The Sun. — London, England, 1840-02-01 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. Tics to situations of trust and favour; I defy him to prosiucej nstances in which I have sought to limit the Crown in the exercise of that privilege. Sir, I say that I would act pr eatieally upon the principles of that Act, but I accompany that de laration, also, with stating that I never would submit to the sophistry and delusion that I must countenance agitation in order to give effect to the Relief Bill.—(Hear, hear.) I would make no distinction on account of religious opinions in the disposition of patronage. but at the same time I should not consider it a part of my duty to attempt to conciliate those who are agitating the public d Wind by showing favour to them because they are Roman Catholics which I would not show to Protestants. I would effectually, on the principle on which I thought the Government ought to act— I would, in the case of Roman Catholics, as well as Protestants, re. fuse to give encouragement to agitation by selecting the professors l' of agitation for the favour and distinction of Government. —( Hear, hear.) I a l so sa y thi s di st i nct ly th a t I neither want to conciliate confidence on this side of the House by con isealing an opinion o n th e su bj ec t o f th e mo d e in which the Roman Catholic Relief Bill ou g ht p rac ti ca lly to be carried mat, nor do I want to court favour and popularity from the other, by carrying that conces s ion too far.—(Cheers.) I admit perfect civil r equality betwe en th e p ro f essors o f a ll re li g i ons, as th e l aw h as la i d it i • down, but I accomp an y it with this qualification that I will wen t/ tam inviolably as a part of the national compact the Established ' Church in Ireland as well as in England.—(Cheers.) I say this distinctly that the laws that passed in removing the civil disabilities of the Roman Catholics did attach to that removal this express condition that the attire union should be steadily observed, and I That the united Church of England and Ireland should throughout t - England and Ireland conti nue t o b e t h e established religion of the ° country, in the possession of every privilege and every right of properta---(Hear, hear, and loud Cheers)—and I would so re. gulate my exercise of patronage as that I should be enabled to reconcile these two indispensable conditions, the maintenance of the principles of civil equality with the maintenance of the Es tablished Church ; that I would make no concession whatever on that point. It was not required by the law at the time of the re moval of the disabilitiee.—(Hear.) The great advocates of Roman Catholic Emancipation, the Roman C a th o li cs t h emse l ves a ll u d e d to it. j They said to the pe o pl e o f E ng l and, we do require in po i nt of us • rice from your hands. civil equality in the eye of the law, equal eapaeity for civil privilege ; but of this we do give you a solemn assurance, that we will not exercise the power which the removal of disabilities will con f er upon us in the property or privilege of the Established Ch urc h — (Ch eers)—and I wou ld i ns i s t in the practi. cal administration of the patronage of the Crown, on the mainte. nance of that condition. That was the opinion of the respected either of the Hon. Gentleman I see opposite (Mr. Grattan.) On that point there is the most conclusive testimony. There is the testimony of Mr. Canning—there are the dying declarations of Mr. Grattan. There is recorded in every Bill brought in for their relief, this principle in the preamble, that the United Church of England and Ireland, is by the Union and the Con stitution, a part of the law of the land, which ought to he preserved inviolably, and which, in the opinion of Mr. Grattan would be confirmed and strengthened, if you remove the disabilities under which they labour. In recognising the pre , . tapir's of equality, on \vhich I would entirely act, I say at once I would maintain, to the utmost, the other principle, that the Protes tant Churoh, the united Chinch of England and Ireland, should be effectually protected as the Establishment of the country, But you say it is irtepossible that I can govern Ireland. Now, I ask yon, what wee the course that I pursued with regard to Ireland, W;len I legit undertook the administration of the Government ? Who del I eleenint to the administration of affairs in that country ? Wl' a did I nominate as my Lord Lieutenant 9 A Noble Lerd e leo had always supported the Catholic claims, who was the friend of Mr. Canning, and who had always adopted principles of re. vonciliation. Who did I appoint as Chief Secretary ? My Right Hon. Friend near me who had always supported the Catholic claims, and who was the friend and relation of a Noble Lord who pursued the same course. Who eel I nominate as Lord Chancellor—(loud cheer)—remarkable for the moderation of his views, who was re markable for the conciliatory tendency of the language which he hail invariably held, anal the greatest ornament of the English bar. And I would ask whether the full course of his official conduct was ' not such as to command the respect of the profession ? and I ask you, did he ever give offence to a single individual holding oppo eit• opinions to his own ?—(lmmense cheering.) Who was my Attorney. General ? The Attorney-General of Lord Melbourne. Who was my Under_ Secretary ? The Under-Secretary of Land Melbourne. le ho was my Solicitor-General? Is there any man, who, whatever may he his politics, can mention with anything but honour and respect the name of Pennetather ?—(Loud cheers.) What strong indications had they given of political opinions to subject them to obloquy ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear."). You attack them, but on what ground ? Yost ridicule the il e a of attacking you, en the ground that the Member for Duehn hail dined with the Lord Lieutenant; you denounced the in juetice of making such light matters as these grounds of serious ac cueation.—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Now Task you what charge slid you prefer against Lord Haddington, and against my Right Hon. Friend ? What was the only charge you could bring against them ? Why, that some vagabond in the Dublin Thaatee had waved ran Orange flag over their heads. Is not that the charge fle e t is constantly brought against them ? Do I undervalue the extent of the injury dose by the Orange flag when it is exhibited itor the purpose Cl insult ? No.—(Cheers.) But it is hard to make 1 hat a .subject of accusation against the Lord Lieutenant, who was ignorant of its exhibition, and when he became aware of it always characterised it in terms of the strongest reprobation; and yet that act is the only one on which you can rely for your attacks on Lord Haddington.— (Cheering.) I thank the House for the attention with which it has heard me.—(Cheers.) I have spoken at con siderable length, and I am afraid I have trespassed too long.— ( Immense cheering)--but I could see no alternative but that of fully stating the grounds on which I withhold my confidence from her Msjeaty's Ministry, and stating those prineiples on which I myself would propose to act. Sir, I have stated those principles. I have been told that it will be impossible for me to act upon them, as I have been told that the avowal would occasion me to forfeit the , confidence of a great body of my supporters. Sir, I see no irides Icatons 01 such an occurrence. —(Loud cheers from the Oppesi tion.) I believe that they have reposed confidence in me to a greater extent than confidence has ever been reposed in any man —and the avowal of my opinions may lead to the withholding el that confidence if your predictions should be verified. but I cannot say, judging from the tenor of this debate, that they I are likely to be so.—(Lend cheers) In fact, the rompeaint that has i been made on the other side is of the extreme moderation of this debate, and the loss of the advantage which they expected to reap teem an aerimonieent disccussion. But the avowal of my opinions, of my intentions with regard to the Poor-law Act, of my intentions with regard to the Reform Act, of my intentions with regard to the Catholic. Belief Bill, and my intention for the honest execution of those uteeeures--if the avowal of these should lead to a dimi nution of the confiidence of those friends who have hitherto sup ported use, I shall never regret it—(Cheers)—but I will frankly declare that I would rather submit to that loss of confidence, painful as it racy be, than purchase their continued support by the with. hole urn of my opinions. Ido not believe the opinions I profess are its.apable of execution; but this I fairly say —on this you may depend—although I cannot answer your question, by what princi. i pies should a new Government be conducted ?—this I can answer, if that Government were conducted on any other principles than those which I avow, of that Government I should not be a member. —(Cheers.) I have no such satisfaction in office, that I would consent to retain office to be the instrument of executing other men's opinions.—(Cheers.) My ambition is of another kind. For soy personal object I want not office, nor the distinctions which ollosv office. Content with the power which I exercise, I never will consent to hold office on any terms which I think dishonourable or inconsistent with the Constitutional functions of e Ministry—nor will I consent to hold office if my own opinions on Public affairs are to be overruled, and those which should be my supporters give Me only a qualified and contingent support.— Clippers.) Whether theseopinions are capable of being reduced to practice I know not. I don't avow them for the purpose of con ciliating such support as shall enable me to reduce them; but they are those. I mean to act upon in office and out of office; and I should be perfectly content to relinquish office when they were Proved to me to be incapable of being so reduced. lam fortified with the confidence of friends; depend upon it I shall not attempt to conciliate the confidence of ene inlies.