The Sun. — London, England, 1847-03-05 00:00:00

tre tow n ented then'• was no r'" e sheriff. In ;on c t irrenn o ,r from 1111 [ter, he wag an d _kiVoY LAFC° W ' addr as be grac:ol.l,sl:y. before? .D.• ffnissit 'pet's rantagi iz or ral rail lwei E LANI ), the Rig ht relittioz owe% re° ) f,janall ese or" k :' was c° 1 1 .. ; hi s di sbsnd' ng )on ...„unPr°-4, bet d on. Fr i o he }louse, loyed lir" ! 'honk' cut' o objection ion he perO ng of sill I° the Be ecting. t i h li the Pu u it ° Bs duce the increase to über to .!. t h a t a 1) 111 a nd wh ich [ic workst d it 1353 m bers e- -, .: dy g rest . 01 " )er ot e or r eturn bunted inaudible), w hich bol r the q ues ‘ ht V " t W as ' • .1) ) carry` 01 :„ mann er w ,ord Vell: I in pa os II 1 ! There ho ns ro de. except for dy o f Coro as anY in' lov , if tbe eland bad Lloil o ns of tb. 0 di gl: e but it /1 1, the u. the short rtakt thit toe"i l'of • . 1 Ls d 0 are r ft° sole* be when 1 et i conn ee ' , ie offic e" ie cient Urn- lon. 6 " . rtiri : e„" Pgsespoo 3 J.O ocOn o s B of is in P r b 9 : the su ra b 1 he see °li a resio o anx i°/Is l ad bee; as farther he gene id on * -6 idging'„j he s e co. , he that the ther he fictrol i e stifiea i j in the ir , n of the ) acting ipoweF ed allowing his . de Voor•law ther t he .ups ti° l Aive an as soott tta laY he s toget her )ri 031 '41 )urs' • , r thclacee 0 :•o goo se e .. g weld n. for f you ilbge in no instance had the Emigration Board propounded any sch eme o f sound emigration, though he adm i tted they had been most useful in preventing unsound emi gration. In face, the board was nothing more • than a ?tore referee of the Colonial offiee, and might as well have its offices at the Colonial-office as in Parle-street. u • -laolfe, of Canada, who h a d paid much ,attention to ‘" 0 subject of emigratien, had divided the sub' into three putts--the way in which emigrants should be ie- Ylted to leave this country ; their treatment during their Vo y a ge ; and th e manner in which they should be re ceived when they reached their destination ;—all of Which were were most important questions. In his (Mr. V. ""th s) opinion, the present system was deficientin each of these points. First, no proper information was spread throughout the country with respect to emigra tion, so that those desirous of being informed on the Subject had no proper means of obtaining it. It was all very re well to say that the Colonial-office was ready to Y to all letters which were received by that depart - nt requesting information, but they ought to freely whole gate information on the subject throughout the might"e eountry, so that parties desirous of emigrating • know where to seek it. Private companies wish tinhg t 0 Promote emigration, appointed agents in all likely w n , i n the localities from which parties were toecuierate, to afford information. This a s what the Government was deficient in. These co mpanie s not only afforded the utmost information, but pot forwa r d , i n addition, the most d e l us i ve sta t emen t s , th e the purpose of tempting people to emigrate under ih tr i auspices ; side by side with which the Government e o ° t l taws correct information, so that persons might be deceived. In fact, there was no reason why an g a g e nt sho u ld not make a circuit through the country for e P u rpose of ascertaining the parties desirous of eini a:cting, and for th e p ur p ose of affording them ample correct information ; in addition to whom, he saw ti ( ) ) , rea n why they should not appoint agencies in all mat princip a l towns, f o r the purpose of dispensing infor i;incin, which would be attended with but little expense. r d Sydenham saw the necessity of appointing Go iinetanent agents, as he was of opinion that a G overn int agent ou g ht t o accom p a ny every emigrant ship Gng to the n or th o f A mer i ca , and the present Earl tisreY was in favour of erecting villages in Canada for Ce use o f emigrants ; but he revoked his plan, be cause out f °und that no private c sropany felt disposed to carry 11;n uc h a plan. It appeared from the statement of Mr. the ", that German emigrants were better eared for than d il e of this country, as they were plentifully provided j ui r e ing their voyage with animal food, bread, beer, lime witiees,' and other necessaries during their voyages, Publish "" were generally longer than those per- Pned by British vessels. Mr. Mills, who had tell a pamphlet on " Colonization," and who was Ca nada ecnversant with the subject, as he went out to wi dih , with some of his father's labourers from War agenstulre, pointed out the great advantage of having thi i * s • There were but ten agents at the outports of lee °ll.ntry and Ireland. By a return it appeared that l ast 'mirated from Southampton, and 542 from Hull, fro `. • LartsYear but there was no agent at either of these se year 1,056 emigrated from Galway, 1,108 f or m Vt r terf or d , an d 814 f rom N ewcros s, near Water lor to Cin Yet there was no agent at either of them. Owing the want of agents, prosecutions for infractions of the Stz Passenger laws were continually taking place. causes had recently occurred in Canada, and 13 in W B runswick.M Millsstated that more than f o u r - fi f r. bar ths of the emigrants of this country em ked at Liverpool, yet that town had but one t a gent, w h o, even with the aid of a clerk, could spawn ed , I nY possibility, transact the business that was t zeeneet to him in a proper manner, as it was necessary at tend all the ships that left, and frequently a g reat flat:ober l e f t i n one morning. Then a careful superin endence during the voyage could not fail to conduce to the L c :Wort of the emigrants, and save expense, by prevent thge those infractions to which he had referred. In 1841 ri ,,e Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment spoke favourably of affording the utmost Jellifies and comforts to the emigrants ; he i n tus ted the Noble Lord would adhere to those opinions h - 1847 . The superintendence ought to be performed a7_ Medical officers, who were in the habit of receiving abo ut 2001. a year for the discharge of duties of a similar nature. The worst part was the reception of h 0 emigrants when they arrived at their destination. In this respect the arrangements of the Government were Most deficient. It was acknowledged in Australia that t he best mode of dealing with the emigrants on their arrival was to disperse them ; and what was wanted was sofas person to point out to them what was best to be done, and where it was likely that they would find em ployment, and consequently, a subsistence. The want of such an agent entailed much misery on emigrants as they arrived in strange land, almost ignorant of its cus toms, and as to th e b es t way to procee d to turn t h e i r abour or their capital to the best advantage. Great advantages would accrue by the establishment of such agents in. both Australia and Canada. Great expense would not be thus entailed upon the country by the adop tion of such a plan, as few persons might perform very important offices for a large number. Certainly the three points he had raised were well worthy the most serious consideration of the Emigration Board. The next subject was one of considerable delicacy, but it was a most important one ; he meant female emigration. It would be found that the frreatest disparity prevailed in the number of the sexes in many of our colonies. In Van Diemen's Land there Were 40,788 males, and but 18,114 females ; and many ° 1 the other colonies presented similar results. The l en. Member then re a d severa l l ong ex t rac t s t o s h ow l the very great deficiency of female immigrants in the c olonies. Mrs. Chishelme, a lady of great experience Upon these Points, stated in her evidence that a good Way to remedy this defect would be the sending of a number of young women, under proper guardianship. He did not see why Government should not appoint a commission to control emigration ; they were appointing commissions upon every other subject—upon the poor laws and upon railways. He did not think that it should be left under the entire control of the emigration beard. There was nothing in the scheme which he proposed Which, in his opinion, could meet with objections from the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He did not ask for Millions—he only sought a few thousand pounds in order to establish a more complete and extended system of emigration. He desired that there should be some method which would ensure to the emigrant the ad vantage of good advice and guidance as to where he should settle, and how devote his labour. Mr. MACKINNON seconded the resolution, in order to be enabled to say a few words to the House. Any person who e oe nected himself with a colonial board, became immediately I mpressed with the idea that emigration was a sovereign panacea for all evils. He objected to interference by the Government respecting this question. eould not see any adv an tag e which would arise from the °tune of the Right Hon. Gentleman. Certainly, if at a small i l P e nse of 2,0001. or 3,0001., his suggestion could be carried t ° 2 o effect, it would be of utility to attempt it, but if any greater C,me were required, he thought that the less of the public money h was expended the better ; and he thought it would be better that any advance should not be made to encourage emi ration. He thanked the House for its attention to him while had addressed it, an d a lthough he did not agree with the Principl e of t h e motion he should secon d i t. —(L aug ht er . ) ti Air, LEFROY w ou ld n ot detain the House any length of H e, but he was anxious to say a few words upon this subject. m e t hought it desirable that while Ireland was suffering as it reli n e was from want of employment, any measure which would tdrje it from its over-population would be of benefit. Ile belt t i ed the principle of the Honourable Member's proposi hat ?' encouraging voluntary emigration, and he thought that e would be one of the most productive measures eoes ould be adopted by the Government. The emigration, if eeli e r t gedt would not be felt as a banishment, but rather as a Ho IV a benefit. He trusted that if the resolutions of the reea n i "lbw did not receive any material support, the state eau th u e athich he had accompanied it, would go forth to, and so th_ .ention of her Majesty's Government to, the subject . e ye : lf not immediately adopted, some measures might be to a i tl alla taken to assist the starving population to emigrate eit )sally wheregood treatment and employment would be se -red m. tne 14 e ,, r i ) 1( E RR said that he felt it necessary to thank the Hon. his ow e '', for proposing these resolutions to the House . ; for, in e r it "on they were admirably calculated for the relief of the 'T en t Want ' of employment arising from over-population. Irej a CQ /ernment were at present employing 668,000 men in eoun n t s d a t an enormous expense, and all that burden on the 1.4 might be obviated by the adoptien of some such mea- M e " Lhose proposed by the Hon. Member. Who f 3, "AWES could assure the Right lion. Gentleman d of e o ; O i ught forward this motion, that he had not one wo h r fo 4 re, --P4lt te uree against the way in which he had brt?ug d t rttb e -ar d• taught, however, that his Right Hon. Itrien un der - estimated the exertions of the Board of Emigra . .