The Sun. — London, England, 1840-04-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1840. ,YEN LNG EDITION. posture of affairs. Now the omissions on the part of the Government, to which the Right Hon. Baronet refers, are four—First, that they omitted to correct that part of the Orders in Council which directed the Superin tendent to take up his residence in Canton. Secondly, that they . omitted to correct that part of the Order in Council, which pointed out to the Superintendent a new channel of communication with the Chinese authorities. Thirdly, that they omitted to act according to the suggestion in the memo randum of the Duke of Wellington, with respect to a naval force, to be within the Consul General's reach. And the Fourth and most important of all I take to be is this, that they could not give the : • Superintendent power to put down the conti aband trade in opium. I believe there is not in all the able and elaborate speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, one single other omission charged on which he professes to impute blame to her Majesty's Ministers. As to the first accusation, it is perfectly true that part of the Order in Council, which directed the Superintendent to take up his residence at Canton, was not revoked by her Majesty's Government. It is also true that no dispute whatever, with respect to where the Superintendent should reside, had anything whatever to do with the late unfortunate transaction. It is true the whole of that dispute was partially accommodated in alarch, 1637. He was unwiiling to trouble the House with extracts from these papers, but he must trouble them with one from page 193, in which Superintendent Elliot writes—" sieze this opportunity to transmit the translation of an edict, just procured, through a private channel, containing the imperial pleasure that I shall be furnished with a passport to proceed to Canton for the performance of my duties. The official notifi cation may be expected from Canton in the course of a few days. For the first time, in the history of our intercourse with China, the principle is most formally admitted that an officer of a foreign Sovereign, whose functions are purely public, should reside in a city of the empire. His Majesty's Govern ment may depend upon my constant, cautious, and earnest ef forts to improve this state of circumstances." Therefore this omission, which the Right Hon. Baronet makes an article of charge against the Government, turns out to be no charge at all, two years before the point being fully conceded in the most formal and honourable manner by the Chinese Govern ment, and subsequent to that letter, I venture to say no docu ment which indicates any thing with respect to the Superin tendent's place of residen ce was even in the smallest degree an ingredient in the question ; and therefore I say with confidence, that the first of the four charges brought by the Right Hon. Baronet against the Government was not the cause of the in terruption of our friendly relations with China. To the second charge, that the Government did not correct that part of the Order in Council which directed the Superintendent to communicate directly with the Government, and that the Government did not authorise the Superintendent to communicate with the merchants at Hong, I answer that also the Chinese Government fully conceded.—(Cheers. ) All communication passed directly. As to the dispute about the word " Pin," Captain Elliot did not comply with his in structions on that point. How could it be the case when he was acting upon that discretion of which I have been speaking, and which it is absolutely necessary for every Government to give to a representative at so great a distance? He waived the matter and gave up the point, and, therefore, 1 say the omis sion on this point did not bring on the present state of things, for it had nothing to do with it, nor is there one single insinuation in the volume by which it appears that the suppression of the word " Pin" had the smallest connection with it. The third charge is that the Government did not station a stout frigate and a small vessel of war at Canton, in conformity with the Duke of Wellington's suggestion. Now what is the recommen dation of the Duke of Wellington? Simply this—that those should lie within the Consul-General's reach " till the trade has taken its regular and peaceable course." The Duke of Welling ton wrote with respectto the state of things then before him—to that agitation which followed the attempt of Lord Napier to force himself into communication with the Chinese authorities. There is nothing in the memorandum which implies that his Grace intended such a course should be permanent. He says I would recommend that till the trade has taken its regular and peaceable course, particularly considering what has passed recently, there should always be within the Consul-General's reach, a stout frigate and a small vessel of war," and the ground that was argued against her Majesty's Government is for not having four years later, after the trade was going on in the most undisturbed manner, for the Right Hon. Bart. admits that during Sir George Robinson's administration bade was going on in the most prosperous manner, and then he wonders after that administration there happened not to be this force upon the station. I am quite convinced from all his Grace has said that it was contrary to all the views his Grace entertained of Chinese policy to wish there should be on the station continu ally a naval force, which might only have been a source of irri tation. The fourth charge is the most important, namely, that the English Government, having legal authority to do so, omitted to send the Superintendent power for the purpose of suppressing the illicit trade which has been undoubtedly the cause of the rupture. Now, in the first place, during a con siderable part of the time since the present Administration has been in office, there were stronger reasons than had been in the time of Lord Grey—far stronger than when the Duke was in office, against smiling any such succour.—( Hear, hear, hear.) There was this plain and obvious reason, that in the month of May, 1838, the British Superintendent had strong reasons to believe it was in the contemplation of the Chinese authorities immediately to le g alise the trade. It is quite clear from these papers that in the year 1836 the atten tion of the Government of that counts y was called in a parti cular manner to the state of the opium trade. The system under which that trade was carried on was this it had been prohibited by law, but connived at in practice. The Govern ment appear to have been convinced that there could not be a worse state of things, and to have come to the unanimous con. elusion that the existing s y stem could not last. The Chinese Government took two opposite sides. It appears that an able and ingenious man, Kwang-Chow-Fog, who, I am sorry to see, has been dismissed from office—a much severer punish ment in China than in England (Laughter) —this able man argued that it was unwise to prevent importation of opium, which was of great efficacy as a medicine, on account of the abuse made of it ; that for the Government to interpose to prevent the abuse of it was desirable but utterly unattainable ; thatthe Empire would lose nothing by it; and that it was there fore desirable to legalise the trade in opium, and impose duties on its importation. On the other hand it was urged by Kwang-Hee—a politician of a class familiar nearer home—who appeared one of that class of statesmen who, when they found severe laws were rendered ut terly nugatory by the utter impossibility of carrying them into execution, recommend one simple remedy—that of making them more severe.—(Laughter.) He goes into history in illustra• tion of his opinion ; but 1 have his illustration without any firm conviction of its accuracy. He told the Emperor that from his historical researches he had learned that the mode in which Europeans contrived to subdue more populous and powerful nations was to introduce that seductive poison opium, which demoralized and enfeebled the people, and rendered them an easy prey to European artifices and arms. It was the opinion of Captain Elliot, and more generally entertained by the mercantile community at Calcutta during the y ea's. 1837, that the legalization of the trade might be expected from day to day. It was not till the month of May, 1838, that a despatch arrived at the Fo. reign Office, which put an end to that expectation. I say, therefore, that it was not strange that my Noble Friend should hesitate to send out an order for putting down the contraband trade, which he had every reason to expect, before his letter ar rived, the Chinese Government would have legalised ; but I go farther, and say, I do not think it desirable that in May, 1838, such an order should have been sent out. I think this House would require a very clear account indeed, and strong proof if they had sent out to Canten any power authorising the Super intendent there to seize and send home any person carrying on a trade which . that Superintendent might have prevented. this was absolutely a(bfi for ore o la u ur g n: e h ohl ttye nothear.) e. grantinget s o slabsie. should .such de h hl t lightly power, ooewu, granted l edbre;feotgroue to brl ee a c n vo y nr od ß oefm r i that convinced Without meaning to go into an extreme case, I say such a power w a i mister.—( t t n e: w r s s t . t the not granting that power was the occasion of misfortune. It is quite impossible to imagine such orders as these about putting down trade can execute themselves.—( Cheers. ) The Right Hon. Baronet has had far too much experience in Government o imagine Government has nothing to do to suppress a lucra tive trade but to say that it shall be suppressed. The Preven tive Service of this country costs upwards of a million annually, and employs fifty cruisers, and yet every one knows that every article on which there is a severe duty is smuggled into this country, and to a great extent. Of brandy there was smuggled annually into this country not less than 600,000 gallons—of tobacco not less than the whole quantity which came in the regular course. A Committee of that House was satisfied that not less than four millions of pounds of tobacco was smuggled in one single year into Ireland alone, under a Preventive Service acknowledged to be the most effective in the world. We know that with all the force of our Preventive Service, we aie unable to prevent the importation of tobacco into this country against our own laws. Can we believe then that a mere order from our Superintendent would produce the stoppage of a lucrative trade in a remote part of the world ?—(Hear.) Do we know so little of the inventive powers of daring minds, animated by the desire of lucre, and urged by the institutions of a people restrained from an indul gence more precious to them than their lives?—(Hear.) Can we believe that if the Commissioner had the power to prevent the con. traband trade in opium, before March 1839, he would have resorted to the violent measure which produced the present rupture?— (Hear.) I say that it is quite clear that a mere order from Captain Elliot would not put down the contraband trade. It is also quite clear that the preventive force of China could not put it down. — (Hear, hear, hear.) The mere order of the Superintendent would not stop the passage of a single pound of opium.— (Hear, hear.) I believe, Sir, it would have had one effect. It would have driven the opium fleet away from Canton. It would have scattered it widely along the coasts of the Chinese empire. Thesmuggler would have avoided the eye of the Super intendent, whose order he was violating. The trade would have been sent to a greater distance from every check to its xcesses, and you would have made it more lawless. You would bring the smugglers into collision with the Chinese authorities in many and remote parts of their extensive coasts, until that which was smuggling before assumed a character more allied to piracy. The contraband trade would become something far worse. The " mala prohibita" would be converted into the " mala per se."— (Cheers.) If under the very eye of an English society—Whence the report of every Englishman's conduct was sure to reach Eng. land, you could not suppress smuggling—what could you expect when every Captain was to judge for himself, and to act for him. self, without control, and almost :without responsibility ? This would follow. The Chinese authorities would resort to their usual means of protecting their coasts. First, they would cut off the supply of provisions—next, they would seize, and beat, and mutilate, or put to death the unofl'ending. Next, they would poison the waters.—(Cheers.) The sailors would then and with their cutlasses, and revenge themselves with every excess of rage upon the inhabitants.—(Hear.) Thus it was when Spain strove to intercept her colonies from the rest of the world.—(Hear.) I ask, Sir, what w as the effect of her exclusive system ? The daring traders, who were incited b y the g ains of the p ro hib itive traffic to despise the laws and defy the power of Spain, from engagedrned in the smugg l e rs became buccaneers. — (Cheer s. ) I thin k, Sir, that the gr eat evils of the sm u gg lin g trade, which could not be alto ge ther repressed, w hen that trade was carried on under y in it rthe a e l y o e ng of th a e restiectable English society, of which a p art was con trade, respe e taendd, must t s b e opinionse greatly aggravatede perso ifm o it r e w a e c i actively v scatteredel coast.