—(Loud cheers.) I shall pursue mS steady course indifferent from personal objects to the possession of power —per fectly ready to take office, whatever be its difficulties, if public duty shall call upon me, and I can do it consistently with my own sense of duty—refusing to accept it upon any other conditions, ltd declining to hold it by the tenure by which it is held at pre. lent—(Loud cheers)—l shall continue retaining every enjoyment, distinction, and reward I aspire to in private life, knowing I shall have the satisfaction of co-operating in cordiality and confidence with men whom I esteem and honour, and know their sentiments are the same as mine, in complete uninter. milted concurrence and co-operation with my Noble Friend, and my Right Hon. Friend, who may be taunted for leaving that side of the House, but have made the noblest sacrifice of political interest to their principles that ever was made in recent years by public men. —(Cheers.) Above all, I shall retain the confidence, the satisfac teom, and the distinction of co-operating with that illustrious man hay whose right hand I have stood in the great conflicts which have been fought for the last twelve years—who now, with faculties un impaired by advanced years, displaying the same qualities which raieed him to the highest pitch of military glory—fortitude, perse verance, singleness ofmindelove of justice and truth—qualities which, rare in separate excellencies, and wonderful in combination, are still securing to him in civil life and as a statesman, a reputation net inferior to that he has acquired as a warrior and a hero —(Cheers.) Supported by that confidence, and, as I believe, the support of a great proportion of all those great parties in this country, who used to influence public opinion —the clergy, the magistracy, the yeomanry, the commercial interests of this country,—l cannot be lieve opinions so supported are incapable of being carried into exe. eution. But, be that as it may, of this I am sure, that with such support—with such confidence—with the co-operation of such men, I shall be at least enabled to offer an effectual check to your coward movements. I shall be enabled effectively to assist you when you were right, if you will refuse to make improper con cessions, and if you were wrong and make these concessions, I shall be enateed to offer you those impediments which you will call ob structions, hut which I shall consider the effectual guarantee against the conversion of this free and limited monarchy into an un qualified and unmitigated elemocracy.—( The Right Hon. Baronet then resumed hi: seat amidst the loud and vehement cheering of the Opposition ) Lord J. RUSSELL said, Sir, at the end of four nights' debate the Right Hon. Gentleman has made a speech of about three hours length—c Cries of "Oh :" and a laugh.) —in support of a motion *eking the House or give its advice to her Majesty to pray her Maj,sty to dismiss chose Ministers in villa, she has confidence, and t.o take other Ministers to her councils. The Right Hon. Gentle man's spiech was divided into two parts. During the first half of fis address he elideavoured to prove that this country was in a state of calamity—of internal discord —that our finances were embar rzis,d, our credit nearly ruined, and our difficulties almost insuper uwe and having, for about any hour and a half spoke in hat strain the remainder of his speech was devoted to proving that he wa: ready, and capable, and willing, to remedy all those disorders, and that he was qualified to fill that high place in the councils of the Crown which is now held by my Lord Melbourne. Sir, I have a right at least to expect some attention from Hon. Members e , pposite.—(Cheers.) I complain not of the motion. I compla i .n neither of the motion itself, nor of the time at which the midi JO is brought forward. On the contrary, I think if this House i. prepared to give advice to the Crown on the subject of a change in the Administration, that no time can be more fitting than the commencement of a Session, when those who are to take the great offices of the State might have some time to look into our cam- plicated affairs, so that the Session might not be lost, and that sane meat,ui es, at least, might be prepared by those in whom the . . confidence of the Crown was reposed. It is, therefore, with great satisfaction I find that this is not a motion, as in the case of Canada, brought in as a kind of postscript, and substituted for a motion of a totally different character—that it is not a motion, as in the case of that brought forward for repealing a rest). lution regarding the Irish Church, atter an oftbr of accomnuulation had been made, by which the House would be obliged to come to some resolution incompatible with their previous one. I rrjoice that it is not one of those motions, like those brought forward last year, to whi c h t h e Ri ght Hon. Gentleman aluded in the beginning of his s p eec h , which he evaded as a motion going to the functions of a Minister, and obliging him, as he thought, by its results to resign his office into her Majesty's hands, but brought forward on the avowed statement that it was not to he made a party question. Sir, lam glad to think that such is not the na ture or scope of the question now before us. Some corn. plaint I must make, and that is —the greater part of the debate having been employed in charges against the conduct of our internal affairs, against the means taken for the suppression of artism and disaffection —that during the whole of last Session of l'aniament, when I had the conduct of these affairs, when during many a dsanxious arose months I was employed a ga i nst the dangers which t hy by y ,an having in the evening to conduct the affairs of the Government in this HouseZ--I have to complain that durirg that time there was neither any general complaint against the policy o rd. ) , Goverrantn particular application for papers to be laid on the table of the House relating to the reports that had been re , e•ved and the proceeding s that bail taken pl ace upon them. Sir, • although those papers would b ase give ;, a diff erent aspect to the complaint of the Right Hon. Gentleman, yet I do think if such a ar e were to be made, it would h ave b een better for the House, the materials before it, was called upon to pronounce ":""‘ y c.. by s ~., Oft,_, , t ~f,,./ ~... AC, 4 • 'lc, • !•,, 4,1, , r1Q.4.2 " .. e g i '7 'to/Ay I.lZi i :l udgment.— LHear, hear.) I ant compelled by this course of in. 1 quiry to take a course wli ch reliaps may, at this late hour, be tedious to the House, but which I teel called on, from the state. ments on the ether side of the House. The Noble Lord, the slelia ber for Lancashire, Wishes us to confine ourselves entirely to the proceedings of the la,t five years—he says we must not go beyond the lest five years--he says we lidiast not refer to what happened in 1829, for that Is beyond tne limit, although lam most anxious Co embrace a longer period.—(Heari hear.) Reverting to this que s ti on, I must beg the H ouse to o b ser v e th a t towardS the end of the l as t century t h ere Was a Ve r y g r e at i n crease in the 'copulation, especially in the Mennfacturing towns. This population it was easy to infiarne and ekcite by harangues at large meetings, and by inflemmatoty articles in newspapers. Such ek. citernent there was towards the end of the last ceetUry, and the means taken to sUppress it were the suspeeslon of the Habeas Corpus, new laws with regard to sedition, and a prohibition against attending public meetings. Theta laws were renewed from time to tame to the year 1801, arid Lord Eldon, who was then Attorney. General, many yeas afterwards stated in the House of Lords that he believed he had instituted more prosecutions than any Attorney- General had done, but that the law was found to be totally insufficient and that the adoption of a severe course was found to be necessary. In the year 1817 a similar spirit occurred, aria a secret Committee was appointed of this House, which gave an account of the state of the country, which it is not necessary that I should now read to the House. The Report, however, states that one of the doctrines maintained was, that the landowner was an evil, but that the fund.. holder was a greater. In that year the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended. It remained suspended for a whole year. And in the year 1819 fresh dangers arose, of which, with the permission of the House, he would give a short account by reading the statements of the Noble Lord, who was the Foreman of the Grand Jury of the county of Middlesex. That Noble Lord said that the Grand Jury had made inquiries, and the result of those inquiries was that the most inflammatory meetings had taken place—that the object of the lower orders was to pervert the orders of society, to wrest the land from those in whose possession it was, and to divide it among themselves. The report further stated that the payment ) of taxes had been refused, and that the landlords had been threat. ened with the non.payment of their rents. Such was the state of things in the year 1819, and the result was that six dif ferent Acts were brought in for the purpose of putting down those disorders. I do not intend to blame the Government, who suspended the habeas corpus, in order to curb the excesses of the people. Ido not mean to say whether they were justified or not in the adoption of that course, but this I must say, that at least there were great and forcible reasons to induce the Governmen. to pursue the course they had adopted. While I venture to do justice to the Governments which, from the year 1794 to the year 1819, have upon every appearance of disorder in the manufacturing districts, thought it their duty to 'impend some of the most sacred laws and institutions of the country. I must say this, that I have been brought up in a different school.— (Great cheering.) I have been imbued—rightly or wrongly I will not say, but I have been bred in the belief that the doctrines stated by Mr. Fox, that on the occurrence of such danger, it was necessary to put the law in force, and to proceed against those parties amenable to the law, but that there was something in the strength of the law by which those dangers might be met, without any ;violence being committed against the great liberties of the country.