The Sun. — London, England, 1840-03-11 00:00:00

EVEN IN THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, iR4O, ore it was th at h e cons i dered that if a Committee be I appointed, it ought to have the power not only of inquir -1 ing into th e c i rcu l at i on, but the whole s% stem of banking I s in th e country. He, therefore, would suggest to the ~ Chancellor of the Exchequer the propriety of making his notice more general, stating that the Committee ware to inquire into the systsm of banking generally in the United Kingdom. He thought it' the Right Hen. Gentleman adopted that suggestion, the Committee would do much more good than it would under the motion of the Right Hon. Gentleman. He trusted that the Right Hon. Gen j• tleman would take care to put Hun. Members on the i Committee who were well acquainted with the subject. Mr. E LL ICE did not rise to oppose the motion, but merely to allude to the statement that had been made by the Right Hon. Gentleman with respect to the Bank of 1 Ireland. If h e un d erstoo d hi m rightly, lie stated that h e i would hare been willing to introduce a Bill with respect to 1 that establishment, placing it on the same footing as the Bank of England; but before he did so, he was anxious i to have the opinion of the Committee, that he now moved for. Now he, for one, must protest against the adoption of such a course. Mr. HUM E would not oppose the motion, as he consi dered the object of the inquiry to be to put an end to that ever_varying state in which the currency was placed, owing to the particalar conduct of the establishments which had now the power of issuing paper. That object was certainly a very laudable one ; but there was another consideration of greater importance, which was, whether the currency of the country was placed on a correct basis; and he would venture to say, that if the Com mittee were not permitted to go into that inquiry, the whole of their labours would be lost. ( Hear.) One question which would be raised before the Committee would be, how the great variations in the currency were to be put an end to ? and he (Mr. Hume) doubted very much whether that question could be gone into, if the labours of the Committee were limited to the inquiry as to the issue of paper-money. Now, what was the case in France : there the currency had been placed upon a proper basis, and so completely had the public mind in that country been satisfied on tl;at subject; that since the year 1791, up to the present moment, there had not been five pamphlets published in that country ; while here, Mr. Richardson, of Cornhill, had sold no less than two thousand pamphlets on the subject of the currency within the short space of two years and a half, and at the present moment there was s carcely a morning p ass ed without some pamphlet on the subject issuing from the press. Thus the public mind was unsettled on the subject, and he wished, therefore, to know from the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he contemplated any inquiry on the part of the Committee f s 7 d t: the su bj ect o f the currency. For his own part, con 1. 'jog th e grea t cr i s i s th at h a d ta k en p l ace i n t h e years ' 23 9 1826, 1836 and 1537, he was almost a cornett for g metallic currency. At the present moment no less than fifty or sixty millions had been sacri ficed by circumstances over which the parties had no con trol. In this state of things ought it not fairly to be made a question for the consideration of the Committee, how far it would be advisable or not to have an entire metallic currency ? These were questions on which he wished the Chancelior of the Exchequer to state his views. He thought the Committee's power ought to extend in the manner he had suggested, as he was sure that unless the fullest examination was made on the subject the labours of the Committee would be as useless as that which had been sitting for the last three years. Mr. G ROTE agreed with the Right Hon. Gentlemen who had brought forward the present motion, that the pre sent time was peculiarly appropriate fur considering this subject, as there was, at the present moment, circumstances of a peculiar nature existing, which made it the duty of that House to investigate the subject with more than ordinary care. They had escaped a great crisis with respect to the manufac:uring system, and that considera tion, above all others, should induce them to adopt every means in them power to place the currency of the country on the surest footing, His Hon. Friend had compared the currencies of France and England, and had stated that there had been a great number of pamphlets published in this country on the subject. With reference to the various opinions pronounced in those pamphlets, it was not his in tention to go at any length into them, nor was it his in tention to go into an elaborate discussion on the currency, but this he would say, that if there was any benefit more than another that was to be derived fi om going into the question of the currency by a Committee, it would be the clear understanding which would be obtained of the effect which the Bank of England had on the currency. There were scarcely ten gentlemen agreed upon that point, and he had no doubt that that establish ment had been censured for the existence of evils which had arisen from no mismanagement of theirs. He was far from thinking the Bank of England had con ducted itself in a way that could have been desired ; but he was satisfied that the result of the inquiry would be to rescue the Bank from a great deal of rash and undeserved censure, Though many of the difficulties of the mone tary system had wrongly been attributed to the Bank, yet he thought that by prudence and precaution those difficul ties might have been lightened. There were other im portant questions connected with the inquiry iwhich had received but little attention, and among these questions was the magnitude of the Bank reserve of isullion. An other question was as to the extent to which the Bank was justified in administering the currency, with a view to what was called the support and.protection of trade. On that point he would nut pronounce any opinion at the pre sent moment, but it was one of those topics which ought to be brought before the consideration of such a Com mittee as was about to be appointed.—( Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend had said that nothing had been done by the Committee that had been sitting on Joint-stock Banks for the last three years, but he ought to have looked to the Committee that was appointed in 1832 by Lord Althorp. —( Hear.) Much good had resulted from that Committee, and appended to the Report of that Committee was a great mass of documentary evidence connected with the circulation : and he anticipated from the documents that would be laid before the Committee about to be appointed, great assistance in refuting the current errors, and esta blishing a prudent course as to their future policy. Another qnestion that had been mooted in recent times, ana which had received countenance from very powerful and influen. tial quarters, was the combining of the functions of deposit and issue in the Bank of England, That was a subject that would require very serious and attentive consideration. He was glad to hear from the Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the inquiry was to be divested of every thing like hostility against either private Banks or Joint- Stock Banks, and he hoped the inquiry would be con. ducted in that candid, fair, and impartial spirit which the Right lion. Gentleman had prescribed.—( Hear.) Mr. 4 WI . T WOOD next addressed the House, but in such a very low tone crf voice that he was scarcely heard in the gallery. We understood him to say that the Chan cel.or of the Exchequer had eot given a decided opinion upon any one of the numerous topics to which he had ad verted, but had said the Committee was to inquire into the subject. The monetary system was radically bad, and what the peo i le warn; a was not a Committee, but the Government to come forward with distinct and decisive measures, which could be carried into operation, so as to prevent those numerous fluctuations which had existed of late years in this country. Mr. CL AY thought the question before the House was, whether the monetary system was a fit subject to be re ferred to the consideration of a Committee. The appoint ment of a Committee was strictly in conformity with pre cedent. All the great alterations that had been made on this subject were preceded by inqu:ri s. A Committee was appointed in 1810, another in 1819, another in 1826. and another in 1832, which preceded the renewal of the Bank of England Charter. He thought the Legislature was right in the course they adopted on those occasions, because if there was one subject more than another on which it was desirable they should carry public opinion with them, in their legislation, it was the mone tary system. Although public opinion had for the last few years taken a refit direction upon this question, yet he did not think there was such a concurrence of opinion, that the public were prepared to concur in the propriety of some legislative measure without some previous inquiry. The lion. Gentleman who had last spoken, had said that the monetary system was radically bad. That was owing to the difficulty of solving the problem of regulating the paper, and metallic currency. That problem had been experimented upon by two of the most enlightened nations in Europe, but they had not been able to arrive at any satisfectory conclusion. lie for one, humble as be was, would not withhold his approbation from the measure in traduced by the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tarnworth, upon the currency.