—(hear.) Hostilities with China would have been the in evitable consequence.—(Cheers.) What was there in the proceed. ings of the Chin ese Commissioner Lin to lead us to suppose that, i and starve , atever to do in the event of c ollision between the authorities and the s mugg l ers, he would distingu ish between the innocent and the gu ilt y ? (Ch e ers.) Even for t he su pp r e ssion of the contraband trade, does h . d m r a o k t e b a a t t e d o i distinction ti on death P tr y ,os u e i ehsocr hadupl e nothiimprison,ng hi ow ith with that trade? Did he scruple to outrage the person of the " envoy of this country?—(Bear, hear.) If the smuggling, were sca ttered over the coast s, and assum e d so much a wors e c h aracter, before: and the other s s h ou ld (Hear, hear, hear.) would he scruple to sa y that." Elliot did not send th e b ar b ar i an ; away —th a t Elliot had deceived him, anti had rend ere d th e smugglingWotad he worse notd or than e itwas Elliot r that be seized, and sho uld be kept as hostages until all the of tenth?. we re given up ? —(ilear, hear.) I believe that the mer e prohibition of the opium trade would have no other effect than to lead to a worse state of things ; I believe that nothing less than physical force would avail. I believe that a mere prohibition, un supported by a preventive service over the whole coast of China, wouldhave brought on us this rupture, under circumstances more calamitous and more disgraceful.—(Cheers.) Sir, I have now gone through all the points on which the Right Hon. Baronet rests his case ; and I declare solemnly that to no one of those four omissions which he charges against the Ministers is to be attri buted the interruption of the trade with China. (Cheers.) If I could believe that Gentlemen would keep in mind what the proposition is upon which they have to give their " aye" or " no." I would not have the least apprehension as to the result.—(Hear, hear.) But some Gentleman, for whose motives I have the on this subject, as far as 1 can gather from looking over the 458 f o li o p age s con tained in this work, is to be found i n one s ingle despatch, at page .`, the d a t e o f w hi c h i s J une the 15th, 1838, viz.— , .),_ _ With respect to the smuggling trade in opium, which forms the subject of y ou r depatches of the 18th and 19111 _ November, and 7th D e cember, 1837, I have to state that her Majesty's Government cannot interfere for the purp ose of enabling British subjects to violate the laws of the country to which they trade " The Noble Lord will not interfere for the purpose of enabling them to violate the laws of Chi na w i t h i m p un ity ; that is to say, he will not give his direct countenance to the principle—but does he direct any blame, or warn them of the consequences. The despatch continued—" Any loss, therefore, which such persons may suffer in consequence of the more ef fectual execution of the Chinese laws on this subject, must be borne by the parties who have brought that loss on themselves. by their own acts."—( Loud cheers from the afreasury benches.) Recollect his own officer had de scribed to him the character of this illegitimate trade, and he desperate nature of it ; and what does the Noble Lord do towards its suppression ? Why, he contents himself with telling those engaeed in it what they knew perfectly Well befor e , that if they were discovered, and their pro perty seized, they must stand to the loss ; and at this the Noble Lord and his friends cheer.—( Opposition cheers.) On I find this subject there is another most remarkable fac t, no order issued by Captain Elliot, or any discoun tennince whatever given to the trade in the outer waters. I find 1 an odd distinction indeed with respect to this trad e to tall outer waters. At page 333, where he makes a vigorous e ff ort f or t h e suppres sion of the opium trade in the inner wat ers , the words are full and satisfactor y , though thi s edict respecting smugg lin g in the Bo g ue, comes rather late. But what language does he use respect ing the ships in the outer waters ? At page 363, under the date of the 22d March, 1839, is the following:passage : ~ The Chi e f S uper i n t en d en t has now to requirf that a l l '°° fillips of her Majesty's subjects at the outer anchorages should proceed forthwith to Hong Kong, and, hoisting their national colours, be prepared to resist every act of aggression on the part of the Chinese Governm ent " —thus clearly indicating that, in the outer waters, the right of Search was to be resisted, while in the inner waters it was 4) . 13 0 permitted. Having thus gone through all the pro minent points to which I alluded at the commencement of I °Y speech, I now come to that which I consider a po int of the most material importance. I allude to the absence of any naval force. I beg the House to recollect that it was the e advi ce o f t h e D u k e of Wellington that there should at all times be a stout frigate and a smaller vessel of war at the command of the Superintendent. At page 193, we find a despatch of the Noble Lord in which the object of the presence of such force is stated h great perspicuity—" The purposes for which such 'hips would be stationed are, first, to afford p rotection to British interests, and to give weight to any representations which her Majesty's Superintendent may be under the necessity of making, in cas e an y of her Majesty's subjects should have just cause of COM- P, t o against the Chinese authoritiessecond ?' to assist the Superintendent in maintaining order the the crews of the British merchantmen who frequent a ie Port of Canton." The memorandum of the Duke of Wellington is dated in 1835. The instructions of the Noble Lord to the Lords of the Admiralty, desiring them to Communicate with the Admiral on the station their cora -1 mand that he should place a ship in the China waters, is dated in September 18:37. Nothing can be more accurate than the statement of the reasons for adopting this con duct; but I would ask the Noble Lord, who seems not un williug to ascribe great effects to the presence of a naval force —and this despatch shows that the Noble Lord clearly ap prehended the object which was to be effected by their P r esence—how it comes that this instruction was not issued to the Admiralty till 1837 ? Dates are most important in this question; the memorandum of the Noble Duke is dated the 24th March, 1835 ; the Noble Lord's despatch to Captain Elliot, at page 132, in which he expresses a wish i that the Admiral should constantly station a ship of war :u the waters of Canton is dated the 6th December, 1836, and the official instruction to the Admiralty, is dated the 20th of September, 1837. Now, what are the facts? The Duke of Wellington's memorandum is dated the 24th of Merch, 1835, and the order for earring it into execution, is dated in September, 1837, so that a lapse of two years took place between them. Was there no urgent repre sentation made to the Noble Lord , respe ctin g the neces etty of the presence of a naval force on that station ? Now, I >.'now it will be said that while the trade was in the hands of ti:e East India Company, an order existed, which, under the peculiar circumstance of the case was, I think, a prudent precaution, prohibiting the presence of ships of war in the China sear. This was right policy at that time, because their presence was not required. The pecu liar character of the East India Company's: ships rendered any additional force unnecessary, and the presence of ships of war, by dividing a uthority, might have p roduced col lision, and so far he thought their exclusion from the China sea s was perfectly justifiable, and Sir George Robinson states, that during the time the trade was in the posses sion Of the East India Company, their force consisted of from 2,000 to 3,000 British seamen, a force perfectly ade quate for any purpose that might be necessary. We find in February, 1537, the Superintendent urged upon Lord Auckland in the strongest manner, the necessity of fre quent and short visits of ships of war to the Chin seas; and again on the 7 th of December, 1837, page 25(9, we find him stating in his despatch to the Noble Lord, that " in the midst of all this incoherent conduct it seemed to him to be highly necessary, for the protection of British interests, that a small naval force should be stationed somewhere in these seas." Again and again has this ne cessity been pointed out to the Noble Lord, and the evils resulting from the absence of a naval force brought under his ,notice. I have no returns to refer to, but from the best colculation I can make, the following is the state of _ the case :—From March 1835 to September 1839 is fifty-three months, and during the whole of that time, with the exception of eight months, there has never been a British ship of war in the China seas.—(Cheers.) There has one little circumstance crept out which to my mind on this subject speaks volumes. When Captain Elliot and the British merchants were in confinement at Canton, nothing can more clearly the utter destitution in which British subjects were left by the absence of a naval force, than when we find Captain Elliot writing to the Noble Lord in terms of joy and exultation, to announce the arrival of the John Adams and another American frigate at Macao, and this after the warning of the Duke of Wel lington. It shows that the only safety and hope was de pendent on the accidental arrival of two American frigates. How notorious must have been their destitution under these circumstances. These collateral circumstances are of vast importance in my mind, as clearly indicative of the actual state of affairs in that coun tr y . Then, again, let us look to the strong terms in which Captain Elliot ex presses his gratitude to Captain Douglas, of the Cam bridge, for having, at his own charge, taken up guns at Singapore. He says, page 447, speaking of Captain Douglas, 41 I am greatly indebted to this gentleman for his public spirit in purchasing, at his own charge, at Singa pore, on his way up, twenty.two 181 b. guns (hea rin g of our desperate condition at Canton).—(Cheers from the Opposition benches.) And I have no doubt that the sight of this imposing vessel, manned with a str on g crew of Europeans, has discouraged attempts upon t his fleet for the last two months. I should hope that her Majesty's Government will be pleased to pay the expense s of this ship during the time he has performed these very valuable services in the absence of any ship of war, and reimburse bile for the expense of the guns, and otherwise reward him as may seem right to your Lordship.' The peace and safety of the British subjects during the absence of any ship of war in the waters of China depended upon the presence of this vessel. I think that it is a case which calls for the attention of the British Government; if any subject had claims to a national reward, if ever Government owed a debt of gratitude to a subject, then is Captain Douglas entitled to the gratitude of the Government for his gallant conduct on this occasion.— (Cheers.) I am bound to say with regard to Captain Elliot, that looking to all the circumstances that had taken place, and the unforeseen difficulties in which he had been involved, that up to this time I think Captain Elliot had acted on the whole with great energy and discretion. But I cannot say that after this period I think his conduct worthy of similar praise. As to the circumstances attending the surrrender of the opium, that is a question on which the House cannot now form any decision, and I will not deal with that portion of the subject; but I will come to that important part of our proceedings with China which involves this country in the imminent risk of actual hostilities with China, if it has not already occasioned them. In page 447, there is an account of that most unfortunate transaction (and Cap tain Elliot himself admits it to have been a most unfor tunate one) of Captain Elliot's having attacked the Chinese war junks. Captain Elliot himself distinctly admits that on that oecasion he had fired the first shot. It might have been a gallant impulse on his part, consider ing, as he did, that he had been insulted; but lie admit ted himself, on more mature consideration, that he regret ted the step he had then taken. He had made the first hostile attack, and I think that, with such a people as the Chinese, the moral . effect of that first operation was of the highest importance. Captain Elliot not only filed the first shot, but a contest of some duration took place, and he says that " after a fire of almost half an hour, against a vastly superior force, we hauled off from the failure of ammunition." The despatch adds, " The only casualty I have to report is, a flesh wound in the arm of Capt. Douglas, of the ship Cambridge." It clearly appears that the British ship fired the first shot, and that they hauled off afterwards. He brought up his frigate on the following morning. Ido not think a more unfortunate decision was ever come to than that of deter mining not to renew the attack, and endeavouring to carry the point in which he had failed in the first instance. I believe that if he had proceeded to extremities, the moral effect he had sought to produce might be attained, and though I blame Capt. Elliot for having fired the first shot, yet as he had taken that course, I think he should have followed up that p ro ceeding. What was his next ste p One which I think infinitely more unfortunate than that I have stated. Without any declaration of war, without anything to justify such a mea sure —he declared a , hear. block- a ... de against the port of Canton.