—(Cheers.) Such, Sir, was the belief on which I proceeded, and I did myself not many years after I became a Member of this House, oppose the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. I did so not from any factious, but from a sincere opinion, that such measures were inex. pedient, and in doing so 1 was acting in company with such men as Sir S. Hominy, Sir J. M'lntosh. and the best and wisest men of my own time. Therefore, when I came to the Government myself—when I found those dangers threatened, I would not plc,. ceed with severity if I was sincerely convinced that those dangers might ba overcome with greater safety by not suspending any part of the constitution, and I set myself to work to consider by what means I could, under the law, meet and suppress those d.s. orders. I have stated at other times what I considered the character of these laws. It is sufficient for me to say that I conceived they were so far dangerous that they ought to be remedied. With respect to the Poor-laws there were Oastlers and others, who asserted that they ought to be repealed even at the point of the dagger, There were others who required Universal Suffrage by which they meant the disturbance of the system of society altogether. In 1837 .and I S3B meetings had taken place in several parts of the country, which were generally quietly disp,rsed, but at which some persons, especially Mr. Oastler, advised the people to arm. These meetings took place in the autumn of 1838, and in the be ginning of December in that year, I wrote to Lord Melbourne, stating to him the various accounts which had reached me, from ali of which I was convinced that a dangerous spirit existed in some parts of the country, and told that Noble Lord that I did not fear a general insurrection, that I did not think there were leaders to carry it on, but that with regard to a partial outbreak, I was very much afraid the danger would not pass over without something being done. I therefore requested my Noble Friend to issue a pro.. clamation, which appeared in a few days afterwards, warning the people against that form of meeting which was prevalent —viz.. meetings by torch-light. Those meetings were almost immediately discontinued, but other meetings took place, at which persons at. tending were armed. Another proclamation was issued, and after this it became my duty to correspond with the various authorities of the country, in order to have the law carried into effect. In this I was teset by difficulties, as I found many of the Country Magistrates were of opinion that the peace of their dis ti ict would be better secured by allowing things to take their own , course than by the adoption of severe measures. But when the Magistrates attempted to the utmost to do their duty they had not the means by the civil power of putting down disturbances, with. out calling :in: the aid of the military.—(Hear, and cheers.) I very soon found that this was the case, and I mentioned it to a Noble Lord, a Member of the other House, opposed to us in poli. tics, and I stated that I did not think it was safe to prorogue Parlia ment without providing a more extensive constabulary force. Other measures were taken by me; I requested the Major-General commanding to take all proper measures consistent with the neces sary discipline of the army, so as to aid the Civil Power, and I di. rected the Magistrates to proceed against all those who by their con duct gave any room for persecution. These directions were fo.lowed, and I do believe sincerely they led to the prevention of much disturbance. Some of the letters I then wrote, lam sorry to say very few of them, were laid before the House. I therefore hope that the House will take it upon my word, fortified as I have been by the Under Secretary of State for the Home Department, that during the whole of that time I most anxiously gave sash di. rections as would tend to the preservation of the peace. I have already said that having to employ the officers of the law I could hardly do it without applying for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and this was not a difficulty which occurred to me alone far it had occurred also to other Hon. Gentlemen. I was very much afraid that unless the danger was very apparent indeed— (Hear, hear, hear)—had I introduced a measure for that purpose I had been charged with acting unconstitutionally and there would have beets the greatest difficulty in gaining the assent of Parliament to such a measure, but I felt that without the aid of the military and a good civil force, the safety and peace of the country could not be maintained, and at the end of the session I brought forward the measure for augmenting the military force, and it passed with a unanimity almost unexampled; and about the same time the constabulary Bill was also passed, That Bill has been much opposed because of the patronage it gives to the Government; and let me here remark that even now an objection is made to that Bill because it was founded upon the report of a Commissioner of the Police, and a Commissioner of the Poor_laws. Sir, I must here remark, that to you I owe many thanks; to your knowledge of Parliamentary affairs, and to your local knowledge I owe many of the suggestions contained in that Bill. The disturbances were completely suppress, d, but in many parts of the country the inhabi tants were in a state of great alarm, but the prosecutions were moot successful. Out of 290 prosecutions there were 232 convictions. That statement was made by my Learned Friend on a former occa. sion, and it is strictly correct. Of course there were many cases instituted at first, which were not proceeded in, which accounted for the others. So that, considerina all things—considering the verdicts which we have obtained, and the pease we have maintained, the Parliament has no right to complain, either of the Secretary of State, or of the Law Officers of the Crown. It is a charge, against us that there are publications which ate not prosecuted ; all I can say is, that we have never prosecuted where we have seen that it would be unsafe. I have always refused to prosecute unless the Law Officers of the Crown were of opinion that we were likely to obtain a verdict. In the case of the Vindicator, which has been much alluded to, it was referred to the Law Officers, and they reported to me that there could be no doubt but that it contained many seditious libels, but at the same time they did not think that a conviction could be obtained from a Jury. Now I thought that it would be better to allow the publication to go on than to prosecute and fail. If I had desired the Attorney or Soli. citcr-General to go into Court with a case in which they thought they could not obtain a conviction, and if their opinions should be found to be true, I would have run a greater risk of being obliged to ask for extraordinary mea. sures for maintaining the peace of the country, I wished much to avoid the necessity of asking for those extraordinary measures, yet persons were going about the country using very violent and exciting language, which it was necessary should be put a stop to. I was convinced that those who had opposed the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, that those who had opposed extraordinary measures in 1805, on the general ground that unless at the last ex_ tremity, unless you feel yourselves totally unable to preserve the peace by means of the ordinary laws, you should not have recourse to extraordinary measures. I was convinced that those would not have censured the course I had taken. The Act for the punishment of illegal meetings was abandoned by the Government, and we felt that temporary laws against the public produce long discontent which may exist in future years. Now I have stated less than I should hove done at an earlier period of the debate—l have stated the general course I I ave taken with respect to the preserva tion of the peace of the country. There was one thing more, per. haps, he should have mentioned. The Right Hon. Baronet had al luded to the reduction of the yeomanry. The yeomanry whenever they were at my disposal were stronger by 4,000 men than the same force when the Duke of Wellington was Prime Minister and the Right Hon. Baronet opposite was Secretary of State for the Herne Department—(Ministerial cheers)—so that I made a reduction in the Yeomanry, I did not, as the Right Honourable Baronet supposed abandon them before 1 secured another force to replace them. In the year 1814, the yeomanry amounted to 14,000; whereas they were 18,000 in the year 1838. It appears to me that, considering the difficulties of the country, and the means at my disposal—considering what had taken place to disturb the peace—that those instances which had beea brought forward as instances of recrimination against me, are light matters in corn. parison with our difficulties.—(Ministerial eheers.) One of those charges is one on which I will not now dwell—it is, that I have made Mr. Frost a Magistrate. It has been sa.d that I received instructions on the subject from the Magistrates and that I had been informed that Mr. Muntz Led been guilty of a label which, however, was not of itself sufficient grounds for sae logo on the occasion, or which, at least, was not alone sufficient to exclude any man on the grounds of a want of character. The Lord -Lieutenant of the County had recommended Mr. Frost, and said that he was a fit persbn for the Commission of the Peace. There is another charge a b ainst we. The Right Hon. Member for Pembroke, when he made, I will not say a very acrimonious speech.—(Much cheering.) His accusation was that Mr. Muntz had been placed in the Commission of the Peace as had been already said; I had to listen to recommendations with regard to many individuals, and I could only obtain general information—the information I obtained with regard to Mr. Muntz was, that he was a gentleman, well informed, of a good deal of property, and that he was one who attended very much to the business of Birmii gham, and was a person who, though he had been at one time very violent in his political opinions, was becoming more moderate. It appears to tne not an uncommon case, and I have myself known men who, when they began their politi cal lives, were very violent in their political opinion—(Ministerial cheering) --and yet who gradually became more temperate, or, if you will, more Conservative. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") I can conceive it possible that a man may become more temperate, more moderate, or Con. servative in his opinions, his old principles, and his old friends. (Ministerial cheers.) I could well believe what I was told, and every thing I have heard since from those who do not preside in the town of Birmingham, as well as those w h o were acquointed with it—that Mr. Muntz has discharged f a i r l y, and fully his Cuty as a Magistrate.