- gra t i e 11l duties were rather to assist than to stimulate emt detie?;' and he should be enabled to show the House that the ze a l oti - s • i mlosed on that board had been . performed ably and to Y the gentlemen composing it. He would venture poe. l that, even if Parliament were to grant the vote pro apply t he Hon. Member, it would be almost impossible to e l i ti th eti • eic it h s t u h c e cessf u ll y unless it was employed on the payment it , Passages of the emigrants, and that was a mode of using Right Hon. Gentleman would hardly recommend. fer ene ll .e case would perhaps consider for a moment with re pents ,to what the Board had done, the number of emi sehdie it had been the means of quietly and successfully yst m g it of the country. There was such a er a eri Thark st • ol, active superintendence at the port a to b e and of l an di ng , th a t the emigrant might be said Dori under a total superintendence during his whole voyage. AuitriS„the last ten yeara, the number of emigrants sent to f th e of la• amounted to ' l O,OOO, sent under the management o Maki 2t1,000 28,000 under its immediate superintendence ; taiit.. .g a total of 48,000 during the last ten years. The more r'l the hoard o f t h e d i fferent vesse l s h a d a l so b een decreased eent i . • e amount of 5 per cent. in the first ships, to a half per of c o l n . the latest ships. He would also refer to the emigration ca er i e o d h es to the West Indies, which had been most actively the fi r "t and the mortality was considerably decreasing in tope, 3,toinstance. His Right Hon. Friend had hardly, there sideri_u ne justice to the labours of the commissioners, con- L u g the large returns which he had jest given to the House. et hi, , vole at *" also state to the House the enormous extent . of th e , ax Y emigration, which had proceeded during eo_lnist ten years under the superintendence of the fro w m sioners alone. The account of voluntary emigrants, e r. lor em il o e u i e n a u r tn lp er 7 o t f o s t sd he ,3 y 9 e 2 ar p l e B r 4 so 6 d i s n , clusive, amounted to the of whom 700,000 had 6 44 to America alone. Now he would venture to say there tN i t , r s was so large a mass of people taken out of this country, superintendence, inconvenience and expense, under a system of ysletz as those had been under the voluntary An Hon s tr . Meeteea here moved that the House be counted. Nrty laatißers were then ordered to withdraw, but there being M. _embers pressnt, the House resumed. • HAWES. in continuation of his address, read extracts 441nanseveral return s o f t h e C olon ial-office, showing the great regar lager of the voluntary system of emigration. With 1:11elle the proceedines of the Emigration Beard believed they had done the best in their power to make the Z e et e under their control as efficient as possible, and to give the 1 1 / 2_ l t, , a , protection to those intending to emigrate. The Hon. p r es s t r made his motion, it would appear, in reference to the sive'e_ emergency, and in order to ease it by a more eaten system of emigration. On that head he (Mr. Hawes) crease the him, that every endeavour would be made to in• there e stream of voluntary emigration, and to effect that, would be greater efficiency given to the agency at Liver of 00 l and other ports Respectin ,, any comprehensive scheme brought forward p raree e tpe m orr i .e g d r a t tinnt the Government, had no doubt, would be give every consideration to any that might be rward which appeared of a practical and useful nutcha whatever was done for the advancement of emigre. THE SUN, LONDON,_ FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 5, 1817. tion, he would beg leave to observe, that one of the very first things they would have to do, in order to make it successful, would be to give a free constitution—a good system of self government, to every colony they might establish, towards which the recent charter given to New Zealand, he might remark, was a step in that direction. There was ano•her point to wli :eh he would beg leave to make some observations. Tile Hon. Member had advised the send ing of agents into every parish in the country, and the cir culatin z of tracts and publicat ions, to excite a feeling iii favour of emigration. That was a course which he ( Mr. Hawes) could not consent to, for, independent of the expense of such a plan, it would be a most dangerous and unsatisfactory pro ceeding. He had no desire directly to negative the motion of the Hon. Member, whom he believed to be actuated by the best intentions, and he would, therefore, content himself by moving the previous question. After a few words from Mr. FOSTER, which were inaudible in the gallery, Dr. BOW RING expressed himself that the system •f emigration, hitherto carried on with our colonies, was of a most unsatisfactory character. He hoped that in future the Government would give full effect to the expression of the Hon. Member (Mr. Hawes) that free constitutions would be given to the colonies. He would ask the Hon. Member what were the intentions of the Government in this respect? e Mr. H A WES' excused himself from giving any answer to the question at present. He would only remark that at the beginning of last session a Noble Lord on the other side of the House explained the plan which was intended to be taken in respect to the colonies, and the first fruits of it was seen in the charter which had been granted to New Zealand. Mr. SMITH O'FiRIEN considered the Government had not shown itself hitherto sufficiently impressed with the im portance of emigration, and hence the arrangements made in reference to it were of the most defective character. In the beginning of the session, he called the attention of her Majesty's Government to the necessity of the Emigration Board issuing information in a circular every year, at the be ginning of the season to intending emigrants, with regard to the best places of location, rates of wages, &c. ; but nothing had been done to effect such a desirable object. He quite agreed with the Hon. Member for Northampton, respecting the ap poir,tment of agents, as he considered there ought not be a single outport without an emigration agent. They were ap proaching a crisis in emigration, and they should he prepared with efficient arrangements for it. Another point to which he wished to direct the attention of the Government was, the greater facilities which might be given to the Board of Guar dians to assist emigration from Ireland, and if agencies could be formed in the colonies to transport emigrants to the places where their labour was required, it would be a great step in the right direction. He thought that this desirable good might be obtained by a Government advance to the same extent as the capital furnished by the emigrant himself. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he would endeavour to reply to the observations of the Hon. Member. The Hon. Gentleman had asked, in the first place, whether they could form an estimate of the number of persons who had emigrated into the British North American Colonies. It was impossible to give any estimate of the kind; and it was because they were unable to form this estimate that, after a great deal of consideration, they hail thought it unadvisable to undertake the payment of the passage-money for intending emigrants. Under the operation of the former system, the great number of the emigrants arriving in Canada were left destitute In such towns as Montreal ; they endured a vast amount of suffering, and were, therefore, proportionably disappointed, after having crossed the seas to better their condition. There was also this further evil attending the system, that it originated and kept alive an indisposition to emigration among those left at home. It was, therefore, in the opinion of the Government, better that emigration should be carried out by individual exertion, assisted as it might be by voluntary assistance from landlords, and from other private sources. The Hon. Gentleman knew full well that a very large sum —he believed above 200,0001. — had been transmitted from persons resident in the colonies to friends in this country, for the purpose of assisting them to emigrate. This was a very satisfactory proof that great exer tions could be made without any aid from Government. But the Honourable Gentleman asked further, whether it was the opinion of the Government that the Emigration tax should be continued. At first sight this tax was an appa rent obstruction to emigration. He did not think, however, that it was a real obstruction, and, therefore, he considered that it should be continued. The object of the tax was a praise worthy one. The House was aware that many emigrants ar rived at Quebec in a most pitiable condition, who were unable to go up into the country either from physical inability, or the want of funds ; while, at the same time, there was a sufficient demand for labour in Western Canada. The tax itself did not exceed ss. a head; and one of its objects was to give assist ance to such individuals ; another object was to provide hospi tals for the sick. The consequence had been, that the emigra tion reports had been very satisfactory. He found that the emigration in the year 1846 into North America was 125,678; into Australia, 2,347 ; into other places, 1,786, making a total of 129,821. The Honour able Member was not perhaps aware that Government voted a small sum annually for the purpose of giving assistance to emigrants who desired to reach the interior of the country. He did not know what the precise amount was, but it was not proposed m ore it s hould extended a P pear that emigrationto diminish t w h o e ula sum y r t o h c i e s e year, a u r i. a and if d t o an inc a r r e t a i s fi e ci i a t i th d a e t em if e t d he e y xpe c d re je a l t ' e t sHcealewathsasntruonsugalyl, iotfnotipgilniitonbe stimulus in addition to the great national desire that now ex isted for emigration, they would run a risk of so inundating those colonies that the residents would find it difficult to subsist. He was informed that in the state of New York it was under deliberation whether they should not impose a tax with the view of putting a check on the present tide of emigration. For these reasons he was of opinion that no assistance from Government would be required. Mr. HOPE thought that the Board of Emigration would have been sufficiently active if they had had money enough, and unless they were to institute some large and extended system of Government emigration, assisted from, and supported by the public funds, they would not carry out their objects to the ex tent so much desired by the Right Hon. Gentleman. Mr. CHARLES BULLER rose to observe that the re marks which he had made on the occasion referred to, was simply that, with reference to the colonisation of North Ame • rica, the association had acted on the hope that they could rectify a great defect, and one which arose out of the fact that its operations had been impeded by the majority of the public lands which had passed from the hands of the Govern ment into the hands of private individuals. His Noble Friend had stated before the commencement of the session, that, in his opinion, it made not one tittle of difference as to hew these monies were to be applied, so that they were used for the purposes of the Commission. But a material point arose as to how far this would affect the people of Ireland. and he believed that if these resources had been funded that the system might have succeeded, and that it would be poss.ble to found British colonies in any part of the world. Now, no one was more desirous of promoting colonisation, but he believed, for his own part, that a great mistake was made on this subject. There was at the present moment two great ob stacles to carrying out the plan of colonisation ; the first was, that no sufficient means had been devised by the Legislature for carrying out this system of colonisation, so as to enable emigrants to go out ; the second was, that if they did go out, there was no land fund in existence fur providing resources for the emigrants. In Upper Canada, where thee was the largest and finest block of fertile land unoccupied in the world—but of that immense block by far the greater part had been granted to absentee proprietor s, and out of 17,000,000 acres of the finest land in that province, not more than 6,1.00 acres remained in the possession of the Crown — all the rest had been jobbed away. Then, again, in Prince Edward's Island, which, from its geographical position, for the fertility of its soil, and for the salubrity of its climate, offered one of the very finest fields in the whole world for extensive colonisation from its insular position as well as its relative position with respect to Great Britain. The United States and Canada offered the best prospects for com mercial intercourse. There were in the hands of the public an extensive tract of upwards of a million of acres of excellent land which, at the present moment, were only supporting about a population of 12,000 inhabitants, and that 12,000 of the most stagnant, unintellectual, and unprogressive community in the world, and yet this extensive province that had thus been left to stagnate had been granted to a number of people who hail never been in America, and who never in tended to go there, and yet it presented the noblest opportunity for colonisation that could possibly be conceived. But if they wished to look at a country which possessed the greatest opportunity for colonisation—one which was boundless in extent, admirably