—(Hear, hear) We know that nations have a right to ask redress for any specific grievance, but a blockade which excludes foreign ships from a port is an extreme p roceeding, and one which we cannot have recourse to witho ut a declaration of war. I regret that the Noble Lord has not given to the House a document of some importance in relation to t hat attempted blockade w hi c h I h a d asked for—l mean the remonstrance of the American merchants resident in Canton against the intended injury to their property. Those merchants stated in their address to our Superintendent, that as the y had heard o f hi s i ntent i on to bl oc kade the Port of Canton, they begged leave to state that they could not recognise the i right of such a blockade, that it was contrary to the law of nations, and that they would hold the British Government I responsible for the consequences which might flow from it. That protest was known immediately after in Canton, and the moral effect of our vieldine to it was that it naturally I induced the Chinese Authorities to ascribe such a pro \ ceeding to our weakness and timidity. The t inevitable i effect of this was a spirit of increased violence on their parts. They had recourse to extremities afterwards, I but I co n t en d th a t the fact of our having commenced hos- 1 tilities— of our having declared a blockade, which we after- k greatest respect, may think that in giving their vote they wit I mark their reprehension of the opium trade, and their' censure of the Government for going to war with the Chinese people in support of a pernicious, as well as a contraband trade. This opinion, Sir, seems to me to be unfounded and absurd. Whether it bo wise of the Chinese Government to prohibit a drug, which, if used rightly. is powerful in assuaging pain, but which, who. abused, like other gifts of God, becomes pernicious, we have the history of other nations as well as of our own that no machinery has ever been able to keep out of a country a luxury which the people were desirous of enjoying and able to purchase, or to keep the precious metals from being exported.—(Hear, hear.) What Britain could not effect, by means of the best marine, and the most trustworthy servants in the world, cannot be effected by the inefficient pre ventive force and the venal mandarins of China.—(Hear, hear.) The Chinese Government had a right to keep out opium, and to keep the gold in, if it could do so by any means consistent with morality and public law.—(Hear, hear.) If, after fair notice, they seized the contraband goods, and punished the smugglers, we would have no right to complain. But if, having found that they could not carry this object into effect by lawful means, they had recourse to injustice—confounding the innocent with the guilty, and insulting the Sovereign in the person of her envoy, we had a right to demand reparation.—(Cheers.) In the case of the African slave trade—the most enormous crime that ever was committed—%e first made the trade a misdemeanour, next a felony, then we paid large sums of money to foreign powers to compensate their subjects for the abandonment of it, and for their co-operation with us for its suppression. (Hear, hear.) Still it is the fact that it was a long time before we could, with all our efforts and all our ample means, prevent the introduction of slaves into our colonies.—(Hear.) It was our duty, and we had thought by treaty to bring the traitor to condign punishment. Yet it sometimes happened that a French ship was seen sailing round the Mauritius, and there was no doubt in the mind of the Governor, or any other person, that it was a slaver. Suppose then there was not such a naval power at hand as would enable the Governor to seize the ship--suppose that the Governor under those circumstances were to seize 30 or 40 French gentlemen—suppose that some of these were suspected to be con nected with the trade, but that others were not at all suspected — suppose the Governor were to seize them, and lock them up, and -^ them food, nd warp= -- ' md threaten them with wards did not carry into effect, created an unfavourable impression with respect ,to our firmness, and I think that we are answerable for the consequences which followed.— ( Hear, hear.) There is another circumstance to which I wish to refer. Under the irritating circumstances I have mentioned the British sailed up the mouth of the harbour in which the Chinese vessels were stationed, and the British Captain called on them instantly to retire. Are not the Chinese then to be treated as an independent people ?—( Hear, hear.) What would he said if a squadron of French ships ors fired an English fleet to retire from Spithead ? Would such an order be endured? And yet it would be a circumstance exactly similar to that which had taken place in China. An attack then followed, and I must say that, looking at the matter dispassionately, I cannot conceive an attack less justifiable or u nwarranted. —( Hear, hear.) I now wish to refer to the expressions of satisfaction used by Capt. Elliot at the renewal of our trade with China afterwards, which lls said was never better than at that moment. But what was the nature of the trade in question? Why, that trade was carried on through the medium of American carriers, by whom on every 10 0 /. worth o f g oods transported to British ships a toll of 5 per ce nt, was levied. I cannot for my part conceive a state of a ffairs more shameful and disas trous than that which would thus induce us to consider the presence of American vessels as a means of safety, while a duty of 5 per cent. was raised by them on all goods trans ported a distance of forty miles. That, however, was what Capt. Elliot considered a most gratifying circum stance.—(Opposition cheers.) I have detained the House too long—(Cheers)—but I beseech the House to pause and deliberate on the circumstances which I have laid be fore them. I may be deceived, Sir, but lam persuaded that we are about to enter on no little war.—(llear, hear.) It will be a war which cannot be conducted with a peace establishment, or terminated in a single campaign. My belief is that the attendant circumstances of the war will not be less formidable than the magnitude of the in terests at stake. Let the House consider what it is on which we deliberate. If this war is really to take place, it is to be carried on at the most re mote point of the habitable globe—at a point where the monsoon must constantly interrupt the commu nications between the forces which we employ and those who are to direct their operations—a point very distant from our ports and arsenals, and where the squadrons and the forces we employ must be exposed to dangers without end—a point accessible only after a long voyage, which will transport our troops into a burning climate, where the scenes will be to them an object of horror, and where energy soon dies away. If I could persuade myself that this was an inevitable war—if I could believe that the precaution and foresight of her Majesty's Government had exhausted every reasonable means of averting the evil—if I believed that we were called on to endure such a calamity, not as a punishment of neglect and imprudence, but in defence of British honour—if this were the case, lam persuaded that the martial spirit of the people of this country would give itself for the conflict, and would meet the danger without fear or anxiety. But when, on the contrary, we see on the part of those who are her Majesty's present advisers a most pertinacious adherence, as it ap pears to me, to an erroneous course, repudiated both by experience and by reason—when we see that they have attempted to force on a proud and powerful people a course and mode of proceeding to which the weakest would not tamely submit ; when we see the advice of the greatest and most prudent statesman, himself a warrior, disregarded and rejected—not, I hope, because the advice proceeded from him—when we see the most solemn and repeated warnings from confidential servants of the same Adminis tration forgotten and neglected—when we see a trade which those confidential servants declare to be piratical not put down by the interference of Government —when we see nothing done, nothing attempted, by that Govern ment, while her Majesty's Superintendent is left without instructions and without an adequate force to meet an emergency which has been foretold and foreseen ; when I see this I cannot help asking the House if they be lieve that the people of this country will repose confidence in an Administration which, by a mismanagement of five years, has destroyed a trade which has flourished fur centuries, and, in addition to our losses and the indignities we have suffered, has all but plunged us into a war in which success will not be attended with glory, and in which defeat will be our ruin and our shame.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. MAC AUL A Y—Sir, if the Right Hon. Baronet, in rising to address the House, had stated that be felt himself overpowered by the importance of the question which he wished to discuss, I feel that I have much more reason for entertaining such a sentiment as that to which I have referred. I must say, however, that the natural anxiety which, as a Member of the Government, I cannot but feel as to the judgment which this House may pronounce on the papers which has been submitted to their con sideration, is considerably lessened by the terms of the motion which the Right Honourable Baro net has laid before the House. It is impossible that any one could doubt the power or the will of the Right Hon. Gentleman to attack with vigour any pro ceeding of the Government which be may think liable to censure, and I must add that I think that her Majesty's Ministers may congratulate themselves when they find that at the close of a series of transactions so complicated, and embracing so many points of view as those to which the papers before the House refer, the Right Hon. Baronet can produce such a resolution only as that before the House.—( Ironical chee rs from the Opposition benches.) In the first place, Sir, this resolution is purely retrospective, and not only so, but it relates to no more recent transac tions than those which occurred a year and a half ago. It relates to transactions which had taken place previous to the Ist of March, 1839. This resolution re lates merely to past transactions, and while I do not doubt the power of Hon. Members to censure a Government for the past, I am glad to find that no censure has been cast on the present policy of her Majesty's advisers.—(Hear, hear.) In the second place, 1 see, with pleasure, that this motion charges the Administration with no offence of com mission—it imputes to them no act• of injustice—it does not impute to them a lowering of the national honour, or any violation of the law of nations. It merely imputes sins of omission. It accuses the Ministry of not having given sufficient powers to those who acted under them. Now, these are charges which must always be looked on with the greatest distrust, and which require the mo st positive proofs, for nothing is more easy than to support such charges by specious reasoning ; and there never. was a long series of acts in which it might not be said that if something were done which had not been done, things might have turned out better.