The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1833-01-08 00:00:00

• 1 • .112 trbt Etberpool Otanbarb. TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 8, 1833. AT a moment when such intense interest is excited in the public mind by the approaching Session of Parlia ment, when all are anxiously speculating as to the measures to be proposed for its sanction, and on which must hang the weal or woe of this great country—at such a moment, we need hardly offer an apology for re curring to the speech of Mr. Stanley at Lancaster. — Much as we admire the manliness of its tone, and entirely as we concur in many of his views, and in the arguments on which he grounds them, yet we cannot pass unnoticed some-of-those fallacies which have struck us most forcibly.—First in order, as it is in magnitude, is that unbounded tone of self-gratulation in which Mr. Stanley paints the satisfactory results of the Elections, at the date of his speech, already far advanced towards completion. When he refers us for the "removal of our apprehensions" to the returns from the populous towns, does he include in his triumphant list those of Messrs. Fielden and Cobbett, Brotherton, Buckingham, the gallant Col. Williams, and others too easily to be enumerated ? Does he add to these the returns from Ireland of full 50 Repealers, most of them destitute of legal as well as political qualifications, but amply pi ovided with all the requisites essential to agitators, and ready to throw the weight of their united clamour and their votes into that scale which, be it what it may, they deem most likely to promote their own dangerous and selfish pro jects?—Grant that this body will prove to be a portion only of the aggregate ;—still does Mr. Stanley not foresee the injury that may be effected by a dogged, clamorous, and compact phalanx, careless as to the fairness of the weapons used, and fighting on 'vantage ground, because opposed to a more scrupulous adversary ?—The reality of the triumph assumed from the Metropolitan returns we cannot admit. It was obvious that the Ministerial Candidates who rushed into. the field, Reform Act in hand, must prove too powerful for their opponents on this first occasion, from the mere fact of their having showered unexpected favors so liberally on the new constituencies, and having a consequently strong claim upon their gratitude,—gratitude as deep and lasting as that of him who thanks you for the alms that enable him to purchase the means of encompassing your life ! We assert confidently that, let the elective franchise rest even within its 'present limits, and the very, first stand that is niade.by Alinistersagainst further inroads on the consti tution, will be the date of their downfall in the favor of the metropolitan districts. Mr. Stanley admits that the ministerial measure not only fell short of the wishes of some, while it exceeded those of others,—wishes mutually sacrificed on the Altar of Reform ;—but that "it would have been much more consonant to his wishes and feelings if the reform had been commenced some twenty years ago—if carefully, and step by step, it had come to its present position."— Why then not have dated hii first " step" from the year 1831 ? Why not have adopted the bantling of the then Henry Brougham, and which had a few short weeks before been hugged in the arms of the Right Hon. Secretary and the then members of Opposition ? Why not afford its tender age the benefits of gradual and well matured growth, rather than force it prematurely into a mis-shapen monster? We require not that he should have adopted the course of his predecessors in office; but that he should have avoided bringing upon the . institutions of his . country those injuries which he laments that they have sustained by " a great and sudden change." We com plain not that he should have " made sail so as to start over the shoals ere the ebbing tide left him stranded"— but, to pursue his own beautiful metaphor—we do com plain that in avoiding Scylla he should have rushed into Charybdis ; that in crowding all sail, he should have strained the masts of the Constitutional Vessel, too soon, we fear, to go by the board It is, with. pleasure that we turn to the admirable expose given by the Right Hon: Secretary of the " falsely termed protection of the Ballot," and of the fallacy that prevails with regard to the supposed blessings of cheap corn :—would that we could extend our approba tion to the new ground he has assumed, in attempting to justify the part we have acted against Holland ; for we grieve to .see a British Statesman appealing to the interests of the manufacturers of this country, in order to palliate the enormity of wresting from another the right to navigate her rivers, and thus secure for us free access to the markets of Germany. The sincerity of Mr. Stanley's declaration, that the Government will offer its determined opposition to further changes in the Constitution , we doubt not;—but we do doubt its power to oppose them effectually.