The Sun. — London, England, 1857-12-21 00:00:00

Was submitted by the President to the Senate on the following 10th Dec. Whether this treaty, in its original or amended form, would have accom plished the object intended without giving birth to new and embarrassing complications between the two Governments, may perhaps be well questioned. Certain it is, however, it was rendered much less objectionable by the different amendments made to it by the Senate. The treaty as amended was ratified by me on 12th March, 1857, and was transmitted to London for ratification by the British Government. That Government expressed its willingness to concur in all the amendments made by the senate, with the single exception of the clause mentioned as to Ruatan and the other islands in the Bay of Hondu ras. The article in the original treaty submitted to the senate, after the reciting that these islands and their inhabitants having bees by a convention bearing date the 27th Aug., 1856, between her Britannic Majesty and the Republic of Honduras, constituted and declared a free territory under the sovereignty of the said Republic of Honduras, sti pulated that the two contracting parties do hereby mutually engage to recognise and respect in all future time the independence and rights of the said free territory as a part of the Republic of Hon- duras. Upon an examination of this convention between Great Britain and Honduras of the 27th August, 1856, it was found that whilst declaring the Bay Islands to be a free territory under the sove reignty of the Republic of Honduras, it deprived that republic of rights, without which its sove reignty over them could scarcely be said to exist. It divided them from the remainder of Honduras, and gave to them their own legislative, executive, and judicial officers, elected by themselves. It deprived the Governor of Honduras of the taxing power in every form, and exempted the people of the islands from the performance of military duty except for their own exclusive defence. It also prohibited that republic from erecting fortifications upon them for their protection, thus leaving them open to invasion from any quarter ; and finally pro dded that slavery shall not at any time hereafter be permitted to exist therein. Had Honduras ratified thisconvention, she would have ratified the establishment of a state substan tially independent within her own limits, and a state at all times subject to British influence and eontroL Moreover, had the United States ratified the treaty with Great Britain in its original form, we should have been bound to recognise and respect in all future times these stipulations, to the prejudice of Honduras and in direct opposition to the spirit and meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer Treaty, as understood in the United States. The senate rejected the entire clause, and substi tuted in its stead a simple recognition of the sove reign right of Honduras to those islands in the fol lowing language :—" The two contracting parties do hereby mutually ety ' fwe to recognise and respect the islands of Ruatan,Eressena, and Morat, situate in the Bay of Honduras, and off the coast of the Republic of Honduras, as under the sovereignty, and as part of the said Republic of Honduras." Great Britain rejected this amendment, assigning as the only reason that the ratifications of the Con vention of the 27th August, 1856, between her and Honduras; bad not been exchanged, owing to the hesitation:4f that Government ; had this been done it stated-theifeter Majesty's Government would have had littleAgficulty in agreeinc , to the modification propoik4by the senate, which would have had in effect theLsame signification as the original wording. Whether this would have been the effect whether the circumstance of the exchange of the ratification of the British Convention with Honduras prior in point of time to the ratification of our treaty with Great Britain, would in effect have had the same signification as the original wording, and thus have nullified the amendment of the senate, may wall be doubted. It is perhaps fortunate that the question has never arisen. _ _ The British Government immediately after re jecting the treaty as amended proposed to enter into a new treaty with the United States, similar in all respects to the treaty which they had just refused to ratify, if the United States would consent to add to the senate's clear and unqualified recognition of the sovereignty of Honduras over the Bay Islands, the following conditional stipulati on :—" Whenever and so soon as the Republic of Honduras shall have concluded and ratified a treaty with Great Bri tain, by which Great Britain shall have ceded and the Republic of Honduras shall have accepted t hesaid islands, subject to the provisions and con ditions contained in such treaty." This propoiition was of course rejected. After the Senate hacVitefused to recognise the British convention with llonduras of the 27th August, 1856, with full knowledge of its contents, it was impossi ble for me, necessarily ignorant of the provisions and conditions which mighb bo Gor.tolvx.cl in a tn ture convention between the same parties, to sanc tion them in advance. The fact is, that when two nations like Great Bri tain and the United States—mutually desirous as they are, and I trust ever may be, of maintaining the most friendly relations with each other—have unfortunately concluded a treaty which they under !stand in senses directly opposite, the wisest course is to abrogate such a treaty by mutual consent, and to commence anew. Had thisbeen done promptly, all difficulties in Central America would most pro bably ere this have been adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties. The time spent in discussing the meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty would have been devotel to this praiseworthy purpose, and the task would have been the more easily ac complished because the interest of the two countries in Central America is identical, being confined to securing a safe transits over all the routes across the Isthmus. Whilst entertaining these sentiment', I shall nevertheless not refuse to contribute to any reason able adjustment of the Central American questions which is not practically inconsistent with the Ame rican interpretation of the treaty. Overtures for this purpose have been recently made by the British government in a friendly spirit, which I cordially reciprocate, but whether this renewed effort will result in succeis I am not yet prepared to express an opinion—a brief period will determine. CONTINENTAL POWERS. With France our ancient relations of friendship still continue to exist. The French government have in several recent instances, which need not be enumerated, evinced a spirit of goodwill and kind ness towards our country which I heartily recipro cate. It is, notwithstanding, much to be regretted that two nations whose productions are of such a character as to invite extensive exchanges and freest commercial intercourse should continue to enforce ancient.and obsolete restrictions of trade! against each other. Our commercial treaty with Franco is in this respect an exception from our treaties with all other commercial nations. It jealously levies dis criminating duties both on tonnage and on articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the one country, or when arriving iu vessels belonging to the other. More than forty years ago, on the 3d of March, 1815, Congress passed an act offering to all nations to admit their vessels laden with general produc tions into the ports of the United States upon the same terms with our own vessels, provided they would reciprocate to us similar advantages. This act confined the reciprocity to the productions of the respective foreign nations who hereby entered into the proposed arrangements with the United States. The act of May 24, 1828, reduced this re striction, and offered a similar reciprocity to all such vessels without reference to the origin of their cargoes. Upon these principles our commercial treaties and arrangements have been founded, ex cept with France, and let us hope that the excep tion may not long exist. Our relations with Russia remain, as they have ever been, on the most friendly footing. Tue pre sent emperor, as well as his predecessors, have never failed, when the occasion offered, to manifest their good will to our country, and their frieudship has always been highly appreciated by the government and people of the Un ted States. With all other European governments, except that of Spain, our relations are as cordial as we could desire. I regret to say that no progress whatever has been made, since the adjournment of the United States O angress, towards the settlement of any of the vai tnerous claims of our citizaus against the Spanish government. Besides that the outrage committed on our flag by the seas eff ' the Starting seas frigate Ferrolana, on the high Araeli t e zf Cuba, in March, lz .