—(Hear, hear.) There was another a c c usation which I trusted the Right Hon. Member for Pembr oke would not have proceeded with after I had interrupted hi m , b ecause I thought his cand o o e u e r as w io o n u . ldh ß a u ve t at th e on fi c i e gh in t du li ce o ci n h ou imratboießaronet his error on the d y a e n a g r e t r h o a u t s h i e n t t h h o e u e g i ht he speech I had made at circumstances thought the had again L r ir e e p r e p a o te o d l waianscevelrayst country. I shall explain very shortly what the differences were. There was a sinner at Liverpool, which was so numerous that it seemed to me to be the nature of a public dinner. I stated toy opinion then with regard to public meetings. I said that so long as those meetings were for the purpose of discussion, in order to elicit opinion, that they should not be suppressed. After the observations which the Right Hon. Barol et had made last session, I could not think that there would be any doubt or misconception on the sub. ...... ject. The speech I made on the occasion had not been reported as usual, as it happened that there was no reporter at the dinner. As to persons having been misled, I believe they only used the speech a s a co l our to their proceedings.—(Hear, hear.) I was Speaking of legal and constitutional meeetings only; they were Ti/' ST'N LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 1.140. pursuing a course of a dangerous character—(Hear, hear) —to which my speech gave no encouragement whatever.—(Hear, hear.) Tints, Sir, the whole misconduct of the Government during the late distu bed period, extending over two years, has been that two persons have been appointed to the Magistracy, whom some gentlemen think ought not to have been appointed, and that some speech has been misinterpreted.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Now, even if I acknowledged myself to have been snore to blame than I do in these transactions, I do not think that they would form a ground for asking the House of Commons to demand a change of Government.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I have still the same belief I have ever had in the efficiency of the law. It is possible that this Government—it is possible that another Go. vernment may be obliged to adopt more severe preceedings and to come to Parliament for aid. But my belief is that it will not be necessary—(Hear, hear)—and I have a thorough reliance on that Constitution which has buoyancy to ride over every wave, and stability enough to withstand the rudest storras.—(Cheers.) Now in regard to olive questions I am of opinion that in such a Go vernment as ours, and yet more especially when every Member has constituents, to whom he is responsible—(Hear, hear)—it is impos sible, whatever may be the inconveniences—to avoid open (pies tions.—(Hear, hear.) And it seems to me unjust in the highest de gree to charge upon the present Government the blame of a system, which, for the last fifty years has been adopted in this coun. try—(Hear, hear, hear)—by Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Burke, Lord Melville, and Lord Castlereagh—(Hear, hear, hear) — who with many others have belonged to Govern's - set - its iu which the most important questions were allowed to be " open ques tions." Is the present Government to be exclusively censured, because they have adopted the same plan ?—(Hear, hear.) I can conceive, if the laying it down as a theory—which I believe however, your would never be able to carry into effect.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear." and cheers.) That there should be no open questions in a Government, but I must say that why, really to bring it forward, and for four nights to urge it as a charge against the Government. That they have followed the course which other Governments have fallen a subject, no doubt to ; the same risks and the same ii.convenienees doss seem to me as a matt r of indictment and charge, to be a very extraordinary proceeding.—( tlear, hear, hear.) At all events it binds those who make the accusation, and who laid down this intl..xible rule, never at any time to depart from it.-- (Cheers.) Be the accidents of the Stag• what they may—be the for tunes of the empire what they may it is impossible for those who lay o.vn such a rule, if th y were to accede to the office of the present Government, to depart frost that rule, n hatever may be the exigen ces of theaffairs ofthecountry.—(Hear.) There have ‘)e n certain times when persons composing a Government would not have done their duty if v• .y had not consented to open questions. Much obloquy was thrown on Mr Pitt ; but supposing a war against France against a most formidable character, and that Mr. Pitt re quired the talents and assistance against Mr. Dundas. That Mr. Dundas was a man in wham he thought he could place reliance in carrying on the affairs of the country. I do say that when every thing was at stake, and the affairs of the empire were in peril, he was right in allowing Mr. Dundas upon the question of the Stave. trade, to take an opposite course to himself. I say in the same case of danger, during the last war when, in 181:1, other persons applied to, were unable to form a Government. I think then, that those who undertook to carry on the war, were justified in making an open question of Catholic Emancip: tion. That was a course full of danger—(Hear, hear.) I think that course was continued too long, but I have often heard, and can well believe it to be the case, that those who were most in favour of the Catho lic claims found a great difficulty, having adopted that plan in tell ing my Lord Liuetpool that the time must come when they must break up the Government. But as the Right Hon. Gentleman now, with his strong opinions on this subject, with his sense of the difficulty, will he say that in any Government in which he shall act, he is absolutely determined there shall not be open ques tions. There was ape sari holding office under him, who declared, I believe, alter that Government dissolved, that if there Lad come on ti.e piestio:: with regard to the Education Bill for Ireland pro. posed by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Lancaster (Sr: Henry Hardinge) that he should have thought it his duty, though in office, to vote against the Government. Ido not know how the Right Hon. Gentleman would have acted on that o rcasion, but I de think, that if that party whom I now see before me is to be denominated a party, there are many of them holding strong and conscientious opinions of that kind, who, if that party were in office, it would neither be just to the party or the country that he should be perpetually excluded. I do not believe that you can go on for a course of years without a difference of opinion arising. I believe that even on one point, what has been made a charge against us, namely, the Corn laws, I believe that even upon that question there might be a diligence of opinion. I make no reference ro Mr. Dawson, but I find others who dittir from the Right Hon. Gentleman Why, the Noble Duke mentioned by the Right Hon. Gentleman—l man the Duke of Buckingham and the Hon. Member for Wakefield belonged to this party—this united party.—(Cheers.) The Duke of Bucking_ ham, as I understand, is to stand by the Corn.laws, without the least alteration at any period. The Hon. Gentleman is evidently for some alteration of the Corn.laws, and greater freedom of trade. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member fur Pembroke, the Noble Lord, the Member fur Lancashire, and the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth are agreed on in princip es, namely, protection to the agriculturists and a fluctuating scale, but with great wisdom and prudence, they don't bind themselves to any particular amount of duty.—(Cheers and laughter.) I don't q lane' with that opinion— very far from it. I shall state my opinions with respect to the Corn-laws when the debate on that question comes on; but don't tell me that persons holding the opinions of the Right Hun. Member for Tamworth, the able Duke (Buckingham) the Noble Duke and the Honourable Member for Wakefield, hold precisely the same opinions, and that if that party were in office, they would put forward precisely the satins views regarding the Corn. laws. The Right Hon. Gentleman has had much experience in this House as the Leader of this party, and certainly I must say that when he was on this side of the House I never took a very leading part with regard to those economical questions with which he was frequently embarrassed : because there was a Right Hon. Gen tleman who understood these matters, and who by great industry had mastered their details, and who, in bringing them forward cer. tainly armed them with a species of poignancy and pungency that the question became no longer a mere matter of economy, but formed some of the most able attacks that were made upon the Right Hon. Gentleman's Government. The Right Hon. Gentleman to whom I allude, the Member for Pembroke , now sits beside him.—(Much cneering.) With re gard to the radical notions to which the Right Hon. Gentleman has alluded, I may mention that brought forward by the Right Honourable Gentleman, she Member fur Pembroke, with respect to he Privy Councillors, and their salaries ; and I really do think that that was a motion which without being directly aimed at it did tend to give a false opinion of the amount received by the Privy Council, and savoured much of what might be termed a Ra dical motion. Sir J. GRAHAM—I regret bringing forward that motion also. Lord J. RUSSELL—Then the Right Hon. Gentleman and I have come to the same conc:usiun on that point, although on many other subjects I cannot join in the cone;usion of the Right Hon. Gentleman. But, Sir, what is the case with regard to another question. Let us take the particular question of the Ballot, and the Extension of the Suff, age, upon which it has been charged • . . against us that there is a difference of opinion among us when. ever any measures have been proposed which met with my dis ip. probati,m, I have never shrunk from expiessi. g it. It was pro posed at one time that, finding there were among our supporters persons who held opinions on the subject which were different from ours, that they should have brought these questions forward, have permitted them to be oppcsed by those Members of this House who did not hold those opinions, that the Members of the Government should take no part in these discussions. I at once repudiated the proposition—(Hear, hear)—for it, appeared to me that when once a motion of that sort was brought forward in this House the House ertainly had a right to know what was my opinion on the subject. On such occasions I have never con. cealed my opinion, not even when I felt the certainty that by giving expression to it I was putting even the existence of Go vernment into peril, and I have voluntarily and williogly taken every opportunity of declaring that opinion. When the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Dublin, in