—Happy shall we be to find that we have misread the signs of the times; that Mr. Stanley's estimate of the new House of Com mons is not fonnded on his wishes rather than his judg meht ; and that his ship reaches her destination, heedless of the tempest that he has aided in gathering around her! LIVERPOOL DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL--That proved corruption should be followed by deprivation of the fran chise, was the principle of the anti-reformers, with Mr. Canning at their head, and was supposed to be held by them in common with the reforthers: • When, however, the scandalous election of 1830, was dogged by the disinterested efforts of Mr. Rigby Wason, and when the proposal to' inquire into the delinquencies of the Liverpool voters, was strenuously supported in the House of Commons, by the Marquis of Chandos and other anti-reformers, strange to say, their efforts were frustrated by the government, and subsequently by the vigilance, tact, and management (we use Mr. Shepherd's words) of Mr. Ewart, Proof was thus unhappily afforded, that it was not this demoralising character of elections—undoubtedly their grand' defect in the eyes of right-minded men—which had incited the cry for reform, but a desire for political change. In the election of May, 1831, the ,radical press trun peted forth; in its loudest notes, the' praises of the free men of Liverpool. They had atoned•for their fault—they THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. had redeemed their honour—had signalised themselves among the electors of England— their character would descend unblemished to posterity. The key-note of all these commendations, the sum and substance of their sense was—they had returned two 'reformers. Time passed on, and Lord . Sandon was chosen to fill Mr. Denison's place. His lordship was not, even then, deemed a thorough reformer. True, he was a man of business; he had earned high academical honours, and their promise was not falsified by his parliamentary career. But these qualifications were nothing, abso lutely nothing, to the radical press : though intending to vote for the bill, he was not considered a thick-and-thin ministerialist, and suddenly an oblivion of the glorious deserts of the Liverpool freemen swept over the minds of our radical editors, and sly reference to the delinquencies of 1830 began to be heard in whispers. The bill being now passed, Lord Sandon stands forth as a conservative;—and in that character is chosen, to the rejection of Mr. Thornely. The radical press instantly remembers its duty—wonders how it ever forgot the cor ruptions of November, 1830—sinks completely the glo rious expiation of May, 1831, and thunders forth against the freemen of Liverpool, its loudest and fiercest am. themas. Can anything be more sickening ? If the freemen had again truckled to the revolutionary faction, again that faction would have overlooked the corruptions of 1830. Their odour may be impure enough; but it is odd, that it should be less tolerable after the lapse of two years, than it was found after only six months had intervened to re-. move its offensiveness. Yes, freemen! so long as you will condesCend to wear the harness of the journalists, and to move at their bidding, you shall be lauded to the skies, be your vices what they may : but, beware of re turning to your ancient habits—beware of recollecting that friendly relatiai which subsists between you and your employers—beware of accepting the recommenda tion of a known and tried and faithful friend, instead of that tendered by a newspaper—beware, in short, of be ing influenced by gratitude, or by loyalty, or by attach ment—for, if you do not avoid these motives, you will be scouted and reviled as the scum of the earth by those same journals which, if you will but be obedient and obsequious, will coax you, and hug you, and say fine things of you again, once, twice, thrice, and as long as you please. We shall not be sorry to see the guilty punished. But we trust, that the labouring class in Liverpool will not be disfranchised as a body. That class has never been ade quately represented: and, under the new be less represented than ever. Besides which, they are a fitter