—( Hear.) He had never heard anything like an argument against the principle of that measure. But it was supposed that after the passing of that Bill, the same fluctuations to which the country had been exposed would not be experienced again. In 1525 however, a crisis occurred more violent than the monetary system had ever before experienced. It was attempted to meet that in 1826 by a final suppression of the small note circulation, and the establishment of Joint Stock Banks ; but in 1827 there was another crisis in our monetary sys. tern, and they all knew there was a crisis in 1839. It was clear, therefore, that after some twenty or thirty years of experiment—it was acknowledgedby universal consent, that the great problem to which he had alluded had not been solved. The Hon. Member for Carlow had said that non issuing banks ought to have been included in the terms of the motion for the Committee. He (Mr. Clay) thought that for all the useful purposes which his Hon, Friend had in view, that subject would fall within the scope of the in quiry. It was intended to refer the Reports of the Com mittee on Joint Stock Banks to the Committee about to be appointed, and his Right Honourable Friend, the Chancel lor of the Exchequer, had stated that it was his intention to direct inquiries to be made into the transactions of the Bank of England with the non-issuing banks, so that would involve an inquiry into the subject to which his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Carlow had alluded. His Hon. Friend the Member for London (Mr. Grote) bad alluded to the inquiry, and complained that it had led to no result ; but the labours of that Committee had not been thrown away—it had made a collection of, and put upon record, some most important facts. Inquiry was absolutely necessary, for by a decision given about two months ago in a Court of Law, the public had absolutely no protection against Joint stock Banks. The Judges bad there l .id it does, that a judgment obtain, 4 against the person who was to sue and be sued, would not be effective s' ain't the proprietors of a Joint-stock Bents of which he 'errs the slicer; but that a party complaining must core menc • his action aeiti est all the parties in the Batik. Thi s now anieunt, d n to a denial of justice. The motion of his Bleb! Hun. Frisnd he thought was quite corn jsreherera ve enough, and would elo great good. Sir R PEEL—The utility of the Cerenio toe must en tirely sod exclusively depend upon V . e mariner in which the inquiry was conducted.—(Cheere.) It was easy to say that the inquiry should be full and searching, but in his opinion it might be so full, so searching, as to be alto gether useless In his eesinioe it was wise to appoint a Committee : all depended upon the manner it which it was coeducted. they were to consider in all its bearings wh t eGurse Parliearent ought to adopt at the period when the Bank Ctemter expired—if they were to take up that que s t ion and pursue it sts eddy, th e i r l a b ours wou ld l ea d to it good practical result If the inquiry were to be a vague, anti o general, and desultery one, iime e they would have a very d 7 tr,ltl no. upon the COITIMitti,P, aed airy would . , e: ee re, -, e eir end confusion in the moms of the mercantile community.—( Hear, hear.) If they were to turn their attention to this theories cf Mr. H. Palmer and others, and inquire into the advantages of having the capi tal of the Bank divided i n t o one-t hi r d bullion' and two thirds securities—it they took up those subjects and steadily pursued them to the end, their labours would lead to good pr , cticsl results. Let them inquire into the advantages which limited responsibility had over unlimited responsi bility ; that also would lead to a practical resuit.—( Pear, hear.) He thought the terms of the motion opened the question wide enough —he thought it answered the views of the Hon. Member for Carlow, for, of coulee, it would he competent fur the Committee, in inquiring into the issues of the Bank of England, to inquire into the manner in which they circulate their notes by means of Joint-stuck B an k s . He strongly deprecated any inquiry so extensive as was called fur by the Hon. Member for Kilkenny. He could never consent to any inquiry into the basis of the currency.—( Hear, hear.) It could not be done without creating great alarm, without leading men to suppose that the mied of Parliament was not made up on the subject. Parliament had repeatedly declared that it would adhere to a metallic currency, and Parliament could not now enter into any inquiry respecting it without unsettling every transaction which had taken place since 1819. He hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman would take especial care that that was not one of the subjects of inquiry in the Committee. The Hon. Member for Kilkenny declared himself desirous of abolishing the paper circulation entirely. It could not be done—they had abo lished the one and two pound notes, and, for any thing he knew, it was possible they might have the power of abo lishing the five-pound notes, but it was absolutelyimpossi ble to abolish a paper circulation without putting an entire stop to the whole system of credit existing in the country. What was a promissory note but a paper circulation, and how would it be possible to abolish a circulation of that kind unless they were to go back to the days of barbarism, and substitute the system of barter ? One question to be carefully considered would be the great distinction be tween a Bank of Deposit and a Bank of Issue ? That would be one of the subjects which the Committee must undertake, and in his opinion that should be the first ne,t ter to which its attention should be drawn. He really trusted that the Committee would not suffer itself to be diverted from that great subject. He trusted that the Right Hon. Gentleman, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, would feel it his duty to direct theattention of the Commit tee to those important matters, and by his influence confine the attention of the Committee to them until they were exhausted.—( Hear, hear.) If he pursued that course, then he ( Sir R. Peel) anticipated useful results from their labours ; but if, on the other hand, they pursued the inquiry in the same manner as they did that relating to the Joint-stock Banks, then he anticipated no good re sults, and he would infinitely rather that the Government, upon its own responsibility, would make use •f those means of information at its command, and offer a legisla tive measure at once. Mr. C. WOOD entirely agreed with what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet. He could not agree with his Hon. Friend near him ( Mr. Hume), that it would be either wise or practicable to introduce into this country so large a proportion of the metallic currency as was in use in France ; it was impossible that such large transactions as were carried on in this country could be carried on with out a large paper circulation. He was perfectly astonished to hear the call made upon the Government by the Hon. Member for Whitehaven, to legislate upon this matter without inquiry. The lion. Member (Mr. Atwood) seemed to have quite made up his mind upon the whole subject, end t• consider that oo inquiry was required, or could inform his mind upon it; if so, he was the only one either out or in the House who thought so. Even his Hon. Friend near him ( Mr. Grote), who was not ignorant upon such matters, said he had much to learn upon it ; and there were great differences of opinion existing amongst t 1 e highest authorities in the country upon such a question. That difference of opinion termed in his mind the strongest ground for inquiry, and he perfectly agreed ith the Right Hon. Baronet that the inquiries of the Committee ought to be confined to practical subjects, and those alone. In his opinion it would be better to limit the inquiry to what had taken place since the renewal of the Bank Charter in 1832. The experience of eventful years, of years of diffi culty, must lead to the best practical results. Therefore the experience of the last four or five years was of the very highest importance, and could never be so well obtained as at the present moment. It was of the utmost possible im portance that in some points they should enter into a minute investigation—for instance, much information was yet necessary with respect to the average returns, which did not yet lead the mind to proper results. It was absolutely necesssary that they should know much more correctly than they were able to ascertain by these returns, the dates and times when the increase took place. An inquiry like the present would be attended with very great advantage, not only to the Bank of England, but to the private and Joint-stock Banks throughout the country. He agreed with the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets, that all the great improvements which had taken place in the management of this establishment had emanated from the inquiries and reports of Committees of that House. He could not, therefore, but anticipate the most beneficial results from this inquiry. After a few words from Mr, W. ATTWOOD in ex planation, Mr. H A WES said, the Right Hon. Baronet the Mem ber for Tamworth bad anticipated almost everything he had to say on the subject. He hoped that the inquiry which was about to be instituted would be of a practical character. It appeared to him, however, the tendency of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech was to narrow the in quiry too much. He did not think the subject could be properly discussed without taking into consideration the law of partnerships in that country. He regretted the delay that must take place before any sound legislation could be come to; but the good which would be attained by investigation, carefully conducted, would more than counterbalance any inconvenience that might result. Mr. TURNER anticipated the best results from the important inquiry about to be instituted, although he ap prehended that the Bank of England would feel some de gree of jealousy on the subject. Sir JOHN RAE REID could assure the Hon. Mem ber that the Bank of England had no jealousy on the sub ject whatever.—(Hear, hear,) So far as the Bank of England was concerned, it would go into the most minute inquiry, and be was convinced that the public would feel much more satisfied than it at present appeared to be with the conduct of the Bank of England, when that investi gation had terminated. He felt it his duty to say so much in reply to the observations of the Hon. Member. Mr. SLANEY said at the present moment they had the notes of the Bank of England, the notes of Joint. Stock Banks, arid of private Backs, all circulating to gether, atid it was impossible for persons who were in the habit of receiving them to say what their value was. He thought that such a sta e of things should not prevail, and he trusted that the Right Hon. Gentleman, would provide that whatever company had the privilege of coining notes which were to circulate throughout the country, that they ought to give some security or guarantee that the notes were good. Lorn SA NDON thought that since the extinction of one pound notes, the poorer classes had suff,:red much less than formerly. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER re plied. A discus,,ion like the present must necessarily be limited in its character ; hut so far as it had gone. it was gra , ifying to find that it had been received by the House in a proper spirit, and that all parties were impressed with the advisability of entering into the inquiry if a fair and just manner. With respect to the qu.stiou of the Hon. Mem ber for Kilkenny, he begged to say that it was not his in tention to recommend to the Committee any proposition for the abolition of notes, and the establishment of a purely metallic currency. With respect to extending the inquiry further, he begged to suggest that it would be better to adapt the wording of his motion for the appointment of the Committee, leaving it to the Committee, if they thought proper, to extend their inquiry further. The motion was then agreed to. POOR LAWS (IRELAND.) Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN rose to move for certain re turns of which he had given notice, but as the Noble Lord the Secretary fur Ireland, stated that the information would be submitted in the annual report of the Poor-law Commissioners, he would content himself tsitli moving for one return which would not be included—a return of any applications made by Poor-law-Commissioners for the purpose of ascertaining the opinion of the respective Boards of Guardians in regard to the propriety of enacting a law for the suppression of mendicancy and vagrancy; and what has in each case been the result of such application. —Agreed to. CASE OF FROST, WILLIAMS, AND JONES. Mr. LEADER presented petitions from St. Pancras, from Newington, from Newport, Monmouthshire, from the seven principal townships of Stoke-upon-Trent, signed by four or five thousand persons, from Bath, agreed to at a a public meeting ; from the inhabitant householders of Brighton ; from Glasgow, Cardiff, St. Leonard's Shore. ditch, St. John's Westminster; from Finsbury, signed by 2,000 inhabitants ; from certain inhabitants of London ; from Tredegar ; from Frost himself, and from the Dor. chester labourers, who consider transportation for life worse than death itself, all praying for a tree pardon for Frost, Jones, and Williams. Mr. FIE LD EN presented petitions from Oldham and other places in Lancashire to the same effect. Mr. 'LE ADE R then proceeded to say that in the present state of the House he should make his statement as short as possible. He was induced to trespass on the• House on the present occasion, not on account of the prisoners, not on account of any sympathy he felt for the act of which they were convicted, not from the merits of the case or that he thought they did not deserve punishment, but be cause he thought the law had been strained against the pri soners. There had been a doubt, and it was the opinion of nine-tenths of the people of this country, that wherever there was a doubt it should be interpreted in favour of the prisoner. There was a very strong feeling in the country on the subject, and he need not inform the House there had been more petitions presented on this subject than any others.—( Hear.) He had procured from the Journal Office the number of petitions and signatures on this subject, and he found the number of petitions up to the present time exceeded 100, and the signatures 120,000, and the House must bear in mind nearly halt the petitions were signed by Chairmen on be half of great public meetings, and there was therefore a very strong feeling throughout the country on this subject ; not, lie was aware, among the upper or perhaps the middle classes, but among the working classes there was as strong feeling on this subject as upon any question that bad agi tated them for sonic tine. It was not that they sympa thi,ed with Frost or wished that he had succeeded in his a ttempt, but because, as was invariably stated in the peti tions, they believed the law had been strained against the prisoners, and that they had not had justice done to them.—( Hear.) He would not argue this case se a lawyer, nor set up his opinion against theirs, but he said it was a case that might be argued by any man of common sense ; and that any Member of the House was just as capable of fornyng an opinion on the subject, as any lawyer in the land. He did not address the House merely with reference to the prisoners concerned, but on the broad conwitutional ground of having the law strictly, fairly, and equitably administered in all cases as written and .=own. not as merely stated by Judges. call. d on to give an opinion, and not in this parti-adar case to try the parties. In the first place, it was part of the law of l 1 treason, which had been neglected in this instance, that a list of the jurors and witnesses should be delivered atthe same time, at a certain period before the trial. This law had not been complied with, and it was asked what did it sigeift, ? They were told it was merely a frivolous ob- I I jection, and ought not to be entertained for a moment ; and he believed if the Attorney-General bad treated the subject with perfect contempt, and said that he tvouldsoon get rid of it, Now, in the case of treason, the law - was made chiefly for the protection of the subject against - the ects of an arbitrary or despotic Government, and thellaw of treason ought in all points to be literally and strictly interpreted; and if all those regulations which were en acted for their defence, were not strictly- adhered to, the whole law might be frittered away, and they would be at the mercy of the Government. He would ask any Mem ber of the Government what be wauld say, if, in a case effecting the Revenue Laws, where it was often argued a man had not complied with some very minute regulation, that such an excuse was never allowed, for if it were, the law would become useless, and it would be impossible to get any convictions; and just so in this case, unless they gave the prisoner every benefit of the law of treason— unless they obliged the Law Officers to comply with all its enactments, they would soon have a Judge-made law, by which any man against whom the Government might have a dislike, might be found guilty by the law of treason. It was not denied that the copy of the indictment, and the list of witnesses, was not delivered simultaneously, and nine out of the fifteen Judges allowed that the objection wits valid, but said that it was not taken in time. Oh, but it was said, what did it signify? the effect would only have been to have postponed the trial for ten days, and this argument was allowed in a case where men's lives and property were at stake. Was he to be told it was no difference to a man to be tried ten days before he ought for high treason in cases of excitement? The country might be under much less excitement on the 20th than on the 10th of the month. Men's minds might in that time have become calm. Many might have been frightened, and they knew nothing so cruel and revengeful as a frightened coward. Besides, a ma terial witness for the prosecution or the prisoner might die. There were many other ways in which a prisoner might be injured, by being tried ten days before he ought to be tried ; and if the law were to be strictly administered, ac cording to the letter, then undoubtedly Frost and his fel low-prisoners were tried sooner than by law they ought to have been tried, and were therefore illegally convicted. Then there were only three Judges before whom the case ought to have been tried, buti n this case it hap"ened that it was referred to the fifteen Judges, six of whom were for the objection, and nine who thought it valid, but not taken in time; and out of these six, were two of the three who tried the men at Newport. Now, he had been told by good lawyers the prisoners might have insisted upon having the objection decided at the time, and be should say as a matter of reason and common justice, they might so have insisted, because that was the only Court to try them, and the three Judges were not bound to take the opinion of the other Judges. There was no law to that effect, and it was a great defect that there was no Court of Appeal upon this subject, and in the case of high treason it was the greatest posa;ble grievance, for though the Crown might pardon, it was necessary to get an Act of Parlia ment to get rid of the attaint. Then it was positively stated—he heard that it was denied elsewhere, but he was told so by the Counsel for the prisoners, that it was clearly understood by them at the trial—that the prisoners should be in no worse position on account of the objection being referred to the Judges, than if it had been decided on the trial. The prisoners all set forth in their petitions that such was their understanding, and such was the opinion of many persons who were in Court, and heard what passed. The House, he hoped, would bear in mind, that, in order that the laws should be respected in the country, it was absolutely necessary there should be an opinion among the people that they were strictly and impartially administered. Now he must say in this case there was a strong feeling among hun dreds and thousands of our countrymen, that the law had been strained against these men on account of an offence of which they had been guilty, and that they were punished more on account of the natuee of the offence and the mis chief that might have arisen from it than from a strict interpretation of the law. What could be more mischievous than that such an opinion should go forth to the world ? The people would no longer have confidence in the law un less it were literally and strictly administered to them ; it had been said that pardoning these men would cause great mischief in the country, and add to the violence which had already been perpetrated by some misguided men. So far from that being the case he believed in his con science that pardoning them would have the effect of put ting down all violence. He believed that so great would be its moral effect among the working-classes, that it would more than anything else put down all attempts at violence.