—( Hear, hear.) Let us look to the principal charge before us. It is this—that Ministers have not given sufficient powers to a repre sentative acting at a distance of 15,000 miles from them. Now I must confess, that if the papers laid before the House referred to a country where couriers might he despatched every thirty-six hours, and where communica tions could be constantly kept up, I must say, that in such a case, I should allow that Government ought not to have given instructions so scanty and meagre as those before the House. —(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) But, Sir, I say, that that which would be proper and le gitimate interference with a functionary near, becomes idle and nugatory with a functionary at a great distance. ( Hear, hear.) Upon this subject I with confidence appeal to every Gentleman on bo th sides of the House (of whom there are many) who is acquainted with the administra tion of our Indian empire—lndia is nearer than China— with India we are far better acquainted than with China, and yet, I believe, it is thy universal sense of all persons acquainted with the subject, that India can be governed only in India, and that the province of the authorities at home is only to trace out general lines of conduct—to lay down general principles, and not to interfere in the,details of every measure that is undertaken. In fact, only imagine for a moment what the condition of the coun try would be if its political affairs were placed under the direction of a Government 15,000 miles from it. What would have been the effect of a dispatch written to announce some important event in the French revolutionary war if it had arrived at a considerably later period, when a to tally different state of things existed ? In the early history of India occurrences of this sort were most common, and attended with the most pernicious effects. It is well known to every person acquainted with that history how seriously our as cendancy in the Carnatic was endangered by obeying instruc tions in despatches written during one state of things when affairs had taken another posture. Now those great men, Clive and Hastings, were in the habit of regarding such in structions as so much waste paper, and if they had not the spirit to do so, we should now have no empire in India. But the case of China is stronger still. The distance is wider than that of India. But this is not all. With regard to India it is true, the Directors in Leadenhall-street or Cannon-row may not be acquainted with the particular state of things when a letter ar rives, but they may be acquainted with the general state of the country, they may have an accurate knowledge of the govern ment of the province, of its revenues, inhabitants, and social state ; but with respect to China, we are not only removed by distance, but even those who go nearest know but little of the nature of that country—we can only glimpse occasionally at it as through a veil, and that glimpse is as likely to mislead as to inform us. The Right Ilon. Baronet told us the know ledge we possess of China was such as a foreigner permitted to land at Wapping might acquire of the character, religion, science, laws, and institutions of this country. I believe his description to be nearly correct. Even literature—that which in other places supplies the place of particular intercourse — which enables us to , live with remote nations and ages, affords us here little help. A difficulty unknown in other countries meets the student at the very threshold. We can number with our fingers the names of men who have surmounted the diffi culties which must await the students of a language which has no alphabet. Under these circumstances, China, so far from us, that, if as well known as the United Kingdom, we could not venture to instruct our functionaries, is as little known as the central part of Africa. Under these circumstances—l say, in spite of the jeers of gentlemen opposite, that a volume of correspondence between the Secretary of State and our representative at Can ton is not to be looked at in the same light as between the Secretary of State and our Minister at Brussels. This was evidently the feeling of the Government of Lord Grey, to which the Right Hon. Baronet belonged, and in which he justly claimed a full share of responsibility, their instructions did not go into detail, but laid down the broadest and most general principles on which their representative was to act. They told him to respect the usages of the Chinese, to avoid offensive words and affronting their prejudices ; precise direc tions for his conduit they give scarcely any. When at a later period the Duke of Wellington was in the Foreign Office, he well knew, from his own experience, that eve n an inferior man upon the spot must know better how to act than those who were 15,000 miles away. That eminent man, in the only d rbtGhe e yf s rae p ettrhy a r, t ..:, h ,r:Nont h ioont e whi wrote omission o ,nhai t : e t trsogltu instructions ~nvto i cis,t s rttl loirio t uun h egt s e oth stae s na i n t dgbt impressja e bi t s , tiy ti hctu) c h:p ? eo n enr t G e t n Gtii ,vteeeeindrrt; Governmentmiemnesnteoliifssf with they have produced a great and formidable crisis in the representativelEt• thatelial this, l rela tions charge ex expect e s : wt broughtee . between this e ge countryclearest rnes stt and China, when oiu : g. l o i l a oi t tf th a e nd Gov m ei o • n st men p t rec t re y that such omission was the cause of that rupture, and that pro if, I venture to say, the Right lion. Baronet has altogether fa led to show.—(Cheers.) I will attempt, as I diddurlr, , ' his speech, to select in the midst of the Right Hon. Gentle mail's mass of information—in which there was much that wa; interes ting, but much that was by no means applicable—the only points on which it apperrs to me his motion rests. His mo tion is a motion of censure upon the Government for omission to instruct and empower its representative. Now what are those omissions to which the Right Hon. Baronet refers? He has read some old despatches of the East India Company in 143.2. Ile has also discussed the conduct of Captain Elliot previous to the rupture, but I conceive neither of these ques tions are before us. It was his business to state what acts the Government ought to have done which they did not do, and so have proved that from these omissions proceeded the present refuse and water, and servants, ai death if the slaver were not given up—would not the French Go vernment have a right to demand reparation, and to enforce it by the law of nations ?—(Cheers.) Would it be to the purpose for us to answer that the trade was wicked and pernicious—that it Could was the curse of Africa and the shame of Europel—( Cheers.) we say, " we are justified in putting down that trade by any means, lawful or unlawful ?" All Europe would have said you must enforce your principle so as not to trample on every o ther..—(Hear, hear.) As France would in that case have a right to demand reparation from us, so I affirm, we have a right to demand reparation from China. 4Cheers.) The first act of injustice has been followed by an out ' still. TI • first seized on the property, then they im. with regard to those powers, he should say that the Noble Lord I main in China a passive spectator of these events, of was not only aware of the effect of the Order in Council, but was l which he had given due notice. If the Noble Lord had aware of the serious inconveniences arising from it. Was not I really meant that, in justice and fairness it ought to have the Noble Lord aware of the great disturbance that was likely to been stated, openly avowed, when Captain Elliot asked for powere arise from a steam-boat daring to go up to the town of Canton and instructions, it was not enough to tell that the losses in conse without the permission of the Chinese Government ? At page quence of the contraband trade were to fall upon the parties 122 Captain Elliot stated in a letter dated December 27, 1835, concerned. What answer was that to the British merchants, or to " I hear it very generally reported that the steam-boat Jardine, those families who were driven from Canton ? He said the Noble now at Lintin, is to proceed to Canton on Tuesday or Wednes- Lord was liable to censure for not giving some distinct instructions day next. The disquietude of the Provincial Government upon to Captain Elliot, when he so repeatedly asked for them, and stated the subject of this vessel has already been manifested in a the necesity for them. Would the House believe that in th 3 whole Edict desiring that she should leave the country ; and answer of the Noble Lord there was not one word respecting the I am informed a request to let her ply in the river opium trade ?he would ask, therefore, if there had not been unjus_ as a passage-boat has just been negatived. In the pre- tiflable neglect upon the part of the Noble Lord ?—(Cheers.) sent state of ciacumstances I feel it my duty to advise that Even the Right Honourable Member for gdinburgh was obliged to a public letter should be forthwith addressed t o the commander of admit that the dispatches would be meagre if sent to Paris, but the steam-boat, enjoining him, under the King , . au th or ity, by no justified them because that China was so many thousands of miles means to proceed up the river at present. I would further recom- distant.—(Laughter.) Why that was the very reason why they were mend that a letter should be addressed to the consignees of the vet- censurable, because to Paris they could have been forts arded by sel (covering a copy of the communication to the commander) to the the next post or courier ; but to China it involved a loss of many effect that such a step, at this period, appeared to the Commission months.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He did not mean for one moment to be extremely imprudent, and it had therefore been determined to to cast the slightest censure upon Captain Elliot; on the contrary, require that the intention should be abandoned. The port of Can- he thought he had shown great firmness and prudence under the ton is now full of shipping waiting for cargoes to proceed to Eng_ circumstances; nor was it any wonder that he should be most land ; and I confess the moment appears to me so peculiarly unfa- anxious for powers and instructions from the Government at vourable for any experiment of this description, that I found the home, who were responsible for all that had taken place. The cen greatest difficulty in crediting the report upon the subject; it is re- sure was not applicable to him, but to thcse who had left him in peated, however, in so many quarters, that I feel oompelled to be- such a position of difficulty, without at the time telling hins what lies', it is well founded. If it be true that any attempt to do. Why, he would ask, had he been left in such extraordinary has been made to secure the consent cf the Foo circumstances without full and ample instructions? But the case Yuen, and that his refusal has been signified, the risks did not even root there. The Noble Lord received information of very serious difficulties are vastly enhanced. We have again on the 20th of April, 1858—an alarming letter, and not the been specially warned, and the Chinese officers well know the less so, because the Noble Lord was told that the Chinese were in advantage that particular circumstance will afford them for the vin_ earnest upon the question of the opium trade, and were determined dication of any measures which our scornful disregard of their to put it down : authority may lead them to pursue. If this steam-vessel goes up " CAPT&IN ELLIOT TO VISCOUNT PALMIIRSTON. the river at this moment, I feel a persuasion that some grave public " Macao, April 20, 183$. inconvenience will ensue. That the persons on duty at the forts "My Lord—ln the course of the last two months the number of in the Bogue will be fully justified In stopping her (by force, if English boats employed in the illicit traffic between Lintin and Can needful) is plain; and tl.at any opposition upon the part of the ton has vastly increased, and the deliveries of opium have fre ve•ssel' would be both utterly lawless and futile is quite as clear. quently been accompanied by conflict of fire-arms between those But it may happen that they will suffer her to pass the forts with vessels and the government preventive craft. just alp much of evidence to prove that it is a forced passage (by "It is plain that British subjects and property engaged in these firing a few shots wide Utter) as will serve to justify proceedings of pursuits are within the easy grasp of the provincial authorities h- another complexion. In this case, it is my strong opinion, that the Chinese will resort to some general measure in assertion of their powers and independence as a Government, involving the in terruption of this trade, till some required concession shall be made. No Government can afford, if I may so express it, to be reduced to utter contempt in the sight of its own people by a hand. ful of heedless foreigners; the sacrifice, in point of public estima tion, is far too considerable." Ile would ask, quite independent of the circumstances that had lately occurred—quite independent of the nature of this trade, whether her Majesty's Government were justified in leaving their officer in China, without the power of stopping a vessel of that whenever it may suit their purposes, or they may be driven by the Court to act with ♦igour. " In the Edicts forwarded to your Lordship in my despatch, of November 18, 1837, the Governor had already charged me with countenancing the •utside trade; and in the event of disaster, EVENING EDITION. tendent. Was the unfortunate collision, then, which -had taken place in China not attributable to the negligence of the Home Go vernment ? It was impossible for any one to say for one moment that • the Superintendent had been left for too long a period without pro per powers or instructions. The Hon. Member for Edinburgh had cast the severest censure upon the Noble Lord by his speech that night —he had not attempted to answer the charge brought against the Noble Lord for the extreme meagreness of his despatches. The very edict referring to Capt. Elliot's establishing himself at Canton stated that he was there in the capacity of Superintendent of the commercial arrangements of that country, and until the entire aha- racter of the people was changed, it was well known that they would I not admit any resident within their dominions as the representative , of a foreign power ; and yet that was what the Noble Lord through- ' out his despatches, against the opinion of Sir George Robinson, anti against the opinion of the Duke of Wellington, that it was the Noble Lord repeatedly pressed upon the Superintendent at Canton. ' When the trade with China was opened, it was thought that some collision would take place—that took place about five years ago, since then their trade had been in . a con stant state of fluctuation. It had been stopped and opened again, but there never had been anything like steadiness er cer tainty in it, and now the result was that it was stopped altogether. —(Hear, hear.) They were about to declare war—to sand (i.t an expensive expedition of soldiers and sailors to fight with what were termed by the Right Hon. Gentleman, half.civill,sea barba rians, but at all events an u nwar lik e peop l e, an d t h e resi ,it ro n,t be most inglorious, for it was impossible that there cmild he deriv...l. from it any honour to the country.