent of a single in. vestigation, but to that of annual re-investigation. There was nothing in the nature of the elective franchise to justify such a provision. They were bound to provide for the investigation of claims the beat tribunal which they could devise, ,ind when such a tribunal was constituted, it was their duty to repose confidence in it, and not to subject its decisions to re nested litigation. He agreed with what had born stated by a high authority, that the exercise of the franchise would, by allowing those repeated investige tions, hold out increased temptations to perjury. Any man who considered what was the nature of the investigation must see that the Bill would excludeas many good votes from the registry, as it would put bad ones upon it ; and no one could doubt that the result of the Bill must be to disfran chise the people of Ireland to a great extent.—(Loud cries of " Divide.") Sir E. SUG DEN supported the Bill in the belief that it would not inflict any such injury as had been represented on the odier side. He would not propose any measure for Ireland which he would not accept for England.— ( Cheers. ) He wished it to be distinctly understood that under similar circumstances he would accept this Bill for England.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentle man opposite (Mr. Pigot) 'had admitted that the section upon which the Committee was tatted upon to divide was one which must in some form or other find its way into every Bill upon the subject.—( Hear, hear.) In the Bill of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman himself there was a simi lar provision nearly word for word.—(Cheers)—the only difference was that the clause of his Noble Friend was brought forward in a plain and honest manner.—(Hear, hear.) By voting for the amendment of the Noble Lord opposite the Committee would be continuing on the rem gistry men who had originally no right to be placed there, and who had only been so by means of fraud and per jury.e...( Hoer, hear, and loud cries of " Divide, divide.") Whet his Noble Friend proposed, and what was objected to with so much warmth arid declamation, was precisely, in all re spects; the eliiuse which Was found in the very last Bill of her Majesty's Government, introduced by the present Baron Woulfe, and the Noble Lord, the present Chief Secretary for Ireland. There was nothing contained in the present Bill that was not in the Bill of her Majesty's Government, except, indeed, that it did not contain the villanies and the hardships of that measure.— (Cheers. ) The Right 'Hon. Gentleman concluded by expressing his determination to oppose the amendment. Mr. 'MACAULAY then rose to address the Howe. He entertained such great and unfeigned respect for the learning and great legal knowledge of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, that it was with some'pain, and groat diffi denve, that he ventured to oppose his opinion to that of the Right llon. Gentleman, as to the construction of the clauses in the present Bill ; but the Bight Honourable Gentleman hail asserted to the House, that the question on which they had to ,decide was—whether a person now upon the register was to remain there all his life. Now, all that he couldsay with respect to that was, that the words did not bear out the Hon. Gentleman's statement. It was not to continue for his life, but for eight years. No want of candour could be brought against his friend on this subject; it was a question of the greatest importance—it was a question of investigation or no investigation. It was a question which it was competent for any Member to bring forward, and therefoiw it could not be reasonably asserted, considering the history of the Bill, and the manner in which it had gone into Committee, that any want of candour had been shown. How had the Bill been read a second time? Why by a majority of three, two of that number declaring themsel7es against the principle of re-investigation, and asserting that if (lett principle was not struck out of the measure in Committee, they would vote against the third read ing. Such being the ease, were they not right in asking whether that defect was to remain. When it was first proposed to go into Committee, it was the intention of the Government to go into it fairly, although they e ntertained little expectation of doing any good by the Bill, as it was elaborately bad. At present he could not designate the Bill by any other name than, that of taking away the tight of voting upon the pretence of ascer taining it. It was to no pui-pose to say theßill did not directly deny d th i r e e r e i t g ly h . t_o ( f C y h o e thi er g s. , ) fo r It e i t n d eo i d u i n a o g t dedo vexatious proceedings, it did i in and was, in truth, a Bill of disfranchisement under the name of registration. He had no doubt that the Bill would be there, some names from the register that ought not difficultiestbt in, b th u e t t v, h .a e y q o u t e jsutisotnsvas claimants. whether sa tisfy him that the impedime i n f ts th t e he N ß ol il l l e -oald go wit him, claimants was only as to improper ones, he es ,„, ie but he asserted fearlessly that he could do no such thing. e line Bill, as he said before, would encourage vexatious proceedings, tLhorredwwinoutlhde.owni lay;of and under its provisions parties who were not satisfiedhe with the s Ex chequer, and if it should happen that a new Chief Ju s tic e had opinion then n the b e revising cn mme barrister c a o n t d i I d thengo bthefeorecotur.Ceoflufe sE e t l hear, r such He would venture to say that there was no parallel h br a i d ng be i e t n b az r o e int t e h d at to co t u h r e t Queen'sagain_ again.—(Hear, ii th r ey h c e o ar u . ll a d if s t r a t t e p rd o. i w n er an o y f o o t b h je e c r t a io t n pr , e v s a e s n n t o e t x g is i t v i e n i g , Did the Noble P the registry who had no legal right to be e Lord imagine that there are no persons in possession of pro pertyin that country the judgments in whose favour were by no of Law, were sanctioned by truth and g m n e l means justified?