the course of the summer, soon after our accession to office, declared his opinion at va. rious public parties, that it was desirable that a great change should take place in the construction of the House of Peers, that in fact that House should be made an elective body. I took an early opportunity, somewhat unfairly, perhaps, of some neighbours of mine, presenting an address to me in the country of stating generally my opinion with regard to those organic changes, that they were most undesirable, that it was not desirable that they should not be discussed, and that they could not be discussed without danger to the monarchy ; and I made this declaration in 1837, so that I may say I even periled the existence of the Minis try, and I did it unwillingly, rather than withhold the expre s sion. —(Cheers.) So far is it from being true, that it was not till after the accession of the Queen I declared my opinions on that subject. At the meeting of Parliament in 1837, there was a general dis appoinment among the Representatives of popular bodies re garding the working of the Reform Bill. There was a general disposition to see a change, and there was a great desire to intro duce the Ballot. I had not before considered the question of the Ballot attentively, but as soon as it was proposed to intro duce the Ballot, and to make other changes in the composition of this House, I immediately declared my opinion at the risk of offending my supporters, and placing the existence of the Govern. mrnt in peril, and the Noble Lord, the Member for Lancashire, who I trust say hardly ever supports me by his speeches in these contests which I have had to undergo, perfectly well recollects an epithet certainly of a degrading nature, which was applied to the Government by the gentleman who brought forward that motion but he totally forgot to mention the opinions which I expressed when that motion was brought forward.—(Loud cheers.) On other occasions I have opposed motions for extensive changes, and placed on record my opinions on those subjects. I have not changed those opinions. I consider that to enter on a new Reform Bill— even granting, what I am not ready to grant, that the defects pointed out really exist—l do say that an entire change of suffrage, a sew Reform Bill, would excite such uncertainty as to all our in. stitutions, that I could not see it adopted without great alarm. Notwithstanding this, I have consented that the Ballot shall be an open question. I tell you Ido not think the Ballot consistent with anything less than Universal Suffrage, but I do not say that I think that would be the immediatc effect of it; on the contrary, I think it would be so unpopular a change when it took place that the ef. fect would be, that either by practice or by law, we should very soon revert to open voting. This is my opinion —that if you adopt secrecy, you would not make it popular, even in this country, without having the Suffrage, if not universal, bordering upon uni versal. Ido not think it would satisfy the country that some should give their votes secretly, and all the rest not vote at all; but there are various opinions on this subject. Lord Spencer thought the Ballot question would make little change, and he gave it me as his opinion, on the election in 1837, that if we had then had the Ballot only one or two elections would have terminated differently, and, therefore, it dues not seem to me there is much difference be tween them. And, therefore, I have conceded this as an open ques. Lion, and that every gentleman holding official situations shall vote as he pleases on the subject. Sir, I come now to the other part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, in which he maintained his readiness to act on opinions with which he could carry on consistently the Go vernment of this country. Omitting all others, I will say a few words on the vital question of the Government of Ireland. We have heard to night from no suspected authority, but on that as high as the Noble Lord (Stanley), of the existence of tranquillity in Ireland. You have it then admitted there is now tranquillity in Ireland—that the people of that country have confidence in the Lord Lieutenant, and the present Government—that a country torn by so many divisions, that has been the scene of so much oppression and the tl eatre of so many barbarous actions, and of those dreadful scenes in the rebellion of 1799, and made the Duke of Wellington say that he would rather lose his life than see a month of civil war in Ireland—We have that conntry in tranquility.—(Hear.) And the Right Hon. Gentleman last year, in the speech in which g nm that h h f e t he explained country, h a ft er conduct exposingi r e f a u l l s i t n h g e t d o lufincdh e l t r i t e a s t af h t r y v on the Jamaica Bill he was in a minority of five, still his great diffi m th h e s r t e f f o o l r i e h , w tl t :e c y ha h h a g d e t o o f c , o i nzi n re ist t r h a e . I t i an p ng a ds r t ;w ofh: and,c the h empire—encouraging "the trade and ld o a uCi iiffi ch c e u e lt r y s different i c i l n tY i n w s o o state t p e b o e oLt r and laughter.) Was that a ground f with interfere in the strong way that was propose, prosperity w h which h, o Highth e Hon.. e hand, Baronet and, n i the prerogatives t i h r iti e t h go e etth : o i r o : u e te. ove r. —(Loud Commons to of the Crown, when it was acknowledged on the there was tranquillity, were they to give it upf o r a one doubtful liaiid state tl. ofat affairs? He did not suppose for a moment that the Right Han. man Catholics. But this he would say, had been raised, or by diliatsnxubleteynin kjeptwanu of , that spirit whatever means be a great di ffi culty in his way, by Baronet was aware of what had beendtzetitnhattlievearbyussuei,ojefctthwe would means a vety spirit gteat the it ln i•ferelice to this part of the subjecr, I beg leave to quote an extract from the speech of the Rev. Mr. Gregg, from Dublin, in a speech de- R what ev er i on o e f r ; a e t i e d G en tlemen . ofQh Queen, was actuatedH eth b e y n a w went Christiano to say th at spirit, livered at the Protestant Operative Meeting at Manchester. in which he said that it was their duty to encourage the great work Christian court, and had a Christian Ministry, they would see Mis. she, meaning the sionaries sent into every part of Ireland — you may now see them, but with all the majesty of the law, with notwpaelt:durw'itinhdedmudbyaas the military to protect them, and a park of artillery to mark the commencement of Divine Service.--(Lauoaer.) Aid this was received with applause and he went on to say that a proclamation s4ieed by her Malesty's own hand, commanding the attendance of the Roman Catholic sul•jccts on those Missionm les ; yet tes,iu. tions founded on such lan:;uage were co. led u”animou-ty. You say that you will carry into effect the Emancipation Bill by ACatholics are admitted into Parliament, and that you can na help, but a Catholic is eligible to be thefirst Lord of the Treasury, and in the other House of Parliament, the Duke of Wellington rejected an amendment that was passed having that office, because, as he said, he had taken security in the Bill, by providing that if any Catholic was promoted to that office, he should not have the exercise of his patronage relating to the Church. (lino, hear.) A Catholic was eligible to that high office, but yet he ought not to be a Secretary to the Admiralty, as is con. tended for by your friend. The spirit of religious bigotry has been rased against her Majesty's Government, and if you come into 0t13:.e the emancipatioh will be allowed to remain on the Statute. book as a deaddetter : but it would be utterly inoperative. But there is one principle which we hold—we hold that Churchmen, Presbyterian and Catholic are all equal, and that no man ought to be in on account of his religion —(Hear, hear, hear.) Si', I do think that the Roman Catholic would feel in taking office under a Tory Government, that it was likely they would attempt to degrade him, and that he could n t without degradation accept office ; that is the effect of the outrageous spirit which has been excited, ehticavouring to mike the people of Ireland our enemies —(Cheer..)—and which will make it most difficult for you to govern in England, in Ireland, or in the Colonies.—(Cheers.) I have never shrunk from giving my opposition to measures I thought dangerous, and it was in con sequence of that that in last May the Government felt themselves I ound to resign.--(Hear, hear, hear.)—but, Sir, when I look to the oteer side, and when I look to the leaders of that party for the expression of their disgust at the speeches which have been made to excite religious bigotry, and for their endeavour to promote peace and charity among all men, and most say that in witholding those contradictions they have been most culpable.— Omitting all other subjects, I think with regard to Ireland it will be dangerous for gentlemen opposite to assume the Government._ (Cheers.) I observe with satisfaction that, amidst the vast extent of our administration—at home, abroad, under almost every climate, under almost every religion—that the charges brought against us, even had they been made out. have been most trivial. If there are so many of those interests which have not been ne gl..cted—if the afrairs of Belgium, for instance, have been brought to a satisfactory conclusion—if we have still an ally in the Queen of Spain, and the Basque provinces have been pacified —if Canada at length assumes a prospect, not only of returning tranquillity, but of permanent fi eedorn and of peace.—(Hear, hear, hear)—then you ought to pronounce a general opinion, not merely upon those items of charge which have been brought forward by the Op position, but ois the general conduct of affiurs. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") You are, in giving your opinion, not to leave out of the question those many important interests—those many vast concerns, on which not a syllable has been uttered that we have either betrayed our duty or neglected the policy of this country. -(Cheers.) And, Sir, to allude, last of all, to that for which it is said by the Noble Lord opposite, we are utterly ineffi cient, viz., the questions of Legislation, obstructed as we have been, to use their own terms—(Hear, hear)—by a minority, and a large minority, in this House, and a very decided majority in the other House of Parliament. Ido think that, for the four years of legis.