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said that the war was at all events a just one; but he had not said that it was politic or well.advised. Why was it just? Because the Chinese had violated international conven tions. He (Sir W. Follett) had however some doubt (considering the mode in which they carried on their trade with China) whether they could apply the conventions and laws of Europe to justify a war with a people who did not recognise those laws—(Hear, near) —and who did not allow any ambassador, consul, or repre sentative of any European state in their dominions.—(Cheers.) It was said that the British subjects resident in China did not recog nise its laws, that they were not subject to them, and yet it %VG - attemptla ws.-(Heed w s. ( e H d e t; , bhemi:r.)oveduntdheartsuthche c C i h r i e n u e rp se sta sl n io ce u s l , d he st m ib u na s i t t ga t : o t e ri a 3 ; he entertained very great doubts of the war being a just one. He confessed he was not fond of war; but if that country were to embark in a war, he did not like to see its justice open co suspicion. He did not like to see a people like the Chinese. whom Captain Elliot had described as being fond of justice—he fiat not like to see let loose against them all the horrors and calattitiota of war, unless that war was founded upon justice.—(Hear, hear,)• luesces to the there can be no doubt he would immediately attempt to connect thegrowth of these last irregularities with my own departure from Canton. " With the purpose of being prepared for such devices, I drew up the paper forming the enclosure of this despatch ; and I directed Mr. Morrison, as soon as the Governor should return from his official tour (which he did about a fortnight since), to show it to ul ' 11 hi' thr ,h( But be it just or not it must be injurious In its consequex , Interests of the country, while it would increase the burthens upois the people. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that the feeling out of doors was favourable to the war, but he ventured to tell the Right Hon. Gentleman that there was a growing feeling out of doors specting their foreign policy—,(Hear, hear) —and the measures whic!) bad been for some years pursued by the Government.—(Cheers.) ' That impression was strong and general. The times were necS rage greater si aey , seizeu ~.._ _ _ _ _ prisoned the unofFending, and now they have demanded innocent sort from going up to the harbour of Canton at that time, under cir- Howqua, and to tell him eat these were my opinions on my pre blood. The most careful inquiry cannot ascertain who is the slayer cumstances that would, in all probability, lead to the actual stop- sent Position with the Provincial Government ; that he was at full of peril, and their foreign relations were in too difficult a posn or to what country he belongs. The Chinese Authorities declare Page of the trade with this country, and to the most serious evils ? liberty to exhibit them to the Governor if he thought fit, and in_ tion, and the great questions of peace and war were hanging in toss that, " whether innocent or guilty, some subject of the Queen must — (Hear, hear.) When was that known to the Noble Lord ? deed that I was only prevented from making them known to his nice a balance, to be any longer trifled with._(Loud c he,eime die." To that demand the superintendent made a firm answer. Upon Why, on the 2 2d July, 1836, when the Noble Lord knowing that Excellency In a formal manner by the interruption of the public It WU impossible to see where this war, w h e th e r tow ' this all British subjects were driven from Macao and the water was the SuPerintendent had no power to stop that vessel, wrote this communications, or usjust, which had been brought about by the neglect of hoir poisoned,—(Hear, h ea r,) our innocent Lascars were thrown into letter t--" in the Present state of our relations with China, it is es- " The paper was returned to me two days since by Mr. Mom Majesty's Government—it was impossible to s ee w h ere i t wou nd the sea, and an En g lish gentleman was atrociously mutilated.— PeciallY incumbent uPon you, while You do all that lies in your rison, with a message from Howqua, to the effect that the Governor terminate. They would have hostilities with china, an d co ni s i en e owe: to avoid giving just cause of offence to the Chinese Itadseen it, but could not accede to the arrangement suggested. with other countries, and how or when these events would termi. (Hear, hear, hear.) I say that England had a right to demand P reparation when she found herself assailed vsith a fury unknown to authorities, to be at the same time eery careful not to " I was sensible that the present State of things at Canton could nate no one could tell. He begged to apologise f or h av i ng so civilized war.—(Cheers.) The representative of a great Country assume a greater d egree of aut h or ity ov er British subjects in only subsist as long as the Governor could venture to appropriate long detained the House, but after the most mature consideration conscious of superior p o wer ma y p a tiently bear to hear our Sovereign China than that which You in reality Possess." — (Hear, hear.) a large share of the bribes, by which the system is upheld ; and he found himself bound to vote for the motion of hi s Ri g h t ee„„ . called a barbarian—confident of every useful attainment he may That passage when read just now, on the other side of the House therefore I looked for no other result at his hands. Friend, because in his opinion the charges against ber Majesty-es bear to hear our countrymen reviled as ignorant and uncivilized. was cheered as if the Noble Lord was right in giving his officers "It was imP°ssible t° foresee how soon bis Position in that Government had been fully and completely made out.—(Cbeers.) For these things it would be unworthy of a civilized nation to take that advice, Why nobody found fault with that advice—but w h at r „ pect m i g h t b e changed by the wavering Policy of the Court, or Sir GEORGE STAUNTON did not rise to answer the argu up arms against a haltOcivilized one. But it is necessary that every they found fault with was that he did not tell his officer what au- hy the Pressur e of those j ust char g es of v enality to which he is ments of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. being sen- , nation in the world, w h a t e v er pl ace s h e ma y hold in the scale of ei. thoritY he did Possess•—(Hear, hear.) And he (Sir William Fol- exposed; but looking around. I felt it became me to take ever y Bible that the task would he much more ably performed by others. ' vilization, should k now t h e t th e lif e o f eve ry Englishman is under lett) contended that he ought to have had the Power to Prevent a Precaution, consistent with my situation, for shielding m y se lf as But being particularly connected with' the subject of the deb a te. . the protecting ey e o f E ng l an d, I was muc h s truck with one pas. vessel violating the Chinese law.—(Cheees,) That also was a her Majesty's officer from any imputation that the act ua l p rocee d_ from having resided many years in China, and hawing held dwe lt , round of complaint against the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) Ile ings at Canton had my countenance, or were Produced by my move._ matte and commercial situations in that country, he felt boued. to sage of Mr. Elliot's letter describing his arrival at the steps of the g Factory at Canton. After describing the enthusiasm with which he knew that the Order in Council intended it, because the super- !Dents. crave the consideration of the House. He was further called ueorteny was received, he said, he ordered the flag of England to be hoisted cergoes had that power, and it was intended to give the Superin- " Should any serious disaster ensue, threatening th e l ives o f h er the allusion of the Right Hon. Bart. who opened the debate te certain at the head of his boat, because he knew that no Englishman could tendents the same powers as the supercargoes formerly possessed. Majesty's subjects engaged in these pursuits (and in my own judg. resolutions proposed by him to that House some years ago. 2.11 he look upon that flag in the Lir extremity of the world without re- That was in 1836. After that the Noble Lord, when the re- ment the result is perfectly probable), I shall no t f a il t o f oun d t h e could say was, that looking at the character of the resolutioms, he membering the glories, and confiding in the justice and power o f hi s gulations were issued, which his Right Hon. Friend had referred to, .strongest remoestrances against such extreme measures upon the did not regret the coi.rse he had taken. It was stated in page 340, country.—(Cheers.) The sight of that glorious flag reminded them to prevent collision with the Chinese in trade, told the Superin. Governor's rejection of these last proposals. that the China Trade Bill had been arrested in its progress :by his that they belonged to a country which always exacted retribution tendent that the law officers had been referred to, and that the " That circumstance would fully justify a rep resen t a ti on to t h e (Sir George Staunton's) advice ; and it was added, that :he chin e ee. for the wrongs of her children.--(Cheers.) They were reminded Superintendent h a d no power , W ou ld it not have been right Court, that the irregularities leading to the mischief were the conse- Hong merchants at Howqua had expressed their regret at it. Now that the Dey of Algiers was compelled to humble himself to our and proper that the Noble Lord should have told him what quenee of his Excellency's manifest and disgraceful corruption ; and the fact was, that ee had not opposed that Bill, but he had suggested insulted Consul, and they knew that we had not degenerated since. Power he had ? but he was still left to suppose that he had some that, therefore, he alone was responsible for all th o se ev il s w hi c h certain amendments, because he would not give the Chinese the Our great Protector used to say he would make the name of Eng. authority, and some discretion to exercise, and that there was might have been prevented if he had been honest enough t o d o hi s liower of harassing British subjects without introducing some pro_ land as much respected as ever Rome was.—(Cheers.) That flag still some responsibility attached to him. Had no mischief arisen own duty, or to permit me to do mine. tecting clauses.—(Hear, hear.) The most striking point, hew. will ever inspire every Englishman in every Part of the globe with in consequence of that want of authority ? Ile would refer to " Connected with this subject, it is necessary I should report to ever, in the motion of the Right Hon. Gentleman, was, that it en- ' the feeling that he belongs to a community which will not allow some letters later in date ; but he would first observe that so your Lordship a striking and painful event which has just taken tire!) , omitted the consideration of the great question, of whether the hair of the head of one of its members to be injured without little was the Noble Lord aware of the power which the Superin- place at Macao. the contest they were going to engage in was a righteous end a just retribution.—(Cheers.) Ido not pretend to say what the result tendent Possessed, that at page 111, a direction would be found i " About a week since, an unfortunate Chinese was execu ted i m _ war, or a cruel and iniquitous war.—(Loud cries of " Hear, of this motion may be, but I cannot believe that this House will from the Noble Lord that the power and jurisdiction diately without the walls of this town by strangulation ;as the sen- hear, hear.") He felt that he would not be doing justiec , agree to a vote of censure so grossly, so palpably unjust. And, Sir, of the Superintendent should be extended to Macao. tence inscribed over him bore, for traitorous intercourse with fo- to the subject, if he confined himself to the Right . it is one consolation to me, that if there is to be a change of men, So that lie was, told his jurisdiction would be extended, and in the reigners, and for smuggling opium and Sycee silv e r. Honourable Baronet's narrow view of it ; and when he , there will not be, there cannot be, a change of measures on this very next letter he was told he had no power.