situated for commercial rela• tions, and likely in every way to strengthen the relations of the empire, they would turn to the country of which the Cape of Good Hope Was the boundary, but they all knew what was the reason which prevented the occupation of that country for the purposes of colonisation, in the proper sense of the word—that was the savage war that was being carried on upon the frontier of the British possessions. Then there were the colonies of Australia and New Zealand, to which the attention of the pre sent commissioners had been so energetically turned, and, could it have been carried out, colonisation and sending out emi grants on a grand plan would have been the rest It. But to this there was now an obstacle. Then the only plan was, to encourage a large emigration to the United States and Canada, and to this matter the commissioners had directed their most earnest attention. He owned that the Commission had been placed in the hands of men who, he did not mean to say had not a full knowlege of our colonial empire, or who were not desirous of promoting the cause of colonisation, or were not aware of its manifest importance, but he would say, that the report of the Emigration Commissioners had not been suffi ciently entertained by the Colonial-office, and that no system had been adopted by the Government worthy of the British colonies—no system worthy of our ancestors, or such as our ancestors had successfully carried into effect, and they must, therefore, look in some other direction. He would, therefore, repeat, that in the very commencement of their system they must proceed in a different way, for they must in the first place provide the means for the emigrant to go out ; and they must in the second, from the disposal of lands, provide the funds for conveying the emigrant to the most distant parts of the world. (Cheers. ) Sir WALTER JAMES was sorry to hear that the only sum to be voted for t he p ur p oses of emigration was the paltry sum of 5,000/., while he saw that the sum of 8,000,000/. had been voted for Ireland during the present year, and the Noble Lord only intend e d that country. He• hoped 10,000,0001. altogether had been granted for the relief of to limit the amount of the g rant to the present year, for if the people were to obtain a higher description of food, they must at the same time receive a higher set of wages for their work, and to do thi s he was aware that the for he rem oval o great deal better expended on some sys t e m expenss must be incurred. But woul d not the funds be a subject, which he could assure the Noble Lord and the House I of Commons that some of them detailed man y g rave and startling facts well worthy of the consideration of both, for it was his firm belief that one-half of the population will die of famine. Under these circumstances, then, he thought that it would be only wise in the Noble Lord to grant this miserable sum of 5,0001. for the present year, for if he did not it would certainly foster the notion that was now already widely spread ing, that the Government had not done all they could to relieve the distresses of the Irish population. Mr. HOPE explained that he had only desired to reduce the expenses of emigration. Mr. VERNON SMITH in reply said that he would not occupy much of the attention of the House, nor would he, under present circumstances, press his motion to a division. He was quite ready to acknowledge the zeal and ability of his Noble Friend, and the attention which he had paid to the objects of the commission, but when the attention of the Hi use laud been drawn to this subject in 1831, and again in 1836, and subsequently in 1841, it certainly was his impression that some effectual steps would be taken for carrying out the opinions which had been so generally expressed. The motion was then withdrawn. CRACOW. Mr. HUNIE rose to m)ve the adoption of the resolutions of which he had given notice, viz.:—l. That this House, con sidering the faithful observance of the General A ct of Congress,% o r treaty of Vienna , on t he 9th (lay of Jur.e, 1815, as the basis of the peace and welfare of Europe views with alarm and indignation the incorporation of the free city of Cracow, and of its territory, into the empire of Austria, by virtue of a con vention entered into at Vienna, on the 6th day of .November, 1846, by Russia, Prussia , and Austria , in manifest v iolation of the said treaty. 2. That it appears, by returns laid before Parliament, that there has already been paid from the British Treasury towards the principal and for the interest of the debt, called Russo-Dutch Loan, between the years 1816 and 184t1, both inclusive, the sum of 40,490,750 florins, equal to 3.374,479/. sterling money ; and that the liquidation of the principal and interest of the remaining part of the lean, as stipulated by the Act 2d and 3d of William the Fourth, cap. 81, will require further annual payments from the Bri tish Treasury until the year 1915, amounting to 47,006,250 florins, equal to 3,917,191/. sterling money—making then the aggregate payment 7,291,666!. ; and Ihe average, fur each of the 100 years, of 72.9101. 3. That the convention of the 16th day of November, 1931, between his Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland and the Emperor of all the Russia=, was made to explain the stipulations of the treaty between Great Britain, Russia, and the Netherlands, signed at London on the 19th day of May, 18i5, and included in the treaty of Vienna; and by that convention it was agreed by Great Britain " to secure to Russia the payment of a portion of her Dutch debt in consideration of the general arrangements of the Congress of Vienna. to which she had given her adhesion ; arrangements which remain in full force." 4 That this House is, therefore, of opinion, that Russia having with drawn that adhesion, and those arrangements being, through her act, no longer in force, the payments from this country, on account of that debt, should be henceforth suspended. In moving the adoption of these resolutions, and calling the at tention of the House to the subject of which he had given notice, he trusted that it would not lose any of its importance by the feebleness of the ability which he had to brim,- to its support. But yet, though it might in some degree suffer from this cause, he could not consent any longer to postpone its consideration, and from introducing it to the House, on that account. When towards the close of the last session he drew the attention of the House to the subject of Cracow, it would be recollected that he had stated that at that time that free city was held in military occupation by a Russo-Austrian force, and that it was likely to continue to be so held. And he had not done this for the mere solitary instance of the occupation of which he spoke, for in 1931 the same violation of treaties had been committed, and military occupation of the city had been retained for years. Again, in 1836, the same circumstance Lad occurred, and then. also, the occupation had been retained for years ; and yet the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department had begged the House to give no cre dence to his statements, for that he was in possession of better information than any which he possessed, and had asserted that the occultation would soon cease. A Noble Duke in another place had also made the assertion that the occupation would be only temporary; but what was the fact? Why, that the first information which reached this country was, that the whole of the treaties had been violated. He had always found that when we were parties to a treaty we always retained our honour and kept our faith, but he found that when the three Powers to whom he referred were parties they seldom either kept honour or good faith. But it might be said that we were now under different circumstances; for, respecting the occu pation of Cracow, they had the assertion in her Majesty's speech at the commencement of the present session, that the occupation of Cracow was a gross violation of the treaty of Vienna, and that the infraction of that treaty was quite un justifiable on the part .of Austria, Russia, and Prus sia. He trusted that he should not be met by the answer that he was limited in this inquiry by the position of the foreign department, for here was a plain declaration of the injustice of this annihilation of the free State of Cracow in the speech of her Majesty, anti she bad ordered the papers and documents respecting it to be placed on the table. He held these papers in his hand, and if Hon. Members had perused those papers as he had done, they would perceive that the first alarm of this iniquity had been created as early as January or February in last year, and that the notice that it was intended to occupy Cracow by a military force had been given shortly afterwards by Mr. Maeginnis, and that explanations had been demanded by the British Government. But he did not find that any explanation of this act of injustice had been given by the three Powers, and from Jan. to August no information whatever had been received, although it had been repeatedly called for both by the Earl of Aberdeen and Lord Palmerston, and he did think that some notice ought to have been given of the intention of the three Powers thus to proceed. The letter of Lord Aberdeen bore all the characteristics by which his diplomatic correspondence was usually marked. The one he alluded to was dated on the 25th of June, and it was distin guished by that coolness and caution, and prudence, which were always prominently evident in the Noble Earl's corres pondence. It stated, with his usual caution, that he would come to no sudden decision, but that he would suspend his judgment with respect to racow, until lie had all the diplo matic dispatches before him. He (Mr. Hume) found that the first letter of Lord Palmerston was dated on the 4th of August, and it forcibly declared that this occupation of Cracow was clearly a gross violation of the treaty of Vienna. But these papers were valuable, in so far as they put beyond all doubt the real nature of this transaction, and any Hon. Member who had the patience to read two letters which the papers contained on this subject, must be convinced that the part Prince Metternich had taken reflected little credit upon that nobleman. Prince Metternich, it would seem, had satis fied himself that Cracow was only an atom—a geographical atom. Now when this geographical atom formed the subject of a great negotiation, and occupied four or five articles of the important treaty of Vienna, it did appear to him to be a laxity of mind—a disregard of decorum—to apply such a term to it; and the word of honour of the man who had thus con sented to the annexation of Cracow and its territory was not worth a rush.