• lation since 1835, one of those years being the year in which his late Majesty died, that perha:m scarcely a time can be found of equal duration, in which measures of more importance have been carried. In the first year an Act was passed, reforming altogether the Municipal Corporations of this country, placing them all on a new foundation, admitting popwar control, regulat ing all their affairs with the greatest minuteness and detail. In another year there were questions with regard to the Church, and the state in which we found the Church was thus :—There was the Bishop of Durham with 22,000/.a year,and the Bishop of R.ichester with 5001. In order to supply the wants of those who had the smaller incomes, dignities were given them. There were likewise pluralities to the grew' est extent, so that I remember counting six teen names in the catalogue of benefices, and I found that sixteen clergymen held sixty-five perferments between them. A Commission had been held upon that subject, and all I hare to say is that we have gone on with the Commission, and that we have taken measures to equalize the Bishoprics, and to prevent any one from holding more than two preferments, or more than two benefices at greater distances than ten miles asunder. That was one of the most important Acts since the pas.ing of the Reform Bill ; there was als, an Act for making the marriage of Dis,enters lawful. They had never before the privilege of being married ac cording to the rites of their own sect. The state in which the law was found was this, that however it might be opposed to his conscience, a Dissenter, in order to make his marriage legal, was obliged to get the ceremony performed by a clergyman according to forms of which he did not approve. We have removed that evil. There was also an Act passed, bringing in a Poor-law 1311 for Ireland—an Act of the greatest importance. It might be, it was true, a question still, whether that Act might lead to the wel fare of Ireland. I have mentioned those few measures; but I say that, considering the obstacles we had to n eet with in passing such laws as those, show that legislation has not been neglected. On these grounds I say that the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite have not made out their case, that the present Government ought to be displaced, and that her Majesty should not be advised to dismiss Councillors in whom she has confidence, and to place others in their stead, who have note stated their grounds why they should be placed over the Government of the country. I will be • aiistied, Sir, whatever may be the fate of this motion, but there is one thing with which I should not be satisfied if it were to be the result of the motion, and if a majority were to be in its favour. There had been a good deal of discussion on the present state of our finances, and I am ready to admit at once that the establishment which we think necessary, both of thearmy, the navy, and the ordnance, in order to keep up the name and charac ter of the country, will require an imposition perhaps of new bur dens, and if they are to be kept the present revenue does not admit of any diminution. Such is the true statement of the case; but let me observe that there is not, after all that has occurred—there is not any thing new in the history of the country, because it will be remembered that we have had during those years to sustain the expense of great burdens of a civil war in Canada, and that had it nut been for that occurrence, there would now have been a surplus of the revenue.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord says haw can the increased expenditure of the country be voted to a Government not possessing the confidence of this House. Sir, I say at once, that if the result of this motion, or any fair Parliamentary proceeding is to be this, I think it my duty to press these estimates, being convinced they are no mote than are necessary for the service of the country. I should think it neces sary to vote these means to enable the country to keep up these esta blishments. The Noble Lord seems to intimate that this could not be accomplished (Lord Stanley—l meant by a Go vernment not possessing the confidence of the country.)--Then the difficulty is at an end. The Noble Lord says, How can you expect the means to be voted to those who have not the con ridence of this House, but if Hon Members were to take that ground for refu►ing those supplies or Ways and Means what is the purport or object of this question ?—(Cheers.) Sir, I have the fullest confidence in this House. am convinced that they will give their votes not to gratify party but to serve the in. terests of the empire ; certainly I shall feel it my duty so to do, and that I trust will be the case with every Honourable Member whatever may be the result of this motion. I confess I don't feel any great anxiety on this subject, because I am convinced there is nothing in the ease that the Right Hon. Gent, has made out for so unusual•a motion as this, but argu. ments of the most falacious kind which have been fully answered, — (Loud and general cheering ) Sir J. Y. BULLER briefly replied, amidst load tries of Divide." St range , ' were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when the numbers were— Sir J. Y. BULLER briefly replied .asuidbt loud cries of "di. vide." Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when the numbers were— For the Motion Against it . 287 . 308 Majority in favour of Ministers--21 The announcement of the numbers was received with loud and vociferous cheering for several minutes. The House adjourned at Haltlpast Five o'Clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. 'From the Yates and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) ERIDAY, JAN. 31. HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT.. Motion made and Question put,—" That her Majesty's Go vernment, as at present constituted, does not possess the con fidence of this House ;"—(Sir John Yarde Buller c)—The House divided. ----- MINORITY—AYES, 287. Acland, Sir Thomas Forester, Hon. G. Monypenny, T. G. Acland, T. U. Fox, S. Lane Mr.:rdaunt, Sir J. Adare, Lord Freshfield, J. W. Morgan, C. M. It. Aitord. Viscount Gaskell, J. M. Neeld, Joseph Alsager, Captai., Gladstone, W. E. Neeld, John Arbuthnot, Hon. H. Glynne, Sir S. Nichol!, J. Archdall, General Goddard, Ambrose Norreys, Lord Ashley, Loid Godson, Richard Ossulstou, Lord Ashley, Hon. H. A. Gordon, Hon. W. Owen, SirJ. A ttwooti, W. Gore, 0. J. It. Packe, C. W. Attwood, M. Gore, 0. W. Pakington, John S. Bagge, Wm. Goulburn, H. Palmer, It. liagot, Hon. W. (i.aham, Sir J. Palmer, G. Bailey, J. Granby, Marquis Parket, M. !Salley, Joseph, jun. Grant, olonel Parker, R. T. Hai'lie, Colonel Grant, F. W. Parker, T. A. W. Baker, Edward Greene, T. G. Patten, John Wilson Baring, F. Grimsoitch. T. Peel, Sir R. Barneby, John Grimston, Lord Peel, Jonathan Barington, Lord Grimston, Hon. E. Pemberton, 1' Bateson, Sir Robert Hale, It. B. Perceval, Captain Ball, N. Raiford, H. Perceval, Hon. G. J. Bentinck, Lord G Hamilton, Lord C. Pigot, R. Blackburn, John I. Hamilton, C. J. B. Planta, J. Blackstone, W. S. Harcourt, G. G. Pluinptre, J. P. Blair, J. Harcourt, G. S. Polhill, F. blakemore, R. Hardinge, Sir H. Pollen, Sir .1. W. Blandford, Marqufs of Hawkes, T. P ollock, Sir F. Blennerhassett, A. Hentlicote ' Sir W. Pima, Colonel 1 Boldero, Henry G. Heneage, E. Powerscourt, Lord Rolling, W. Henr.iker, Lord Praed, W. T. Bradshaw, James Hepburn, Sir I'. B, Price. Richard Brarnston, T. W. Herbert, Hon. S. Pringle, A. Broadley, Ilcory Herries, J. C. Pusey, Philip liroadwood, 11. Hill, Sir Rowland Rae, Sir William Bruc •, Lord E. Hillsborough, Earl Reid, Sir J. it Bruges, W. H. 1.. Hinde, J. H. Richards, Richard Buck, Lewis W. Hodgson, E. Rickford. W. Buller, Sir J. B. Y. Hodgson, It. Rolleston, Colonel Burdett, Sir F. Hogg, J. W. Rose, Sir George Purroughes, N. N. Holmes, W. Round, C. G. Calcratt, J. H. Hope, Charles Round, ). Calitiltipe, Lard Hope, H. l'. Rusithrooke, - Colonel Rushout, Bowie. Cartwrieht, W. R. Hope, G. NV St. Paul, Horaco Casllereagli, Visct. Hotham, Lord Chapman, A. Houldss erth T. San.,erson, R. Cholmondaley, H. Hou s to un , O. Sandell, Lord Chris , opher, It. A Hughes, W. B. scarlett, Hon. Y. Chute, W. L. Hutt, W. Shaw, F. Clerk, Sir G. Inge s t re , Lord Stieppard, Thomas Clive, R. H. Ingli s , Si r it. H. Shirley, J. E. C chrane, -1r T. 1. on , SamuelSibthorp, Colonel Codrington, C. W. Irvi n g, John Sinclair, Sir G. Cole, Lord Jack son , J. D. Smith, A. Colquhoun. SirJ. J ames, Sir Walter Compton, H. Jenki ns It. Conolly, Colonel Jerilyn , Earl Cooper, E. 1. J ones, J o h n Spry, Sir S. T . Corry, H. L. J ones , T. Stanley, I d w a rd Courtenay. C. P K e ll y, F . Stanley, L or d Cress-ell, C. K em bl e Henry Stormont, Lord SSS°lllotinhteeirirsont Sir Lord . G. r) 14 E.l G. Crewe, Sir G. Kerrison, sir E. Stint, H. C. Cripps, J. Kirk, P Sugde n, Sir Edward Dalrymple, Sir A. Knatchbuil, Sir E. Darby, George Knight, Henry Gall) Darlington, Earl of K n i g h t l ey, Si r C. Vainent, J. E. Davenport, John K nox. Hon. 'l' Th o m psem, Aid. Thomas, Colonel De Horsey, S. H. L asce d es, v A. S. .S r u ei t g t o n i ni i. u Dick, Quintin L aw H on. CE. Th rnhill, George o ll i h T , Lord i M. I/Israeli, Benjamin Lefroy, Dr. T. Trench, Sir Frederick Dottin,A. R. Lennox, Lord A. Turner, W. Douglas, Sir C. E. Li. 1.1.11, H. T. Tyrrell, Sir J. Douro, Marquis of Lincoln, Earl of Vere, Sir C. B. Dowdeswell. W'. Li ton, E . Verner, W. Duffield, Tomas Lockhart, A. M. Vernon, Granville Dugdale, \V. S. Long, NV. Vi.•iers, Viscount Dunbar, George Lowther, Colonel Vivian, John Ennis Durannbe, W. Lowther, J. H. Wadiiiiiirion, H. a. Dlincombe, A. Lucas, E. Walsh, Sir J. Dungannon,Viscount Ly gon. G enera l Weibv, G. Earle Du Pre, George Mackenzie, Thomas Whitmore, T. C. East, James Buller M ac k enzie W. F Wi brallain, R. B. F.astnor. Viscount lilackinnot:, NV. A. Williams, Robert Eaton, Richard J. Maclean, D. Williams ' I'. P Egerton, W. T. M a h on, L or d Wilmot, Sir .1. E. Egerton, Sir P. G. M ai d stone, L o rd Wadehou..e. Edmond Flint, Lord Manners, Lord C. Wood, Colonel T. Ellis, John INlarsland, T. Wood, Colonel Farnham, E. B. Martin , G. R. W y neham, W redden, \V Mathew, G B. W iron, ( . W lector, .1. M llainkr‘ll, 'l' P. Yorke, Hon. E. T Fellowes, Edward i'iLixtv, 11, R. y0.0.g, .lobo Fielden, J. lleyneil, II Youog, Sir W Filiner, S•r E Miles, W. Fitzroy, Hon. H. Miles, P. Vs.. S. Fleming, Admlnd %filler, NV, ri Follett, Sir W. W. ' Milnes R. M. Abercromby, G. R. Acheson, Viscount 9dam, AdmualSirC. ,JORITY—NOES, Aithonby, H. A. Aglionby, Major Ainsworth, Peter TELLERS. Fremantle, Sir T. Baring, H. B. 308. lAlston, R. Anson, Hon. Colonel Anson, Sir G Money Market, 9th January.