--(Hear, hear.) He " This is the first prooceeding of this nature which has been considered that the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies had question —(Great cheering.) In whatever hands the administra. would beg the attention of the llouse for a moment to some of taken by the Chinese Government in this part of the empire. three weeks ago announced what the object of the armament, lion of the affairs of this country may beplaced, this great measure those letters, because probably not many Members had gone " The place of execution (quite unusual), and indeed the terms fitting out in India, was, viz., the reparation of injuries and insult's must proceed to a triumphant end—(Cheerse—and it will beproved through the whole of the papers, and the House probably were not of the sentence, plainly indicate that it waS adopted mainly with a sustained—to procure an indemnity for losses sustained, and to re to all nations, wherever our name is known, that the valour of Eng- aware of the remonstrances that had beets made. In page 326, view . to the intimidation, and for an example to the foreigners. establish the trade on a secure and satisfactory footing, he must say land is equal to her moderation, and I trust that an overlooking there was a letter dated the 2d January, 1839, and which was re- "It is also stated (and probably with truth) that this execution, he felt great surprise that, at the end of three weeks, when a field- Providence will make this injustice the means of producing a last. ceived in London on the I3th of May ; it was from Captain Elliot, and the manner of it, were by the special command of the Court. day had been appointed for the discussion of the Chinese question, , ing peace, alike beneficial to England and to China.—(The Hon. who stated that—" The difficulty which remained to be removed But be that as it may, with the prisons full of persons charged with not a word was introduced into the question having any reference to : , p 1 e ecu tons or them, it is not to be Member sat down amidst loud and repeated cheering.) before the trade could be opened was the illicit traffic in opium similar offences and with Ware xt' f the protection of British property.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Sir WILLIAM FOLLE FT felt the disadvantage of rising after carried on in small craft within the river, a considerable number supposed that the Provincial Government can venture much longer He rejoiced at that, because when he saw the language of the papers. the powerful speech of the Itight Hon. Gentleman wh h d • of le h w ic were stationary at Whampoa, receiving their supplies to permit the delivery of opium out of British armed boats, almost o a just sat of that day, which advocated the politics of the Right Hon. Baronet, from time to time in other vessels of a T si h milar d . escription, from the nder the walls of the Governor's palace at Canton ; neither is it down. But he could not help thinking that its effect was to draw off the attentions of Gentlemen from tke real question before the House opium shiPs at Lintln or Hong Kon e se th mor Hong merchants, i . e . ly that they will succeed in driving them out without bloodshed. n e s ed l 2 t t h o t u h l ti e a . least teeming with language of the most violent nature, describing the i He thought that the question which they had to discuss the* ons the evening of my arrival in g Canto war as most atrociously unjust, and most dishonourable to that plained in bitter terms that they should be n ex ( putting all higher considerations out of view, I must re arreetLdird any . e i r. country, with other disgreceful epithets, he certainly did 'vie* , ,o night was one of a very different nature. If it was true, as it t m cr o), l eem nd - mark Ey th e a n seemed to be, from what had been stated, that they were embarked ruinous consequences which were hourly ari p sing out of the ue esrst. such a trad t t e ht t s o s e e t e ie s Te n t o m T e h t a o t 1- i 7 i ns . v a e d ry yan u ta nfortunate turn for fi n ( cl u t e h a a r t n o ti e p a a r r; y r o il s e e l uz e t i a n n t t h a t H I, e o us e t o give his sanetion to i t. l h as a t y erne ot this forced trade, not merely at Whampoa, but at the fac. viduals immediately concerned in such a channel th n er t e o cumstances, he rejoiced that the pr w es as ent m ha w d in a war with China, if it was true that the trade with that coun- c l a h n beindnio the ta cit approbation of that House. He was prepar e ed proprietors ; and there_ doubt, but it is at the same time a state of circumstances which try was put an end to, if they were to have such costly exhibitions tories themselves, of which they were the .. for the , turned against that empire, the question which they had to con- fore, under heavy responsibility to the Government. And they must necessarily, sooner or later, force itself under the active treat- many difficulties that might occur—he v - as prepared foe sider that night was, what was the cause of the unfortunate position insisted that they would not carry on the lawful commerce (having merit of the Chinese Government. And whenever that result does a protracted war—(Hear, hear, from the Oppos" • its be ' i " awn, —and there- ' of the affairs of this country in that part of the world. The Right the Governor's sanction for their conduct), till effectual take place, it cannot fail to be extensively mischievous to the whole fore he thought it was the aounden duty of those . . Hon. Gentleman who had spoken last complained that the resolu- steps were taken for the suppression of this dangerous evil." traffic. wbo conceived ) it to be unjust to interpose their protest before it was earr" tion was retrospective. He asserted that they had the right to A great part of the danger arising from the suppression of that " I take the liberty to observe to your Lordship that I never ad- execution. Those who entertained such opinions were b leu lint° i know the cause of what had taken place ; they had a right to know trade, would have been obviated if Captain Elliot had had power vert to this subject without extreme reluctance ; but it is daily as- express them, and a fast-sailing vessel might stop the a o n u m nd to i whether it arose from circumstances over which the prudence of to carry into effect an order which he subsequently issued to pre. suming so very serious an aspect, and connecting itself so i n tl. and prevent its being sent off. He knew nothing of the co . "ti 1 the Government could have no control, or from that which was in vent English boats from smuggling opium into the ports of China, mately and so unfortunately with our regular trade and intercourse intended to bo pursued by the Government, except from. a t r r , the knowledge of the Government, and which they might have but he had no such power. He says "It had been clear to me, with this empire, that 1 feel it my duty to keep her Majesty's Go. announcements made irn that House, and in. expressing Ise *-' '''' is ap- , prevented. If the latter was the case, then he would say the my Lord, from the origin of this peculiar branch of the opium vernment informed of the general course of events in relation to Probation of the policy of the Government, he only did so gene. House of Commons was bound so to consider it.—(Cheers.) He traffic, that it must grow to be more and more mischievous to it. I have, Sm., rally, reserving to himself the right to give his free and us would—from reading those papers—undertake to demonstrate every branch of the trade, and certainly to none more than to that (Signed) " CHAULES ELLIOT, Chief Superintendent." biassed opinion hereafter. He reluctantly gave his assent to aim from them, from the opening of the trade wills China in 1834 down of opium itself. As the danger and the shame of its pursuit in- Again, another letter, of no less alarming nature, was written by war with China—he had been long engaged in negotiations with t to the present hour, there had been a total and most culpable neglect creased, it was obvious that it would fall by rapid degrees into the Captains Elliot, stating that the trade had actually been stopped, that country, and his course had always been, whatever was hes 7 lon the part of the Government, with the exception of the Adminis- hand* of more and more desperate men ; that it would stain the in consequence of the seizure of the opium of Mr. Innes. opinion of the vexatious or embarrassing charaater ise 1 tration of his Right Hon. Friend—(Hear, hear) —which gave rise to foreign character with constantly aggravating disgrace in the sight " CAPTAIN ELLIOT •ro VISCOUNT PALMERSTON. the laws of China, they had no right to calavogt 1 that invaluable memorandum which had been read to the House. of the whole of the better portion of this people; and lastly, that " Her Majesty's Cutter Louisa, at anchor theme He had certainly frequently remonstrated in ten I The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Edinburgh, appeared it would connect itself more and more intimately with our lawful in Whampoa Reach, Dec. 8, 1838. official capacity, but he had never used intimidation ; his arguateree 1 to have misunderstood the eharee made by his Right Hon, Friend. commercial intercourse to the great peril of vast public and private "My Lord,—l am concerned to report, that the trade is at this was, "If you oppress the trade we must give it up." With re. l The most serious part of that charge was allowing persons, under interests." Then he went on to state, " Till the ether day, my moment cast into a state of critical difficulty, by a circumstance spect to Lord Napier, he believed that in that case they were en. the name of Superintendents, professing to have control over Lord, I believed there was no part of the world where the foreigner which, so far as it has reached my knowledge, I have now the tirely wrong, and he lamented that no steps had been taken to . commerce, to go out without any power and authority, and to be felt his life and property more secure than here in Canton." honour to detail. It appears that the Governor has lately in- secure his recognition. However humiliating the result cif lets ' kept there without it His Right Hon. Friend did not complain . fine Right Hon. Geetleman ought to have read these despatches curred the severe displeasure of the Court, upon the ground of a mission was, he felt that they had no right to take any steps in the i 1 that her Majesty's Government had not employed force sufficient before E he spoke of the Chinese as he bed done.—(Hear, hear.) lax execution of the orders concerning the more effectual preven- matter. Under the able ministry of Lord Napier's suceoseer, the n Ito put down the trade in opium, the charge which he made was that Capt. lhot then went on to say "If the case had been otherwise, tion of the traffic in opium. A remarkable increase of activity Prosperity of the trade with China continued uninterrupted. Cap, i ' Government, notwithstanding the occurrences that had taken place her Majesty'. Government and the British public would have had has ensued ; and on Monday last, the 3d instant, a seizure of tain Elliot then succeed*, at certainly a very unfortunate pelage, i 'in China, notwithstanding they had been warned of them, they had to learn that the trade and peaceful intercourse with this empire opium was made by the c us tom.house o ffi cers at c onton , i mam _ for it was at that period when the Chinese Government wan usinfe left the British officers there without instructions as to the course WAS indefinitely interrupted by a terrible scene of bloodshed and diately in front of the foreign factory inhabited by Mr. James very vigorous means for suppressing the opium trade. Wow as to 1, nen." Capt. Elliot had stated that the great cause of all these limes. The Iwo native coolies who were landing the bossee were the immorality of the opium trade, he (Sir George) yielded tO De they ought to pursue. That was the charge made against the Go. evils was the trade in opium, and in page 332 he gave notice, and apprehended, and are said to have confessed (I am very maim !, person in his detestation of it, and his desire to put an end to It. vernment by his Right Honourable Friend, and he (Sir William warned all her Majesty's subjects engaged in the aforesaid illicit afraid under the infliction of cruel p un i s h men t) n et t h ey were lie had intimated to the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool hie Follett) entertained no doubt of being able to prove it. The opium traffic within the Bocce Tigris that her Majesty's Government that gentleman's servants ; that the opium was his, and that it willingness to second the Noble Lord's motion whenever it w* Right Honourable Gentleman said that he agreed, if those would in nowise interfere if the Chinese Government should think had been brought from a ship at Whampoa. brought forward. The resolution of the Committee of 1832, de. I were despatches sent out to Paris or Brus 1 , that they would be fit to seize and confiscate the same. Was that order abided by ? "It further seems that one of these Coolies declared, that the daring that it Was not expedient to relinquish the revenee, e most meagre, but that it could not be c se s idered to be so with Why he found by the despatches of Capt. Elliot on the opposite mune of the master of the ship was • Ki.le.wun," A sound which arising from the cultivation of opium in India for the chi t' , t respect to a place so distant as China Wi on t: h ermission of the side of the page, that the English merchants engaged in the trade the examining Mandarins decided must signify the name of the market, had given rise to all the results which had since oc- i: House he would call its attention to ihe sta t te t " e P hich China was did not obey tine law. He would ask the Noble Lord what had master of the American ship, Thomas Perkins, whose name I am curred• Still Ile, Perhaps, had no right to blame the Gaye r .. placed before the trade was opened. The R' m in w Hon. Gentleman taken place on tine last rupture ? The trade was stopped—he was told is Cleveland. All tine Hong merchants were summoned be- ment for having acted upon that resolution.