- 455, by firing into the mail steamer El Dorado, and derna,uding and aea ll ,, „e l d lelter, remains unacknow ledged and unredr e Spanish cro, tllO general tone and tem per of the rariaelit towards regred that of the United Stat s are much to Our present Env t o o y b E e x r t e r :?ge d (llll,4:ll. ai i l :u i y nibt uer Plenipotentiary is pose to send out a ne w minister . to 5 pur r special instructions on all question% vven, tween the two goverEments, with a deter m i n a tion to have them speedily and amicably a q ust.td, if this be possible. i 1 In the meantime, whenever our urgE s the ju s t c l a i m o f our citizens on the notice . of the Spanish government, he is met with the pleeetion that Congress have never made the appropriation_ recommended by President Polk, in annual message of De cem ber, 1847, to be paid to the Span ish government for the purpose of distribut ion among the claimants in the Imistid case. A simlar recommendation was made by my immediate pre decessor, in his message of December, 1853 ; and entirely concurring w i t h b ot h i n the opinion that this indemnity is justly duo under the treaty with Spain, of 27th Oct., 1795, I earnestly recommend 'IHE SUN, LONDON, MONDAV EVENING, Dge.EMEER 21, ISN't such an appropriation to the favourable cons idera- tion of Congress. PERSIA. A treaty of friendship and commerce was tOli• eluded at Constantinople on the 30th Dec., 1856, between the United States and Persia, the ratifica tions of which were exchanged at Constantinople on the 30th of June, 1857, and the treaty was pro claimed by the President on the 18th of August, 1857. This treaty, it is believed, will prove bene ficial to American commerce. The Shah has mani fested an earnest disposition to cultivate friendly relations with our country, and has expressed a strong wish that we should be represented at Tehe ran by a minister plenipotentiary, and I recommend that an appropriation be made for the purpose. CHINA. Recent occurrences in China have been un favourable to a revision of a treaty with that em pire of July 3, 1844, with a view to the security and extension of our commerce. The 24th article of this treaty stipulated for a revision of it in case experience should prove this to be requisite, in which case the two magistrates will at the expira tion of twelve years from the date of the said con vention treat amicably concerning the same by means of suitable persons appointed to conduct such negotiations. These twelve years expired on July 3, 1856 ; but long before that period it was ascertained that important changes in the treaty were necessary, and several fruitless attempts were made by the commissioner of the United States to effect those changes. Another effort was about to be made for the same purpose by our commissioner, in conjunction with the ministers of England and France ; but this was suspended by the occurrence of hostilities in the Canton river between Great Britain and the Chinese empire. These hostilities have necessarily interrupted the trade of whole nations with Canton, which is now in a state of blockade, and have occasioned a serious loss of life and property. Meanwhile the insurrection within the empire against the existing imperial dynasty still continues, and it is difficult to anticipate the result. - Gluier these circumstances, I have deemed it ad visable to appoint a distinguished citizen of Penn sylvania Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni potentiary to proceed to China, and to avail himself of any opportunities which may offer to effect changes in the existing treaty favourable to American commerce. He left the United States for the place of his destination in July last, in the war steamer Minnesota. Special ministers to China have also been appointed by the Governments of Great Britain and France. Whilst our minister has been instructed to oc cupy a neutral position in reference to the existing hostilities at Canton, he will cordially co-operate ' with the British and French ministers in all peace ful measures, to secure by treaty stipulations those just concessions to commerce which the nations of the world have a right to expect, and which China cannot long be permitted.,to withhold. From assur ances received I entertain no doubt that the three ministers will act in harmonious concert to obtain similar commercial treaties for each of the powers they represent. DIFFICULTIES WITH GRANADA. We cannot fail to feel a deep interest in all that concerns the welfare of the independent republics on our own continent, as well as of the empire of Brazil. Our difficulties with New Granada, which a short time since bore so threatening an aspect, are, it is to be hoped, iu a fair train of settlement in a manner just and honourable to both parties. The Isthmus of Central America, including that of Panama, is the highway between the Atlantic and Pacific, over which a large portion of the commerce of the world is destined to pass, and the United States are more nearly interested than any other nation in preserving the freedom and security of all the communications across this isthmus. It is our duty, therefore, to take care that they shall not be interrupted, either by invasions from our own coun try or by wars between the independent States of Central America. Under our treaty with New Granada, of the 12th December, 1846, we are bound to guarantee the neutrality of the isthmus of Panama, through which the Panama Railroad passes, as well as the rights of sovereignty and property which New Gra nada has and possesses over the said territory. The obligation is founded upon equivalents granted by the treaty to the government and people of the United States. Under these circumstances, I recommend to Congress the passage of an act autho rising the President in case of ne'iessity to employ the land and naval forces of the United States to carry into effect this guarantee of neutrality and protection. I also recommend similar legislation for the security of any other route across the Isthmus in which we may acquire an interest by treaty. FILLIBUSTERS' EXPEDITION. With the independentrepublics on this continent, it is both our duty v.ua OUr iu.torcct to cultivate the most friendly relations. ,We can never Joel indif ferent to their fate, and must always rejoice in their prosperity. Unfortunately, both for them and for us, our example and advice have lost much of their influence in consequence of the lawless expeditious which have been fitted out against some of them within the limits of our country. Nothing is better calculated to retard the ad vancement of our character as a nation than the toleration of such enterprises in violation of the law of nations. It is one of the first and highest duties of any independent state, in its relations with the members of the great family of nations, to restrain its people from acts of hostile aggression againet their citizens or subjects. The most eminent writers on public law do not hesitate to denounce such hostile acts of robbery and murder. Weak and feeble states, like those of Central America, may not feel themselves able to assert and vindicate their sights. The case might be different if expeditions were set on foot within our own territories to make private war against a powerful nation. If such expeditions were fitted out from abroad against any portion of our own country, to burn down our cities, murder and plunder our people, and change our govern ment, we should call any power on earth to the strictest account for not preventing such enormite=. Ever since the administration of General Wash ington acts of Congress have been in force to punish severely the crime of setting on foot a military ex pedition within the limits of the United States, to proceed from thence against a nation or state with whom we are at peace. The present Neutrality Act of April 28, 1818, is but little more than a collection of pre-existing laws. Under this act the President is empowered to employ the land and naval force, and the militia, for the purpose of preventing the carrying on of any such expedition or enterprise from the territories and jurisdiction of the United States, and the collectors of customs are authorised and required to detain any vessel in port when there is reason to believe she is about to take part in such lawless enterprises. When it was at first rendered probable that an attempt would be made to get up another unlawful expedition against Nicaragua, the Secret iry of State issued instructions to the marshals and dis trict attorneys, which were written and directed by Secretaries of War and the Navy to the appropriate army and navy officers, requiring them to be vigi lant and to use their best exertions