—Money continues difficult to be obtained. Good paper will command money at 1 to 1 per month. United States Bank Shares. 81. Wednesday, Jan. B.—Wall-street presents an appearance of unusual quiet, dealers of all descriptions seem to be waiting the course of events. The Stock Market has lost the buoy ancy caused by the late news from England, and prices are rapidly declining. United States Bank has receded 11 per cent. ; North American Trust and Banking Company, 2i per cent. , Delaware and Hudson 1 per cent. ; Bank of Commerce 1 per cent; American Exchange Bank per cent. Sterling Bills to a small amount have been sold at 7 or 8i per cent. Drafts on Philadelphia sell at 7 per cent. No increased animation in the Markets, the stock of Cotton is extremely limited. We have received the Hamburg mail of the 24th January, which brings the exchange on London at 135 (Gold, 429; Metalliques, 107 ; Bank Share, 1,673. FUNDS. Consols opened this morning at the leavinc , off prices of yes terday, for the Account, 9l 11, buyers ; for Money 914 i ; Exchequer Bills 16-13 prem. ; Bank Stock 1781 1791 ; India Bonds 3 5 prem. ; India Stock 249 250. In the Foreign Market Spanish is not quite so good—closed at 26* i—at present 26i ; Portuguese same as they left off, 34i ; Three-per-Cents., 23* I ; Columbian, 27i 28 ; Mexican, 29i 130 ; Brazilian, 26i 27 ; Spanish Passive, 61. 1 ; Deferred, 12} i ; Dutch Two-and-a-half per Cents., 52i i ; Five-per- Cents., 1001 101. PRICES OF fOREION FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE 0 CLOCK Austrian Bonds — Peruvian Bonus — Belgian Bonds Ditto Account arazilis 71 Bonds Ditto Account — Ditto Accoun• 3 4 1,4 3uenos tyres Bonus Ditto icca - .int Chilian 3ond : , Prussian Bonds • Data •e..r.c•, tit Co.kmt ian Ilc :ids.... ......... —, Ditto Account — Ditt 7 L:C. nt Columbian i• ds,IS24 27%%; Spanish Bonds 25 'Ai L.: r.:.: tcca.3lt ....... ...... .... ' attoAccount. Canish Bonds Ditto is_i.t. nt — Del•rred 124 y y Greek Bonds — : French, 5 pet cent. —t. —,. Ditto Bonds, 1i425 —! --- 4 per cent. Ditto Account. Mexican Bonds, 5 per Cvlit — -- - Exctange. —t. Ditto Account Ditto, 6 per Cent. Ditto Account Neapolitan I Ditto Acc0unt........ ...... PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share. Rotern Counties Rz.ilway 2l 11 1 4 Finghton Railway :;‘, ::014 I 1 I South Eastern and Dover Railway Company IS :it London and Westminster lank SO 241 i Assam Company 5 5% HALF-PAST ONE. Consols et present 91} for the Account ; f Money 91i, had been 91} ; Exchequer Bills lower, 15 16 14 prem. ; India Bonds 3 per cent. ; Bank Stock, nothing done. In the Foreign Market little doing. Spanish Active 26} ; Portuguese, 34i ; Colombian, 271} ; Dutch Two•and-e-Half per Cents., 521 ; Five per Cents, 100/. CLOSING PRICES. Brill ISII FU NDS tank Stock 1 per Cent lied 9 1 74, Ditto Bonds 3 per Cent Ccds 34, per Cent. Red New 3% per Cent I 91) Ex. Bills, 1,1100/.......2d l5 pin. New 5 tier Cent i Ditto 500/. l4 pan Long Annuities to expire , Dit to S ma ll Jan. 186 t Oct. 1859 Jan 1860 FOBEInN FUNDS Austrian, 5 per cent — Portuguese Bonds, sper cent. Belgian, 5 per cent 102% Ditto, New Ditto Brazilian Bonds — i Prussian, 5 per cent .— Iluenos Ayres, 6 per cent..... i Russian Bonds, 5 per cent — Chinon, 6 per cent i Ditto, Metallic. ColomNan, 6 per cent — Spanish, 5 per cent 26% Ditto, 1824 27% Ditto, Deferred Danish. 3 per cent...." ........ French, 5 per cent. — f. — c Greek Bonds, 1825, 5 per ct. Exchange —f. —c Mexican, 5 per cent — French, 3 per cent —f. —c. Ditto, 0 per cent., li 25,........ ihitch, 2% par cent. 52% Peruvian, 1825,6 per cent—. !)itto, 5 per cent. ........ .......101 sHAREB 000000 ......••• • Eastern Counties Railway Cireat Western Hallway Ditto New Shares. London and Brighton Railway London and Blackwall Railway London and Birmingham Railway Ditto Quarter Shares :5 London and South Western Railway 44 North Dl,dland Railway Ditto New Shares - It% South Eastern and Dover 254 MEM'', FROST, WILLIAMS, AND JONES.—We have heard that it has been decided that the Newport prisoners shall be transported. We do not guarantee the information—we are not sure that the various efforts still making may not yet have some influence over their fate ; hut we have derived it from a good source, and believe that at present such is the deter mination formed by her Majesty's Ministers. We have seen a private letter from Hong Kong, Sept. 23, which contains a public notice to the following effect.--" The Blockade of Canton, which was declared on Sept. 12th, does not take place. Superintendant Capt. Elliot had gone to Macao on an expedition; the particidars were not known. The British merchants were expected to proceed to the Manilla or Singapore, and the Chinese were preparing for an attack ; it did not appear likely that any arrangement could be effected. It was reported that the Chinese had offered a large rewlrd for the head of Captain Elliot and Smith, of her illaj?sty's ship Volage. Lgince writing the above we have re ceived the following particulars.] Two official notices have been published by Captain Smi h, of her Majesty's ship Volage, off Canton. The first gives notice that it is his intention, at the requisition of the Chief Superit,tendent of the trade of British subjects, to establish ablockade of the River and Port of Canton. The second notice states that the safety of certain of her Britannic 'Majesty's subjects, supposed to have been cut off by the officers of the Chinese Government, havii ' or been ascer tained, and that negotiat;ons having been opened on the basis of the withdrawal of the Prociatnation aga,tist the lives and liberties of her Majest‘' , 4 subjects, Declare that, till further 'police b, given, the blockade, noti fied on the 11th inst., will not be established. but signed Smith. Subsequent to the above preparations of that document, the Chinese burnt a Spanish br g lying close to Macao, in conse quence of which some disputes took place between the Portu guese authorities and the Chinese, who claim the right, stating that it had opium on board. The above comes by the ship Alarmism, which left Hong Kong Sept. 29 LONDON : SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1840. The Debate ended this morning at five, as every friend of peace, of civil and religious liberty, and of a real and intimate union between two great por tions of the British empire expected it would end— in the total defeat of the enemies of Ireland. Ire land, of course, formed one great topic of the de bate ; and of all the excellent speeches on the state of the country, that of Lord MORPETH'S shone forth pre-eminent. The peroration was truly elo quent. Sir ROBERT PEEL made a Bond speech in a bad cause. and in bt ha!f of m , ,n 'hat revikd and hated 11110 for the mO,l 1,1,11-i:01-ion, arc of IS lite. No listener—not even his bitterest calumnia tors could fail to sympathize with the Right Hon. Baronet, when, with perfect truth and the deepest emotion, he exclaimed, " No man ever made such sacrifices as I did." Lard J. RUSSELL closed the de bate. We must refer our readers to his speech for a conclusive and powerful answer to all the charges brought against the Mi lusters. We have only room to state that, unlike the Tories, he will have no new gagging bills, and will be satisfied to carry on the Government with the means which the laws of the land have already furnished him. The ra sult of the division was hailed with loud and con. tinued cheering. For the Motion . . . . 287 Against it Majority for Ministers ---21 REPRIEVE OF FROST, WILLIAMS, AND JONES. We rejoice to be able to state that her MA JESTY has been graciously pleased to extend mercy to FROST, and his two companions. A reprieve was sent off to Monmouth this morning, and their lives will be spared. There will be no shedding of blood—no act of cruelty to check the universal joy, and change, throughout the land, a day of re joicing into a day of gloom and lamentation. This judicious measure will be of more service to the public peace than an army of fifty thousand men. We have since heard, from authority, that it is the intention of the Executive to transport the pri soners for life. Looking at the protracted excite ment and endless petitions about the Dorchester labourers, and the strong doubts cast on the con viction, the expediency of this step may be doubted. One of the meat successful pa!tion:; of Lord STANLEY'S speech against the Ministers, and that which called forth the loudest cheers from the Tories, was that in which, borrowing Mr. WA KLEY'S phrase, he spoke of the present Mi nisters being squeezable, and described that term as indicative of the most p:ofound contempt. Such obsetvatio.;,s are a much truer index to Lord STANLEY'S own wilful chatacter and mind than to the merits or demerits of Ministers. The Ministers are some twelve or fifteen gentle men, conducting the affairs of this empire, and it is not to be expected, indeed it would be mar vegan-, that they should know better than all the !What is for the general good. thetth)re, t h at w h it!, the\ what they suggest,s4intetnnes yield to the propositi ons an d suggestions of others. To be made, in this sense, of squeezable m7terials—that is, to yield to the added information which every day sup ) ,lies ; to a‘Topt suggestions which on re fivction appear rreie Rely to promote the public London : Printed and Published by lIIURDO YOUNG No. 112. Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 112. Strand in ti'e county of Middlesex —Saturday, February 1, Ib4o. Archbold, R. Bainbridge, E. T. BA' lies, E. l•annernian, A. Baring, t . T. Barman), E Barr( W. H. ; G. S 13e.,ainisli, F. B. Bellew, R. Berkeley, F. H. Berkeley, Grantley Berkeley, C. Bernal, It. Itewes, T. Blackett, Christopher Blake, NI. ,1 Blake, W. J. B.mvitt, Reginald Blow, Sir C. Bo asin, J. J. B ,wt.s, J. Brabazon, Lord B - akazon, Sir W. J. B, idgeman, H. Itriscoe, J. B , cklelitirst, J. Brodie, %V. B. Brotherton, J. Browne, It D. Buller, C. Built r, E Bulwer, Sir 1... Buitield W. Butter, Hon. P. Byng, George Byng, G. S. C .llaghan, Daniel Campbell, Sir John Campbell, W. F. Cave, (away Cavendish, lion. C. Cavendish, Hon. G. Cayley, E S. Chalmers, Patrick Chapman, Sir M. Chester, H. Chetwynd, W. Chichester, J. P. Childers, J. W. Clay, W. Clayton, Sir NV. Clements, Lord Clive, E. B. Collier, J. Collins, W. Conyngham, Lord A Cowper, Hon W. Crab:, NV. Gibson Crawford, William Crompton, S. Currie, Raikes Curry, W. Dalmeny, Lord Dashwood, G. H. Denison, W. J. Dannistoun, J. D'Eyncourt, C. T. De Winton, W. Divett, E. Dunkin, Sir R. Dutt; James Duke, Sir James Dundas, C. W. D. Dundas, F. Dundas, J. C. Dundas, Sir Etti' hope, John Edwards, Sir J. Elliot. Hon J. E. Ellice, Captain Ellice, It . Hon. E. Ellice, E. Ellis, Wynn r.rle, W. Euston, Earl r f Evans, Sir G. De Lac) Evans, G. Evans, William Ea.art, W. Fenton, J'hn Fergus, n, Sir R. A. Finch, Francis Fitzalan, Lord Fit •patrick, John Fitzroy, Lord C. Fitzsimon, N. Fleetwood, Sir 11. Fort, John French, F. Dillon, W. D. G 'Rion, 11. Grattan, J. Grattan, H. GreellaW,lV C .reg. . 