—(Hear.) But the , had called the Chinese half-civilized and bar i b g ar t ians. He (Sir W. speaking of what took place after the seizure of the fore the Governor on Tuesday, the 4th, and have subsequently an. question was not one either of morality or policy, but whether thew Follett) thought they did not deserve that ap nellation,but whether opium. The Chinese refused to allow the British to flounced to the foreign merchants in a written form that his Excel. had been any breach of intetnational laws and rights. Now for a they did or not, the fact was, that they did i not acknowledge the continue the trade unless the Captain of every ship signed abond henry has issued orders for the departure trom China, both of Mr. time, when the laws against opium were in a state of abeydrioe-se international law of this country, and it - was well known that the that he would give up to the Chinese authorities any person who hones and the ship within three days. when the Viceroy one day issued an order for suppressing the t intercourse this country was carrying on was always of the most might be considered to be amenable to the Chinese Governmtnt, " The Hong merchant who secured the shit , has already beets trade, and the next day lent his own vessel to bring up the opium. ! delicate description. He was speaking of what was the case before Captain Elliot refused that, and he ordered the Captain of a ship sent down to this place, and is at this moment undergoing the ma. (Hear, hear)—foreig • nerS certainly did not deem themselves) the trade with China was opened. When it was known that great not to give such bond. It appeared that the Captain of an English merited and degrading punishment of the cangue or wooden collar ; bound to adhere strictly to laws not regarded by the people them precautions were necessary in carrying on the trade with China, he vessel from India, the Charles Coutts, had taken legal opinions, and wholly unmerited indeed, my Lord, even if this opium had come selves. However, the Government of China had of course a full , would ask whether that was not a reason why the representatives of he had received advice that the Superintendent had no power to from on board the ehip in question, for this unfortunate man could right to attempt to carry their laws into effect. Now, from the ear this country there should have powers which had not been given to them ? Before the trade with China was opened the East India prevent his going out of the port of Canton. The consequence of neither have known nor prevented its introduction ; but it is be- lima period, foreigners had not been permitted dixectly to oome which was that the Captain of the English ship, preferring his own Yond a doubt that it did not come from her at all, and almost as before the Chinese tribunals, but through the medium of the Hong Company found it necessary to have a Board there to regulate the trade, and that Board had complete control over the shipping that private interests to the good of the commercial community at Cans- certain that it did come from one of the numerous small craft now merchants ; the remedy was, first, against these sureties, then against ton, disobeyed the order of Captain Elliot, weet to Whampoa, and at anchor ins tins river. These severe and unjust meeedings have the property of the party, and, last, the expulsion of the party from went to China. There was no jealousy with respect to that Board in China, because they dish dot represent themselves to be the rehire- the Chinese Government thereupon broke the treaty that had been haul their immediate origins, in fact, either in the confused pronun. China. Up to tine arrival of the Imperial Commissioner elm there sentatives of the Sovereign, and they were permitted to reside there entered into. Was not that a proof of the want of power of the ciation of the wretched Coolie, or as probably in the fabrication of a had been no other penalty against the importatimis of opium thee in their character of merchants. Another class that required control Superintendent to carry into effect the intentions of the British name, wrung from him by inquiry under torture. these—the remedy upon the property of the merson, extending to I were the country ships which were trading to China, and they Government ? Tile Captain diocese:fed the orders, and Captain "In the first excitement of alarm and indignation a fter th e confiscation of all found within the river of Ca.nton ; but there WaS were placed under the control of the East India Company factors Elliot made a remark in one of his despatches, which he thought Governor's excessively harsh treatment, (for there i s reaso n t o no law which reached property out of that river .—(llear.) When in the following manner :—No ship could frequent any part of the was as severe a censure as any man could pass on the Govern . believe they were several hours on their knees before hi m w ith Commissioner Lin arrived he brought a law of extraordinary severity, coast of China without having a license from the East India Com- intent The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that this resolution the instruments of punishment laid out to intimidate them), the denouncing death agaisist foreigners engager - 1 in the opium traffic, pany ; that license being accompanied by a proviso that it would be was entirely retrospective. He begged to ask whether this Hong merchants were goaded into a written mena ce t o p u ll end coafiscation of their ProPerty. Whatever the severity of the 1 void if they did not obey the orders of the East India Company's charge had not been made out, that, in the new state of events, down their house, ins which Mr. Innes lives, if he dld not leave law, it might be said that we must submit, or relinquish the trade. officers. If, before the trade with China was opened it was found arising from the Opening of the China trade, and during the years Canton within the period specified by his Excellency. B u t the Yes; but then the attempt to enforce the penalties of the new law , that followed the opening of the China trade, tient the Government general body of the merchants, with becoming s pirit, an d a t the against those wbo came to China under tlee old law, was the meet 1 necessary to give the supercargo such complete control, if such re had left an officer there without proper power and without autho. same time in a calm and judicious manner, expressed their de_ atrocious in.itistice. — (Hear, hear.) This he considered alone quite strictions were required when the trade was not open, how much rity adapted to that new state of things ? He (Sir William Follett) terminations to resist such rash proceedings at all hazards. It sufficient ground for demanding from the Chinese Government more necessary were they when it was.—(Hear, hear.) Those would now show that he had teen left there without instructions. must also be mentioned, to the great credit of these unh a ppy men, reparation, and, on refusal, proceeding 'so,hostilities.—(Heamhenne) supercargoes, although they always expressed themselves unwilling, --(Hear, hear.) The Alight Hon. Gentleman had stated that at one that a better spirit soon exercised its influence, and they have A n American merchant had well described the conduct of tine , and declined to mix themselves up with the opium trade, did exer. time there was every reason to suppose the trade in opium would be frankly recalled their hasty expressions. The trade h a s no t yet Chinese towards the English, as resembling the treatment of a re- ' cise their powers over the opium ships and their officers, and de legalized. There was no reason to suppose anything of the sort.— been stopped by any written instrument under the G o v e rnor). fractory village ; and doubtless, had not the opium been delivered ' clared their license void ; now it was under the colour of the super (Hear, hear.) There had been a distinct warning, in 1834, to hand, or at least which has yet been transmitted te the f or eigners, up, they would have treated the English as they did refractory intendents having this authority, that they had allowed them to re the Superintendent, that the trade would be stopped in one but the Hong merchants have written to them to H ay, th a t th e y hordes—put them to the sword.—(Hear, hear.) Let the House main there without any autisority, and without any instruction, month, and the Noble Lord took no notice whatever of that. have his Excellency's orders to discontinue all trade whatever, recollect that our empire ins the East was founded on the force of notwithstanding the LegisMture, when the China trade was opened, l'he Government had certainly received full notice from Capt. till liis injunctions are obeyed, and for the last three d a ys th er e union ; and if we submitted to the degradieg insults of China — ' armed the Government with the power, by an Older in Council, ' Elliot that the time had arrived when it was necessary for them to has been an entire cessation of business. I should observe th a t (Ilear)—the time would not be distant when our political assend to give the necessary powers required to the Superintendents over the do something. The Superintendent had written ins the plainest these tidings only met me at this anchorage, where I arr i ve d ancy ins India would be at an end.—(Heay., hear.) The course he ships that came into the waters of China: now the Order ins Council terms, but that was not all, for again, in another letter, Capt. yesterday morning for the adjustment of certain :difficulties . hoped the Government was about to adopt was, the pressing upon which had been issued by thepresent Government,statedamongother board some of the merchant-ships now here. China fair and reasonable proposaLs—su ch as china could agree to , things, the Superintendents should have vested in them all tile Elliot used almost as strong language as before. He said— .. perhaps your Lordship may be of opinion, that the menaces " Your Lordship may be assured that I will avail myself' oy the without inconsistency, or humiliating submission.—(Hear, hear.) power which in 1834 was vested in the supercargoes. That was, in effect, giving them no power at all. because the power of the to stop the regular trade, arid to expel me fr . .. th e em pi re , i n - first proper opportunity to nlake en earneat effort te end the But SUCiI negotiations, to be euccessllll, must be supported by a supercargoes was at an en d w h en t h e E i .st Ind i a Compan y mono _ volved in this edict, strengthens the reasoning submitted in the actual disquieting condition of circumstances. I shall also seize competent force.—(Hear.) To those w ho w ere i n clined, by their poly ceased. It was said that this Order in Council ...provisional memorandum inclosed in m y despatch of the 19th ult., in the ad- every occasion to keep your Lordship informed of the Progress of detestation of the opium traffic, he (sir George) would say that vocacy of immediate and earnest approaches to this Court by her events ; and I have now the honour, &c., their best course was to obtain that treaty from the Chinese Govern. —that might be so, but he would show that the Noble Lord Immo. diately afterwards was informed of the defects of that Order—that Majesty's Government. The language in which the s toppage (Signed) " CHARLES ELLIOT, Chief Superintendent,' ment, without which no effectual efforts could be made tu put h e wa s t o ld r ep ea tedly the Superintendents were there without of the regular trade is threatened, if the opium ships have nut Again, another letter of a most forcible nature, was written by down the traffic.—(llear, hear.) To come to the mo ti„, w f th e power, and he was also told repeatedly that it was necessary they sailed away in a month, is of qu esa o nabie con st r ucti on , It wou ld Captain Elhot. He said, " there is certainly a spirit in active force Right Honourable Baronet. The object of the motion was to should have power, and yet the Noble Lord had d on e nothi ng with rather stens t° imPIY, that the Emperor shall b e moved to , ime ,, g , t Br i t i s h su bj ec t s in this country, which makes it necessary obtain a declaration from the House that some other course respect to it. Now, in order to show that the Noble Lord was fully sanction the stoppage of the trade in a month, than for the safety of momentous concernments, that the officer on the should have been adopted by the Government. But it was ins- ' aware o f a ll t h e d iffi cu lties inn the way of the SuPerintendents, he that the trade itself should be stopped in a month. spot should be known to stand without blame in the estimation of Possible to trace in the motive what the cours e s h ou ld hare hoe , would refer the House to what had been stated b y s ir George no. The erigioa , text has b ee „ ver y carefully translated : and Mr. her Majesty's Government ; and it is not less needful that he should —(Hear, hear.) Had the motion expressed that the course should . bi nson . o n , passage i n the letter of tha t gentleman to Lord Pal. Morrison concurs in my opinion, that a dubious interpretation is be fortwith yestea with defined and adequate powers for the reason- have been to issue orders suppressin g the opium traffi • , I 1 c, nt. wou u mers t o n was t o th e f o llowing effect *•----" Now, my Lord, it is re,. purposely intended ; that is to say, that the foreigners should in able control of men whose rash conduct cannot be left to the opera_ have been understooe.