in carrying into effect the provisions of the act 1818,- Notwith standing these precautions, the expedition has escaped from our shores. Such enterprises can do no possible gool to the country, but have already inflicted much injury both on its interests and its character. They have prevented peaceful emigration from the United States to the state' of Central America, which could not fail to prove highly beneficial to all the parties concerned. In a pecuniary point of view alone our citizens have sustained heavy losses from the seizure and closing of the transit route by the San Juxn between the two oceans. The leader of the recent expedition was arrested at New Orleans, but was discharged on giving bail for his appearance in the insufficient sum of 2,000 dots. I commend the whole subject to the serious at - ' tention of Congress, believing that our duty and our inter/at, as well as our national character re quire that we should adopt such measures as will be effectual in:restraining our citizens from committing such outrages. PARAGUAY. I regret to inform you that the President of Paraguay has refused to ratify the treaty between the United States and that state, as amended by the Senate, the signature of which was mentioned in the message of my predecessor to Congress at the opening of its session in December, 1853. The reason assigned for • this refusal will appear in the correspond nce herewith submitted. It bein g desirable to ascertain the fitness of the River La Plata and its tributaries for navigation by steam, the United States steamer Waterwuch, was sent thither for that purpose in 1853. This enter prise Wcl4 successfully carried on until February, 1855. Whilht in the peaceful prosecution of h.r voyage up the Parana river the steam was fired upon by Paraguayan forca. The fire was returned, but the Waterw;tch, which was of small force, and not designed foroffonsive operations, retreated from the confl:ct. The a decree PC ra;uay, o - / r o et f s t x h t e u p p r o e i s i id w e li t i i c t li of the attack was f 1 u o s e d t o e b w e a r s 1864 5 prohibiti ng f ore i gn vesse l s o f war f rom , 1 wag ing the r i vers o f th a t sta t e. 1 3 P araguay , howeve r the owner of but one bank of 1 the river of that name, the other belonging to Cor rientea, a state of the Argentine Confederation, the right of its government to expect that such a decree would be obeyed cannot be acknowledged. But the Waterwitch was not, properly speaking, a vessel of war. She wag a small steamer engaged in ~ enterprise, intendedtan for the advantage of l e t r i c 1 Under thew 8 I ara constrained to h 'a c l stat c t a s c l i e ma neralt acosuicitnel consider the attack upon her as unjustifiable, and as calling for satisfaction from the Paraguayan government. Citizens of the United States also, those who were established in business at Paraguay, have had their property seized and taken from them, and have otherwise been treated by the authorities in an in sulting and arbitrary manner which requires redress. Demands for this purpose will be made in a firm but conciliatory spirit. This will the more pro bably be granted if the Executive shall have authority to use other means in the event of a re fusal. This is accordingly recommended. THE SLAVERY QUESTION. It is unnecessary to state in detail the alarming •condition of the territory of Kansas at the time of may inauguration. The opposing parties then stood in hostile array against each other, and an accident might have re-lighted the flames of civil war. Besides, at this critical moment, Kansas was left rithout a governor, by the resignation of Governor G' nary. On the 19th of February previous the terri tcrnial legislature passed a law providing for the election of delegates on the first Monday in Sep tember, for the purpose of examining a constitution preparatory to admission into the United States. This law was in the main fair and just, and it is to bet regretted that all the qualified electors had not registered themselves and voted under its pro vision•s. At the time of the election for delegates, an exteneive organisation existed in the territory whose avowed. object it was, if need be, to put down the lawful government by force, and to establish a go vernment of their own under the so-called Topeka constitution, The persons attached to this revolutionary organisation abstained from taking any part in the election. The Act of the Territorial Legislature bad omitted to provide for submitting to the people the consti tution which might be framed by the convention, and in the excited state of public feeling through out Kansas an apprehension extensively prevailed that a design existed to force upon them a consti tution in relation to slavery against their will. In this emergency it became my duty, as it was my unquestionable right, having in view the union of all citizens in support of the territorial law, to express an opinion on the construction of its provisions. Concerningslavery, it has been the prin ciple of Congress neither to introduce it into any ter ritory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way. Under this Kansas was admitted as a state to be received into the union, with or without slavery, as their constitution might prescribe at the time of their admission. Did Congress mean by this language that the delegates elected to frame a constitution should have authority finally to decide the question of slavery, or did they intend, by leaving it to the people of Kansas, that they them selves should decide this question by a direct vote On this subject I confess I had never entertained a serious doubt, and therefore, in my instructions to Governor Walker of the 28th March last, I said that when a constitution shall be submitted to the people of the territory, they must be protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or against that instrument. A fair expression of the popular will must not be interrupted by fraud or violence. In expressing this opinion it was far from my intention to interfere with the decision of the people of Kansas either for or against slavery. This I have always carefully abstained from. Entrusteel with the duty of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed, my desire was that the people of Kansas should furnish to Congress the evidence required by the Organic Act, whether for or against slavery. And in this manner, on their passage into the Union in emerging from a condition of territorial depend ence into that of a sovereign State, it was their duty, in my opinion, to make known their will by the votes of the majority on the direct question whether this important domestic institution should or should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible mode in which their will could be authentically ascertained. The election of delegates to convention must necessarily take place in separate districts. From this cause it may readily happen, as has often been the case, that a majority of the people of the state or territory are on one side of a question, whilst a majority of the representatives from the several districts into which it is divided may be upon the other side. This arises from the fact that in some districts delegates may be elected by majorities, whilst in others those of different sentiments may receive majorities suffi , ciently great not only to overcome the votes given ' for the former, but to leave a large majority of the whole people in direct opposition to a majority •i the delegates. Besides, our history proves that in fluences may be brought to bear upon the represen tative sufficiently powerful to induce him to disre gard the will of his constituents. The truth is that no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the will of a majority of the people of any state or territory about an important and ex citing question like that of slavery in Kansas, ex cept by leaving it to a direct vote. How wise then was it for Congress to pass over a subordinate and intermediate agency, and proceed directly to the source of all legitimate power under our institu tions. How vain would another principle prove is practice ! This may be illustrated by the case of Kansas, should she be admitted into the union with a constitution maintaining or abolishing slavery against the sentiments of the people. This could have no other effect than to continue to ex isperate the existing agitation during the brief period re quired to make the constitution conform to the irresistible will of the majority. The friends and supporters:of the Nebraska and Kansas Act when struggling on a recent occasion to sustain its wise provisions before the great tri bunal of the American people, differed about its true meaning on this subject. Everywhere through out the Union they publicly pledged their faith and honour that they would