—( Hear, hear.) It would be remembered that on the 11th of November, the Austrian Government published the declaration to the world. That declaration was to the effect that the State of Cracow, of its own free will and accord, had consented to the annexation. Now there was not one word of truth in all that, and the Noble Lord at the head of the foreign department, had shown it to be false in the able answer he had published upon the subject ; and he must be allowed to repeat, that there was not a man, either within or outside the walls of that House, who could find one word of truth in the paragraph he had just read. The declaration went on to say that Cracow had moreover violated the conditions upon which its freedom was based. There was in that, also, not one word of truth ; while again, it would be seen in the last page of the return, that the Courts of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, had discovered conspiracies in Cracow, which had never existed. Still the declaration concluded by stating, that the Court, after taking these circumstances into their considera tion, had deliberately, in accordance, as they believed, with all existing treaties, determined to annex Cracow to the empire of Austria. Now the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had, in plain language, pointed out how totally erroneous that was. But even supposing that it was dangerous to allow the freedom of Cracow to continue it was not for those, who were only three of the parties to the general treaty, to have annihilated that State. The three courts ought rather to have submitted their reasons for appre hending danger to the other States who were parties to the treaty, and called upon them to sanction the alteration they wished to be effected. Had they pursued that course, and succeeded in pointing out the danger that would result to Austria front the continuance of Cracow as a free State. He was not prepared to say that the allies would not have been morally nua h A nr e ip i • ln a sa,tte s afwhers t ero h tmmo e nf telh v t eF o ef aospops Sovereignsuro a ti en,hw y diegi esorn t eae h t:Axh a At teusffootst:fai Austria annexation. t y sah, p being compact, very tenra, existence they gynvotieine properly o y ,cpwi teTel t hei h rsrehl oe r eye e df pen complained tihaomuctebii warranted r t a h n e t e e t i l g b h y t y or and honourably bound to make the alteration in the treaty, but eelonaf,Lindcotearrodnad dangers, Cracow, rwhkas the h w e hil s e and over persons going to or from Cracow, it was almost impossible that the danger could be real, and consequently the whole of the measures which had been taken by the three Powers were founded upon the grossest injustice. On one occasion the Ncble Lord stated that he considered that the territory of Cracow formed no part of the treaty of Vienna, but he was glad to observe that the Noble Lord in his letter of remonstrance admitted that Cracow was included in the treaty of Vienna. Now he did hope that after that, there would be no attempt made to repeat the allegation that there had been no violation of the treaty of Vienna. It might have been expected that men who owed so much to Great Britain, who owed so much to her efforts, and to her large expenditure of money—an expenditure amounting to six hundred millions sterling, voluntarily spent—in order to place the con tinent of Europe in a state of security, would have refrained from offering England an insult beyond any thing he had ever read of. When he remembered that nearly every state in Europe owed its independence to the efforts and exer tions of England, it did appear to him to be a strange want of courtesy that all the three Courts should not have taken the least. notice of her remonstrance. He asked if the declaration of Ferdinand, dated the 1 Rh of November, did not set aside the whole of the treaty of Viesina ? and he asked if it was not sufficient to urge Government to take some decided steps in the matter. He knew nothing more dishonourable than the proceedings of the three Powers; and in order to show the House the view he took of the question, he was disposed to adopt not a simple protest, which they did not care for, but he would have them show their opinion of the transaction in a stronger manner, and he trusted the British House of Commons would lend their support to the view he took of this matter. He was asked that morning if he wished for war ; his answer was no, be was a man of peace. He was not for war, but having in his power, under a legislative enactment, the disposal of a certain sum o: money which England intended to guarantee and pay under certain stipulations, he intended to mark his displeasure of this Act by withholding that money. The stipulation under which the money was paid had been vio lated, and England being therefore absolved from its payment, he proproed to submit four resolutions to the House, for legalising the forfeiture of the money. The Treaty of Vienna was come to for the purpose of settling the balance of power in Europe, and to effect that object, Great Britain made many sacrifices, plainly showing that she was disinterested in all her proceedings. Therefore, it became important that they should look to the grounds on which the treaty was made, with the view of ascertaining if its stipulations had not been violated. He was one of those who had always objected to the treaty, but he was anxious to see peace restored, and on that ground he gave his reluctant consent to it. But still there were stipulations in that treaty which he had invariably objected to, and should never cease to think that it was a stain upon the honour of England when she consented to partitions of Poland—he meant the partitions of 1773, 1793, and 1795. He drew up on paper a sketch of the violations of the principles of freedom which were committed in connexion with Poland. In 1773 there was a division of land to the extent of 3,600 miles, con taining a population of 6,360,000 persons. That amount of territory was distributed between Russia, Austria, and Prussia There was a strong feeling manifest in England against this glaring violation of the principles of independence, and cer tainly the feeling slid honour to the country. In the same manner, in 1793, there were 6,850 miles of land taken from Po land, having a population of 7,100,000 persons; while, in 1795, there was another division of 4,592 square miles, with a population of six millions ant: a half, so that on the whole there were twenty millions of people divided between the three powers, ten millions to Austria, five and a half to Prussia, and four and a half to Russia. That robbery and separation was sanctioned by the assembled powers at Vienna, and when he considered the sacrifice of honour, England made in concurring in the partition, he could not help thinking that if they continued to carry out the guarantee after the stipula tions founded upon it were violated, England would be as bad at the robbers themselves. The treaty of Vienna ought above all, he thought, to be carried out by those for whom England had made so many sacrifices, but more particularly Austria, who in the day of her trouble, when she was nearly overwhelmed by Buonaparte, and her exchequer was exhausted, England maintained her arms, and advanced a loan of upwards of sixty millions, but now that these three powers had disregarded its provisions, it ought no longer to be respected by this country ; at least so far as the payment of the money alluded to in his resolution was con act o f tyranny, a n remonstrance followed thethe con cerned. Austri a had onl y p aid half her debt back a g ain to insultßritish Govern ment a g ainst the infraction of the treaty, lie thought wherever she ma de her a pp earance her features ou g ht to be s tamped with sh ame, and her people ever re p roved hisc oun to tr Pna g rl a d n d after of disregarding this for sanctioning this act of ingratitude and tyranny. in fraction of the Treaty of Vienna had taken p lace. When he saw that treaty, bear in g the signature of France, Prussia, He was anxious n ot to be met by the statement that no . but that of Spain. Th is and had, therefore, rendered ourselves parties to the crime. Portugal Russia, Sardinia , Sweden, indeed of every state . o untry had signed that treaty also, guarantees to ? He hoped the time was come when such wo uld not be t h ase Lest there e c . And was this country, then , to allow these parties to violate the treaty, that we are one o f the g uaran of the House to support Cracow, he would cal l the attention 11815, declaring the to the treaty signed on the 21st of Apri s should be any doubt as to the mo de in which they were bound The sixth article independence of the free City of Cracow. stated that no person inimical to the p eace of Cracow should remain, and if f oun d in the city they should be delivered up on application to the Austrian Government. Now no such person had resided in Cracow, or if they did, no such application had been made, the parties would have been given up by the Senate. The liberty of the person, as well as the press of Cracow, Ville 41.9 guarrahteed by the Emperor -- Nicholas, who, upet% his accession to the throne in 1825 took an oath, in which he swore and promised before God to maintain and execute to the utmost of his power the constitution of Cracow. Had he performed his oath? Mem bers of the Diet had been imprisoned for uttering opinions in their official character, and numbers of the inhabitants had also buen unjustly imprisoned. The liberty of the press did not exist for a single day after the possession of that city by Russia; the liberty of the press was trodden under foot. The nakedness and unkindness of this mode of procedure ought to be exposed to the public; this country should learn a lesson by experience, and it should divest itself of all connection with such faithless men, and maintain their honour unsullied instead of being dragged along with them to the commission of such crimes. The right of public representation was to be given, and an annual budget was to be submitted to the people ; but during these last t. fteen years, no budget had ever been submitted to the people, no representation of the public had been effected. The two charters were to be open to the public. Had this promise been kept? No. The Emperor Nicholas had issued an ordinance, directing the doors of the chambers to be closed. The Russian troops were curly to be admitted into Poland under certain circumstances , and then to be supported by Russia. Had that stipulation been attended to ? The first thing done by the Emperor was to send a standing army, which were supported by the inhabitants of Cracow, under every form of oppression and injustice. Anti yet England stood by and submitted to all this patiently and quietly. In the year 1832 the constitution of Peland was en tirely destroyed. Since that time thousands of Polish chil dren have been taken awe-, and sent to Russia, for the osten sible purpose of educating - them, but in reality for the purpose of destroying their love for the mother country ; they had ground the people down by oppressive taxation, and universal spoliation, by the suppression of the public universities, anti the abolition of the bishoprics. What would the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for the University of Oxford sac to that ?—( Hear, hear.) The Emperor had also appropri ated the revenues of th 3 national church, and applied them to the purpose of propagating another and a totally distinct creed. Surely his Right Hon. Friend would support him in his motion, if for no other reason than the shameful attacks upon the Church of ruined Poland. He (Mr. Flume) was perfectly ignorant of the amount of atrocities inflicted upon the Pole; until he had looked narrowly into the subject, and became im pressed with the utter magnitude] of the violation. No na tional representation had been granted to the Polish subjects by Russia. Prussia had granted a representative diet to her subjects, including among its members the Polish portion of them. Austria had in some degree done the same. Russia had alone refused it. The Poles had been forbidden by Russia their own language; their system of religion had been abolished.—(Hear.) Surely this was a subject calling for interference on the part of the British Government. Lord Castlereagh had said, when speaking of Russia to the Minister of that country, that Russia having penetrated almost to the very heart of Prussia, and having obtained upon the south east Moldavia, Wallachia, and Pomerania, should be careful not to excite jealousy among the o her countries of Europe, and further stated that the whole object of the treaty of Vienna was permanently to settle the peace of Europe. When such conduct in Powers,:who were parties to a s ilemn treaty was evinced, he asked what was the use of haying any thing to do with treaties at all ? Why should not England stand aloof altogether, and thereby keep ourselves free from the calumny which must attend on such violations? But there was now a change—an epoch had occurred ; the legal sanction conferred by the Treaty of Vienna to the division of Poland was gone ; every obligation was destroyed, and every nation in Europe was now free to act, if they thought proper, to restore that country to the people. He knew not why the same law should not prevail on the Rhine and the Danube, and the property of that oppressed people to be restored to its proper owners. When rogues quarrelled, the saying was that honest men got their own.