constituency, taken generally, for this town, than the small shopkeepers, inasmuch as, through their masters, they have a more direct connection with those commer cial interests which give us our peculiar character. But, especially, observe the moral law of the radical press. Anti-reforming vice is perfectly odious to them; but reformzng vice is bearable enough. Observe, too, that the time when bribery became noto rious and well-nigh universal in Liverpool, was at the very first election when the master-tradesmen, no poli tical interest being involved, refrained from using their ancient and legitimate influence. THE BALLOT. —The pertinacity of Radicalism has exerted itself to the utmost, in pressing this theme of strife upon the public attention. The newspapers, having now become the principal vehicles of public information, have it in their power, up to a certain point, to determine the relative degrees of importance which different subjects shall be permitted to assume in the judgments and views of their readers, by laying upon them more or less stress, and by allotting to them notices more frequent or more rare, and space larger or more restricted, in their columns. In this manner, to no inconsiderable extent, they create the interest which they have described as already pre-existing: at the expence of truth, we admit? but this, unhappily, is no great objection, generally speaking, in the eyes of a journalist. It is obvious that these arts are now in full eXercise, among those active and indefatigable partisans who con duct the rovolutionary portion of the press, and who have favoured the Ballot with their peculiar patronage, as a measure calculated in an especial manner to change the character of our institutions, and of our people. It is likewise obvious, notwithstanding the delusion which the GOvernment papers strive to raise and propa gate on this subject, that the radicals are not, as a party, excluded from the parliament. Every balloter we think ourselves warranted in terming a radical ; and we con ceive, upon inspection of the returns, that England has returned not less than 60 or 70 decided balloters : to whom Ireland will add, between repealers and tithe-ex tinguishers, about fifty more : and Scotland, perhaps, ten. Here then we have a body of 120 or 130 persons ready to support ballot at once—whilst it has also received, at least, the conditional sanction of Lords Althorp and J. Rus sell—to whom, if he were worth mentioning at all, we might add Mr. P. 'Thompson. We propose then to give .a digest of the arguments upon tile Ballot: for it is desirable that a question so mischievous (as it appears to us) should be discussed and decided as speedily as possible. First, let us consider the pleas usually urged in its. favour. They are, that - - l. It would prevent intimidation ; 2. It would prevent bribery. I. Mr. Stanley has shown in .his speech at Lancaster, that intimidation would be but very partially obstructed by the ballot. How few persons would be able to keep their own secret perfectly close ! To effect it, a man must not only conceal his vote, but he must carefully avoid any ex pre-sion public or private, of opinion on politics, for where he does not, the vote will of course be inferred from the general complexion of his sentiments, and we shall have the far more severe and unmanly system of punishment tz pan bare suspicion, degrading to him who inflicts it, and oppressive to those who suffer under it from the ad, ditional evils of uncertainty, and the possibility of its falling upon those who, after all may not have committed the act for which they are punished. 2. As regards bribery, Ballot would be still more inef- IN the 'Liverpool Albion' of yesterday the followini passage occurs : "The writer in the STANDARD shrinks from the justi6• cation of his charge, and leaves the printer and publishe to bear all the consequences personal and pecuniary which may yet follow this malignant and cowardly atta on our editorial and individual character." The late correspondence between the editor of tbi A/biou and the publisher of .the Standard, is also gives in yesterday's Albion; from it we make the following extract of a letter addressed by the publisher of this pa per to the editor of our veracious contemporary. "I have no hesitation in saying, that for this and eve: other article which appears in the STANDARD, the wrt ters will hold themselves responsible." We presume it is unnecessary for us to remind oT readers that the charge, as it is termed, which we ma( against the editor of the Albion rested on his own admi, sion—that he had named a highly