cheerfully submit the ques tion of slavery to the decision of the bona fide people of Kansas without any restriction or quali fication whatever. All were cordially united upon the great doctrine of popular sovereignty, which is the vital principle of our free institutions. Had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be in sufficient compliance, with the requisi tions of the organic law for the members of a con vention thereafter to be elected to withhold this question of slavery from the people, and to substi tute their own will for that of legally-ascertained majorities of all their constituents, it would have been instantly rejected. Everywhere they remained true to the resolution adopted on a cele brated occasion, recognising the right of the people of the territories including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, whenever the number of its inhabitants justifies it, to form a con stitution with or without slavery, and be ad mitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. The Convention to frame a constitution for Kansas met on the fifth Monday of September last. They were called to gether by virtue of ,tri act of the territorial legisla ture, whose lawful existence had been recognised by Congress in different forms and by different enactments. A large portion of the citizens of Kansas did not think proper to register their names and to vote at the election for delegates, but an opportunity to this having been fairly afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of their right could in no manner affect the liabilities of the Convention. This Convention proceeded to frame a constitu tion for Kansas, and finally adjourned on the 7th day of November. But little difficulty occurred in the Convention, except on the subject of slavery. The truth is that the general provisions of our recent state constitutions are so similar, and I may say so excellent, that the difference between them is not essential. Under the earliest characteristic action of the Government, no constitution framed by the Convention of a territory preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State, had been sub mitted to the people. I trust, however, the example set by the last Congress, of requiring that the con stitution of Minnesota ould be subject to the ap proval and ratification of the people of the proposed State, may be followed on future occasions. I took it for granted that the Convention of Kan sas would act in accordance with this example, founded, as it is, on correct principles ; and hence my instructions to Governor Walker in favour of submitting the constitution to the people, were ex pressed in general and unqualified terms. In the Kansas Nebraska Act, this requirement, so accept able to the whole constitution, bad not been in sorted, and the Convention were not bound by its terms to submit anyother portion of the instrument to au election except that which relates to the do mestic institution of slavery. This will be rendered cle sr by a simple reference to its language. It wa , not to legislate slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their do mestic institutions in their own way. According to the plain construction of the sentence, these have an appropriate reference to slavery. Do mestic institutions are limited to the family. Tne relation between master and slave, and a few others, are domestic institutions, and are en tirely distinct' from institutions of a political cha racter. Besides, there was no question then before Congress, nor has there since been any serious ques tion befose the people of Kansas, of the country, except that which relates to the domestic institu tion of slavery. The Convention, afarr an angry and excited de bate, finally determined, by a majority of two, to submitthe question of slavery to the people. Though at the last 43 of the 50 delegates present affixed their signatures to the constitution, a large majority of the Convention were in favour of establishing sla very in Kansas. They accordingly concerted an article in the constitution for this purpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by other ter ritorial conventions. In the schedule providing for the transition from a territorial to a state govern ment, the question has been fairly and explicitly referred to the people whether they will have a con stitution with or without slavery. It declares that before the constitution adopted by the Convention shall be sentto Congress for admission into the Union as a state, and election shall be held to decide this ques tion, at which the white male inhabitants of theter ritory above the age of 21, are entitled to vote. They are to vote by ballot, and that the ballot passed at the said election shall be endorsed " Constitution with Slavery," and " Constitution with No Slavery." If there be a majority in favour of the Constitution with Slavery, then it is to be transmitted to Con gress by the President of the Convention in its ori ginal form ; on the contrary, if there be a majority of Constitution with No Slavery, then the article providing for slavery shall be stricken from the con stitution by the President of the Convention ; and it is expressly declared that no slavery shall exist in the state of Kansas, except that the right of pro perty in slaves nowin the territory shall in no man ner be interfered with; and, in that event, it is made his duty to have the constitution thus ratified transmitted to the Congress of the United States, for the admission of the State into the Union. At this election every citizen will have an oppor tunity of expressing his opinions by his vole whe ther Kansas shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, and thus the exciting ques tion may be peacefully settled in the very mode required by the organic law. The election will be held under legitimate authority, and if any portion of the inhabitantsshould refuse to vote, a fair oppor tunity to do so having been presented, this will be their owu voluntary act, and they alone will be re sponsible for the consequence. Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave state must, under some au thority, be decided by an election, and the question can never be more clearly or distinctly presented to the people than it is at the present moment. Should this opportunity be rejected, she may be involved for years in domestic discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can make up the issue now so fortunately tendered, and again reach the point she has already attained. Kansas has for some years occupied too much of the public attention. It is high time this should be directed to far more important objects. When once admitted into the Union, whether with or with out slavery, the excitement beyond her own limits will speedily pass away, and she will for the first time be left, as she ought to have been long since, to manage her own affairs in her own way. If her con stitution, on the subject of slavery or any other subject, be displeasing to a majority of the people, no human power can prevent them from changing it withina brief period. Under these circumstances it may well be questioned whether the peace and quiet of the whole country are not of greater im portance than the mere temperary triumph of either political party in Kansas. Should the constitution without slavery bo adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of property in slaves now in the territory aro then re served. The number of these is small, but if it were greater the provision would be equally just and reasonable. These slaves were brought iato the territory under the constitution of the United States awl are now the property of their masters. This poin t has at leng th been finally decided by the highest judicial tribunal of the country, and this on the plain principlethat when the confederacy of the sovereign states acquire a new territory at their joint expense both equality and justice demand that the citizens of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is recognised as proper tyby the common constitution. To have summarily confiscated the property in slaves already in the territory would have been an act of gross injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older states of the Union which have abolished slavery. THE MORMONS IN UTAH. A territorial Government was established for Utah by act of Congress, approved Sept. 9, 1850, and the constitution and laws of the United States were thereby extended over it, so far as the same or any provisions thereof may be applicable. This act provides for the appeintment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, with a governor who was to be ex officio superin tendent of Indian affairs, a secretary, three judges of the Supreme Court, a marshal, and a district attorney. Subsequent acts provided for the ap pointment of the officers necessary to extend our land and our Indian system over the territory. Brighain Young was appointed the first governor on the 20th of September, 1850, and has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor Young has been both governor and superintendent of Indian affairs for this period he has been at the same time the head of the church called. the Latter -day Saints, and professes to govern its members and dispose of their property by direct inspiration and authority from the Almighty. His power has been therefore absolute over both church and state. The people of Utah almost exclusively belong to this church, andlbelieving out of a fanatical spirit, that he is governor of the territory by divine appoint ment, they obey his commands as if they were direct revelations from heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that his government shall come into collision with the government of the 'United States the members of the Mormon Church will yield implicit obedience to his will. Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is his determination. Without entering upon a minute history of occurrences, it is sufficient to say that all the officers of the lnited States, judicial and executive, with the single exception of two Indian agents, have found it necessary for their own personal safety to withdraw from the territory, and there no longer remains any government in Utah but the despotism of Brigham Young. This being the condition of affairs in the terri tory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As chief executive magistrate I was bound to restore the supremacy of the constitution and laws within its limits. In order to effect, this purpose I ap pointed a now governor and other federal officers for Utah, aid sent with them a military force for their protection, and to aid as- a posse cotnitatas in case of need in execution of the laws. With the religious opinion of the Mormons, as long as they remained mere opinions, however de plorable in themselves and revolting to the moral and religious sentiments of all Chistendom, I had no right to interfere. Actions alone, when in vio lation of the United States, become the legitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. My instructions to Governor Cummin ; have, there fore, been framed in strict accordance with these principles. pewas employing the military indulged in that no ne A ee t ssi t t h y at m d ig a h to t a hope for in restoring an d maintaining the authority of the law, but this hope has now vanished. Governor Young has by proclamation declared his determination to maintain his power by force, and has already committed acts of hostility against the United States. Unless he should retrace his steps the territory of Utah will be in a state of open re bellion. He has committed these acts of open hostility, although Major Van Vliet, an officer of the army, was sent to Utah by the commanding general to purchase provisions for the troops, had given him the strongest assurance of the peaceable intentions of the Government, and that the troops would only be employed as a posse comitattcs when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execu tion of the laws. There is reason to believe that Governor Young has long contemplated this result. He knows that the continuance of his despotic power depends upon the exclusion of all settlers from the territory e xce pt those who will acknow ledgehis divine mission, and implicitly obey his will, and that an enlightened public opinion there would soon prostrate institutions at war with the laws both of God and man. He has, therefore, fir several years, in order to maintain his in dependence, been industriously employed in collecting and fabricating arms and munitions of war, and in disciplining the Mormons for military service. As superintendent of Indian affairs he has had an opportunity of tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting their hostile feelings against the United States. This, according to our information, he has accomplished iu regard to some of those tribes, while others have remained true to their allegiance, and have communicated his intrigues to our Ind ian agen ts. He hes laid in a store of provisions for three years, which, in case of necessity, as he informed Major Van Vliet, he will conceal, and then take to the mountains and bid defiance to all the powers of the government. A great part of all this may be idle boasting, but yet no wise government will lightly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by such freez . ed fanati , ion as exists among the Mormons, in Utah. This is the filet rebellion which has existed in our territories, and humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last. To trifle with it would be to encourage it and to render it formidable. We ought to go there with such an imposing force as to con vince these deluded. people that resistance w ould be vain, and thus spa r e the effusion of bloo d. We can in this m anner b e st convince them that we are their f r i en d s , an d not their enemies. In order to accomplish this object it will be neces sary, according to the estimate of the War Depart ment, to raise four additional regiments, and this I earnestly recommend to Congress. At the pre sent moment of depeeision in the revenues of the country, I am sorry t o b e obliged to recomm end such measures ; but I f e el confident of the support the of Congress, cost what it may, in suppressing insurrection and in restoring and maintaining the sovereignty of the constitution and laws in the ter ritory of Utah. I recommend to Congress establishing a territorial government over Arizona, connecting with it such portions of New Mexico as they may deem expe dient. I need scarcely adduce arguments in support of this recommendation. We are bound to protect the lives and the property of our citizens inhabiting Arizona, and these are now without any efficient pi otection. Their present number is already con siderable, and isprobably increasing, notwithstand ing the disadvantages under which they labour. Besides, the proposed territory is believed to be rich in the elements of mineral and agricultural wealth, especially in silver and copper. - The mails of the . United States to California are now carried over it throughout its whole extent, and this route is known to be the nearest, and believed to be the best to the Pacific. MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS. Long experience ha,sdeeply convinced methat a strict construction of the powers granted to Congress is the only true as well as the only s•ife theory of the constitution. While this principle shall guide my public conduct, I consider it clear that under the war-making power Congress may appoint and ap propriate money for the construction of a military road through the territories of the United States when this is absolutely necessary for the defence of any of the public States against foreign inva sion. The constitution has conferred upon Con- gress power to declare war, to raise and support armies, to protect and maintain a navy, to call forth tho militia, to repel invasions. These high sovereign powers necessarily involve important duties, and among them there is none so sacred and so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion of a foreign enemy. The constitution has therefore, left the powers of government on this point to construction, but expressly requires that the United States shall protect each of them against invasion. Now, if a military road over our own territories be indispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel the invaders, it• follows as a necessary conse quence not only that we possess the power, but it is our imperative duty to construct such road. It would be an absurdity to invest a government with the unlimit2d power to make and conduct war and at the same time deny to it the only means of reaching and defending the frontiers. Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot protect California and our Pacific territories against invasion. We cannot expect by any other means to transport men and munitions of war from At lantic states in sufficient time successfully to defend these remote and distanif portions of the republic. Experience has proved that the routes across the isthmus of Central America are at best a very un certain and unreliable mode of communication ; but even if this were not the case they would at once be closed against us in the event of war with a naval power so much stronger than our own as to enable it to blockade the ports at either end of these routes. After all, therefore, we can only rely upon a mi litary road through our own territories, and ever since the origin of the government Congress has been in the practice of appropriating money from the public treasury for the construction of such roads. The difficulties and the expense of the constructing a military road to connect our Atlantic and Pacific states have been greatly exaggerated. The distance on the Arizona route, near the 32d parallel of north latitude, between the western boundary of Texas on the Rio Grande, by the eastern boundary of California on the Colorado, from the best explora tions now within our knowledge, does not exceed 470 miles, and the face of the country is in the main favourable. Fur obvious reasons the government ought not to undertake such a work itself by means of its own agents. This ought to be committed to other agen cies which Congress might assist either by grants of land or money, or by both, upon such terms and conditions as they may deem most beneficial for the country. Provision might thus be made not only for the safe, rapid, and economical transportation of troops or munitions of war, but also of the public mails. The commercial interests of the whole country, both east and west, would be greatly improved by such a road, and, above all, it would be a powerful additional bond of union ; and although advantages of this kind, whether postal, commercial, or politi cal, cannot confer constitutional power, yet they may furnish auxiliary arguments for expediting a work which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced within the war-making power. For these reasons I commend to the friendly considerationof Congress the subject of the Pacific Railroad, without finally committing myself to any particular route. THE PUBLIC FINANCE. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will furnish a detailed statement of the condition of the public finances, and of the respective branches of the public service devolved upon that department of the Government. By 6is report it appears that the amount of re venue received from all sources into the Treasury duringthe fiscal year ending 30th June, 1857, was 68,631,513 dols. 67c., which amount, with the ba lance of 19,901,325 dole. 45c. remaining in the Treasury at the commencement of the year, made an aggregate for the service of 88,532,839 dole. 12c. The public expenditure for the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1857, amounted to 70,822,724 dole. 85c. of which 5,943,896 dole. 91c. were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, leaving in the treasury at the com mencement of the present fiscal year on let July, 1857, 17,710,114 dole. 27c. The receipts into the treasury for the first quarter of the present fiscal year commencing Ist July, 1857, wore 20,929,819 dols. 81c., and the estimated re ceipts of the remaining three quarters to 30th June, 1858, ara 36,750,000 dole., making, with the bal ance before stated, an aggregate of 75,389,934 dole. Bc. for the service of the present fiscal year. The actual expenditure during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, was 23,714,528 dole. 37c., of which 3,895,232 dols. 39c. were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium. The probable expenditure of the remaining three-quarters, to 30th June, 1858, is 51,248,530 dole. 4c., including interest on the pub lic debt, making an aggregate of 74,963,058 dole. 41c., leaving an estimated balance in the treasury at the close of the present fiscal year, of 426,875 dols. 67c. Time amount of the public debt at the commence ment of the present fiscal year is 29,060,386 dole. 29c., leaving a balance unredeemed at this time of 25,165,154 dole. 51c. The amount of estimated expenditure for the remaining thy ea-quarters of the present fiscal year will in all probability be increased from the causes set forth in the report of the Secretary. His sug gestion, therefore, that authority should be given to supply any temporary deficiency by the issue of a limited amount of Treasury notes, is approved, and I accordingly recommend the passage of such law. As stated in the report of the Secretary, the tariff of March 3, 1857, has been in operation for so short a period of time, and under circumstances so un favourable to a just development of results as a revenue measure, that I should regard it as inex pedient, at least for the present, to undertake its revision. m f The me av o o t o f h t e i ho r h ot m e e w F t hhce commend the a et end reports r G t e o n e t n i r h a a e l e u t the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, of the In contain valuable and important information and suggestions, r y a bab by ° consideration of Congress. I have already recom mended the raisins , of four additional regiments, presents and the report of the Secretary of War strong. reasons proving this increase of the army under existing, circumstances to be indispensable. I wßildicall the special attention of Congress to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy in favour of the construction of ten small war vessels of light draught. For some years the Government has been obliged on many occasions to I hire such steamers from such t e o t i r . an and s which individuals to supply its pressing wants. At the present moment we have no armed vessels in the navy which can pene trate the rivers of China. We have but a few which can enter any of the harbours south of Norfolk, although many millions of foreign and domestic commerce annually pass in and out of these har bours. Some of our most valuable points are thus left exposed. This class of vessels of light draught, great speed, and heavy guns would be formidable in coast defence. The cost of their construction will not be great, and they will require for them but a comparatively small expenditure to keep them in eommis,iion. In time of peace they will prove as effective as much larger vessels, and often more useful. One of them should be at every station where we maintain a squadron, and three or four should b 3 constantly employed on our Atlantic and Pacific coast. Economy, utility, and effi ciency combine to recommend them. as rlmost indispensable. Ten of these small vessels' would be of incalculable advantage to the naval service, and the whole cost of their con struction would not exceed 2,300,000 dc's. The report of the Secretary of the Interior is worthy of treat consideration. It treats of the numerous and diversified branches of domestic ad ministration entrusted to him by law. Among these the most prominent are the public lands and our relations with the Indians. Our system for the disposal of the public lands, originating with the Fathers of the Republic, has been improved, as e xperience pointed the way, and gradually ad %pted to the growth and settlement of our - western states and territories. It has worked well in practice. Already thirteen states and seven territories hvio been carved out of these lands, and still more than a thousand million of acres remain i favourable consideration the interest of the pe; ph) unsold. What a boundless project th's presents to of this district. Without a representative on the our country for great future prosperito and power. floor of Congress they have, for this very reason, We have heretofore disposed of 363,862,464 acres peculiar claims upon our just regard. To this I of public lands. While the public lands are a source know, from my long acquaintance with them, they of revenue, are of great importance, their import- are eminently entitled. ance is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy (Signed) JAMES BUCHANAN. and independent race of honest and industrious Washington, Dec. 8, 1857. citizens, who desire to subdue and cultivatethe soil. They ought to be adminst ered mainly with a view of promoting this wise and benevolent policy. In appropriating them for any other purpose, we ought to use even greater economy than if they had been converted into money, and the proceeds were already in the public treasury. To squander away this richest and noblest inheritance which any people have ever enjoyed upon objects of doubtful constitutionality or expediency, would be to violate one of the most important trusts ever committed to any people. Whilst Ido not deny to Congress the power when acting bona fide as a proprietor to give away portions of them for the purpose of increasing the value of the remainder, yet, considering the great temptations to abuse the power, we cannot be too cautious in its exercise. Actual sellers under existing laws' are protected in their right of pre emption to the extent of a quarter section of 160 acres of laud. The remainder may be disposed of at public or private sale. Speculation has of late years prevailed to a great extent in the public lands. The consequence has been that large por tions of them have become the property of in dividuals and companies, and that the price has greatly enhanced to those who desire to purchase for actual settlement. In order to limit the