—( jar allt fi etdh?e—d(alntl damn g a Hear, laiemaard)ed, tlloidplatihnetiffNs by Juries, and and that all the large sums which hail been paid by the Co - arts ( w H h t e e a ll r , tv h e e r a e r n ) Did he not believe that there were estatesma j n u y sti personshep the possession of wrong owners ? But the Courts of Law could not and ought not to set these matters right by eternal re-in w would be impossible vestigation.—(Cheers.) Suppose an injured man had come and said that the cured ent obtained against him was erroneous —that he had pro j eured the evidence —that he had found in the ce? bottom of a chest an oldpaper which would establish his claim —that he had been takenibyPsurprise ; the Court might natu rail;' say that they _regretted the hardship of the ease, but it on hearing and re-hearing the case twenty or thirty or fifty- times ; that the Noble ble for them to go Lord's Bill admitted, and it respired no great s t retch of irnagi nation to suppose a case in w hich the voter mig ht be o bjected occasionally to 120 or 130 t i mes in the course of hi s lif e . He had not th e smallest doubt t h at if they went on hearing criminal case, over and over ag s in they e h al ruffians. H e h a d no doubt that if a ma n brought an action over again f or th e same cause, som e cases of importance might t y at would some at vo.oiri length hang some great be set right; b u t i t had beenruled over and over a g ain that it was better (sea • g should be endured than that the rights` of society should be constantly interfered with; and why should they depart from that principle in the single case of the frane,hist;? No doubt the Bill would ex clude many dishonest voters, but the question was, what would be its effect •on the honest voter ? All the objections in the Bill were cernmen to the rightful and the wrongful claimant. The vexation and experse of travelling, of appearing :before the Judge, of severe cross-examinations, of brow-beat ings, and reflections • upon his integrity, were all com mon to th 6 rightful as well as the wrongful claimant. But slid the Noble Lord believe that a case never broke down unless when a man went with a fraudulent intention. Did he not know that the acci dental absence of a witness, or direct perjury —(for if the Noble Lord imputed so much on the side of the claimant, surely he might allow a little on the side of the objectors)— (Loud cheers) —would break down the claim? Was he not aware that men, who thought they had a good right, were fre quently withheld, from pressing it in a Court of Law, because they were in doubt whether they could establish it satisfac torily ; or had the Noble Lord never heard of the uncertainty of the law ?—( Hear, hear.) If out of 100 honest claimants only four or five were defeated, or saddled with costs, could any one doubt that that would act to the injury of the honest claimant? Almost every clause of the Noble Lord's Bill for keeping out the wrongful, acted just as effectually against the rightful claimant. The Noble Lord had drawn a pretty picture of an unfortunate claimant being opposed by a pauper • but the Noble Lord should recollect that property was the best of qualifications—that the, claim of the rick man must be a valid one, and that it was much more likely that the case might be reversed. Let him put the other side of the case. It was not at ail improbaLle ; but whether such things took place in Ire land, he had no knowledge that such things occurred in Eng land, and he could suppose the ease of a man of great rank, and power, and wealth, of an imperious and obstinate. tem per, and who, in the words of an Hon. Friend of his, thought much of the rights of properties and titles of its duties, he could suppose such a man opposing the claims of voters. They knew of one man who, provoked, at the opposition he had received at an election, had said that the grass would grow in the streets of that towu, and bad kept his word, and of another who had disfranchised 400 freeholders in an English county, and who, by a stroke, had instituted 15 suits in equity, and 225 civil actions. Such a man might be in London, or at his country seat, while his agents, who were well paid, will do the work for him. It would cost the powerful objector a mere nothing, while even the personal expences of the poor claimant would be a heavy tax upon him. To the rich man it was but a picture less in his gallery, or a fine antique less in his collection.—(Cries of " Oh, and cheers.") He had no hesitation in saying that every clause in the Noble Lord's Bill tended to barrass and obstruct the voter in obtaining his just rights.—(Cheers.) The effect, in short, would be, that a great many would abandon the claim altogether. The franchise was a sacred public trust, which should be used for the benefit of the public, and yet when honestly seeking that their pecuniary interests were to be seriously affected. They should also take into consideration that men did net go to the registry with the secure spirit with which they went to the poll. There had been few registra tions since 1826, at which a general election was expected; and men who, when the candidates were declared, and when perhaps the fate of a Ministry was to be sealed, would pay 501. or run any trouble to record their votes in a hard-fought elec tion, would hardly go across the street to register.—( Hear, hear.) Therefore, you ought rather to encourage than dis courage registration.—( Hear, hear.) Yet, supposing a Par liament. to last seven years, the Noble Lord's Bill would expose the voter to fourteen law-suits, against which what human fortitude or human patriotism could stand out?--(Hear, hear) — and this was the principle which the House was now called upon to assertor reject. Sir (continued the Right Hon. Gen tleman), there is another consideration which applies specially to Ireland, that is the state of the franchise.