—( Hear, hear.) It was said that many of the middle classes were so incensed at the Chartists, that Government could not prevent these men from being transported, and he had heard that the Cabinet had deter mined these men should be banged even before the point of law was decided, and it was only on a re-consideration of the point of law that they consented to commute the sentence. If the argument on the point of law was good for any thing, it was as good for a free pardon as commu tation ; and, after all, what was transportation for life ? For hi; part, he saw little to choose between it and hang ing ; and having sat upon the Committee on the trans poi tation system, he confessed that the statements he lied heard of the orders inflicted on human nature by trans portation made him pause, whether or not to say that trans portation was not a worse punishment than death, for in ease of execution a man's life ceased at once, but in case of transportation a main had nothing to look to but death, after years of torture—torture not so great to the physical man as that of the Spanish Inquisition, but as horrible as any that could be inflicted on human nature ; and to this these men were condemned, after allowing there was a point of law in their favour so strong as to induce a com mutation of the sentence. He should be told, perhaps, the House of Commons was net a fit place for discussing this question ; that it had no power in this matter, and ought not to be appealed to against the decision of a judicial triburesl, but the House of Commons, was the only place in which a matter of this sort could be discussed—the only place to which the people, when they considered themselves aggrieved, could come for redress, and the only place co which the prisoners could apply for justice, and it was as competent for the House to address the Queen on any subject—the House had just as good a right to address the Queen to grant a free pardon to these men as on any other subject. The Government might have taken another course, which would have satis fied all classes; why should they not have entered into an agteement with the prisoners and waived their power of execution or transportation on condition of their leaving the country. This would have satisfied all, because the only feeling throughout the upper and middle classes was to get rid of these people ; sonic, indeed, there were who were more sanguinary. and were sorry the men were not executed, but he trusted they were a very small number— he would now make only one other observation respecting the lateness at which ties motion was brought forward, and which it was necessary to make in justice to hireself and others. He wished much to bring the matter before the House earlier in the Session, and before these unfortunate men had sailed for Van Die men's Land, and he had come down to the blouse, night after night, prepared to do so, end he believed that, on several occasions, the House, and the Government, would allowed him to love done so, for he must say the Hon. Gentleman, the Under-Secretary - of State, had given, him every facility, and that he had not to complain of him for anything that had occurred upon the subject ; but upon the advice of the legal advisers of the prisoner not to bring the matter for- 4 ward, as some negotiation was pending between them and the Government which might be interfered with by the motion, and having the interests of the prisoners at heart, and believing that the legal advisers of the prisoners had so, he had put it off on two or three occasions, though he told them he believed their negotiation would have no better fate that he apprehended for his motion. He be lieved great misrepresentation had prevailed upon this subject, and that those Gentlemen were accused of not being so urgent as they should have been ; and also for not arguing the question before the House. But his an swer was that he and they had done what they be lieved, and had been advised, was best. He was sorry to have troubled the House so long upon the sub ject, and would now move that an Address be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased, under the special circumstances of the case, to grant a free pardon to Frost, Williams, and Jones. Mr. HUME said, that in rising to second the motion of his Right Hon. Friend, he did so not on the merits of the prisoners, because he could not but think that the offence of those parties had been most detrimental in every point of view. It had been detrimental to the cause of public liberty.—(Hear, hear.) He should say that no occur rence in his time had given him more concern than the lamentable results of that rash and foolish undertaking. He did not rise, therefore, for the purpose of palliating - the offence of the parties in question, but he believed that a very general impression existed among large masses in the country that those parties had nut been treated in the way in which other individuals under similar circumstances might have expected. He hoped that he would hoar something stated by the Right lion. Member, the Under Secretary of State, which might remove that impression, because it was one of the most injurious ones he could conceive. He thought that the prisoners in this case had not had all the advantages which the Act of Parliament had provided for them, and that the lists, as had been often stated, bad not been duly delivered. He had been informed that in criminal cases it was not usual to refer questions of the kind to such a tribunal as the 18 Judges, and he had been told that it eras usual for Judges to give their decisions immediately. When Sir F. Pollock had asked on the trial if the pasties would be in no worse condition than if the case had been decided on at once, the answer of the Judges was that they should not. The sitting of the fifteen Judges was extra-judicial, and it would be hard to decide the degree of authority to which it should be entitled. He had been told that that was the first case of hinds treason in which reference had been made to such a tri bunal. The case appeared to him but of the ordinary forms of law, and that was the opinion of the variou s peti tioners who had addressed the House. So far as he could judge, the public feeling was to a great extent in favour of that view ; and he could not but express his regret that there should ever have been any necessity for the motion of his Hon. Friend. _ _ _ ...---- - Mr. FOX MA ULE said that he was extremely sorry to have to address himself to the House on a motion of that nature ; and he deeply regretted that the Hon. _Mem ber for Westminster should have thought it right to have made that House a Court of Appeal from that tribunal which the seconder of the motion had admitted could alone have decided the case. The Honourable Gen tleman who brought forward the motion had en tirely laid aside all reference to the prerogative of mercy as exercised by the Government, xvhile he aked for an address to the . Crown as an act of right an d justice in favour of the individuals convicted on the occa sion. The Hon. Gentleman had stated th a t t h ose three individuals had been tried for a pol iti c al offence, but in his (Mr. F. Maule's) mind the crimes with which these indi viduals were charged was of a stronger nature than rt mere olitical offence.—( Hear, hear.) The obj 'ct those itid:- viduals had in view was to overturn the whole system of I society in this country, and by an act of violence to strike at the very roots of the constitution under which we lived. A preliminary objection had been taken et the trial that the forms required by the law of treason had not been complied with, inasmuch as the delivery of the list of wit nesses, and of the indictment, had not been s imultaneously made. The point had been referred to the fifteen Judges, but it had been stated that two of the three Judges who presided at the trial were of opinion that the objection was a valid one.—( Hear, hear.) It had been also contended that if they had been of that opinion at first the case would have been decided in favour of the prisoners. Now it appeared that the fact of these two Judges having re fused to decide on the matter, showed that a great doubt existed in their minds as to the point brought before them —such a doubt that they reserve the point for the consideration of their brethren, the fifteen Judges. It had been said to his Hon. Friend the Member for Kilkenny that that was not the common practice. He believed, how ever, that his Hon. Friend would hear from persons more conversant with the law than he (Mr. Maule) was, that in that assertion he was mistaken. From the nature of the trial he thought it was clear that the Judges had given the unhappy m en a ll t h e a d vantages they cou ld possi bly enjoy under the circumstances of the cases. Sir F. Pollock, in allusion to the reservation of the point, said that " he pre sumed the effect o f i t wou ld b e to place his client, Frost, in precisely the same situation as if the case had been de cided at once." The Chief Justice states that "it was a very common course taken at Assizes, that when a point arose which suggested any difficulty to the Judge, he should refer it to the fifteen Judges." Sir F. Pollock went on to say that " in the event of their Lordships being of opini on th at t h e o bj ect i on ought to be ra i se d at t h e trial, nis client, Fro s t, wou ld b e p l ace d i n t h e same s ituation as if it had been so raised." The Chief Justice replied, " No doubt h e w ill b e i n t h e same s i tuat i on if, on consult ing with the Judges, we think that the objection ought to have prevailed ; the case will be as if it actually had pre vailed." " And the verdict," said Sir F. Pollock. "will be given accordingly." " No," said the Chief Justice, " because that would be perfectly regular." When the case had b een re f erred to the fifteen Judges, i t f o ll owe d, in his opinion, as a matter of course, that the Judges could do nothing but follow their decision. The first intimation of that decision was given by the fifteen Judges in a letter addressed to the Secretary of State for the Home Department. He would read that letter to the House, as it detailed the facts of the case more clearly and explicitly than he (Mr. Maule) could have done. The Hon. Gentleman here proceeded to read the letter in question, which was to this effect-- that they bad the honour to inform his Lordship that the arguments in the three cases of Frost, Williams, and Jones, against the Queen, have been closed, and that the Judges, after considering the question, had come to the following determination on the two questions—namely, first, a majority of the Judges, in the proportion of 9 to 6, were of opinion that the delivery of the lists of witnesses had not been a good delivery in point of law; and, secondly, a majority of the Judges, in a proportion of 9 to 6, were of opinion that the objection had not been 1 taken in due time. All the Judges, however, admitted, that if the objection had been made in due time, the effect would be a postpone ment of the trial, in order to give time to arrange the list. With regard to the remark of the Hon. Member for Westminster, that all the Judges had agreed that if the objection had beer, made in time the effect would have been a postponement of the trial, he ( Mr. Mauls) could only say that all that the Hon. Member had stated with regard to whether the prisoners should have been tried a day sooner or a day later, did not in his k Mr. Mettle's) mind carry any great weight with it. On the trial of the pri soners there had been no objection raised to the ef fect that they had not had sufficient time to prepare their defence. That was not all—for a memorial had been sub mitted to the Government by the Hon and Learned Gentlemen who had acted as Counsel for the prisoners in the case, in which it had been stated that the prisoners had not had the full benefit of the law. To that memorial the Judges bad sent an answer, which fully entered into the case, and which he wished to reed to the House. The answer, which was read at length by the Rig tit Honourable Gentleman, stated that the Judges had perused and considered the memorial of Sir F. Pollock, who had been Counsel for Frost. The Judges proceeded to state that the memorial had been founded on an entire misconstruction of the law, and on a misrepresentation of it, as far es they were concerned. The uniform practice they said had been, as far back as they had been able to trace it, that if a Judge at the trial had felt any serious doubt as to an objection that had been raised on a point of law, he should decide the point against the prisoner and allow the trial to proceed, reserving his decision on the point of law, in order to take the advice and opinions of all the other Judges thereon. The letter then went on to state, that after consulting those other Judges, and hearing the case argued, the opinion of those Judges should be taken and the decision of the majority of the Judges bound the Judge' who had tried the question—( Hear, hear) — arid their opinion should be considered law. If the opinion of the Judges was in favour of the prisoners the course was that the Judge who had presided at the trial should make a communication to that effect to the Secretary of State. The letter concluded by stating that the fact of two of the Judges who tried the case having been favourable to the objection made no difference in the case whatever. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to say that such was the opinion of the three Judges themselves who had \ presided at the trial, and consequently no opinion they could afterwards come to could affect the trial. The Judges were of opinion that under the circumstances I there was no ground whatever to entitle the pri soners to a free pardon. The Government bad therefore nothing to do but to adhere to the first deci sionof the Judges, and with regard to the motives assigned for the Royal clemency, he could assure the House that that clemency was to be attributed to nothing but a desire to vindicate, as far as might by found necessary, the laws of the land, and those who assigned it to any other motive were completely mistaken —( Hear, bear.) The more he considered the circumstances of the case, the more be felt that those who were favourably disposed towards the prisoners, oug h t to b e persua d e d t h at commutation of their punishment was as much as they had a right to expect. With regard to a statement of the Hen. Member for Westmin ster, that transportat i on f or life was a punishment as sever e as death, he would only say that he had never known an instance in which any man seemed to prefer being executed to trans portation for life, and he h a d never hoar d o f an in stance in the which the family of that individual had not expressed their gratitud e at a sentence hav i ng b een so commuted. For the various reasons he had assigned, he felt it his duty to oppose the motion of the Hon. Member. —( Hear, hear. ) Mr. T. Ii.)UN CONIBE said that there was much in what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman, from which he entirely differed. There was nothing, how ever, in which he differed more from him than in the con cluding part of his speech, in which he had tried to mix up the case of the prisoners in question with the point of law that had been raised. If it were a mere question of crime, and not of law, he should certainly say that there never were in the annals of this country three men whose lives could he more justly sacrificed than the lives of Frost, Williams, and Jones. That was not, however, the ques tion. The real point to be determined was an interpreta tion of an Act of Parliamero ; and, ah ‘tever might be the intricacies of the law, he should say that the case might have been decided on by a simple reference to the dictionary of Dr. Johnson. Such a reference he believed would clearly show that the prisoners had not been dealt with according to the provisions of the law for treason. He wished to oh serve that he felt very much surprised at the absence from the House of the Counsel for the prisoner on the present occasion, and the more so, as some of those Honourable Gentleman had advised his Hon. Friend, the Member for Westminster, to postpone his motion in the hope that something might in the meantime be done for the prison ers. There was one point in the case, which though him self unacquainted with the law, he wished to refer to. He had received a letter from Mr. Thomas, the Counsel for Williams on the trial, and in that letter Mr. Thomas stated that he had taken the objection in time.—( Hear, hear.) He had taken it, he said, before the Jurymera were called. The Attorney- General had asked him if he objected to the trial, and he said that he objected to the service of the list, and it would be for the Attorney-General to see if, under the circumstances, he could go on with the case. The Attorney-General, how ever, impanelled the Jury, and lie (Mr. Thomas) had no power to prevent him from doing so. He had again taken the objection on the first witness been called, and after wards when Mr. Baron Parke was about to sum up. It might be expedient to transport those people, but that was not an excuse for sending them to a penal settlement. He thought they were entitled to their discharge. Sir S. L US HING TON thought that although the dis cussion of this question ought not to have taken place in the House, yet it might serve an important and useful pur pose, by dissipating the opinion which prevailed amongst some portions o the working classes, that the conviction and sentence were not according to law. The conviction and sentence wen:, in fact, consistent with law and justice, and with every question of expediency. It was important to have the admission of his Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury, that the crime of which those persons had been convicted was of the most atrocious de scription. It was, in reality, a deliberate attempt to over throw the liberties of the country, and the institutions upon w hi c h all civilized governm ents must stand ; and the consequences would disabuse many of the , opinion th at mere political differences c ould be admitted as an excuse for a violent opposition to the laws of the land. Ile could not help observing that a case might occur in which an appeal to that House, in the last extremity, ought to be made; yet be deprecated the attempt to make the House a Court of Appeal, in criminal cases, against the Courts of Law, and the prerogative of the Crown. The moral guilt of the parties was admitted.—( • =ea r. ) The single point to be considered, if the House were to judge of the sentence at all, was whether, in the course of the trial, a different decision ought to have been given as to a question of fi rm, w hi c h would entitle the parties to an entire acquittal, ' —( Hear, hear.) Ho agreed that the question had been argued by the Hon. Member for Finsbury as if he belonged to the profession of the law.—( Hear, hear ) Th e non.. delivery of the list of witnesses did not occasion any in convenience to the prisoners, for it was admitted that they had received all the documents within the time at which they were entitled to receive them. The Judges at the trial reserved the point of law for the decision of the whole body of the Judges, and the majority decided in favour of the course pursued in the progress of the trial, If the minority of the Judges had beenoaugldaintshy thentethepr cisonaellrsupanodn the majority in their favour, w the House of Commons to address the Crown for a re versal of the decision of the majority? The usual course was, that when a majority of the Court was against the Point raised in favour of the prisoner, to decide the point against him, and to reserve it for the decision of the whole of the Judges. Not only was he of op i n i on that the decision of the Judges was right, but that anything that might be done to alter it would be productive of in finite mischief.—( Hear, hear.) He complimented Sir F. Pollock for the zeal and talent which he had displayed, but he was sure that if his Hon. and Learned Friend were ap pealed to on the present question, conscienti,,us opinion would be opposed to the motion.—( Hear, bear.) There was only the opinion of the Hon. Member for Finsbury against the Judges. If the motion were agreed to this would be the first time when this House set itself up as a Court of Appeal in criminal cases. Hundreds had gone to the scaffold upon decisions in which the Judges were of diff.rent opinions. Mr. DUNCOMBE said that ought not to havo been the case.—( Hear. ) Sir S. LUSHINGTON differed from his Hon. Friend, and thought that the opinion of the majority of the Judges • ught in such cases t o preva il . Nothing could be moreinjurious than the interference of the House between the sentence of the Judges and the prerogative of the Crown. He believed sincerely that the mercy which had been ex tended to those persons had b een w i se l y extended. It was in accordance with the principles of justice, and in conformity with the wishes of th e nat i on, which had long been opposed to capital punishments—( Hear, hear)—at the same time that the public were convinced that the sen tence was according to law. Mr. W AKLE Y denied that his Hon. Colleague bad shown himself equal to a lawyer, as he had argued the case solely upon the principles of common sense.—( Hear, and a laugh.) He had adverted particularly to the former practice, where a doubt was entertained by the Judges. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Sir S. Lushin4ton) said that hundreds had been executed, on whose cases there had been a difference of opinion amongst the Judges; and that this House was not competent in such cases to decide. What I was the House compet en t t o ma k e laws and not to comprehend them ?—( Hear, and a laugh.) The Judges had apparently first decided, by 9 to 6, that Monday was Saturday, and then, by 6 to 9, that Saturday was Monday.--( Laughter.) And was it to be said that their decisions were not to be questioned in that House? When their decisions were calculated to attract respect, he hoped they would obtain it; but it was impossible for any person of sense to respect absurdity. It was exceedingly unfortunate that the question came on in the absence of the Learned Counsel for the prisoners, who had not been con tent with their able services at the trial, but had ever since been indefatigable.—( Hear, hear.) It would be improper there to discuss the merits of the case as to the prisoners' guilt or innocence. But the country would feel that no man ought to be convicted who had not had the full bsneilt of every provision which the law made for him.—( Hear, hear.) Feeling as he did that the great constitutional question involved in the case could not be done justice to in the absence of the Learned Counsel he trusted that his Hon. Friend would not damage the case by pressing now for a division, espe cially as the delay of a week or to could not possibly pre judice the case. Mr. LEADER said he did not see what reason there was for not dividing. He could not see how the priso ners' case could be damaged by a division now. As to the Learned Counsel they could again bring it forward if they thought proper at any future time.