respectable gentlema as authority for a statement directly the reverse of wh; "he had not the slightest doubt" that gentleman i , tended to communicate. It is rather indiscreet in ti Albion to talk of prosecutions and such like. The ye article which gave rise'to our animadversions was a gro, and unfounded libel, for which the Editor may yet made responsible. The following declaration; signed by 418 Shipwrights of th, Town, has-we understand been handed to the Mayor. It woul be well were the other trades to follow the example of tiv Shipwrights, and show to the calumniators of the freemen, thr they have both the spirit to repel the unfOunded charges whit have been brought against them by the friends of Messrs. Ewl and Thornely, and also the determination to recollect the insults upon a future occasion. ' To the Worshipful' the Mayor, and Bailiffs, Returning o,fficers the Borough 4 . Liverpool. We, the undersigned, Shipwrights, Free Burgesses of Borough of Liverpool, respectfully beg to state, that we ha seen with great concern, a placard on the walls of th. Town, setting forth that vile and corrupt practices have be resorted to, at the late Election on the part of Lord Sandon Friends; and that we have been pointed out as men unworth to hold the Elective Franchise, because we took an active pai in the proceedings of the second day's polling, and because NI entertain different political opinions with those who we opposed to us on that occasion. • Now, we, the undersigned, Shipwrights, Free Burgesses this Ancient and Loyal Borough, do hereby declare, and ma known to you, that we never received any bribe, either money or promises, nor any fee or reward, during any part the late Election, for our votes, all of which we are ready declare in a more solemn manner, if required ; and, we firm. believe that the statement to which we refer is a gross calumn: sent forth by the radical press to m i s l ea d the legislature and tf country, with the view to wrest from the working Burgesses ti Elective Franchise, which has been enjoyed by them. and th‘ fore-fathers under various ancient and royal charters grant to this Borough, from the days of King John, to King Georg the Fourth of glorious memory. To Ships, Colonies, and Commerce, we are firmly attache( by them we obtain for ourselves and families the means maintenance ; and we will promote and maintain, as f ar as our power lies, the principles of our glorious Constsiutic because on them is founded the prosperity of Ships, Colonil and Commerce, and the strength of the nation, We are, __ ficacio us. On a. subject, of which we have had no experience whatever, of course, it becomes us to apply to history. The Roman republic affords an example much in point. Ballot was introduced there in decisions of all kinds, by the leges tabellarice, enacted from B. C. 139 to B. C. 123. It continued until the republic was enslaved by Caesar eighty-five years afterwards. Every one knows, that this was the golden age of bribery in Rome. Even criminal prosecutions, as well as political questions, were carried by bribes ; and in fact, this term of years very nearly embraces the whole period during which the Roman people were in process of demoralization, and which is held to commence about ten years only before the first of the Ballot laws. The mode was this. A can didate lodged in the hands of a third party a certain sum of money : to be paid if he gained his election : to be returned to him if he lost it. So habitual was this prac tice, that there were a sort of professional class of men appointed, thus to act as intermediate parties, and they were termed sequestors. Thus bribery was not only not prevented, but it was extended and systematised far be yond all former precedent. So much for the purifying effect of ballot—if, indeed, the evidence of history be preferable to the small talk of radical speculation. Mr. Ewart, at least, ought to know this, and to know that it is a formidable objection to his beloved Ballot. It was the ineffectual and noxious resource of a declining peo ple. Let us beware, how we enter into the same pre dicament. But there are other weighty considerations tobe urged as positive objections to the Ballot, independently of the refutation of the arguments in its favour. 