—(Laughter.) He said those rogues had quarrelled—(Great laughter)—and he knew no reason why the kingdom of Poland should not be again set up. He begged to ask whether her Majesty's Ministers had confidence in those contracting Powers ? he asked whether the people of Austria and Prussia had confidence in their Governments. An HON. MEMBER, near the Hon. Gentlemen (as we un derstood) asked him whether he advised a revolution in those countries? M. H UME said he did not advise that ; but, beyond what he had said already, he went much further. He must say that the people of those countries were absolved from obliga tion to their Governments, and the day might come when they would be roused probably to resistance. If he could look at the horizon at all, his opinion on these events was, that what had taken place, took away all security from every small state in Europe ; it had made physical force the rule of the day, and if physical force should become the rule, he asked the House to consider what would be the consequences ? The suppression of the independence of Cracow destroyed all pretext for European international law. The faith of treaties was gone. If any man believed otherwise, he called upon him to assert his opinion, and when he had made the assertion, to prove it.— ( Hear, hear.) He emphatically said the peace of Europe was gone. He felt he must refer the House to the correspondence which had occurred between one of those powers and Switzer land. The Hon. Member, after reminding the House of the change which had taken place among the States of Switzerland, F re e a d d er a al p G or n t e io e n tn o rn f h e t nt e n le f tt s er from witzeria t n he d, Co in u w rt of Austria hieh itwas to he stated h that that Court, always respecting international treaties and good faith, would continue to respect her relation with the States of Switzerland, so long as the power of the Federal Government, was not virtually invaded, for that federal Government was recognised and satisfied in the treaty of 1815. The Hon. Member could not conceive how that Court could be so impudent, for he knew no worse word —(Laughter)—by which to charact( rise her conduct. In his opinion, a less warrantable statement than that which he had just quoted, had never been made before a criminal judge. He must say that proceedings as these were only the commence ment of violations; it led necessarily to more iminent risk of a breach upon the peace of Europe, which was now deprived of all security. Notwithstanding the sacrifices at which that peace had been gained, and security to Poland guaranteed, the vio lations of these had now been such that her Majesty was under the necessity of emphatically marking her opinion of them from the throne. It became this country then to express their ahhorence of the deed. The time was now come when matters so serious, must be viewed in a proper light, anti he hoped her Majesty's Ministers would be moved to exert their utmost power to express their abhorrence of the act ; he hoped the House would do the same, and that the House had it in their power to exhibit their indignation emphatically, as he hoped to show. Ile must, however, notice in passing the representation given by the Noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck) of the situation of Cracow. That Noble Lord stated that tire Polish inhabitants of Cracow, on the occasion of the entry of foreign troops into their country, had danced and made bonfires, and exhibited other demonstrations of joy. He knew not what might be the source of the Noble Lord's information, but he (Mr. Hume) had a document in his hand, the genu ineness of which he d i d not doubt for a m oment , giving a picture the very o pp osite of that drawn by th e N o bl e Lord; and he must think that the Noble Lord's description applied to the oppressors and not to the oppressed. He said he had yet to show that money had tbeenreat which ou g ht not to be paid. treaty and was b e i ng pa id , to one o f the contracting powe rs, aid. B the fourth art icle of the of 'Vienna, a treaty between Englaßndu,sso-RDunsstieah, ,rid Holland, was set forth respecting the year 1815 to the year Loan, which was payable on two contingencies. One of these was the allegiance of Belgium to the King of the Netherlands. England bound herself for the interest, 25 Act was passed in that House to enable t h e Government the n make that payment. But in 1831 there was a change. the year 1830, Belgium was separated by a revolution from Crown of Netherlands. England sanctioned the separation, and.e 25,0011,000 florins, u s a t t o l n p e e rcent hundred., pa y y e a a b i l . s e ; from and thet yet continued to pay the money stipulated in the treaty. H thought they were then p what they had no right to pay, aid he in his place a3' stated ng then that he thought they were wrong. The Government on that occasion were ntnt convinced, but on s econ d t h oug h ts t h e y afterwards brought i o n an andteri ng thatth the convention,tr treaty o f 1815 afterto sstujipttiltahteingchiadne an Act to sanction the payment. In the year 1831 it t us e s ce , a a l_ s a new convention negotiated between England and i of conduct s ect of be tween the courts of London and St. Petersburgh, bit?inrdeinp and Belgium, re-organised the treaty of Vienn a as stipulated its observance. An Act ratifying was brought in and passed in the 2d and 3d of of that Act c. 81 If such, then, was the express declaration former Act and that convention, equally binding as was the that Act as changeyf circurnstarr ces. rod treaty, he asked the house now to set aside tb them to they had set aside the treaty of 1815. If he ? e lv C d o li n a v in g en ' l t v io . n , asked consider it do that because it was his own opinion, they of very little value, but a learned civilian, said that in petent to form a correct judgment on the subject' the loan for vernment of England was absolved from pa continued to pay which they had stipulated. If they c necessary according to it another Act of Parliament would be ot do so by the Act consequence o f the infraction of the treaty by Russia the this gentleman's gentleman's views, for they _could Indebted to the Hon. under which they paid it now. H wh() might as very corn right to pay the money. That Hon. Gentle to the effect, that Member for Kinsale for the opinion his hand an extract from Vatel, which w s could not be consi. the several articles composing one treaty ld be no doubt but dered as several distinct treaties. There and. it was also equally the treaty of Vienna had been violated, true that while in the ratification of that treaty .there were some others objected to. It of the articles agreed to, and there wer e broken there was thniattlemthaeny h aTs d o p n u o t le in g t a o l one part, therefore, of the obligation was r. '" Law of tracts from Grotius and from Martins them Let Nations" to support the same view. Russian-Dutch loan had now see how the payments of the nothing obligatory in the remainder. Wn had also ex -000/. in interest, principal of this loan paid off, and ' - sum that for a coun try a total of 3,374,0001. A pretty of the Exchequer said would not try which the Chancellor revenue for the pre sentproceeded. From 1616 to 1846 there2h7eldb,een 645,933/. of have more than 60,000/. as the surplus The Hon. Member then read over the third reso year l lution which he intended to move, and proceeded to say that he yearHe had shown the been considered by al; had now progressed, step by step, in unfolding the various pro ceedingsasis of the future at k w tp l h u e l he te t po hi ptlpcoaelrohlerolulieo: events v.e Englande whichn ts h i h da het wt oo h pi o , i reb nf odep tophs parties etosoutsoe theta,ot hfi Cs he had shown 1815-he hail sacrifices e snwhahetoiwonnawtlhe that eot arrangements h n ti n hpe c e ha c r t ttE e ire d eng w tlya i t t no h odf that made vite of Europe Vienna sa n fEr v ouh e tmh n ra oe t dp i convention. be . that several articles in that treaty had been agreed to by the contracting parties, and that the independ ence of Cracow was expressly guaranteed:owreiiotuhna unanimously n nui it. nm doeurs H tl yh e ec h soe a n d ed ie s r h me o un w me n ii. t h at the proceedings of Austria were a manifest violation of 1 the Northern Powers—he had shown that c l tie u ee s sel s o i i a nn li g h t e sb ad °e d broken her treaties, England had strictly that solemn engagement—he had shown that Lord Palmerston: concurred in this o pinion kt . :etah H tei e rees had read extracts from several Commons n n u m d s notanns would o p u e Irdm degradation.ni t not, , the a s stances the Ministry ought to have the moral courage to take far as they were concerned, suffer such an infraction of the most solemn treaties without pronouncing against it their strongest condemnation. The Hon. Member concluded by moving • the resolutions, which will be found at the commence ment of this speech. Lord SANDON seconded the motion, and thought himselt fully warranted in doing so. The most remarkable part of the transaction appeared to him to be the undisguised manner in which these Powers carried out their intentions. The Noble Lord proceeded to draw the attention of the House to the correspondence that p assed betwee n the Char ge des Affairesat France, the Earl of Westmorland, and the Minister Foreign Affaires in Prussia, from the Ist of April, when the movements of the great powers became suspected till the 25th June, when the Itarl of Aberdeen wrote his dispatch to the British consul at Warsaw. After a silence of three months a formidable dispatch ap peared, to which the name of Prince Metternich was attached. setting forth, first, that Cracow had forfeited all title to be an independent state ; and, secondly, that no other • pow ers ha.l any right to be consulted as to any proceedings which the three powers might think proper to adopt with respect to it. But to enter into a controversy on all the points, after they hat: been so fully dealt with by the Ministers of France and England. would be a work of supererogation, yet it seemed but nature that the House should express its concurrence in the course taken by the Government of this country with respect to the conduct of these powers. He was one of those who utterl repudiated the doctrine, that the question h ong t to s h e con sidered as a domestic one in which the other powe rs o Europe ought not to be consult e d ; i t was a mos' extraordinary argument ; perhaps the most extraordinary thing in the whole proceeding. Clearly the distinct stipulation be' peen Austria, litts:is, and England was, that the eafetyot Cracow should be guaranteed; certainly such an assertion at once destroyed the argument that this was a domestic question, with which this country had no right to deal. The correspon dence between Lord Castles as,h and the late Emperor Alexan der of Russia, showed as clearly that the matter was considered by both Russia and England, as a question of the utmost im portance. No one of tae States who were party to the treaty of Vienna, had a right to pick out one part of a transaction, and to say, " That is of no importance ; we will take what steps we think proper respecting it, without consulting any of the parties to the treaty."—(Hear, hear.) Those who fa voureil the conduct of the three powers, urged in support of their proceedings, that the treaty had not been strictly adhered to, and that material changes had taken place—namely, the separation of Belgium from Holland ; that certainly was a material alteration, but then it should be borne in mind that that separation was not considered valid until the whole of the powers had ratified this departure from the strict letter of the treaty. In looking at the suppression of Cracow, they must not simply view the number of souls which it contained, nor the number of acres it covered, but as a great transaction the object of which was to put a stop to the nationality of Poland— ( Hear.) There was no pretence for saying that any under standing was come to at the time of framing the treaty with the three powers, that an advantage was afterwards taken of it for the purpose of destroying the last remnant of Polish inde pendence, and it was ridiculous to say that the securing of a proper arrangement of police oa the frontier was any pretence at all for violating a solemn treaty. He hoped that within those walls there would be no more dif ference of opinion than there was out of them, namely, that for the sake of a minor policy, the great principle upon which the peace of Europe Was based, was sacrificed. He desired to express his hopes that the Emperor of Russia would recall the noble sentiments which animated his distinguished predecessor, and give security to his empire by the extension of fresh liber ties to his subjec:s. With the expsession of this hope, lie would sit down, trusting that the first resolution would meet with a hearty concurrence. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, without entering into the general argument of my lion. and Noble Friend, I will shortly state to the House the view which I take of the motion which has been laid upon the table of the House. With regard to the argument which tas been stated, that the three powers were not justified by treaty—by the treaty of Vienna, in con cluding for themselves whether the constitution of the free state of Cracow should be maintained or not; with regard to that argument, I cannot but concur in the view taken by my Ho nourable Friend who made, and my Honourable Friend who seconded the motion. I think it is clear, from the words of the treaty of Vienna, that a violation of it has taken place. I think it is clear from the articles of the treaty itself, that the words which gave a constitution to Cracow, were not an immaterial part of the treaty, but evinced one of the prin cipal relations under which it was made at the conclusion of a bloody and destrustive war. Nor can I think that the arrangements which placed the Duchy of Warsaw under the dominion of the Emperor: of Russia, the stipulations of which formed the basis of a long and singular correspondence between the Minister of Foreign Affairs in this country and the Emperor of Russia, I cannot think that these arrangements, which left one single particle of the country free and inde pendent, were immaterial and insignificant. It cannot but appear, I think, that however small the territory may be— however small the population of that place may be—yet the treaty formed at first between these three powers, and then by all the powers who were concurring parties to the treaty of Vienna, by which that city should be free and independent —meant that that freedom and independence should leave to Poland—should leave to some part of the Polish nation a separate existence.—( Hear.) And that, giving up much—admitting much to the Emperor of Russia, it was yet a confirmation of the principle that some part of the Polish nation should retain its independence and separate existence. For these reasons, therefore, I think that if its existence, as a city, has been secured by a general treaty. whatever com plaints the three powers had to make, that Cracow was the focus of disturbance and revolution, and that intrigues there found a centre and a means of organization ; and that by the rise from that small city, of insurrections against the three surrounding powers, it was impossible to preserve those powers from those insurrections; that if these reasons were good and valid ones, they ought to have been stated to England and France—( Hear, hear)—and that England and France should have been invited to a congress, or some species of conference, in which their consent should have been asked, to put an end to that state of things which these three powers declare to be intolerable, and which they could no longer per mit with safety to themselves. So much, I think Sir, is clear from the papers which record the general transactions of the treaty of Vienna; and so much I think is clear from the passage which my Noble Friend oppo site read from a statement of the Prussian Minister of Foreign Affairs, and in which he admits that if the arrangement of the treaty of Vienna were to be altered, a correspondence with England and France ought to be the necessary consequence. In the next place, I think with regard to the reasons which are given by these three powers, and which are stated more especially by Prince Metternich on behalf of the Court of Austria, that these reasons appear to me not sufficient for', their violent proceedings.—(Cheers ) I cannot myself imagine that then: could not have been pre cautions taken which, however they confined and limited the actions of the free and independent city of Cracow, could yet have secured that its name and its independence should be maintained, and that all danger from refugees, and from its being made a place where strangers from all parts of the land planned conspiracies, could have been avoided and pre vented. It does seem to me most extraordinary that this little state—this mere atom— surrounded by Russia, by Aus tria, and by Prussia—by these great and mighty monarchies— each with vast military forces—each with abundant means of having the command of all the roads leading to Cracow, and having the power to march troops at any moment into the city of Cracow, having themselves certain rights, which were constituted and ;assigned to them by the treaty of Vienna— that they should find themselves so powerless as to be unable to prevent Cracow from being dangerous to their power and se citrity. I cannot think that these three powers slid earnestly, vigilantly and sincerely, use all the powers which they had, in order to prevent Cracow from becoming the means of disturb ance; arid it cannot but be suspected, especially in the latter part of the transaction, that when the Government was dis solved in Cracow, and disorganisation had taken place, it was to them not an unwelcome circumstance—(Cheers) —that is, not altog,thher unpalateable to these three powers—that they were able to see that all the moans of good were gone in Cra eow—that it was in a state of anarchy and disorder—and that nothing remained but the title of independence. I think, therefore, Sir—both on the grounds of the treaty of Vienna, and the importance of the stipulation with regard to Cracow, and with regard to the reasons urged for its extinc tion—that, in the first place, it was a manifest violation of the treaty of Vienna, and I think that if the question had been discussed in a congress, or in a conference among the powers, there is no sufficient proof, as far as we have hitherto seen, that these three powers would have been able to persuade the minds of England and France that there were sufficient rea sons for the course they adopted. Neither, Sir, am I con vinced, by the instances which are given by the Alinister of Austria, that the various stipulations of the treaty of Vienna, which have been altered by mutual arrangement of the princi pals concerned, and whose territories were affected by that treaty—(such as Coburg and others, and which have been transferred in consideration of some increase of authority to the principals, or in mutual convenience with regard to their territories, for the purpose of giving a fair equivalent to each, and, at the same time, making a more con venient arrangement for all)—are breaches of that treaty. They are natural and easy alterations of the treaty, which might ' take place, without any person being able to call them infrac tions of the treaty, and they bear in my mind no resemblance to the one great and leading matter of stipulation in which all the great powers of Europe are interested. How can it be said with regard to this great nation—supposing that some arrangement is made between Austria and Prussia for the ex tinction of Saxony—that it is not to be consulted ? These great powers are asked "How can you, only two parties to the treaty of Vienna, agree to extinguish that state ?" And what answer would it be to say that some petty territory had been divided between two or three principals, and that no pro test was made with respect to that ? Sir, I again say, that I consider the:extinction of this free state a violation of one of the main and leading parts of this treaty. But, Sir, my Hon. Frie n d is not satisfied with the protest which my Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has directed to be de livered to the Courts of the three powers principally con cerned, he wishes this House to agree to certain reso lutions. With regard to th e fi rs t o f t h ese reso l utions, my Noble Frierd opposite, who seconded the resolution, is in com plete accordance with the motion, but with regard to the last of these resolutions, he is not so far agreed to it, and he doubted if that Hou se oug ht t o a d op t it. Now, Sir, with re grd to the first resolution—" That this House views with alarm and indignation the incorporation of the free city of Cracow to the dominions of the Emperor of Austria, to the manifest violation of the treaty of Vienna." I should t beg the house t o cons id er that there is a very great difference bet ween t h a t which s been done by my Noble Friend in obedience to her Majesty's commands, and that which is proposed to this House in this resolution. It is the prerogative of th e C rown to make treaties, and to carry on the correspondence an d relations of this country with all foreign Powers. Every treaty, every engagem en t, i s carr i e d on in the name of the Sovereign, and by the command of the SovereiA l .m. treaty had been signed and re vised, as this treaty has been signed and revised, by the Minis ters of England, i n the name of George the Third a nd the Prince Regent, and any violation or contra • v ention of the tr ea ty s h ou ld take place, the person on whom it devolves to make a n y representation ofh te with regard to any protest is obviously the Minister Sovereign tl of England, who had, in the first place, made arrangement. With regard to the functions of this House, it is entirely of a different nature. When a treaty of importance: smad eor con firmed, it is usual for the Minister of the Crown i to come to this House and to ask for its concurrence. If a treaty of sub sidy or commerce is signed, and the interference o f Parliament is thought necessary, then the course is for the Minister of the Crown to come before the House for its sanction and concur rence to the same. But to affirm resolutions expressive . of an opinion on the subject-matter of a treaty, this is not the usual, nor is it the regular course of roce , d . It is not advisable that the House of Commons should P affi l r ng. the resolutionsrespecting our relations with foreign Powers, unle m ss intend be to follow those resolutions up with measures which are they effect to by the Executive. The usual course is for the giveneeretary of State for Foreign Affairs to advise her Majesty as to the course to be taken in regard to the violation of any treaty with foreign Powers.--( Hear, bear.) For my part, I have never advised nor decided that the House should take upon itself the functions to which I have referred to , or that it should imitate the conduct GI the French Chambers with regard to Poland.—(Hear, hear.) It is us ual for the French Chamber of Deputies, at the commencement of each session, to protest against the acts of the Emperor Nicholas, and declare the na tionality of Poland. I think a cause loses force by bringing it continually under notice without following up whatever decla ration may be made by other measures. ( Hear, hear.) It th er efore leads to no practical g ood to bring such a question under the notice of a representative assembly without following the matter further.—( Hear, hear.) But how great is the dif ficulty in which this country is at present placed in relation to this treaty ? It has been said that by the letter of the treaty of Vienna that we are freed from the obligations which it im poses. Now , fo r my own part, I can see no advantage in departing from the usual course, or in bringing the subject before the House for its consideration and the de claration of its opinion. I think the House should respect the usual custom in affairs of this kind, and it is on this reason mainly that I oppose the present motion. While I have no objection to urge against the resolution under consideration—for I gave my opinion formerly, as I give it now, against the sup pression of C ra cow—still I cannot consent to the course pro posed by the Hon. Membe r for Montrose. Upon the grounds I have stated, therefore, I am disposed to move the previous question. With the resolution that follows I purpose to do the same. But with regard to the last resolution, which de clares that this ceuntry " secures to Russia the payment of a:por tion of her old Dutch debt, on condition of the general arrange ments of the Congress of Vienna, to which she gave her adhesion —arrangements which remain in full force," I must demur. Sir, that is another and a different question. This arrangement was made at the time of the union of Belgium with Holland, when it was agreed that the debt which Holland owed to Russia should be taken to by Great Britain, and that this country should pay the interest on it. Russia was a party to this arrangement, and consented to it. When afterwards, and after a lapse of time, the two countries separated, Russia, according to the letter of the treaty, was no longer entitled to the benefit of this arrangement, and therefore, if the letter of the treaty was to be adhered to, you were freed from its obligations ; Belgium had separated from Holland, and the treaty might have been declared Aan end. But though you might have been fee ccording t o the letter of the treaty that would not have been acting in consistency with the justice of the ..ase, because the power which had separated, Belgium was favoured by England. For England, therefore, to say, though she had favoured and In couraged the separating party, that, as the union between the two countries was not at an end, she would declare r.erself free from the obligation and arrangement she had nude with Russia —for England to ant thus would have be n to make a dangerous evasion of that which is just and right, and I world have had no part in it.