--( Hear, bear. ) And so far as the prospect of a small mino rity went, be had always expected it ; and bad stated that if the prisoners should be led to hope that any effect would be produced by his bringing the question fo. ward, those who so deceived them would be acting ab surdly, cruelly, and wickedly, though he had consented to bring the case before the House, feeling that strict justice had not been done to the prisoners. The House divided, and the numbers were— For the motion Against it Majority —63 The Report of the Navy Estimates having been brought up, Mr. HUME objected to the votes being passed without further discussion, and the gallery was cleared for a divi sion, but after some minutes re-opened, as none had taken place, the resolutions having been agreed to. The Report on the Army Estimates having been brought up and agreed to, the House adjourned at a Quar ter to Eleven. REPO It.T. The Select Committee appointed to inquire into the State of Communication by Railways, and who were empowered to report their Observations, together with the Minutes of Evidence taken before them from time to time, to the House ;—Have further consi dered the Matters to them referred, and have to Report : That they have taken into their consideration the following clause, which has been referred to them by the House : " And be it enacted, that no bridge or tunnel, or ap proaches to the same, for carrying a turnpike-road ever br under any part of a railway or canal shall be made or constructed of less width between the fences, walls, or parapets thereof than 21 feet ; nor, shall any bridge or tunnel, or approaches to the same for carrying any other public carriage -road over or under any part of a railway or canal be made or constructed of less width between the fences, walls, or parapets thereof than 16 feet ; nor in any case less than so much greater width, not exceeding 30 feet, as may be the average width of the turnpike or other public carriage -road for 100 yards on each side of that part of the railway or canal where any bridge or tunnel is intended to be made or con structed." Your Committee have upon this subject examined Mr. Park, the legal adviser of the Chitritrui of the Committees in the House of Lords, and it appears from his evidence, that about the end of the year ' 1836 complaints were made to the Cnairman of the Committees, and he introduced clauses into all subse quent Railway Bills, containing the provisions here an nexed, and which your Committee will now proceed to compare with the clause referred for their consideration. The rule, which since that period has, with few ex ceptions, been adopted by the Chairman of Committees in the House of Lords, provides that the width of turn pike-roads passing under bridges or tunnels should be 25 feet, and the width of highways passing under bridges or tunnels should be 15 feet. The Clause referred to your Committee for their consideration provides, that no bridge or tunnel for carrying a turnpike-road under any part of a rail-road or canal shall be constructed of less width than 21 feet, and no bridge or tunnel for carrying any public carriage road under any part of a railway or canal shall be con structed of less width than 16 feet. It will be perceived, therefore, that as regards a turnpike-road, the clause referred to your Committee requires a less width by four feet t ban has been required by the rule adopted in the House of Lords, while, as regards a highway or public carriage -road, an additional wi'lth of one foot is required more than has been deemed necessary by the regulations of the House of Lords. These regulations further provide, that the height of a bridge or tunnel passing under a railway should be 16 feet. This appears to your Committee to be also an important regulation. It will be found in the evidence annexed to the Second Report of the Com mittee on Railways in the last Session, that it has been especially provided that the bridges or tunnels for carry ing turnpike-roads under the Brighton railway shall be 18 feet in height, and it is stated that this height was insisted upon for the convenience of the farmers and hop.growers in that district. The rule of the House of Lords also requires that the width of a turnpike road upon a bridge passing over a railway must be '25 feet, and the width of a public carriage -way 15 feet, with a parapet-wall in each case four feet high. A reference to the Analytical Table in the Appendix to the Second Report of the Railway Committee of last Session will show that these regulations have been introduced into all the Railway Acts since the year 1836. Your Committee would now recommend to the House that in all original Railway Acts, and in all Railway Acts authorizing new works in the present session of Parliament, the rules of the House of Lords should be adopted as to works to be carried into execu tion under the provisions of those Acts respectively, with this addition, that in every bridge or tunnel the arches should spring from abutments of not less height than 10 feet. Your Committee would also recommend that in all Railway Acts authorizing further works, pissed in any future session of Parliament, the rule shall be as follows, with respect to works to be carried into execution under the provisions of those Acts re spectively: Whenever a turnpike-road passes under a railway, the width of the bridge or tunnel shall in no case be less than 30 feet, and there shall be on each side foot ways of 2 i l- feet in width. Whenever a public carriage road passes under a railway, the width of the bridge or tunnel shall be not less than 2 0 feet, and there shall be on each side footways of 18 inches wide ; the height of the bridge or tunnel shall in no case be less than 16 feet, and the arches shall spring from abutments of not less than 10 feet in height. Similar provisions might also, with advantage, be mac applicable to all Canal Bills which shall in future be introduced into Parliament. REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS. ADDRESS OF THE METROPOLITAN ANTI- CORN-LAW ASSOCIATION. FELLOW CITIZENS—FELLOW COUNTRYMEN—Of what soever class, order, orsect, we invoke your aid and co-ope ration in our cause, which is neither that " of party nor of !action, nor of any individual," but truly and impressively " that of every man in Britain." The baneful effects of ;he Corn-laws, which restrict the supply of the first and imperative necessaries of life, are daily assuming a more frightful and alarming character; By depressing our commerce—by deranging the cur rency and monetary affairs of the country: By paralysing our manufactures at home, and creating rivals abroad: B : diminishing and rendering uncertain and fluctuating the demand for labour: By reducing wages at the time provisions are dearest— creating poverty and destitution to a frightful magnitude increasing pauperism and crime—and lowering the l physical and moral condition of the whole labouring classes: By sowing the seeds of anarchy and discontent, which ripen into deeds of open violence against the law, render ing life and property insecure : By exciting animosity and jealousy between the most important leading classes of the community, whose true and lasting interests are inseparable—and finally, By exposing to frequent and violent fluctuations the whole economy of society and industry, destroying all re liance and security on the future, and thus weakening the greatest moral tie which Providence has linked to our nature. With these views we appeal to the whole of our fellow countryrn.'n—we invoke the aid of all, because we are persuaded there exists no one whose true interests would not be consulted by the removal of these crying evils • but m ore especially, we call upon our fellow.citrzens of' this Lord Hill has a grand dinner on Saturday next at his Mansion Belgrave-square. The Dowager Countess of Listoweit gave bar first ball. in Eaton -square, on Monday evening. The ball room and the two saloons on the drawing-room floor were brilliantly illuminated. and dancing commenced at eleven, and the spirit of the scene was kept up until four yesterday morn ing. There were present some of the foreign Ministers, and their ladies ; Countesses of A - shburnam, Essex, and De Sills ; the Ladies Colchester, A. Capel (Essex), Antrobus Ptiller Vivian ; Lords Castlereagh, Blantyre ; Lady Burghersb, Mr. and Mrs. Hedworth Lambton, Lord and Lady Li &well. The Marquis of Camden gave a grand dinner, on Monday evening, to a distinguished circle at his manaion in Belgrave-square. great metropolis, energetically to unite with us in this great cause of wisdom, justice, and benevolence, and by their efforts to give increased force and encouragement to those of the whole country. We invoke all :—We appeal to all !—Without hesita tion we approach the LANDED INTEREST, and ask their aid : First—Because if these laws, enacted with the intention of benefiting them, were capable of fully effecting this object, it could only be by greatly injuring the other inte rests of society, and, therefore, the advantage could not be permanent. _ Second—Because these laws have not only most sig nally failed in their professed object, to secure high and ur.iform prices; but, on the contrary, have produced great and violent fluctuations, all the evils of which have been most strikingly experienced by the landed interest.* Third—Because experience has shown that monopoly of every description, by creating reliance on protection, however false and ineffectual, tends, nevertheless, to paralyse and destroy the natural and healthy energy of the mind, by which alone the true and lasting interests of society are promoted, ingenuity encouraged, and improve ments secured. Fourth—Because we agree with the Parliamentary Committee of 1821, on the state of agriculture, when they say, in their report—" Your Committee may enter tain a doubt whether the only solid foundation of the flourishing state of agriculture is not laid in abstaining as much as possible from interference, either by protection or prohibition, with the application of capital in any branch of industry."