—(Hear, h ' ear.) It was easy to lee wise e were no regulations in existen e of c the first place understand, that the trade was to be stopped in a tion of Chinese laws, without the utmost incon . ve . ience and risk a fter at: event Hear spectfully submitted that ther ( .) But the le.ight Hon. Baronet was not s n h charact ' * rder in C nterf ouncil, Th e super _ mon th, f a iling the departure Of the opium shiPs ; and if the and whose impunity is alike injurious to Bun er and even so wise as thate---(A laugh.) For the the nature contemplated in that 0 Ri ht Hon. Baronet cargoes had been unaccustomed to . i ere in commercial mennee should be of none effect, that his Excellency might shape dangerous to British interests. could not, it appeared, now state wh g at he considered should have disputes between the very fe w private traders here • and 1 • nduct uon the more moderate rcadin nem ither political , os co p g, . ely, seek tine "It is nay deliberate conviction. that the security of the China been done —Meer hear ) H f 1 intercourse with this • , • c must say that he bad ass opinioa or commercial Emperor's sanction in a month hence to close the holds. Before trade, and the maintenance of our peace u on the subject. Ile was prepared • * * * whenever affairs involving e to say what In his opinion ottght iresented themselves the no • d • the early attention of her Majesty's Govern to have bee d difficulty with the Chinese 1 _, as was needf , i Y I ssesse Ins Imperial Majesty's commands could arrive, the trade of the empire, depend upon n one.—(Cheers.) Erten the earliest period that the d I take this occasion to repeat tl - abundant means of doing as mud No English season would have been completed. The whole state of eircum. ment to this subject; th , is net the. opium trade had come under consieleration, at the time of the Pe.. se from the u . aelovernment to institutions of subject was here without a licen - ergene _ a Hon. Company ; s t anc e s , however, connected with this opium question is in a condi- assent of the Chine.snedeed, your Lordship will perceive kind is solutions of 1832, he thought that that resolutions was a vet" iso and the Comulittee, in any case of em h y,.h dit in their power tion of such uncertainty, that it is impossible to divine what is beyond all doubt ; 1 , ftl 23d le* from the proper one. Ile was quite aware of the difficulties connected netts •es that t e ltzenses had been sus or's answer to ms note o re u imo, that he sup ose CI to apprise the Chinese authorin meant ; and, indeed, it is not difficult to conceive that the Go. Goverr P• s le opium trade, but he thougent thoee difficulties ought to haye ect in t 11 are in existence, or, at all event ey would in no resp 1 erfere for the adjust- vernment itself does not know what it means, but is in point of they either actua y s, that they been grappled with at the time I the Committee had had sufficient pended, and that th lained of rid 1 , ht to be." ment of any debts the parties comp .g It contract, subse. fact wandering, without fixed purpose, from project to project, or out, . . evidence of the nature of the opium trade ; Captain Sheplaard had nformation and pressing demand tice. The British s i • tie to the date of that no . h pping, whicn it might more properey be said, from blunder to blunder. In the Now, all this t s were before the said that the trade would ultimately lead to the adoption of extreme quen Noble Lord, before he wrote tine following answer r the complete control of t resorted to China, was untie he Com- midst of all this incoherent conduct, it seems to me to be highly - lie was quite measures by the Chinese, and that they would say, if you posee are that the letter of tine leoble Lord could * he Com not arrive inn China our people we will deprive you of your trade. The destructive mittee ; they either belonged to t f, tnithe p d any or were chartered necessary, for the protecti•nn of British interests, that a small naval a n w ntil after these disasters had taken place, there by it, and tke country ships were , I at with licenses by the force should immediately be stationed somewhere in these seas." . minuted to it, but still was it for the Nobl ' fore it was not to lie nature of that trade to the character of the Chinese people bod Indian Government, withdrawal) e pleasure, either by the Now if there was any want of firmness, of energy, or if there was A i e Lord to write such an been pointed out, and sufficient grounds had been shown for the rgency by the Committe •t lc T 1 1 authorities or in cases of eme eise .. nere any vacillation on the part of the Chinese author' , 'ties he had yet answer, after the many letters he had quoted ? Ti Nbl Lord was this : le answer of the adoption of a different course. The course which might baeo e for anv body of regulations! • cuse for our Governs- . o e •n Elliot hiensolfi life had been no need, therefor , . naving res- Ito learn that that would possibly form an ex been adopted had been suggested by Captsu and control of British sub' ' I a total neglect " VISCOUNT PALMERSTON 'no CAIPTAIN ' said that it could not be good for a great trade to depend upon e pect to the general directions jects in 1 merit showing tine same faults, or what was worse, . I.LLIOT. the des- " Sir—Your despatches to nhe 31st t reasons for r rettin ented tl of December of last year, prohibited traffic ; and he added many cogen eg g China. When difficulties pres . nemselves the Committee l of the business altogether.—(Cheers.) He was reading . I had given very little I and to the 30th of Jaeuary of this e s dependent u 0 acted according to the best of their judgment in the circumstances patch in order to show that the Noble Lord h l'lbf I M• ' • y ar, have been received and the extent to which the East India reves - Te wa p o n that there was no lack of m It did . not matter whether t e au e ore ier aiesty s Coverinnent. . of trade It appeared to histt that a bettor system of the case, and it is plai , eans to give , attention to these proceedings. such a cour-e • Elliot had t Id tl o ne " With reference to suds of ti introduced, and that the best ert ' 1 effect to their resolutions. It has e am y been the anxious desire Chinese were ins earnest or not. Captain nese despatches as detail the cir- might gradually have been nment to take imme. cumstances • Id* might have been made to produee that round of conside C which led to an interruption of the tra of this Cmomission, upon every g . ra ion, to interfere ; Noble Lord that it was necessary for the GOver . d I 'd• I) de for a short lands of nla de upon a proper footing, an re i perm in °ember last, and tine ste •' • . beneficial to man, instead of being devotee' •ble till further instructions should rea Ps n Inch you took in conse- wlech was . as little as was pOis , ch them i diate steps in order to put the tr d a so that he was in want of a small ! quence, with a view tti • nof such a pernicious article. The Parli t en of i the 1 o me re-opeining of the trade, and to the re- to the cultivatio from England." This was ol k. st of July, l S:l5, . thought, and told the Noble Lor ~ lin on the Home Government establishm . d r ved fth • solutebn of the Csolarnito aiu presses p ~ ent of y our official communications with the Chinese that day, however, ha app o o ere and no further instructions of any ind, or any information ! naval Mice. This was ag 1 Lord's answer ? It ' :mit! " - he other ins met° • 1 what was the Nob e tonne s , I h ave t o si g nify to your th e e • • and the Right Hon. Baronet himself, among others, kad ap. was given to Sir G. Robinson or t 1 I rs there W • • ' • , I,y Captain Elliot ; ant ~, in posse... of all the pm. , 3,1. jesty,, G , nttre approbation of her tee, ~„,i of it.—(Cheers.) He therefore thought it in the highest that fair—was it fair that Superintem ent Elliot and Sir G. Robin- was to be remembered that lie w. . ;. . I Y t thu tin Nbl- I • • os stemma of your conduct on those clatters. But I Pro— - • • ranee of what power nts of Captain Libra. e se o c lave at the same time to instruct you not to o • ' if degree unjust to visit upon her Majesty's present Ministers the con. son should be left there, in igno . they hail ? positions and requireme mit to avail yourse he deliver) •uiof th • 'Aliot : of any proper opportunity to press for the substitution of a less dm sequences of a system which had received the approval of the Captain Elliot, when lie ordered t f 1 e opium, was Lord wrote to Captain 1 . TO CAPTAIN ELLIOT. HoUtie and the country.—(Cheers.) With regard tp the orders ise " vISCOUNT PALMERS'ION jectionable character than the character " Pins," on the superscriP not aware that he had not the power, or he had not been told so. o Foreign-office, March 30, 1839. tions of the communications which you may have occasion to ads tilled by his Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Aritrss What said the Noble Lord to that ? Why, no answer was sent 36 and he Limn • 1 reference to your despatches of 7th and I Oth dress to tl V' having read all the papers before the House with the utmost att re iceroy, " I am, Acc., until the Bth of November, 1 S , ~ i took no notic of " Sir,—Wit 1 „ tell Sir Geor ; • October, I e3s, ins which you report the ' Pro. , (Signed) " PALMERSTON." 1 tion in his power, he felt bound to say that he could not at all the Order ins Council ;he dil inot i 1 ge Robinson what August, and 13th , k niece between yourself and Rear-Admiral Sir ' e nect the present unhappy state of things in that country w . th those his order was , h e t h e t o ld hin t that le nail done wrong. He says ceedings which to n i , The Noble Lord could think of nothing but " Pin" upon the su 1 , ti ) one part, and the Chinese autho • ' • orders.—(Cheers.) Entertaining the strong Opinions that he did en " With refe ensue to my despatches of this date, containing the lefederick Maitland on n l e rates perscription of letters addressed to the Viceroy.—(Laughtere 1 t visit of the Rear-Admir f al to the ev es t h at an answer to the propositions and demands made upon ; the opium trade, he could not hastily condemn his Noble Friend opinion of her Majesty's Government upon the cases of Mr. limes on the other, uP lie ti rent s on e riv - er, I have much sat'. I think it right to state to you, that her Majesty's neighboarhood of t re Gev ie acCon inn the Noble Lord ?—(Cheers.) Captain Elliot demand. h d fresh I for not putting it down after it had reached the great and Mr. Keating, the a »royal of her Mejest to you r 11 . „ ernment of 1 powers anul instructions—he told the Government that t e time I extent it had done in 1837, when it had become eonnooted Government are fully a s are of the inconvenience arising, both from conveying us occasion. I am, NC., ' was come when they ought to do something for the protection of 1 with every branch of the British trade with China—conetituting, the undefined state of the jurisdiction of the Superintendents in Yo ur coeduct on t . op A . (Signed) LiglefteToispo th e t ra de of tine ' Nbl Lord approves of all done 'he believed, nearly three-fifths of the traffic, and when the exist- China, and from their want of power to enforce decisions country. The , o e ny Hon. Gentleman say that that was a pro se • wer to do away mice ahnc,st of the China trade dependod upon it. With regard t l b to which they may come, on matters submitted to them Now, would a b her Ma•este's Secret ary of see I r answer by Captain Eiliot, annul tells him to do all in Isis \ p h o at w the by members of the commercial body it. China."—(llear, hear.) to be written h y ircurns l .te for Foreign with the superscription e pin."—(Laughtera V as re int I the immediate cause of the rupture, he thought that was entire y tances of the case ? It eniel t i h , —what about the nowers de. eisioner Lin • and f 1836 the Noble Lord bad stated tine subject Affairs, under te c ea—lave eeen this letter respecting the opium tree° _ , attributable to the conduct of the Imperial Comm , In that despatch o t a proper answer to our Consul on the coast of Fres ll for the Ho Noble Friend nor any other person a ice, but wah it a mantled by Captain Elliot ? Now it wa s v . e, n r e y c w ., e a n. , he thought that neither his was under the consideration of the Government. So that it ems ! the Noble I 1 h , r oper answer from . '° r( ,W 0 haul been told that the m em b e r f or Edi n burgh to enlarge upon u l racter of the all a cquainted with the habits of the Chinese • pee*, could have 4 under the consideration of the Government from that time till 1 de of the country was in danger n a c •-* ' Y ollision with the Chinese, it might be a good mode for getting out of the discus 'oner lan. In the bat sion all anticipated the conduct of the Commisn _ n _ soeocod. those unfortunate disputes took place.—(Hear hear.) They had . whole tra . ; t• 1 1' •d I he Noble Lord never followed that up hy ano ther l etter stating what her els. , Chinese ? Capta.n iot sal le wanted Power to prevent Oust , —(Cheers)—but the letter of t he d contained no in. 200 years, when the commerce with China had fi t no n I stance of jesty's Government had decided upon.—(Hear, heat ) Well, them . danger ; but the Noble Lord appeared to think that he was to re- structions, no compliance wills t emends made by the Superin. he had no hesitation inn saying that tbere was it '""'""------._.___--------------v----. ,p,,••1mw.........•••••.. Art e l g row de, itse: e a, thk, ,yovi° stint r tb' t C g" 1 Pit ° , ests• f 0 ;titte t to Ne vi , ' !tot I . er re' se l 6 a tly o" eff° 6- .1 . is d i i° J u lie , itbou if th on ( ade' 0 so' erg 1 I I