—(Hear, hear.) It is impossible to separate that from the subject of registration —it is impossible to have a perfect law of registration, that is, one which shall throw the greatest difficulties in the way of the wrongful, and every facility in the way of the rightful claimant : but it is still open for you to distinguish as clearly as possible which are the rightful and which are the wrongful claimants, and how can I decide upon a question like this without looking at the state of the franchise? .and it is impossible not to feel how much more the Irish franchise is restricted, as compared with the English, even by the Reform Bill—how much it was restricted even below what Pitt and Castlereagh, and Grenville, and Wyndham, considered to be just. Looking at statistics, I find that Westmoreland, with little more than 50,000 inhabi- I tants, and covered by naked hills and barren moors, has more voters than any Irish county—than Tipperary with 400,000 in habitants, or Cork with 800,000.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I can not think that even the superiority of England in point of pro- Irty can explain so enormous a disparity ; and, whatever way look at the question, I think that the Irisk franchise ought to be rather extended than restricted—if it is to be altered at all— and I do not pledge myself to support any proposition for its extension ; but if I hesitate to interpose to make it better, I will not lay violent hands upon it to make it worse—(Loud cheers)—and string as, is my regard for the great settlement of 1832 I will never consent to make it final as against the people alone; and if not restoring what it took away, I will not consent to withdraw the smallest portion of what it gave.— ( Loud cheering.) But, Sir, this is not an Irish merely, it is an imperial question. (Hear, hear, hear.) I hope and trust that if the Bill is to pass at all, it will pass modified by the amendment proposed to-night, and by others conceived in the same spirit.—(Hear.hear.) But if not I shall regard it as the fit st step in a great retrogade move ment—(Loed cheers)—as the, beginning of a scheme of which the object is.to undo what was done at the Reform Bill.— (Cheers.) Ido not believe the Reform Bill would be directly attacked. Much as Hon. Gentlemen have talked of re-action, they well know that there has been no re-action here—they well know that it would not be safe to attempt to despoil our great cities and towns of political power, and confer it again on old walls and mouldering towers.—( Cheers and, cries of " Oh, oh.") But what'cannet be done directly may be done indi rectly-L-( Hear; hear)—it, matters not what franchise is coo leered if the means of acquiring it are restricted. It matters not how well the law of rights is framed, if not accompanied by as efficient a 'law of reniedies--(Cbeers)—power that can be obtained' only by wealth .or time , though nominally given to the many, is really given only tei thefew. Let us have the most demecnatic Reform Bill, and' let the Noble Lord frame oar registiatioli, and political pOweemay et be in the hands of the Aristocaey -And its toots.—(Cheers...) • The - Opposition begin with. Ireland, and• they are wise. ,, ---(Cheers.) Distance, 'dif ference of religious belief—perhaps that unfriendly 'feeling, the natural effect of snitch wrong inflicted, and much wrong en dured—(Cheers)—may have deterred the people of this country resenting the insult offered to the Irish nation as they would have resented the senile insult to themselves. But, Sir, I grieve for the short-sightedness of my countrymen; Ireland is the first field—it will not be the last.—(Loud cheers.) I believe this struggle is just as much for Yorkshire and Kent as for Cork and Kerry.—( Hear, hear.) And the day, when the constituencies, worked upon by this Bill, shall send up to this House representatives regarded by the Irish people as ene mies, will be dark and dreary for the liberties of England. —( Cheers, and " Oh, oh.' ) But it is not necessary that I should resort to topics like these.—(.Ministerial cries of " Hear, hear.") The derisive expressions of gentlemen op posite, T suppose intimate, that they would be unjust to Ire land alone.—( Cries of" No, no.") Well, whether they mean this injustice to be confined to Ireland or to extend to hog - land, I hardly know how to express my reprobation of so odious and disgusting a measure.—(Cheers, and " Oh, oh.") The Noble Lord would revive the distinctions abolished as a ground of religiourAiSabilities, as the ground of political disfran chisement.—( Cheers.) The 'Reform Bill giving only a small part of what the Bill of 1829 took away, he would now with draw more than the Reform Bill gave.--( Cheers.) His Bill is made up of the very worst parts of the very worst Bills that had been framed upon the subject.—(lronical cheers from the Opposition.) Is this the - treatment which the great Statesman who proposed the union, promised— paribus se legibus ambm, Invietae gentes a•terna in fcedera mittant." I appeal to that great constitutional settlement ! Resolved as I am to 'preserve it against - the open enmityof the Learned Mem ber for Dublin, I am yet more determined to defend it against thinaare dangerous friendship of the Noble Lord.—(Cheers.) Of - this 1 am sati fled, that for one repealer made by the elc (pence of the Learned Member for Dublin, the measure of the Noble Lord; if earried, will make tea.—( Hear.) And deeply as I should regret that, I cannot help saying that I should con sider it bet the, necessary consequence as of effect to cause— (Hear, beer)—and it would be puerile, nay, hypocritical, to go on misgoverning, and expecting that the misgoverned would yield a quiet siibmission--( Hear, hear)—to inveigh against agi tation, and yet keep up the grievances that sustain it--(Cheers) —to raise the cry of treason and ciyhl war against the advocates of repeal, while you do your utmost to annul the union of in terest turd affection, without which the Legislative Union must be only an empty name:-- (Tremendous cheering. ) The House divided, when the numbers were--- For the amendment - Against it • 289 Majority for Ministers . — 7 -. , • The announcement was received with very great cheeririg from the Liberal benches. , Lord STANLEY said it was not his intention to offer any opposition to the amendments of the clause proposed by the Noble Lord opposite--(Cheersj—arid he presumed that on the other side there would be no objection to have those amend ments made now, before the Committee reported progress. Lord MORPETH was understood to say that he would offer no objection. ' The amendtnents were then agreed to without discussion. Lord STANLEY, in moving that the Chairman do now report progress, had otily to say that however much he re gretted the decision to which the Committee had come, and however much the Bill had been injured by that decision, it would not have the effect of inducing him to withdraw from the further •prosecution of the Bill in the Committee.