—And, Fifth—As an unemployed population must finally come upon the land for support, it follows that the landed in terest can be in a prosperous condition only so long as the demand for labour expands with the increase of population. It is equally clear that this demand can arise only from an increase of manufactures, as the land cannot employ one half of the present population, much less an increasing number.f It is, therefore, evident, 'that injury to our manufacturing interest is destauctive of the prosperity of the landed proprietor. We bppeal to the Capitalist,—tie Banker,—and the whole Money Interest for co-operation. The occurrences of the past year sufficiently prove the baneful tendency which these laws exercise in deranging the currency,destroy ing the balance of existing arrangements, producing panic acid distrust, and seriously affecting the vital functions of commerce, and of national credit. t We ask the whole mercantile world to be with us; to aid and assist us. For if the price of the first great ne cessary of life fluctuate so much ; of that article of which a sufficient supply must first be secured at whatever price, before anything else is thought of, it follows that the fluc tuating character of the price of grain must necessarily create similar fluctuations in the demand for all other articles; especially those great leading articles contri butory to our manufacturing industry.—lt must also be obvious that any laws which tend to circumscribe and give a character of uncertainty to the demand for our manufactures, must have a similar influence on the busi ness of our merchants, which can only be derived troll) the exports of those products and the imports received in exchange for them. If, therefore, by the ope ration of this law, there be a tendency in our manufac tures to sink in competition with those of other countries, the tendency must be at the same time to renounce our commerce in favour of those countries. The commercial interests generally are peculiarly in jured by these operations ; first, by the derangement of the earreney, by which money is rendered scarce and dear— secondly, by reducing the usual demand for foreign pro duce, and thereby producing serious losses and embar rassment to our merchants. Consult the experience of 1839 § _ _ Our merchants are, further, deeply interested in this cause. The importation of foreign grain which, because it is accidental and uncertain is replete with these serious evils, would, if uniform and regular, though only to the same amount that it at present is, become a source of healthy and profitable trade, courted, like all other busi ness, instead of exciting, as at present, the fears and alarms of the whole money and mercantile interests. To traders, therefore, of every class, we appeal for sup port • whatever th eir position, from the m os t extensive merchant to the smallest retailer. To all it must be a most important object that the price of food should be mo derate and uniform, which never can be the case under laws of prohibition and monopoly. To the Working Classes we appeal with feelings of the deepest sympathy, convinced as we are of the great suffer ing and privation to which the operations of these laws expose them. We rely with confidence on their aid and assistance ;—we invite them to cc.me and join us cor dially ;—to come and co-operate with us in all lawful, peaceful, but determined and persevering means, for a re peal of these laws : Laws which abridge the market for labour, and lower its price : Laws which limit the supply of the first necessaries of life to a rapidly increasing population, and enhance their cost : Laws which refuse to us the bountiful gifts which Pro vidence, in His wisdom, showers upon some parts of the earth, while there may be a deficient season in this coun try ; until prices shall have risen so high, that the cost of provisions tends materially further to diminish the demand for !abour, and to lower the rate of wages when bread is at the highest point : Laws which tend to increase crime, and to enhance the public burthens in order to suppress it ; and at the mo ment of the most severe pressure on the means of subsis tence, to demand fresh taxation. Such are the laws we crave your asslitarLe to abolish ; such is the misery we ask you to lend a hand to alleviate. We have not the less confidence in your aid, because the evils which have already visited your fellow men in the manufacturing districts, have not yet visited you in this metropolis in the same agonizing, heart-rending, appalling form, they have assumed amongst them • you have many friends amongst them, for whom y o u feel ; you read in the Daily Journals of all political parties, the revolting details of their misery and sufferings; you have sympathy to feel for their distress; you have judgment and intelli gence to know that their lot to-day may, cre long, be yours. - Above all, we invoke the warm and cordial co-opera tion of the whole religious and benevolent public—of the ministers of the Gospel, of all denominations—of the philanthropist and friend of the poor—of the members of the medical profession —we call upon all zealously to unite with us, to ameliorate the condition of our fellow working men, to put an end to those causes which ever and anon reduce this valuable portion of society to the greatest po verty, destitution, and want—which impair their physical condition, generate disease, and send thousands of suffering children to an untimely grave—which destroy and break down the great bulwark of virtue and morality—self-re spect; and give rise to an immense increase of crime, de pravity, and irreligion. _ _ _ . - Finally, then, Permit us, fellow-citizens, solemnly to appeal to your sympathy—to your intelligence—zo invoke your aid and co-operation :—for, deeply assured as we age that our object, the REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS, is for the welfare of all, it must be the imperative duty of all to as sist in its accomplishment. * In 1835, when wheat was 395. per quarter, the home growers supplied the whole consumption at this low price, ex cept 34,000 quarters, at a cost of 76,0001., paid for foreign wheat. In 1839, when wheat reached 70s. per quarter, the enor mous quantity of 2,700,131 quarters of foreign wheat was brought into competition with the landed interest; and took away from our shores upwards of seven millions sterling of gold. t In 1811, 895,998 families were engaged in agriculture in Great Britain. In 1831, 961,134 families were so engaged, being an increase of only 65,136 families in twenty years ; or, reckoning six peasants a family, an increase of 390,816 indi viduals. And this is about the increase of the population every year, showing that the population increases twenty times as fast as the land has been able to employ them. In 1811, 1,129,049 families were engaged in Great Britain in trade and manufactures. In 1831, 1,434,873, being an increase of 305,824 families, or nearly two million of individuals. On the sth October, 1833 and 1839, the bullion and de posits in the Bank of England stood thus : PLPOSITS. BULLION. October 5, 1833 " 1839 with a debt incurred to a foreign bank of 2,500,000, to eke out our means of paying for foreign wheat. §3ln 1838 and 1839 the following quantities of the articles enumerated, were taken into consumption, by official state ments, all bearing on the industry of the country. 1838. 1839. Cotton Wool ... 460,756,013 lbs. Shreps' W 001... 56,415,460 " -... Raw 'Silk .. ..... 3 ,683,738 " Flax, &c........ 1,625,830 cwt. 1,228,894 cwt. And all the contributory articles to manufactures show a cor responding decrease, in dye stuffs, &c. &c. ; and, therefore, to this extent must have limited the demand for labour. PRINTERS' PENSION SOCIETY. The Seventeenth General Meeting of the Sub scribers and Friends of this excellent institution was held on Monday at the London Tavern, Bishopsgate-street, for the purpose of receiving the Report of the Committee for the past year, with the statement of the accounts; to fill up the vacancies of the Committee; to appoint the several officers of the Society, and to transact other business con nected with the institution. Mr. R. TAYLOR was called to the Chair. The Secretary then read the Report of the Committee for the past year, which stated that the finances of t h e inte Society wore in a very satisfactory condition,earto h Com mittee having been enabled dur in g the year Three-and-a-Half per Cents., 3611. 18s. Id., in addition tt the 6001 already invested in behalf of the Society. The expenditure amount e d to 6131 . I Is. 4d., and t h e re ceipts to 644/. 6s. 2d. The profits realised by the excurs ion to the Nore amounted to 601., th e steam perfor mance at the Eagle Tavern, 251 ., and the thvveiaiterhical pe r f ormance at the Strand Theatre to 11/. 55., placed at the disposal of the Society. w ith h a d b een respect to th e m otion carried at the last a nnua l meeting for the establish ment of alms-houses, the Committee stated that th e y h a d been unable to make any p rogress in furtherance of the plan, and left it to the trade to do with the subject as they might think fit. The report concluded by urging upon the Sub,cribers not to relax in their exerti ons t o st ill carry out the useful a n d benevolent designs of the Society. The Report was unanimously adopted. At four o'clock the ballot for four pensioners closed, and the successful candidates were announced as follow : T. Harris 3,031 Ward Rhynd 1,825 Scott Since the establishment of the Society, ;57 men and 35 women have been elected as pensioners ; and there aro at the present time Is men and 24 women receiving the be nefit of the institution. Mr. Figgins resigned the office of treasurer, in conse quence of ill-health, and Mr. R. Taylor was chosen to fill the vacant office: The vacancies in the Committee were then filled up; and the usual routine business having been gone through, thanks were then voted to the Chairman. who acknow ledged the same, and the meeting separated. EVENING EDITION MARKET INTELLIGENCEI7' Marc!! (From the London New Price Current of Marc IltrM, BRANDY, IND HOLLANDS.—In Leeward lslan Rum large purchases have been made since we last wrote, and prices have further improved id to Id per gallon ; strong kinds sell the most freely, the sales are 500 puncheons, proofs at 3s 8d to 3s Bd, 2 to 6 per cent overproof 3s Sd to 3s 1014, 7 to 12 over 3s Ild to 4s 2d, 14 to 18 over 4s 3d to 4s (id, 20 to 25 over 4s ad to 4s 10d, 26 to 33 over 5s to 5s 4d, .;35 to 35 over 5s 6d to 5s 9d. Jamaica has been in good r t stus.st, j and 200 puncheons have been disposed of at hiA hot prices by Id for 28 to 35 per cent. overproof 5a 8d to 6s h.'s been given, 6s Id to 6s 3d for 36 to 38 overproof, and 6s 44 to 6s 6d for stronger and favourite marks. The stocks in first hands is very small, particularly of fine Jamaica; some parties will not sell proof Leewards under 3s 9d. For East India 10 per cent. overproof 3s 9d to 3s 10d is asked, at which small sales have been made. In Brandy a fair business has been transacted at full prices, Cognac first brands, of the vintage of 1336 have been disposed of at 5s 3d to is 6d in put* and hhds, ditto 1937 5s 2d to 51 bd, ditto 1838 5s to 51 3d, ditto 16394 s lid to 5s 24; there are buyers to sense extant rather under these rates, but no sellers thereat. Geneva has been taken sparingly, and Is 11 d to 2s accepted for shipping quality. British Corn Spirits sell freely at 10: per gallon. To slay several purchases were made in Jamaica and Leeward Island Ruin, and at the rates quoted above holders were firth ; still without arrivals. In Brandy a fair business was tran., acted at fo..mer prices. TEA —The r e was an improved demand for Free Tradt Tea • last week, and prices slightly advanced; large purchases were made in ordinary Twankay for ersti at 2s 64d. Common Free Trade Congou sold lsrgely at '29 44d to 2s 15d, for money, and at these rates many parties refused to sell. For prompts, hew ever, there was not much disposition manifested to do basin's's, still the transactions were oa a more extended scale, and mike prices were paid, ordinary Congou realised 2s 6d to 26 7d, mid Twankay 2s 74d to 2s Bd. The operations in Conipany's Cn gou were to some extent, and prices rallied to 2s 84tto •t„ led ; money and prompts. The news from Canton is looked for with more anxiety than has been the case since the stoppage of trade with this country and China. To-day the trade came forward with increased freedom, ca pitalists were also anxious to make investments, and a large be siness was transacted in Free Trade forscash at stiffer prices -for common Twankay, which sold carrently to 2. 