1. Suppose it could effectually release the vote of the tenant from the controul of the landlord : what would be the consequence? Hitherto, gratitude for political sup port already received, and the desire to gain it again, has been a strong and obvious motive to landlords for cul tivating the affections of their tenants, perhaps at some pecuniary sacrifice. But by the Ballot, if it were an ef fectual screen, you would deprive the landlord of the means of acknowledigng kindness received: and, in any case, you would enable him, if so disposed, to evade this acknowledgment. The political connection of landtord and tenant is, we fearlessly assert, one of re ciprocal good will in ninety-nine cases out of a hun dred. .Destroying this connection, you destroy a bond of union, and thus far convert that kindly relation into one of mere profit and loss—the landlord striving to raise his rents to the uttermost, the tenant feeling himself ab solved from all obligation to gratitude. 2. But again ; what is the avowed object of the Bal lot ? Entirely to free the elector, in his individual ca pacity, from all controul whatever, except such as his own conscience may suggest ; altogether to remove from him all sense of shame, and the influence of public opi nion. He may volunteer a pledge, in order to curry favour with a wealthy individual—and then he may fal sify it: there is no degree of villainy which he may not commit, and he is vvholly released from the fear of pu nishment. That is, he has now the privilege once claimed by kings, certainly with more semblance of reason : that of exercising a power over the a f fairs of men wholly irresponsible to men. Is this to be endured ? Do we know what human nature is in ourselves, and can we believe that the nature of ten- pound householders t is so essentially different from that of other men, that they, and they alone, can be safely trusted with that irresponsible power, which is the bane and curse of all, but of none so much as those who hold it ? Even despots, however, though they claimed absolutism, could not hope for secrecy : they were open to the influence of shame. But absolute power with perfect secrecy, would indeed be a more monstrous combination than the world has yet seen. Therefore, supposing the object attain able, it is not desirable. The ground on which the disfranchising schedules were supported, was, that the franchise was a trust, not a pro perty.—But the argument of the balloters is, that the franchise is a property, not a trust. Under the system of ballot, says the Morning Chronicle (one of its ablest advocates,) of Jan. 2, the vote is " the unapproachable property" of the elector. A sudden and complete in version truly, of the Reforming doctrine! If the vote of 'the ten-pounder be a property, he may sell it : if it be a property, what is to become of the majority of the nation, who hold houses under £10? Have they no right to know how the vote is exercised ? Is not the privilege conferred for their sakes as much as for the sake of those who exercise it, and is it not kept from their hands simply on the ground, real or supposed, that others will use it for them to their more effectual benefit ? We come then to this conclusion. The demand for Ballot, if raised by the ten-pounders generally, which we are happy to say it is not, would be aflagitious stratagem to gain abso lute power, and a base conspiracy against the rights of the labouring classes. Ballot without universal suffrage would be a monstrous iniquity : and ballot with universal suffrage, how few are bold enough to propose ! 4. But the representative too, Mr. Stanley has shown in his speech, has a right to know who approves and who disapproves of his conduct. He is on his trial before his constituents: may he not challenge the jurors ? Under the ballot, he could not know what machinations were practised against him : and he would have a right to de mand an equal immunity, in the establishment of vote by ballot within the houses of parliament, as well as without them. 5. And this, it is evident, would be completely de structive of the spirit of our institutions, with which publicity is everywhere.interwoven ; destroy their pub licity, and you destroy their honesty ; for honesty cannot exist without the sense of shame: and the sense of shame cannot exist where there is no opportunity for its exercise and all such opportunity it is the manifest aim of the ballot to preclude. Most respectfully, Your very obedient, And humble Servants, Shipwrights Buildings, Bond-street, Dec: 31st., 1832. LONDON LATEST NEWS. (From our Correcpowle lit.) LONDON, Saturday half-past 7 o'clock. Since our last report events of great importance have occur red in the Money-market, Consols having advanced full 2 4ft cent. Yesterday, and this day, the activity of the market hr far exceeded that for 'many months past, and Consols for A count have touched to-day upon 88i. The closing price wi 88%. Exchequer Bills