area of speculation as much as possible the extinction of the Indian titles and the extension of public surveys ought to keep pace with the tide of emigration. If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sec • tions of States or companies, as they have done heretofore, I recommend that the intermediate sec tions retained by the government should be subject to preemption by actual settlers. It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve our public lands as much as may be for the actual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall' thus not only best promote the prosperity of the new states and terri tories and the powers of the Union, but shall secure homes for our posterity for many generations. The extension of our limits has brought within our jurisdiction many additional and populous tribes of Indians ; large proportions of which are wild, 'intractable, difficulty of control. Predatory and warlike in their disposition and habits, it is impos sible altogether to restrain them from committing aggressions on each other, as well as upon our frontier and territories. Expensive military expeditions are frequently necessary to over awe and chastise the more lawless and hos• tile. The present system of making them valuable presents to influence them to remain at peace has proved ineffectual. It is believed to be the better policy to colonise them in suitable localities, where they can receive the rudiments of education, and be gradually induced to adopt habits of industry. So far as the experiment has been tried it has worked well in practice, and it will doubtless prove to be less expensive than the present system. The whole number of Indians within our territorial limits is believed to be e -- from the best data in the Interior department— about 325,000. The tribes of Cherokees, Choctaws, Chicksaws, and Creeks, settled in the territory sot apart for them west of Arkansas are rapidly ad vancing in education and in all the arts of civilisa tion and self-government, and we may indulge the agreeable anticipation that at no very distant day they will be incorporated into the Union as one of the sovereign states. It will he seen from the report of the Postmaster General that the Post-office Department still con tinues to depend on the Treasury, as it has com pelled to do for several years past, for an important portion of the means of sustaining and extending its operations. Their rapid growth and extension are shown by a denominal statement of the number of post. offices and s the length of post roads, com mencing with the year 1827. In that year there were 7,000 post-offices ; in 1837, 11,177 ; in 1847, 15,140 ; and in 1857 they numbered 26,586. This y ear 1,725 post-offices have been established and 704 discontinued, leaving a net increase of 1,021. The postmasters of 368 offices are appointed by the President. The length of post roads in 1827 was 105,336 miles ; in 1837, 141,242 miles ; in 1847, 153,818 miles ; and in the year 1857, there are 242,601 miles of post road, including 22,530 miles of railroad on which the mails are transported. The expenditures of the department for the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1857, as adjusted by the auditor, amounted to 11,507,670 dole. ; to de fray these expenditures there was placed to the credit of the department on the 7th July, 1856, the sum of 789,599 dollars. The gross revenue of this year, including the annual allowances for the tra.nportaaion of free mail matter, produced 8,053,951 dollars, and the remainder was supplied by the appropriation from the treasury, 2,250,000 dollars granted by the act of Congress, approved August, 1856. and by the appropriation of 66,883 dollars made by the act of March 3, 1857, leaving 252,763 to be carried to the credit of the depart ment in the accounts of the current year. I com mend to your consideration the report of the de partment in relation to the overland mail from the Mississippi river to gan Francisco, California. The route was selected with my full concurrence as the one in my judgment best calculated to attain the the important object contemplated by Congress. The late disastrous monetary revolution may have one good effect, should it cause both the Go vernment and the people to return to the practice of a wise and judicial economy both in public and private expenditures. An over flowing treasury has led - to habits of prodi gality and extravagance in our legislation it has induced Congress to make large appropria tioni to objects for which they never would have provided had it been necessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxation or by loans. We are now compelled to pause in our career, and to scruinise our expendi tures with the utmost vigilance, and in performing this duty I pledge my co-operation _to the extent of my constitutional competency. It ought to be ob served at the same time that true public economy does not consist in withholding the means necessary to accomplish important national objects entrusted to us by the constitution, and especially such as may be necessary for the common defence. In the present crisis of the country it is our duty to con fine our appropriations to objects of this character unless in cases where justice to individuals may demand a different course. In all cases care ought to be taken that the money granted by Congress shall be rightfully and economically applied. Under the federal constitution every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall before it becomes a law, be approved and signed by the President ; and if not approved, he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it originated. In order to perform this high and responsible duty, sufficient time must be allowed the President to read m a i l d . examine every bill presented to him fora pprov Unless this be afforded, the constitution becomes a t dead letter in this particular , a nd even worse, becomes a means of deceptio n. Our constituent i s, seeing the President's approval and signature at tached to each act of Congress, are induced to be lieve that he has actually performed this duty when in truth nothing is, iu many cases, more utifosnded: From the practice of Congress, such an examination of each bill as the constitution requires has been rendered impossible. The most important business of each session is generally crowded into its last sittings, and the all erna tive p resented to the Pre sident is either to violate the constitutional y which he owes to the p eo p le, and approve bills which for want of time it is impossible . he sho . uld have examined, or by his refasal to do this, subject the country and individuals to . great loss and incon venience. Bes ides, a practice has grown up of l a te times to advi se me in appropriation bills at the last hours of the session ou new and impor tant subjects. This practice constrains the Presi dent either to suffer measures to become laws which he does not approve, or to incur the risk of stop ping the wheels of the Government by voting an appropriation bill. Formerly such bills were con fined to specitie appropriation for carrying into effect existing laws and the well-established policy of the country, and little time was then left, to the Presi dent for their examination. For my own part I have delibera'ely d.eterinined that I shall approve of no bill which I have not examined, and it will be a case of extreme and most urgent necessity which shall ever induce me to depart from this rule. I therefore, respectfully, but earnestly, recommend that the two houses would allow the President at least two days previous to the adjournment of each session, within which no new bill shall be presented to him for approval. Under the existing joint rule one day is allowed, but the rule has been hithei to constantly suspended in practice that important bills continue to be presented to Melte the very last mo ment of the session. In a large majority of caqes no great public inconvenience can 11,1 iso from the want of time to examine their prov isions, because the constitution has declared that if a bill sonted to the President within the last ten be pro hr n days of the session he is not required. to return, a It with a veto, ill which case it shall be may then lay over, and be taken up An d p assed at the next session. Great inconvenience would be experienced in regard to appropriation bills; but, fortunately, under the late exc ellent law allowinga or salary instead of a p teT to members of Congress the expense and inconvenience of a so-called session will bo greatly reduced. I cannot conclude without compaeuding to your THE BELGIAN ELEC (lONS. * This is an allusion to the Emperor Henry IV. of Ger• many . , who, being pen clothed in itentials, waited three daysin the court of the castle of Canossa befor e be was admitted to the presence of the Sovereign P ontiff Gregory VII. The castle belonged to Mathilda, the Margiavine of Tuscany, who was on remarkably intimate terms with hit Holiness. ______-........ VIENNA, DEC. 16. A leading article on the result of - Ore Belgian election, which is in the Oesterreichische Zeitung of this day is calculated to produce a deeper impres sion on the minds of the Austrians, as well of high as of low degree, than all the pastoral letters and Jesuitical homilies which have been addressed to - them since the conclusion of the Concordat. The article is too long to be transferred to your Columns, but the following extract will convey its mean ing :—" Although the Papal Government, if unaided, would not be able to maintain possession of its territories, it has recently obtained victories equal to those obtained by Gre gory VII., Innocent 111. and Sixtus V. The policy of the Papal See in 1847 gave such offence to the great Catholic Powers that it appeared as if a long time must elapse before the Church could regain its influence ; but she is as powerful, in fluential, and triumphant as she was in the tunes of Louis XIV. If a great event had not a for days since occurred in a small State, the world would have been justified in believingthat thewheel of history was moving backward, and would not come to a stand until it reached the court-yard of Canossa, where temporal power was trod under foot by spiritual authority.* The issue of the Belgian elections is neither a simple party' triumph nor an occurrence of mere local importance. It is a rgreat historical event, which goes far to prove that the successes of the Church during the last 10 years have not been obtained over the masacs of the people. The word Ultramontane' can be applied to single men, and even to classes, but not to nations. In Sardinia, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, France, on the Rhine, in Austria, and' even in the domains of the Church, the great masses ..of the people are not Ultramontanists. To the Ultra montane party belong many men of high in tellect, pure character, and elevated position, but still it has singularly little real power. Victories obtained over the masses are generally durable in their effects, but not so victories obtained over individuals or classes. If the result of the elec tions had proved that the Belgian nation V' proved of the policy of the ultra-Catholic party, it would have been a tremendous triumph for Rome. The reverse ,was the case, and cens° - quently Rome has suffered a tremendous defeat. L Ultramontanism may find supporters in Universi ties, in Governments, and in palaces, but sooner or later it must give way to the opposition offered by the masses of the people, with whom it finds no favour." Country Markets. DALKEITH GRAIN MARKET—DR°. 17. Qrs. Best. Current. Info' lor 327 Wheat 50s Od. 37s 71(1 ......... 24s Od_. 1383 Oats 1156 Barley 34s 4d 26s End ......... 17s Od 45 Peas & beans 37s Od 3ss 4d ......... 33s Id HADDINGTON GRAIN MARKET—DM. seer WHEAT. I BARLEY I OATS. I BIABfb Fi rs t 473 Od 34s Od 25s 6d 429 Oil Second 3 Bs 5d 1 28s id 121 s 10d 134 2d Third 2Bs Od 1 22s Od I 18s 6d I 30s Od Total quantity of whe at in market, 485 qrs., 391 sold PP barley „ 848 qrs., 834 sol d PP PP /0 oats 9; 421 qrs., 407 sol d til 90 beans ps 132 qrs., 93 sold AVERAGES PER IMPERIAL QUARTER. Wheat, IL 18 6 4-12ths 1 Barley, —l/. 8 1 4-12tbe Oats, ... li. 8 1 4.l2ths 1 Beans, 11. 14 2 10.12tbi ABERDEEN—DEc. 18. Potato oats 18s Od to 19s Od 1 401bs er bushel Common oats 17 s 6 d to 18a Od Bere 23s Od to 25s Od 1 531 b, Barley 23 s Od to 25s Od I Wheat, red (spring)3os Od to 33a Od } 62110 „ , white 3os Od. to 455 Od p P :lr r sack. Flou r Oatmeal ' 39515 s 0 0 d d t t o co 4 1 , 1 0 0 d d Beef, per lb .......... . . ti ov to ist o o d N i AL u i t Mutton, p e r lb ...... 6d t o Oct 9d Eggs, p doz. is ld to is 24 r Butter, p lb. is Od to is 14 Lamb, 4:10., Oa 6d to Os 9d 1 Hens, p pair 3s Od to 3s 64 Veal, per lb .. 6d to Os 9a Chfckens,do.2s Oct to 26 64 Pork, perlb....os Od to Os Od Ducks, do., i s ad t o 2, 04 Salmon, per lb Os Od Ducklings,do2s Od to 2s 61 I Grouse, per brace Os to Os Turkeys, each 3s Od to 3s 64 Tallow, p stone, Os to —s 01 Potatoes, pr peck, lid to 124 Rabbits, each 8d to —d. Butter for exportation (present cure) per cwt....80s t° —II - Eggs, wholesale price, per dozen RETAIL PRICES. F10ur,141b....06 Od to 2s 2d Barley flour„l4lb.Os to is 84 I Oatmeal Os Oct to is 7d •,, dust, ..... Os to Os 104 Beremeal ....Os Od to is 6d ( „ per lb 2 d t o 20 Peasemeal... Os Oct to 2 s 4 d Sid% 7d Cheese, per imperial stone, 4s. 'Od. to 4s 6d 4-Ib. 10af...6d. 12-Ib. 10af...3d. DUBLIN. DEC. 18. White wheat, 28s 01 to 29s 01; red ditto, 24s Od to 270 ditto new, —a 01; barley, malting, 15s to 18s 6d; grind' ing, —s to —s ; oath, old, 12s Gd to 15 s; di tto, new, ---11 Od to —s 01; oatmeal, 14s to 15s 6d; bare, new, 1 fl our, 4s to 15 1611 Od ; rapese 1,23 s Od. to 25s 01 perbakers' 01 to 22s Od per cwt ; Indian corn, 31s 01 to 33s Od 4SO lbf.. LOCAL BHARR MARICBT4I. MANCHESTER, DEO. 19. STOCK EXMIANGE.—The market opened active to-day, and a fair business WWI transacts ' but the market cl osed rather easier. Leeds, 93Blackburn, 9i —East Lanca shire, 91—Midlands 88i—N o rth Staff o rds, 4 did--Nor th Eastern, iorwicks, '2l—Loudon and North Westerns, 961 --Eastern Counties , 113—Sheffieloal ds 391—Gooles 191 Grmul Trunk of Can ada, 103 Gr W es terns, ' 53 -- Caledonian, 3q —Great Western of Canada, 18 2-16. BIRMINGHAM, DEC. 19. STOCK EXCIIANGE.—Business in the market generally dull to-dly, with firmer prices. Londona closed at 1031 —Midlands, 88—Holyheade, 30 —North Stafforda, 3i d. LIVERPOOL, DEC. 19. STOCK EXOHANGIE.—The transact ions to -day we re very' much improved, and prices wero rather higher. East London and North Western , 9.1. s—South Ea4ollll, 201 3 Lancashire, 91 92—Blac kburn , 9 B—Laneashire and rn, Berw i c ks, 233—Great Yorkshire, 93 4 a—North Easte W es tern, 52i 534 Sheffields, 374—Midlands, 88A i Dovers, 19 s—Grand Trunk of Canada, IN—Birkenhead, 70—Bank of Liverpool, 22. LEEDS, Di o. 19. STOOK EXCHANGN.--The market to-day again active. —Short Bradferds, 4 dis.—Midlands, 883 7- g i n B, 7i —Leeds 91., 13-16 d—North Western, 73-: Birmingham and Der b y , 63—North Eastein York, 4131 —Gooles, 19,1. —Eastern Counties, • [ADMITISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills famed throughout the world for the cure of ulcerated leg'.—Mrs. Grace Faulkner of Mount Radford, Totnegs Devon, was grievously afflicted with an ulcerated leg that had proved incurable for years, the attendant symp toms being of the most painful nature. She was induced to give these remedies a trial, and in a short time fu r r l leg became perfectly sound. Therefore, from a g ood of ratefu desire to spread its knowledge, and promote the g others who may be similarly afflicted,"she voluntarily publishes this testimonial.—Sold by all medicine ven dors throughout the world : at Professor Holloway's establishments, 244 , Str and, London, and 80, Ma,ideng lane, New York ;by A. Stamps, ons tantinoPle ;A. Guidicy, Smyrna ; B I R Till S. EVANS— On the 19th inst., at Nash Mills, Mrs. J. Evavit • of a daughter. HoßsoN—On the 19th inst., Mrs. Jesse Hobson, of 46 Moorgate-street, of a son. KELLY—On the 18th inst., at Croxl e y Cottage. sear Rickmangworth, Herts, the wife of Lieutenant - Col onel Kelly, 38th Regt., of a daughter. NVADz—On the 17th inst., in Upper S o y m our-stree t, Port man-square, the wife of Richard B . Wei Ems,, of a daughter. MARRIAGES. BROOKS—MAPP—On the 19th inst., at St. Marfs Church, Isitngton, Mr. Alfred Brooks, of Ludgato-street, to Ann, eldest daughter of Mr. William Mapp, of Clowatopo near Bewdley, Worcotershire. PLAVFAIR — MILLING — On the 17th inst., at Charlton , Dr. Lyon Playfair, C.D., to Jean Ann, daughter of the late Crowley Millington, Esq., of Greenwich. DEATHS. Buell Oa the 17th lost., at his father's residence,Westo n sup re, Wes. Maddecks Bush, E sq ., M.D. er- n..w—On the 17th inst. , at Surbiton , Surrey, J• 4 Esq., ph. F.R.A.S., late of Southampton, aged FaAas—Oa the 17th inst., at Hastings, Mr. Geo. Fraaas aged 79. HARDINGE—On the 18th inst., at St. Leonard's , g mill Frances, fifth daughter o f the Rev. Sir C. Harding°, Bart., of Boundes-park, Tunbridge-wells. FIICKS—On the 18th inst. at Rye, Charles Hick s, Ea ' Fl of the firm o f Hi c k s an d Son, aged 76. LAMBERT—On the 18th inst. , suddenly, Daniel Lambert' SOLOMON—f Esq., o Bansteal, Surrey, t aged 82. On the 18th ins., at 6, Great Queen-streoti Westminster, Jacob Solomon, E4q, !--, -----... ___ ___ ----- LONDON : Printed and Published by 1111JILDO Y 01.7 1 ,11; 9 Sun Office, NC ' of No, 112, Strand, Frin ter, at The 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, iii the c ount./ of Aliacilosexi Monday, Dooorabor 211 VW. A i I