--( Hear, hear.) But she had not dine so. Though she was free according to the letter of the old agree ment, she made a new one, and agreed to continue the pay • ment of the interest on the debt. The real ground for con tinuing the payment was, that Russia had b een guaranteed the payment of the debt by England at the time of the union between Belgium and Holland ; but the union not being maintained, and England being a party to the separation, she considered she was in justice still bound to pay the interest of the debt. But un doubtedly, at the same time, the words of the convention were the same as those contained in the resolution, and it was stipu lated in it that the payment of the interest on the debt should be on condition of the general arrangements of the treaty of Vienna being adhered to. Now, these words certainly were introduced at the request of Russia to this country, in order to show, that while Russia had departed in one respect from the agreement, she was not, therefore, to be accused of bad faith in .he matter referred to. Russia wanted the words insezted in the treaty for the reason I have stated, and though England did not desire their insertion, she agreed to them ; and, as a mat ter of good faith, under the circumstances, she conceived it was her duty to continua the pay ment of the interest of the debt.—( Hear, hear.) I must say, that with regard to the spirit of the agreement, it would not be just to take advantage of these words, Russia having faithfully oh. served its stipulations. Ido think, however, that according to these words, if we were di , posed to proceed upon their close construction, we might say—" We made this agreement with your sanction, you were a party to its provision, we will, there fore, take advantage of it, and refuse the payment of this debt."—(Hear, hear.) Sir, that wonld be, as I have said, conforming to the only interpretation of this treaty. Those who have examined into the nature of national conventions— the highest authorities that we could consult with regard to the interpretation of Acts of Parliament, and the bearing of treaties those authorities who are usually con sulted on those subjects, have told us that they think that, according to the spirit of the arrange ment—according to the spirit of the convention—this sum ought to be paid.—( Hear, hear.) State it as favourably as you can for the Hon. Gentleman's motion, it is even then a doubtful point on which, if you wish to take advantage, you may claim that advantage from the words inserted in that con vention. According to my opinion, you would be acting against the spirit of that convention, in order to take advan tage of a plea which, in a court of law, may be urged against that construction, but which in the communications between nations must not be used. In the consideration of this question, I think we should only lower our position—l think we should only deprive ourselves of that advantage which we now have if we were to reduce this question to a transacti.ni of pounds, shillings, and pence.—(Cheers.) I consider that in the late transactions of Europe, although on more than one oc casion our wishes and opinions may not have been complied with—our desires may not have been lis tened to—our protests may have been disregarded, yet there does remain with us our moral strength, which no power has been able to weaken, our national honour, which no country has been able to tarnish..—( Great cheering. ) There are no treaties, either ancient or modern, in which it can be imputed to inland that she violated their spirit .in maintaining the letter of their laws.—(Cheers.) We are ready in the face of Europe, however inconvenient some of these settlements may be, to hold ourselves bound ;)), all our engagements ; to keep the fame, and the name, and the honour of the Crown of England unsullied—(Cheers)—to hold that unsullied honour as our brightest jewel, and to take measures that it be not tarnished. With that sentiment, Sir, if I should ask my Noble Friend to go to the Court of Russia, and to say, "To be sure you have violated the treaty ; to be sure you have extinguished an independent State ; we have allowed this to be done ; you will have no breath of war from England; we will not arm for the purpose of restoring Cracow; we will admit that State to be extinguished, we will ' admit her inhabitants to be reduced to subjection, we will admit that their la n d of f ree d om s h a ll b e I ns t t o th e m for ever; but this we will do, we have a claim against you of some thousands of pounds, which we shall throw upon your shoul ders, and we think that way we shall revenge ourselves on you for the infraction of this convention." I say we shall be thus using language which does not become the position which England has hitherto held, and which she shall in future hold in the eyes of the world.—(Cheers.) I a , k you therefore having thus stated, as shortly hs I could, my opinion of this transaction, I ask yon not to come in this House of Commons—which does not usually, without great provocation, interfere in the foreign relations of this country—l ask you not to come to any idle resolution, on which you do not intend to act.—( Cheers.) I ask you not to lower this question down to a mere question of money. I ask you not to estimate how much this Russian stock is worth in the market. I ask you to allow, as this House has hitherto allowed by its silent ac quiescence, the protest which the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has delivered, to remain in full force, as a declaration on our part—a declaration which will have its full value, de pend upon it, with regard to future transactions, as showing that we respect the faith of our treaties. Let us have it to say that we have not studied only the interests of England in this mat ter—let us have it to say that we have looked to no interest, either large or petty, concerning ourselves—let us have it to say that we have only regarded the great interests of Europe ; that we have observed that that settlement which put an end to a protracted, expensive, and bloody war—that that settle ment should remain in its full force and vigour --(Cheers. ) We have declared that sentiment to the world, and we trust that the reputation which this transaction will meet with in future, will induce all powers, howeves disposed to violate treaties, to consider that they may meet wirtlie deserved remonstrances and protests of England, whose character shall stand before the world untarnished by any act of ours. —( Cheers.) Mr. 11IONCKTON MILNES moved the adjournment of the debate. The Hon. Member trusted that the Noble Lord would allow the debate to take precedence to-morrow. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that as only two days in the week were allowed for Government business, he hoped the Hon. Gentleman would not ask him to give up to-morrow. He did not think, however, that there was any motion of great importance on the paper for Tuesday, and he would be very willing to allow the adjourned debate to come on upon that day. On the motion that the debate le adjourned till this day week, _ _ Mr. T. DUNCOMBE expressed his surprise that the Noble Lord should propose the adjournment till this day week, when it had always been the custom of the Right Hen. Ba ronet opposite (Sir R. Peel) during last session when a debate was adjourned to take it on the next night in preference to the order of the day. The other night the Government had taken the pains to prevent the formation of a House, and he thought it would, on all accounts, be advisable to take the debate, tor, in his opinion, no question could be brought forward in which the honour of the country was so much at stake than the prin ciple which was involved in the resolutions of his lionouraJle Friend. Mr. M. MILNES could bear testimony to the fact, that the Government had prevented the formation of a ll9use when this question should have been brought forward. Dr. I3OWRING asked whether there was any objection to take the debate to-morrow, if the money was voted? Lord G. BENTINCK said, that when this motion was brought on, the Hon. Member himself was not in the House. Mr. HUME said that it was true that when the clock struck four he was opposite the church—( A. laugh)—but he himself could not make a House, and he hoped the Noble Lord would allow the debate to come on to-morrow night, as he wished to get the matter off his hands—(Laughter)--as he had other things which required his attention. Mr. FERRAND said that as the question was whether the debate should be adjourned till this day (Friday) or this day week, he would move the adjournment of the House instead. After a few words from Mr. J. FIELDEN, deprecatory of this resolution, Sir R. PEEL said that on many accounts it was advisable to continue the debate to-morrow, but as the Government had only two days ia the week to bring forward public measures, he thought that it was but proper that a discretionary power should be left in their hands to regulate the business of the House, especially en their own nights. And this was the more necessary, as they had now in hand great and important measures, which largely affected the weltare of Ireland. Of course if Government intended to bring forward its Irish measure to-day, he should be quite ready to vote for the ad journment till Thursday next. Mr. HUME said he should have no objection to adjourning _ the debate till Tuesday next. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had net any objection what ever to Tuesday. He hoped the Hon. Member would not persist in the amendment, because it would bring the debate to an irregular termination. He proposed to-day to take the ordnance and navy estimates, and on Monday he should call the attention of the House to a proposal of the Government with regard to Ireland. After a few words from Sir R. PEEL, who seemed to ob. ject to the debate being adjourned to Tuesday. Mr. FERRAND witkdrew his amendment. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had not answered his question, whether while he was Minister the debate was adjourned as it was pro posed to adjourn this. Alinisters were shirking from the discussion of this question, but they ought not to shrink from it because public opinion was in favour of the first part of the Noble Lord's speech, while he denied altogether the proposition contained in the latter part of the Noble Lord's speech, that the House ought not to come to any resolution upon the foreign policy of the Government. Sir ANDREW LEITH HAY considered that this was an important question, connected not only with the finances of this country, but with the liberties of Europe, and it was his im pression, that the sooner this debate was concluded the better. He should, therefore, propose that the debate be resumed this day (Friday). Mr. DUNCOMBE seconded the amendment. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. No division, however, took place, it having been arranged that the debate should stand adjourned till Thursday next. FACTORIES BILL. This Bill went through Committee pro forma. The House resumed. Mr. GREENE brought up the report, which was ordered to be further considered on the 18th of March. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve. EXTENSIVE FIRE AT DEPTFORD. On Wednesday morning, between twelve and one o'clock, information was received at the various fire stations, that a dreadful fire was raging at Deptford. The engines of the Brigade and West of England Com pany, with a strong body of firemen, were dispatched 1 thither ; and on their arrival two houses in Flagon. row, Deptford, were on fire. One by that time (a clothier and draper's) was entirely consumed. The firemen exerted themselves to the utmost, but by two o'clock both houses, with their contents, were reduced to a heap of ruins. The origin of the fire was unknown. It appears that some time after the inmates had retired to bed, a noise like the discharge of a gun was heard by one of the neighbours, and almost instantaneously flames shot through every aperture in the lower part of the house. After a deal ,of trouble the inmates were awakened, but they were unable to descend the stair case on account of the flames. A ladder having been procured, they were rescued from the second floor with A nothing on but their night clothes. young man, at great risk, forced his way into the burning n buildi g and snatched from the flames a coffin, cOntainingt—he body of one of Mr. Webb's children, recently deceased. The flames at one period extended completely ) over the entrance to Flagon-buildi ngs , so thatn(ne o the occu piers were able to escape. The excitement cre a t e d by this circumstance wa s truly distressing, O f , ir bein g nearly a dozen families hemmed in by the tire on one hand, and a wall on the other ' • and the flames at the same moment wer e travelling down the place, threaten ing destruction t o life and property. - The parties having set to work, they hurled down the wall at the end of the court, and by that means they were enabled to escape. The total damage is very considerable, but Mr. Webb is fortunately butired. • PAR!, A - MEN - TARA. - (From t .... Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) THURSDAY, MARCH 4. undarnamed Railway Bill was presented, read a first Li - ale, and ordered to be read a second time:— Edinburgh and Northern (Improvement of the Ferry e tween Ferry Port on Craig and the Northern Shore of the River Tay)—" to enable the Edinburgh and Northern Rail way Cornrany to improve the /Ferry between Ferry Port on Craig anu the North Shore of the River Tay." The following Railway Bills were read a second time, com mitted, and referred to the Committee of Selection:— Edinburgh and Northern, and Edinburgh, Leith, and Gran ton Amalgamation. Great Northern (Deviations between London and Grantham.) Direct London and Portsmouth, Brighton and Chichester, London, Western.tc,Brighton, and South Coast, and London and South- Newcastle and Berwick (East Coast Line, Blyth, Seaton Sluice, and other Branches). York and North .%lidland (Hull Station and Branches). York and North Midland (Harrogate Branch Extension and Terminus). York end Newcastle (Wearmouth Dock Enlargement). York and Newcastle, Newc a stl e a n d B e rwick, and North British Arnalg,amat ion. STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported from the above Committee :- 1. That in the case of the Falmouth Waterworks petition, to insert the petition for the Bill on the list of petitions for Private Bills, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the petition be inserted accordingly. 2. That in the case of the Edinburgh and Northern Rail way (Branch fr. m Burntislantl to Dunfermline Branch, &e.) i±ti!iA,n, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with. 3. That in the case of the Parkgate and Chester and Birkenhead Junction Railway petition, the standing ordern ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. _ 4. That in the case of the Oxford, Worcester, and Wol verhampton Railway (No. I—Extension and Amendment) petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. 5. That in the case of the Eastern Counties Railway (Branch from Stratford to the Victoria Park, &c.) petition, the standing ()niers ought not to be dispensed with. 6. That in the case of the Axholme Railway (from the Leeds and Selby Railway to Gainsborough) petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. 7. That in the case of the Tyne Docks petition the stand ing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill. 8. That in the case of the Surrey and Kent Commission of Sewers petition, the standing orders ought not to be dis pensed with. - 9. That in the case of the Belfast Improvement petition, the standing orders ought to be dispens e d with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with Their Bill. 10. That in the case of the Lough Neagh Drainage peti tion, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with : Mat the parties be permitted to proceed with their BilL 1 t. That in the case of the Enfield and Edmonton Rail way Extension petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, with the exception of that part which enables them to sell or lease the undertaking to the Great Northern, or to the Eastern Counties Railway Company, and which enables such Companies to purchase or accept a lease of the same. 12. That in the case of the London Sewage Chemical Manure petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, on forthwith depositing in the Court of Chancery such a sum, in addition to one-twentieth part of three-fourths of the amount pf the estimate already deposited, as will make the total sum deposited equal to three-fourths of the amount subscribed. 13. That in the case of the Manchester, Birmingham, and North Staffordshire Junction Railway petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be per mitted to proceed with their Bill, with the exception of that part which confers powers on the London and North-Western. Railway Company, the North Staffordshire Railway Com pany, the Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midlands Junction Railway Company, and the Sheffield, Ashton. under.Lyne, and Manchester Railway Company. That the Committees on the three preceding Bills do exa mine, in the first place, how far such orders have been com plied with ; and do report the same to the House on the re port of the Bill. First, third, fourth, sixth, seventh, ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth resolutions agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL-OFFICE. The following Railway Bills are appointed to be read a second time:— MONDAY, MARCH 8. Swansea Valley. Vale of Neath. South Wales. Ipswich ;:and Bury St. Edmund's (No. 4—Branch from Stowmarket to Sudbury). Edinburgh and Bathgate (Deviation and Amendment). Waterford and Limerick. Great North of India. Birmingham and Oxford Junction, and Birmingham, Wol verhampton, and Dudley Railways Amalgamation. Midland (Gloucester and stonehouse Junction). Midland (Cheltenham, Warwick, and Leamington Line). Swansea and Amman Junction. Dublin, Dundrum, and Rathfarnham (Extension to Ste phen's-green). Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester (Ossett Blanch and Dewsbury and Morley Stations). TUESDAY, MARCH 9. Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton (No. 2—Eaten. 'ions and Amendment). Mold Railway.; WEDNESDAY, MARCH 10. Great Southern and Western Extension (POrtarlington to Tullarnore). _ . . RAILWAYS. The Committee of Selection have postponed the first meeting of the Select Committees on the Groups Nos. 1 and 12 from Friday the sth, till Thursday, the 11th March, at 12. FOURTH REPORT FROM THE SE LECT COMMITTEE ON THE CLASSIFICA TION OF RAILWAY BILLS. The SELECT COMMITTEE appointed for the CLASSIFI CATION of RAILWAY BILLS according to the Resolu tions adopted by the (louse, and who are empowered to Report from time to time-have further considered the se veral matters referred to them, and agreed to report as follows :- Your Committee recommend that the Caledonian, Glas gow, Dumfries, and Carlisle ( Lease of part), No, 211, be taken out of Group No. 49, and be placed in Group No. 51; and they have also come to the determination of rescinding the special report which they have made on Group 49, with regard to the division of No. 5 into two Bills. Group 49 will therefore stand as follows :- GROUP, No. 49. 12. Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, and Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr (No. 4). 94. Glasgow, Barrhead, and Neilston, and Glasgow Southern Terminal Railways Amalgamation. 95. Caledonian (Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock Amalga mation). 195. Caledonian (Glasgow, Barrhead, and Neilston, and Glasgow Southern Terminal Railway Junction). 321. Caledonian (Wishaw and Coltness Purchase). 378. Edinburgh and Glasgow (Amendments, Purchases, &c.) 473. Edinburgh and Glasgow (alonkland and Kirkintilloch, &c. Amalgamation). Your Committee recommend that the following Bills be re ferred to a distinct Committee:- GROUP, No. 50. 7. Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr (Branches, No. 1). 8. Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr (Branches, No. 2). 11. Glasgow, Paisley, Kilmarnock, and Ayr (Branches, No. 3). 91. Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan (Deviations and Amendments). 92. Glasgow, Barrhead, and Neilston (Amendments, Devia tions, Branches, &c.) 144. Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock (Amendments and Branches). 145. Glasgow, Paisley, and Greenock, No. 2 ;-vide Special Report. 165. Paisley, Barrhead, and Hurlet (Branches). 298. Paisley and Renfrew (Improvement). 332. Kilmarnock and Ayr Direct. Your Committee recommend that the following Bills be re ferred to a distinct Committee :- GROUP, No. 51. 5. Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle (Branches, No. 1). 16. Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle (Branches, No. 21. 110. North British (No. 2-Extension Hawick to Car lisle, &c.) 208. Caledonian (Branches to Canobie, &c.) 211. Caledonian, Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle (Lease of part). 255. Ayrshire and Galloway. Your Committee recommend that the following Bills be re ferred to a distinct Committee :- GROUP, No. 52. INDIA. 392. Great Western of Bengal, from Calcutta to Itsjamahal, with Extensions, &c. (Incorporation). 415. GAregarta,and Aiaab North of India, to connect nn E ec x t ten th si e on C s: t l es c. of Delhi, 481. Great Indian Peninsula, Bombay to Alleb, with Exten sions, &c. COURT CIRCULAR. R al the Princ e Pnneas of Wales, Prince Allred, the Prince oy The Queen and Prince Albert, accompanied by the_ at Osborne House, Alice, and the Princess Helena, arri ved town. The Royal suite consisted C f h r from town. of Wight, at two o'clock o nW a e f d t ri h e:da Major- General Bowles, Char lemont, Lady , Caroline Somers Coc ks, Countessaftenlooofn Lieut.-Colonel Charles Grey, and Colonel Bouverie. the Hon. C. B. Phipps, Colonel the Hon. Yesterday morning her Majesty and her Royal Consort took their accustomed early walk in the pleasure grounds of Osborne House. The Royal family went to the sea-beach yesterday fore noon, and took their usual walking and riding exercise. Their Royal llighnesses the Duke and Duchess of Cam bridge, and his Serene Highness Prince Frederick of Hesse visited her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester yes terday at Gloucester House. A deputation, consisting of Mr. James Watney, Mr. Michael Lock, and Mr. William Palmer, Master Wardens of the Mercers Company; Mr. George Palmer, M.P., Mr. H. Palmer, and Mr. 11. E.'Barnes, clerk to the company, had an interview with Sir George Grey yesterday at the Home-offiee. Mr. Christopher Dunkin Hays had an interview with Earl Grey yesterday at the Colonial-office. Mr. Henry Chard had an interview with the Earl of Cla rendon at the Board of Trade yesterday. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a ge• neral meetipg yesterday at their office in Whitehall-place. Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial office from the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope. THE STORY OF LILLY DAWSON.—MrS. Crewe, the authoress of " The adventures of Susan Hopley," which had so extraordinary a run some years since, and upon which numerous dramas have been constructed, has written another true history of the vicissitudes of fortune which befel a young and interesting female. Lilly Dawson is a heroine of quite as interesting a character as Susan Hopley, and her adventures are not less romantic than those which marked the career of the latter. Mrs. Crewe's style is simple and unaffected, am! yet so entirely evidencing the lady of edu cation, that it possesses a charm which renders her work irresistible. " Lilly Dawson "is also in course of being ea matised, and will be produced, we understand, next week. The Hibernia, British and North American Royal Mail steam-ship, sailed from Liverpool, for Halifax and Boston, yesterday afternoon. She carries out a large freight of specie-290,0001. sterling, and a great number of paean gers, besides the usual monthly Rub. . ~~. ~ 10 - A li UP -. 7 1 1