and India Bonds are both on the as vance, and the former have risen to 50 prem., the latter to 40 Our Foreign Stocks have as respects the Northern Bon exceedingly animated Belgian Stock has been done as hii as 78, closing at,7; 4. Dutch Bonds with the Dividends d ducted has been to-day at 41, aad left off at 44 and Russia, has been at 102,1, leaving off at 104. Danish Stock left at 711. The chief reason for the improvement has been t, state of the account in the Consol-market, the Bears havii over-sold themselves have' been compelled to re-purchase, a: this creating a demand has pr o p e ll e d C onso l s upwar d . general idea is also entertained that for the present at lea, all renewal of hoStilities is averted, and consequently th the Funds will continue to improve. We have had a 'Brazil mail in to-day with late dates fro Rio Janeiro, which brings, hotvever, nothing of any politic interest. The exchange on London was 30. Since our last a prospectus of a New Loan for Donna Mar has been issued, the sum required is .C3tX),OOO, for which st curity, in the shape of 50,000 pipes of wine, has been offero We believe no great amount has yet been subscribed. By the accounts from Presburg we learn that the Hungaria Diet was opened on the 18th ult., by the Emperor Francis, wl was expected to return to Vienna on the 20th. • In the report of the select committee of the House of Lord, appointed in the last session of Parliament, to inquire into tl state of our West India Colonies, which has just been publishe we find the value of each. Colony given as under : Jameca Barbados Antigua St. Christopher... Nevis . £58,125,298 9,089,630 4,364,000 3,783,800 1,750,100 Dominica... Trinidad.... Bahamas.... Bermudas... Honduras... X 3050,000 4,932,705 2,041,500 1,111,000 578.7 r Montserrat 1,087,440 St. Lucia, 2,529,000 Virgin Islands Grenada.... St. Vincent . . . 1,093,400 . 4,994,365 .. 4,006,866 Tobago . 2,682,92 Demerara &Essequibo 18,410,4! Berbice . 7,415,1 Making in the whole £131,052,424 sterling. Letters from Tampico state that General Santana had take possession of Guadaloupe, Tuenoya, and Chapultepac, an , had cut off the supply of water from the capital. No comet' nication was permitted with the city, and not a soul was allowe , to enter. General Montezuma had marched from the Val del Mois for San Luis. Business was completely at a stand Tampico, and confidence destroyed. By the letters from Paris we learn that the French Consu at the Carraccas, was about to negociate with the new goven. meat of Venezula, to effect an arrangement that French pro ducts instead of paying, as now, 8 to 1O per cent. customs' di ties more than those paid by England, Holland, or Americ, should only pay an equal proportion with those fixed on th , importations under any of those respective flags. TO CORRESPONDENTS. H. S.'s letter is forwarded to the proper authorities—it wow hardly be of sufficient interest for our readers generally. We recommend ScuuT ATou to transfer his letter to the Albion we do not bring charges against individuals, unless we ar , assured of their correctness. The insertion of REFORM'S letter would unnecessarily wound th , feelings of a meritorious officer of the parish. A FIFTY-POUND FREEHOLDER'S communication shall be inserte' if he will favour us with his name and address. We are much obliged to PODAGRAMBO, but we have ourselves so, as much on the subject of his letter as it at present merits. 'We do not believe J. S.—the thing is incredible. We thank JOHN BULLfOr his note. We have no doubt many our readers . will act as he . proposes to do, with regard to thi Poll-Book. LIVERPOOL ;—Printed on Tuesdays and Fridays, in Union Building , , John Street, and Published at No. 7, High-street, Exchange, 1' SAMUEL FRANCEYE, Stationer, of No. 7, Arson-street. O r d e rs and Advertisements are also received in London by Messrs. NEwTO , & Co., Warwick-square, Ncwgato-strect ; and Mr. Beautg, Fleet-street. i • so jug tifi• her try, a t ve i F ,„, - leil art our ade , tis• 'tan that i n • the erf .oss b e this, quid' the that bid' raft aese rs tr' ~. t iav th eh ''' 3n' Pa :wt 'il 7e worm. s of aka in t of y to mu WV, the the heir ~.....-.... l ted 43 )rge Led; ''.."" Ls of ,s in ion, Lies, • • lc. cur. . hats ~ Ac- ..."--"" waS ad- . la '—.___ 'yds sigh de- t sew Lian ' rem. o ff . eai t anr i b itg e t 14 ' 4, ..0 r r Gu : :hat 'rebt reeho' • ou , eases, ical ',' ed 32 i ife c o f aria e ten' se_ rPstsius re d. , incip. App, ian L Aso rds, MI the • Led, , e 0 : • ~.. C( ,001/ • rs ,705 jau( " ,500 000 ,760 110 b 000 , . 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