64d tole 7d, and it is difficult to make further purchases, excepting- at Wie latter figure; common Congous are held for previous metes, and large purchases were made at 2s. *1 to 64d, and _cog , ordinary not better than Fukien Bo ea at 2* 4 . d per lb. For prompts there are not many buyers; still the demand i s improving, and several purchases were wade :n erd twankay it 2s 8d a 27 14d, and Congos at 2s 64d to 2s 7id ; at' these rates many of the large holders will not sell. The small quao s titi declared for sale has given buyers as well as sellers a inuala bet ter opinion of the article. In Company's Congou a good Wally purchases were made at 2s 9d to 2s bid for cash, and 24 lQd a2s lid pith prompts. The overland mail has not yet ar rived, and is looked for with much anxiety by all parties am nected with the Tea trade. Other ships of war have keesa or dered out to Canton. This afternoon a- a late hour a great deal of business was doing in Tea, and prices left off at 2s 7d a 2s 7d for ordinary clean Tvrankay for cash, 2.3 6d a 2s 6 1 ,0 for orl Wean Congou, and 2s 9fr a 9s 11 1 ,0 for Company's for money and prompts ; at these rates some difficulty was experienced ►n buying. The deliveries of Tea last week were 329,0001b5. 100 news Iron► China. SUGAR.—The grocers were free buyers of British Eanta tion Sugar during the past week, particularly of bright yel low descriptions, but a large business was prevented in conse quence of the small and indifferent assortment at Alarket ; for refining purposes 1 here was a good business done, considering the few samples exhibited for sale ; the total purchases since this day week have been 1,490 hhds and tierces, and the acitance 6d to Isper cwt. This afternoon the quantity of Sugar on sale being small and indifferent, together with 'most of the merchants not being in clined to sell, excepting at advanced prices, caused the private sales in Refining as well as in Grocery sorts, to be on a small scale, amounting to only 2:10 hhds and tierces, .at prices fully equal to those of Friday, and in some cases rather above : if there had been an assortment at market suitable for the want@ of the trade a larger business would have been done, and full prices paid, the stocks in the hands of the dealers being short. There is no arrival, and the deliveries from the warehouses are large. At public sale 104 hhds Barbadoes were only partly disposed of 6d above former rates, fine fetched 71s a 7ls e s d, g oo d 693 6d a 70s 6d, middling and good middling 67ii 69s'per cwt ; there were buyers of the whole at previous prices. REFINED.-1 be home trade have been free buyers of Re fined goods since last Tuesday, at a further advance of Is, Stand and lumps at 82s to 82s 6d, rather inferior 80s to 81s, low and good brown lumps 77s to 79s 6d, Tittlers, 84s. Treacle of common quality to 33s 3d to 33s 6d Patent, and the best old make at 34s to 365, Pieces, good to fine descriptions at 67s to 745, low and middling 62s to 665. Bastards at 54s to 61s. Bonded crushed Sugar for present delivery 34s 6d has been been given, and 34s 3d to wait a few weeks. Loaves 3% to 38s 6d for 101bs, and 37s to 37s 6d for 14 lbs. Treacle at 13s to 13s 3d. Pieces and Bastards have moved off steadily, the former at 24s to '2B s, and the latter at 17s to Ills. Alauttivius.—This description has found ready buyer, at prices 6d to is above those of the last auctions; only 272 bags have been offered at public sale, and sold at 64s to 66s 64 far middling and good middling greyish yellow. EAST Istnia.--The home trade have shown much desire to purchase white descriptions of Bengal by private contract; and have paid an advance on former rates of 6d for 3,000 begs. Good strong yellow fetched 71s to 723, good middling till's 6ti, damps and washed 67s to 725. Alanilla, middling to gooi mid dling yellow sold at 22s 6d to 235, fine brown 225, damps 21s to 21s 6d, washed 21s. Low brown Bourbon; 19s to NW 6d has been paid by private contract. This afternoon there was a good deal of inquiry after Fo reign East India descriptions, but the depend was restritied, in consequence of the few parcels offering ; for some small isir cols of good yellow Java 25s has been given by private cost emi t. AloLassxs.—West India have been in good request by pri vate contract, and prices have again improved 6d; fth Sood middling Demerara 34s 6d has been currently paid. 32e Oa for very low thin Dominica, and 37s for tine old Easbadoes. COFFEE.— I he trade have shown little inclination to do bu siness in West India Coffee, and the small paroels of clean kinds disposed of privately have been amongst the dealers at previous rates ; the stock held by the merchants is very small only 15 tierces Demerara have been offered at auction, and sold at 105 s a 1083 for fine ordinary unclean, and 92a a 9.9 s for broken and triage, being its full value ; no arrival sines. Ise last wrote, and nothing is declared for public competition. This afternoon there was no revival in the demand for Cof fee from the Home trade, and the private transactions wire on a small scale ; none was offered at auction. Foreign is taken sparingly ; 1,804 bags were offered at public sale, the sound was all taken in at stiff prices, viz., at 46s to 47s for ;good ordinary pale to good ordinary colory, damaged sold at 42s to 4.5 s 6d, and was considered dear ; by private contract these we some inquiry for low middling Mocha at 130 s, and good ordi nary Ceylon at 104 s to 105, per cwt. Rim—This afternoon Bengal Rice was pore sought atler, and a fair amount of business was trans acted by private con tract at rather higher prices, good middling white selling cur rently at 13s 6d to 13s 9d. Java is not to be parchased ex cepting at rather higher prices. The market has altogether assumed a firmer appearance. OILS.—Seal Oil : there are no sellers under 27/ 10s to 284. for pale of first quality ; straw colour at 25/ 5s to 251 lOs ; yellow 23115 s to 24/ 10s : brown 23110 s to 241; dark 20/ 13s to 211 ; boiled Seal 181 Iss to 191 per ton. Cojl Oil at 29/ to 29/ 10s. Southern at 231 10s, 25i for low to tine quality. Sperm 1091 to 111/. Linseed Oil at 24s to 24s 3d. Pale Rape at 37s 6d to 383. Palm at 34/ to 341 103. East India Cocoa Nut 44s to 44s 6d for first quality. TALLOW. —The market was quiet for Russian Tallow in the middle part of last week, and prices gave way to 51. 3d to 51s 9d on the spot and for delivery in the next month, but during the last few days the trade have come forward more freely, and prices are firmer, 52s having been currently paid for first quality. For delivery next month 51s 6d. For deli. very in October, November, and December next, 50s to 50s 611 per cwt. Town Tallow has advanced. This afternoon there was a good demand for P.Y. Candle ou the spot and for delivery next month, and sls 9d tos 2s paid for first quality. Far delivery in the last three months several sales were made at the above reg. IRISH RARE F.TrA, DUBLIN MARKET NOTE for tr.e EbEEE ending AI &RCN 6 38 8 4 vtl ,r. t" T.:111 i 1,572 Wheat, per barrel tzt 5t00e......1 2) (1 SS 0 u 13ere .. ..... ..... l6st - !^.e. _4l (1 857 Barley 1,466 Oai, '4 5ten0...... 11 6 15 0 0 Flour, per cwt S stone..".. - 0 - 0 1,0 2 Oatmeal ....... 8 stone..... 15 0 .7 0 Sold to Bakers only. 0,261 Cwt. Dour ..... ....... .........-. .. ill V k. " I 4 Average price of A heat anl our 65e. 4d per rack - igs. Iv- , - Xis. ed to Os `10..: Receipts of Flour. 11 ' 713) Seco•ute —*'''' trntr Vis. (1,.. 23p . 0 . Sales of Do. 18,003) . ....Triittlf *t00... tTOW i di. tlll to I'3B •.4. 18 10 14 10 lb 13 PRICE OF BRIZA1)- Quarterr. Has ct.ittrten) 6. CORK M ARKEll—Marcli 6. Whert (per 7,95t.'22z MI. to :,:13 8 I.jOatr (per JAL/ 11.04 ttl IS CM Barley . (per 0 :6 o,crtnat Cr 21 ()attires! to III:. Feet; 44. to 7d.—Mutton, SA. toekt..—VLio.4 , :. to "4/: Pork, 4gd. to sd.—Fresh Butter, :eu. to 114 f, pet Pittcr? OF ntrivio. Tithe. Mew! r:bt.s. lc ttle GirertrY First Quality....... ..10 4, second Third Fourth ........ ...... 8} Fifth Sixth CLONMELL MA LUKEI..-Mareh C. Per lwt. d. s. d. s. I. New Butter Oatmca , . . ........12 0 12 Bacon P. t c! 4,1) Renderen lard 0 b 2 J Heads Per Baf.,. Fleur, Second ..... 0 44 tour, .0 3 g C I —Household 0 42 01— F.itata...,.,th 0 Per Barret Rapeseed 2 1 ` 0 01 Barley .}4. Bere 8 4 10 01 e• i 0 KENNY A liKEI Wlicat 3,,rbarrel)3os KlL .od.to 375. 0d.1' :4 G eef ' 11 S. 6ss.rd.ta e!. Bane} `4O 0 22 0 Nluttir; pUUN.Ff r ' 6 6 14 6 4 0 0 Flour (per bag) 00 0 40 C Veti 4, 0 I. I Butter (per cwt.) 90 0 resh Butter 0 0 1 Bacon Pigs 35 0 36 0 'sit Ditto 0 6 (/ Coals 1 0 1 2 Potatoes per at.) 0 2 6 3 HAMBUR GR. Wheat, Marks 142 to 152 Magdeburg -- Auto.lt, white 140 to 156 ----- red 13s to 15'2 Brunsia Hi 142 to 156 ; MARKETS. A IN. -- Nlecklenburg 132 to 137 -- Polish ---- Holstein Rye, Mecklenburg -- Dantzic -- Elbing and Ko nigsburg BO to PO -- Upland --- Riga con Carolina and Tennessee 74t0 9% Georgia. Ist sort v4 8 2d 7% 8 Sci and 4th COFF Mocha 11 to 1356 Batavia Sornatra Rio 4% 5 Bahia SUGAR.— (Wit Havannah, White ti%to i.•• ' Brown s'ia 6N aps ' White 5& 9k, Brown 4% 5., Manilla. Bror Barley, Mecklenburgh 70 to B'2 Mudeburzti 77 to Ik 4 --..-- Holstein ------ Summer 74 to 79 Oats, Eider -- Mecklenburg -- Holstein 54 to 56 -- East Frie.tand 46 to f.O Pease, Mecklenburg Beans 9ll to 108 Buck Wheat... ........ 60 to 40 Rapeseed, Hanover Malt 'Fares 'ON. Maranham . S4 to SS4 Madras 5.4 fig, Surats 4 X 5 Domingo .... sy 7 7 'EE. Domingo La Cinayra 5 Li, 6 Porto Rico 6 f% Havannah 5 6,4 II 8% Discount.) - Bahia, White ....... to 74 Brown rs; Pernambuco, White —5% 7% Brown ..,‘ 5 to 5% 7 --, 4 _ • 414TAt R