--(Tory cheers.) He would endeavour to make the Bill, in its further progress' as perfect as he could.—( Tremendous Tory cheering.) As-the Noble Lord opposite had,fixed Monday next for the Registration Bill - for England, and the Hon. and Learned Solicitor-General for-Ireland had also fixed that day for his BM for amending the 'Registration in Ireland, he con cluded that the House ould acitiere'to the resolution to which it' had already costio, , thaethis mttaimie should take precedence of those Bills.-(Cries'of 4' Oh, oh !" from.-the Liberal: benches, responded •to :by/cheers- from Opposition.) The question was distinctly raised upon - the motion of the Hon. !Member for Halifax,' and as that motion was negatived,. the House assented to th e, principle that this meesure_should have precedence, and he would therefore move that the Chairman do now report pro '}tress, and'ask leaire to sit-again on Monday,-. • Lord JOHN RUSSELL said if the Noble Lord moved that his pill should be taken into consideration on Monday, previous to the Government Orders of the. Day, he should certainly give the motion his decided opposition—(Cheers)--and propose some other day. Mr. O'CONNELL said that,Ciay six months. Lord STANLEY said he did not propose to take precedence of the other,Gevernrnent. Ord+ of the Day. The Noble Lord I proposed to takethe third reading of two Bills on Monday on the sauce subject, which would thus be passing through the House at the -same time 7 -a clause of one being discussed one night, and the next a clause ,of the other. He thought it would be much better for the cenvenienoe of the House, and for th e d espatc h o f pu bli c businessif the House Would decide whether they would proccedwith his Bill, or that of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the .Solicitor -General. If the louse were of opinion th a t th e Bill o f the 'Solicitor-General afforded a better basis for Jegislation on the subject than any other Bill, he should bow to the decision of the House, and not trouble it further ; on the other hand, if they'deeided this Rill was the ovie most. desirable to proceed with, he trusted they would come to that decision on Monday night.—(Hear, and",,ow, now.") The House then resumed. Lord J. RUSSELL then rose to propose an amendment to the mod _a, that 'that Bill should be taken up on Monday next. He should propose, if the House did not - go on with this Bill, to go into Committee on that of his Hon. Friend the Solicitor-General. He therefore proposed that this Bill should be re-committed on Thursday next.—( Cheers.) Sir R. PEEL said the Noble Lord's opposition was without precedent. Hi s Noble Friend' 'did not intend to take prece dence of other public business on Monday, but to ask the House to give his Bill precedence to the Registration Bill of the Solicitor-General for Ireland. The House had determined they would go fairly into Committee on his Noble Friend's Bill ; but all that had been done was toe de. bate its general principles, the p ro p er sub j ect for debate on a second reading, and, after a long discussion, they had only got through the first clause, with their own amendment. They would - net permit his Noble Friend to amend his Bill according to the sense of .the: Honse,i but adopted a course at variance to its uniform usage. The original motion and the amerulment having been put, Lord HOWICK said, that before the House proceeded to a division, he could not help making an earnest ap peal to his Noble Friend (Lord John Russell) that he would save them from the inconvenience of the course he proposed to follow. If they were to have divisions on the order of their proceedings, he thought it would greatly conduce to the convenience of the House if those divisions were not to take piace, then while the Noble Lord did not say that his Bill should Ow precedence except under circumstances which would at all events make it fair and reasonable, that his propo sal should be taken into consideration. He thought they should not then determine on what the Orders of the Day might be on Monday. Divisions on such subjects could, in his opinion, lead to no possible good results. He had,. on the _recent division given his vote in support of the amendment of his Noble Friend, but he had not done so he would confess without some reluctance—(lronical cheers on the... Opposition Benches)—feeling that though he concurred with his Noble Friend in his objections to the investigation of the claims of voters, when once fairly settled, the mode in which that amendment had been brought under their consideration was highly inconvenient and calculated to obstruct 'the business of the House. That, however, had not prevented him from acting on the opinion he had expressed at a preceding period of their discussions. But if his Noble Friend would then divide the House on his amendment he could not support him. Lord J. RUSSELL said that if the question were to be de cided it might as well be decided then as at any other time.— ( Hear, hear.) He would not, however, then divide the House on the subjeet, as his Noble Friend had objected to that course.—(lronical cheers on the Opposition benches.) It did not appear, he was sorry to say, that he would at any time have the support of his Noble Friend on the question, but he owned that it appeared to him that the Government, having brought forward a Bill, they were entitled to submit it to the House on one of those days for which Government Orders stood. He would not, however, then persevere with his amendment. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that whenever the motion was made for going again into Committee on the Bill, he should move an instruction to that Committee.—( , ‘ Hear, hear," and, " Oh, oh," from the Opposition benches). The Rated Inhabitants Evidence 'Bill then passed'through Committee. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'Clock to Monday. THE ATTACK ON THE QUEEN. Mr. O'Connell has issued an address to his fellow-country men on the diabolical attempt made on the life of the Queen. It cannot fail to make a strong impression in Ireland, where the great body of the people are horrified at the very idea of the accession of the heir presumptive. We regret we cannot at present give it at length, but a few passages will afford our readers an idea what excitement it must; cause amongst Irish men, so long oppressed by the party that for a time would have beer. triumphant, had the ball of the miscreant assassin taken effect. The fol:owing are a few extracts:— " England is disgraced by the commission of one of the most enormous crimes that ever affrighted humanity : unsuccessful . . —blessed be God ! in its results, but not the less atrocious upon that account. The failure was providential; the guilt is not diminished by the hand of God averting the designed blow. " Never did crime combine such circumstances of diabolical aggravation. If SHE had been in the humblest walk of life, the crime would have been satanic. The young wife, enjoy ing the sweet and innocent delight of the conversation of her chosen and wedded love ; shutting out the world and its con cerns, and being all the world to each other. A communion of all that life has of delicious happiness, presenting a picture of almost angelic enjoyment, which , angels indeed might look on with delight, and the heart of man venerate for its sacred sweetness. . " Yes ; if she had been the lowliest born of all her own sub jects, she ought to have been sacred and secure; but in her youth, in her beauty, in her innocence, and in her love, SHE —the enthroned Monarch of a mighty nation.—Yes! at such a moment, and against such a person—shielded, one might even think, by the weakness of her sex—was the assassin's arm twice deliberately raised; at HER was the murderous aim twice deliberately taken, and the weapons of death twice deli berately discharged ; but, oh ! Gracious Providence! blessed be thy holy name ! the deliverance, oh God, was thine !" After stating that he does not mean to accuse Prince or Peer, or great man of a participation in the crime, he says, the wretched youth has been encouraged to perpetrate the act by the vile attacks made on the Sovereign by the Tory press. " There is," he adds, " one portion of that faction, to which we can without difficulty trace all the moral guilt of being acces saries before the fact to this murderous treason. I mean the organs of the Tory press—the trebly-dyed villains of the Times, the maudlin miscreants of the Morning Post, the drivelling malignants of the 2tlorning Herald, and the blood-dripping monsters of the Standard." He then turns to the .tate of Ireland; and the contemptuous man ner in which he is treated by the British Legislature. We grieve to say there is too much truth in this' stirring appeal. " Understand, fellow-countrymen, distinctly, the position you are in. The hope of corporate reform from the Imperial Le gislature is a vain dream. Some trick, some dexterity, some paltry excuse will be found to postpone it from year to year. And then it will be utterly refused upon such hideously insult ing a ground as that which is attributed by the public papers to the Duke of Wellington—namely, ' That the Irish people are unworthy of belief upon their oaths " PERJURERS !' stand forward ! You, crouohing and crawling creatures, who, forsooth, will acquiesce in the Union, recollect that you are refused corporate reform upon an allega tion that you are perjurers! • " PERJURERS,' again stand forward. Recollect that the very ground-work and reasoning upon which Lord Stan ley'a—Bill is 'founded, is the proneness to commit perjury among the Irish people. Abject slaves ! recollect that the dart of political death is barbed with the disgrace of double perjury " There never was a nation on the face of the earth treated .as the people of Ireland - are by the English Tory faction. Never was moral degradation' so mixed up with political op pression. The worst despots have, in general, been con tent with trampling to the dust the liberties of a nation. But they have spared them the bitterness of individual and general insult." • . Looking forward to the effects that such ungenerous treat ment may in time produee,,he makes the following melancholy reflection Whilst I live and 'preserve influence, I think I shall be able to prevent any attempt ineobsiatent with the l urest allegiance to the'Crown of Great Britain and Ireland. I know that any such attempt I will ever resist; and, I believe, that during my time it would be successfully resisted. But my day is now short, and my jaurney to the grave must take place within a few revolving years." FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE DOWNING-STREET, JUNE 16, 1840. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Brevet Major Sir Alexander Burnes, Knt., of the East India Company's 21st Bombay Native Infantry, to be a Companion of the Must Ilonourable Military Order of the Bath. DOWNING-STREET, JUNE 19. The Queen , has been pleased to appoint Robert Langslow, Esq., to be one of the Judges of the District Court of Colombo, in the island of Ceylon. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, Ictrat 19. Orders for the Court going into mourning, on Sunday next, the 21st instant, for his late Majesty the King of Prussia, viz. —The Ladies to wear black silk, fringed or plain linen, white gloves, necklaces and ear-rings, black or white shoes, fans and tippets. The Gentlemen to wear black, full trimmed, fringed or plain linen, black swords and buckles. The Court to change the mourning on Sunday the sth of July next, viz..— The Ladies to wear black silk or velvet, coloured ribbons, fans; and tippets, or plain white, or white and gold, or white and silver stuffs, with black ribbons. The Gentlemen to wear black coats, and black or plain white, or white and gold, or white and silver stuff waistcoats, full trimmed, coloured swords and buckles. And 'on Sunday, the 12th of July next, the Court to go ont of rhourning. The following places have been duly registered for solemniz ing marriages therein, pursuant to the Act of the 6th and 7th William IV., Chap. 'B5 : Charmouth Chapel, Charmouth, Dorsetehire. General Baptist Chapel, Boston. WAR OFFICE, JUNE 19. Ist Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Cornet G. W. C. Jack son to be.Likztenant, by purchase, vice Powell, whose, promo time has been cancelled, June 12. Ist or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards—Assistant-Sur geon T. G.. Balfour, .111,D., from the Staff, to be Assistant- Surgeon, vice W: B. Ddykin, who retires upon half-pay, June 19. 35th Regiment of Foot—Lieut.-General. Sir R. D. Jackson, K.C.8., from the 81st Foot, to be Colonel, vice General Sir J. Oswald, eeceased, June 1.5. 38th Foot—Lieut.-General Sir J. Nicolls, K.C.I):, from the 93d Foot, to be Colonel, vice General Sir H. Pigot, de ceased, June 15. 39th Foot--Lieut:- General Sir F..P.' Robinson, G.C.8., frons the 59th Foot, to be Colonel, vice Lieut.-General the Hon. Sir R. W. O'Callaghan, deeeased, June 15. 42d Foot—Quattermaster-'=ergeant E. Paton to be Quarter master, vice F. King, who retires upon half-pay, June 19. 45th Foot—Brevet Major R. Stack to be Major, without pur chase, vice Armstrong, deceased; Lieutenant T. Prendergast to be Captain, without purchase, vice Stack ; Ensign and Adjutant W. Smith to have the rank of Lieutenant; Gentle man Cadet W. E. Bowes, from the Royal :Military College, to be Ensingn without purchase, June 19, 1640. 59th Foot—Major , General the Hon. Sir R. L. Dundas. K.C.8., to be Colonel, vice Sir F. P. Robinson, appointed to the 39th Foot, Jnne 15. 81st,F.00t--.Major-General Sir J. Waters, K.C.8., to be Colonel, rice Sir R. D. Jackson, appointed to the 35th Foot, June 15. 93d Foot--Major-General Sir J. Douglas, K.C.8., to be Colonel, vice Sir J. Nicolls, appointed to the 38th Foot, June lb. Rifle Brigade,--Captain the Hon. .1„ St. V. Sautnarez to- be Major, by purchase, vice Stevenson, promoted; Lieut. K. W. Young, to be Captain, by purchase, vice Saumarez ; Second Lieutenant H. 0. Bowles to be First Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Young ; H. , Hardinge, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, by purchase, .vice Bowles, June 19. UNATTACHED—AIajor G. M. Stevenson, from the Rifle Brigade, to be Lieut.-Colonel, by purchase, Jun e 19. _ . . . ilE3toitANnum—Lieut.-Colonel C. C. Dixon, upon half pay Unattached, has been allowed to retire from the Service, by the sale of an Unattached commission, he about to settle in Canada, June 19. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenint of•Dorsetshire. Dorset Regiment of Volunteer Yeomanry Cavalry—Major Henry Stephen Earl of Behester to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice T. B. Bower, resigned ; Capt.. G. T. Jacob to be Major, vice the Earl of Ilchester, prorcoted, June 6. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. WILLIAM COLCOCK, grocer, James-street, Covent garden. ANTHONY JOSEPH MICHAEL LA BEAUME, me dical galvinist, Argyll-street, Itegent-street. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. WILLIAM BEASTALL, draper Nottingham. MATTHEW CASE and WILLIAM HODGSON, com mission agents, Manchester. BANKRUPTS. FRANCIS MULLINGS, pearl ornament-manufacturer, Birmingham, to surrender June 30, and July 31, at eleven, at the New Royal Hotel, Birmingham. Church, Great James street, Bedford-row, London ; James, Birmingham. HENRY SUFFELL, hosier, Regent-street, June 26, and July 31, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Abbott, official assignee ; Seames, Winchester-street, Broad street. JOHN 1:1 AfEMAN, blacksmith, Cirencester, Gloucester shire, June 26, and July 31, at twelve, at the Ram Inn, Cirencester. Allen, Bedford-row, London; Newmarch, Ci rencester. _ _ _ WILLIAM HOLCROFT, bookseller, Bolton-le-Moors, Lancashire, July 15, at two, and July 31, at eleven, at the Swan Hotel, Bolton-le-Moors. Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple, London ; Briggs, Bolton-le-Moors. DAVID RIDER, cloth-merchant, Leeds, June 27, at twelve, and July , 31, at ten, at the Comtnissioners'-roomsi Leeds. Battye, Fisher, and Sudlow, Chancery-lane, London ; Fiddey. Serjeant's Inn, Fleet-street; Barr, Lofthouse, ,and Nelson, Leeds ; Naylor, Leeds. THOMAS OUCHTERLONY, merchant,. 'Old Broad street, June 30, two, and July 31, at one, atThe Colfrt of Bankruptcy. Gibson, Basingliall- street, official assignee; Kowland and Young, White Lion-court, Cornhill. E V ENING EDIT 10N. EDWARD TOPH AM, woollen merchant, Church-street, Manchoster, July 18 and 31, at eleven, at the Commisioners' rooms, Manchester. Mitchell and Hill, New London -street London; Upton, Manchester. CHARLES GORDON HOLDFORTH, and JOHN BALD, merchants, Liverpool, June 30, and July 31, at twelve, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool. Littledale and Bardswell, Royal Bank-buildings, Liverpool ; Adlington, Gregory, Faulk ner, and Follett, Bedford-row, London. THOMAS ATKINSON, mining-agent, Truro, July 10 . and 31, at one, at the Crown Inn, Nerthwich, Cheshire. Cuff aid Barker, Half-moon-street, Piccadilly, London ; Barker, Mid LUKE HINDE COVE, coal-merchant, Coal Exchange, June 30, at eleven, and July 31, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, Abchurch-lane, official assi gnee ; Murray, London-street, Fenchurch-street. THOMAS REED, ship-builder, Sunderland, June 26 and July 31 ,at eleven, at the BriJge Hotel, Sunderland. Burn Sunderland ; Compton, Church-court, Old Jewry, London. MARY AIUMI. ORD, victualler, Golden Anchor, Coppioe row, Clerkenwell, June 26, and uly 31, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Guinan, official assignee, Finsbury square ; Dirnmock, Sise -lane Bucklersbury. 'RICHARD BALSHAW, factor, Bolton-le-Moors, Lan cashire, June 26, at four, and July 31, at one, at the Swan Hotel, Bolton-le-Moors. Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple, London ; Knowles, Bolton-le-Illoors. aple, -- GEORGE HARTSHORNE, iron -manufacturer, Whit .ington, Staffordshire ; June 27, and July 31, at tea, at the Vine Inn, Stourbridge, Worcestershire. Clowes and Wedlake, King's Bench-walk, Temple, London ; Collis, Stourbridge. WILLIAM THROSSEL, saddler, Bridgewater; July 10, and 31, at ten, at the Castle Inn, Taunton. Paramore and., Copp, Bridgewater ; Rosser, New Boswell-court, London. , THOMAS TATTERSALL, corn-merchant, Liverpool, July 2 and July 31, at two, at the Clarenidon-rooms, .Liver pool. Vincent and Sherwood, Temple, London ; Boothr Liverpool. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basing 7 aall-street. W. Strange, wile merchant, Abingdon, Berkshire, July 10, at. eleven—T. West, wholesale perfumer, Gracechurch-street, July 11, at one—T, Maltby, lead merchant, Lawrence Pountney- • hill, July 10, at twelve—J. C. Harman, coach maker, Charles street, Middlesex Hospital, July 11, at eleven—J. and C. Mould, cheesemongers, Newgate-sts-eet, July 13, at twelve—J. and J. Oliver, plumbers, Duke-stye. st, St. James's, July 13, at one—H. Sayers, draper, Hapsted-preen, Ardingley, Sussex. July 13, at two—J. Itairmaner, shop keeper, Farnham, Surrey, July 10, at half-past eleven—T. Badford, carpenter, Goswell street, July 10, at twelve—W. Ha ttnutt, carpenter, William street, Lambeth-marsh, July 10, at eleven. In the Coon try. • Samuel Stokes, merchant, Liver' 001, July .11, at two, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool—J. . 'forth, merchant, Leeds, Yorkshire, July 11, at ten, at the Cormmissioners'-rooms, Leeds —'l'. Comley, maltster, Romsey Infra, Southampton, July 20, at two, at the Dolphin Inn, Southampton—T. M. Jones, skin ner, Llanfyllin, Montgomeryshire, Nov. 6, at twelve, at the Oak Inn, Welchpool—A. Fussell, it =monger, All Saints, Ox ford, July 13, at eleven, at the Towss-hall, Oxf4rd—J. Clark son, currier, Nottingham, July 13, ;it one, at the George the Fourth Inn, Nottingham—R. Richrsdson, draper, Great Drif field, Yorkshire, July 14, at eleven, at the George Inn, king :ton- upon- Hull—R. Johnson, innkeeper, Bridlingt on, York shire; July 10, at eleven, at the Talbot Inn, Scarborough—J. Eades and W. Brearley, chemists, Birmingham, July 17, at one; at tl. ) New Royal Hotel, J3irnxingham—W. Dartnell, sa-., binet maker, Cheltenham, July .13, at twelve, at the Royal Hotel, Cheltenham—J. Dxkings, jun., draper, Bourn, Lincoln shire, July 16, at twelve, at Starriwell's Hotel, Stamford — J. Scragg, retailer of beer, Manch eater, July 14, at ten, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester.. CERTIFICATES, JULY 10. W. France, maltster, Wakefield', Yorkshire—J. Blaypelt' stone mason, Chester—W. Hague, S.. Hagne, and W. Shatwell , commission agents, Manchester--J- and P. Richardson, cart owners, Toxteth-park, Liverpool—J. • Bardsley, hat manufac-. turer, Denton, Manchester. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. - J. P. Oldfield and J. Muir, Liverpool—G. Henney and R. . 'Emery, mercers, Wolverhampton—W. Nicol and E. Burry , woollen drapersßegent-street—M. Bundock and S. Compton , ,' spirit merchants, Totnos, Devonshire — . l . Field, W. Fiel d ; and 'l'. Field, manufacturers of fancy goods, Skelmanthorpe, York shire—T. Mallinson and H. Stripp, power-loom manufacturer 4 Coventry—M Steel and M. Steel, jun., woollen drapers, Man chester-:--D. and R. W. Blake, mohair yarn spinners, Laken - A hart-mills, Lakenham, Norwicle—J. Stinson and R. Mills, boot makers, Bishopsgate-street—T. Hughes and W. Powell, atter. neys, Abergavenny, Monmouthsh. l ie — R. Marrland, 'F. Veevers, and T. Dutton, common brewers, -Blackburn, Lancashire-4 ; Burn and H. Rose, brass founders,. Birmingham—S. Bayley, and C. R. Bradley, stock brokers, ianzhester—J. 5 1 4'061 14 , . and R. Martin, drysalters. Manchester Chisman and B. Treacher, corn factors, Muscovy-coart, Trinity-Court, Tovrer• hill—H. ' Simpson and W. B. Melville,' Liverpool—P. Base , P. Grenet, and M. T. Grenet, milliners, .New B en d-street- - U..R. Cooke, S. Potter, and H. Gasquoin„ e , printer?, Manchester (so far as regards H. Gasquoine)- - R. Gallop au! A. Shearn, grocers, Warminster, Wiltshire—W:. M. Jones and G. W. Alolineux, brewers, Bagillt, Flintahire. . WATERLOO, SOUTHWARK, A-14 VAUXHALL BRIDGES.-- ' . -ca PUBLIC MEETING IN LAMBETH.* - A public meeting of the inhabitants of Lambeth ' 1 held yesterday at the Hero of Waterloo, Waterloo-roa d, " for the purpose of promoting the means of throwing open Waterloo anti other bridges toll-free."- • B. flawas, Esq., M.P., teak the chair. Mr. riatinv COPE, the Secretary to the 'MetroPl itini :' Anti-Bridge Toll Association, opened the b u siness of i tlin., meeting, by stating how general the feeling of the n r, eja ° " polis was in favour of the object for which,theYere to assembled. Petitions to the House of C o mmons in sup port of that Abject were in course of. preparatio n, and had. already received more than 3 0 , 000 , signatures. The ex pense of building Waterloo Bridge amounted to • w 1,060,0001., and the—snot--due --to • --that - -proprietors amounted at , present to • 43,000,090/- 0r...7b00,000/. ' The original shares amounted .t 6 ;pot. ; each, and those shares were now at a nominal vitutand a nominal value only—of 3s. 10d. There were besides two classes of an. nuitants, aml also bondholders; while the original sharo•-••• holders received no benefit whatever from the tolls taken '. ' at the bridge at present, and could not expect to receive .• any for the future. He believed that the opening of Waterloo Bridge could now be purchased for 400,000/. or 500,0001. ; and every one would feel the advantages from so opening it, both as regarded the commerce of the • Metropolis and of the neighbourhood, and the removal Of.. that immorality and pollution which prevailed in the irrfr, mediate vicinity of the bridge, and Which were owing solely to its not being thrown open to the public. Mr. HAWES said that the opening of Waterloo Bridge, would certainly be attended with important moral effects, - • and would greatly improve the trade of the neighbour. hood, and of the metropolis generally. The Hon. Gentle.: man then alluded to the various schemes by which it wan; proposed to purchase the redemption of the bridge. Of all those schemes the one which appeared to him the most : practicable would be the granting to the blrough of Lam. both a share in the City coal-duties. The inhabitants of the borough contributed largely to the duties in question. and they were certainly entitled, so long as they did soi to a portion of them. That, however, had not hitherto been the case; and these funds had been appropriated to the improvements of the City only. He would not give an opinion as to the policy or the propriety of taxing coals at all, but while there was a tax derived from such a source' those who paid that , tax ought to benefit by it.—( Heaty. Mr. H. Corr said; that' an additiortal deity of. 3d, pot ton on coals wouLd raise upwards of 30,0001. a year, nod that sum would be , sufficient to keep down the interest o f the share-holders. present, when it was int.' 1-•;', thought that, at a time like Ik e nded to embellish various parts ' of the metropolis, and to op,.'n . the aeo!ess to them at enure • mous expense, it was not too rauch.to expect that. a trif ling charge should be incurred to throw open an existing communication. • Resolutions were then adopted in s e ,gvour of the objec ts of the meeting, and it was res o lyee:, that Mr. Hawes should take charge of the petition to•be vresented on the subject, whenever the most convenient time fol. his doing so might be supposed to have arrived. , A vote of thanks having then been passed to t he Chau.. man, the meeting separated. • SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. ASCOT-HEATH RACES—YESTERDAY. • The attendance and sport yesterday were itt quantity, not,• we believe, that there was - much :tube rerFtt,c a oa this score, for the weather was wretchedly,co ld, and wet. Before describing the three events wretchedly, , Cota a.. ~s ad ly • deficient prise the bill of fare, we may observe as a general remark th 7 the meeting . has in most of its details. surpassed our exV C gross amount of 1839, without affecting those at the wring , thins ; the receipts at the Grand Stand considerably exceecieci th: enclosure ; the number of cards sold, added to 'other eirclula2 stances, gives colour to the assertion, that the asse m blage:: the first three days was much larger than last year. • rangements, as we have before mentioned, were on and judicimia system, and were carried out in the roost z a l • - tury manner. th a t if the Prom the following returns it will be gathered ,' racing was "short," it was" sweet" : , 3 T oltli- The Workington Handicap Stakes of 5 sOVS. each, 'for, ) .and upwards. Last three quarter's of the new. m ile . 26 stlbS t . I Lord Exeter's Hellespont, 3 yrs, 6st 71b (Howle tt ) Mr. Maley's Belissima (Ix b); 5 yrs, Sit .71b . .... . ...•. ..•.... 3 , • Mr. Robertson's Burning Beauty, 3 yrs, 5:t . 11113'...: ? ••-•••• The following also started, but were not 'planed ;---COlorie' Peel's Paganini, 5 yrs, 9se; Mr. Shelley's The Drama, 4 yrs , 7st tilis • Captain .Mr. Farrell's br f Lama, 3 yrs, 7st ; Gard"' nor'a Brother to Enterprise, 3 )rs, Est 71b ; Colonel Anson's' ''' The Ruler, 3 yrs, Est 41b ; aske of Beaufort's f by' Aug'loV7 out of Courtesan, 3 y rs , 4 s t 41b : anti Colonel Wyudhams; 4 ' l * i-- by 'Nonsense, out of Slirip, s .yrs, 3st ,121 b.. Betting.-4 to 1 agst the Drama-9. to 2 apt Brother' , t o ','. Enterprise-9 t o 2 agst Th e R u l er-5 to 1 agst 13urn i n Beauty -6 - to 1 agst Bellissima—and 7to I agst Higreipan ' Bellissima and Hellespont laid together in front from the b e "' ginning to end, the mare having a slight lead, till near the' ea" when the Hellespont headed her, and won by half a length" The Ruler was fourth, Br, ther to Enterprise fifth, The Drama' ; Paganini, and Augustus filly next, Nonsense., fi lly ninth, = a n " Lama last,, a long way behind. ' - A Plate of 501., the gift of the Members for the BorOugh of New Windsor, added to a Sweepstakes of 10 soya. each. O r , two or three yr olds; 2 yrs old, ist ; 3 yrs', .gst 2lb and geldings allowed 31b. The winner .to be sold foi soya , &c. Three quarters of a mile. •(3 subs.) Mr. Webb's ch c Recovery, out of Minna, 2 yrs' (Nat) Mr. Hervey's Saracena, by Saracen—Victim, 2 yrs ... . 3 to 1 on the Recovery colt, which made the running about 300 yards, fell back, and waited to the road, resumed Po lead, and won in a canter by two lengths. • Plate of 50 sovs for the beaten horses of the week ;'3_ ye s,e-oldas , 7st ;' 4 yrs, Bst 61b : 5 yrs, est 131 b ; 6 yrs and a ge d, gst 2 1 b , ; mares and geldings allowed 31b ; winners once this year 31 k , ,_ twice Mb extra. ~The winner to be sold for 350/,, &c. e old mile. Colonel Anson's c Nicholas, 3 yrs ...............(Fran c is) , Mr. Beresford's Bob Peel, 3 yrs ....... • Mr. Byng's Barrabbae, 4 yrs Mr. King's Ruby, 6 yrs Betting.-7 to 4 against Barabbas--3 to 1 agst Nieholas 3to 1 agst Bob Peel—and 4to 1 agst Ruby, Bob Peel ma t k the running, followed for the fir s t quar t er of a mile by Nicholas• and then by Barrabbas, who gave way after passing the diss tance ; Nicholas took is place, was head and he d with Bob Peel at the corner of the stand, and in the same position at the end; indeed it was etre of the fairest dead heats Mr... Clark ever pronounced; Ruby and Barrabbss were a length behinds' and nearly neck and neck for the third I p ace. Second Heat. —r o b P eel cut out the work till near t h e dig t ance, when Nicholas went up, and, after a fine race, won • by a head. LATEST ST. LEGER BETTYNG 3 to 1 agst Marquis of Westminster's Lau=lot. 7 to 2 agst Lord G. Beutinek's • 16 to l'agst Marquis of The Shah. 20 to 1 agst General Yates's Gibraltar 20 to Y agst Duke of Cleveland's Theon ;