1' , reig, I) ; irrey, Sit U. Grosvenor. Lord R. Guest, J. J. 11011, B. Hallyborton, Lord D. Handley, H. Harland, W. Elastic, A. Hawes, B. wxin , , J. H. I fayter, W.IG, Haathcoat. John He th .ote, Sir G. Heathcote, (I. J. Elector, C', J. Heneage, G. W. Her -n, S r R. Hill, Lord %. M. C. Hin ,ley, C. Hobhouse, Sir J. C H o w ouse, T. B. Hodges, "I' 1.. HMI nd RO .er t Hrrsimat Hoskins, K. Howard, F. J. Howard, l' 11. Howick, Lord Home. Joseph Humphery, „1 Hutehi.is, E. J. Hutt, W. Hutton, Robert Ingham, Robert James, W. Jervis, J. Labouche - e, H. Lanabton, H. Langdale, Hon. C. Langton, W. G. Leader, J. T. Lemon, Sir C. Lennox, Lord G. Leveson, rd Lister, E C. Loch, James Lushington, Charles Lushington, S. Lynch. H. A. Macaulay, T. B. M•Leod, It. M'Namara, W. M`Taggart, John Marshall, W. marsland, H. Martin, John Hanle, Hon Felt Mclgund, Lord Mildmay, P. St. J. Milton, Viscount Molesworth, Sir W. Morpah, Viscount Morris, David Mtintz G. F. Murray, A. Muskett, G. k Nagle, Sir It. Noel, C. G. Norreys, Sir D. O'Brien, C. O'Brien W. S. O'Callaglhan, D. O'Connell, D. O'Connell, J. O'Connell, M. J. O'Connell, Maurice O Connor Don O'Ferrall, More ')rd, W. Oswa d, James Paget, Load Alfred Pag , t, Frederick Palmer, C. Fyshe Palmerston, Viscount Parker, John Parnell, Sir H. Pa•tisen, J. Pease, Joseph Pechell, Captain Pendarves, E. W. Philipps, Sir R. Philips, Mark Philips, G. It. Phillpotts, John k. rut I) 11 e • W Poe, C F A. P •es nbc, H in. John P James p. .9 Priitheroe, E. Pryint, C. Pryse, P. Ratnsbottom, J. Reddington, N. thee, E. B. H. Il tsm , c. Pr.& It 13 R•ich.., W. s.r D. webold, C. E. Rundle, John Russell, Lord John Russell, Lord Charles RiPhe. - fo•d A, Salwey, Colonel Sanford, L. A. Seliolefield, J. Scrope G. P. Seale, Sir J. Septum , Lord Shell, R. L. Sheliurn, Lord slaney, It Smith, 1. A. Smith, enjamin Smith, G. R Smith, Vernon Somers, J. P. Somerville Sir W. Speirs, A. Spencer, Hon. F. Standish, Charles Stanley, Massey anley, W 0. Stanstield, W. R. Stauntan, Sir 0. Stewart, James Stuart, Lord J. Stuart, W. Vi Tiers S oak, Dr. strangways, Hon. J. Strickland, i•ir O. Strutt, E. Style, Sir Charles Surrey, Earl of Talbot, C. R. M. Talbot, J. H. Talfourd, Serjeant Taucred, H. W. Tavistock, Marquis Thornely, Thomas Tollemache, F. J. Townley, R. G. Troubridge, Sir T. Tufuell, Henry Turner, E. Verney, Sir H. Vigors, N. A. Villiers, Charles P. Vivian, J. H. Vivian, C. C. -Vivian, Sir R. H Wakley, Thomas W. lker, R. Wall, B. Wallace, R. Warburton, H. Ward, H. G. Wemyss, Captain Westenra, H. R. Westenra, J. C. White, Andrew Wilbraham, G. Wilde, T. Williams, W. Williams, W. A. Wilshere, W. Winnington, '1 Winnington, H. Wood, C. N.N oocl, Sir Matthew Wood, W. Woo , Benjamin Wo-sley, Lord N.Vrigh son. W, Wyse, 'I homas Yates, John A. TELLERS. Stanley, E. J. steuart, It. LLOYD'S SHIPPING-(THIS DAY.) BLOCKADE OF THE CHINA PORTS. The following are extracts of letters received at Lloyd's this day, addressed to Wra. Dobson, Esq., dated— " Hang Kong, Sept. 25, 1839. " The notice of blockade of the Chinese ports issued by Capt. Smith, her Majesty's ship Volage, to take place within six days from the 11th inst., was withdrawn on the 17th. No change with our relations with China." , " The Chinese hirnt a Spanish brig in the Typer, having taken her for an English vessel." RAMSGATE, JAN. 31.—The boatmen reprt the description of the large ship on the Goodwin Sands as follows :—Teak fore mast, fir mainmast, red channel plates, painted green inside ; she lies in 15 fathoms, at high water, on the off part of the Sands. And they believe her to be a Dutch vessel. MONEY and COMMERCIAL NEWS. CITY, TWELVA O'CLOCK. LIVERTOOL COTTON-MARKET, FRIDAY.—Our market has been more unsettled this week, being ultimately steady, and otherwise a good deal of business has been done. The sales to day are about 4,500 bales of all kinds, at lower prices. The New York packet-ship Montreal, has arrived (London line) by which New York Papers have been receiv2d to the Ilth of January. The Governors of the State of Philadelphia and the State of Maine, in their Messages to the Legislatures, recom mend the strictest economy, and a direct tax to pay the in terest on the State debt. EV - ENING EDITION. welfare than their own plans ; not to adhere too ten , c•ously opin ons perhaps hastily taken up, kr. Lord STA NI. Ev's as to Leland, when, to th e great misfortune of that country, and almost to the• ruiii of the Administration of which he was a member, he drove Lord GREY'S Ministry to adopt the Coercion Law ; to lend its ear to the repre sentations of those whose interests it is their duty to provide for, so far from being a vice or demerit, must he considered, in this age of transition, as one of the most useful virtues and the greatest merits which a Government can possess. Mr. WA RD said, speaking of the deference the Ministers had shown to the wishes of their sup porters, the facts which Sir JAMES GRAHAM had brought forward against the Ministers were the facts which he should quote in their favour. The two parties, therefore, take directly opposite views of the functions and duties of Government, and what one considers a reproach the other re gards as an honour. Whether it be right in the Government to yield to external pressure, or to re sist it, and pursue, regardless of the multitude and their interests, a path of its own, is really the ques tion at issue between these two parties, and as it may be decided, so should the public approve of Lord STANLEY'S iron self-will, or of Lord MEL BOURNE bending to circumstances, and guiding his actions rather by the knowledge of to-day than the ignorance of yesterday. In Turkey, in Russia, and perhaps in France, this question would be decided in Lord STANLEY'S favour. Here the decision must be against him. The Ministers of England have no right to -consult their own will, but the public welfare, as made known to them by public opinion, including the opinions of the two Houses of Parliament. leTe minally the two Houses are the Council of the Crown, in reality they are the Council of Ministers; and it savours of most unbridled arrogance in Lord STANLEY to propound a doctrine to an assembly which will virtually have the effect of transferring its functions to the Ministers. He would govern in spite of other men, so would Mr. JULIAN HARNEY; and the despotism of the Tories is the parent of the counter despotism of the Chartists. We will honestly confess that if we must have a tyrant, we should prefer Lord STANLEY to Mr. HARNEY, but we prefer to either, that stigmatized thing, a Government made of squeezable materials. It is obedient and tractable to public opinion, and at the same time more in accordance with the Constitution of Eng land than the despotism even of Lord STANLEY. It surprised us to hear Lord STANLEY lay down such a theory of Government while he was fighting on the side of Sir ROBERT PEEL, who has, through his whole political life, exhibited his obedience to the squeezable principle. So far from his having taken up, at any one time, and followed out consistently, a line of policy, he has continually submitted to he driven by the Whigs, or by a Tory tail. Wiien he was Home Secre tary he carried into effect, reluctantly and incom pletely, because he could no longer help himself, the reforms of the law which the Whigs had made popular. He, under the commanding influence of Mr. HUSKISSON'S genius, gave in his adhesion to the doctrines of free trade. Now, under the in fluence of his own tail, made up of Tory landlords, he is the staunch friend of the Corn-laws. In 1828 the abolition of the Test Act was squeezed out of him, and in 1829 the Clare election extorted from him Catholic Emancipation. The Reform Act was not squeezed out of, but passed in spite of him ; but with his usual dependent, sub servient policy, he has taken up the Whig position of Reform, there to remain till he is driven from it. Thus the practices of Sir ROBERT PEEL, and the whole stream of modern history, testify to the pro priety of having a Government made of squeezable materials. Preparin ] ; for noblication, in 3 vols. post Bvo., MAR Y, QUEEN OF SCOTS. _IYAL AN f-11. 2 ;1 - ( 'cm, ROM A NCE. It ore C..lborn I H (;re:l, i e,cv This da.), 16 Published, price 215., pROFESSOR LOW'S ILLUSTRA TIONS of the BREEDS of the DOMESTIC ANI MALS of the BRITISH ISLANDS, Part 1., atlas 4t0., with Four beautifully -coloured Plates, comprising Seven Figures of the Wild or White Forest Breed, the Pembroke Breed, and the West Highland Breed, with Descriptive Memoirs. London ; Orme, and Co. MIRTA AND MARVELS. Now ready, in I vol. po,t tfvu, handsomely bound, and em bellished with numerous Characteristic Illustrations, THE INGOLDSBY LEGENDS; Or, MIRTH AND MARVELS. By THO.qAS INGOLDSBY, Esq. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. Publisher in Ordinary to Her Al.jesty. This day is publish; d, the Second Number of eIAPTAIN MARRYAT'S POOR JACK, ‘..} With Illustrations by Clarkson Stanfield, R. A., will be " Promises to be as good as • Peter Simple.' "—Atlas. Th!r, text is illustra , ed by some admirable woodcuts, from drawing by that prince of marine painters, Stanfield."—John Bull. " We shall be much disappointed if Poor Jack does not be come a popular favourite."—Alorning Herald. London : Longman, Orme, and Co. THEATRE ROYAL COVENT GARDEN. UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF MADAME VESTRIS. THIS EVENING, FEB. 1. Will be performed THE BEGGAR'S OPERA. Captain Macheath, Mr. W. Harrison ; Peachum, Mr. W. Farren ; Lockit, Mr. Bartley ; Filch, Mr. Harley ; Mrc. Peachum, Mrs C. Jones; Polly Peachum, Miss Rainforth; Lucy Lockit, Madame Vestris. After which, a Comic Burletta, called PATTER VERSUS CLATTER. Captain Patter, Mr. Charles Mathews. To conclude with the New Grand Comic CI-.rstmas Panto mime, entiiled HARLEQUIN AND THE AIERRIE DEVIL OF ED MONTON • OR, THE GREAT BED OF WARE. \Vtih entirely New• Scenery. Machinery, Dresses, and De- corations. Har.equin, Mr. C. .1. Smith ; Clown, Mr. T. Ridgway ; Pantaloon, Mr. Alorelli ; Merrie Devil, Mr. Gibson ; and Co umbine, Miss Fairbrother. Dress Boxes, 7s; Second Price, 3s. 6d. ; First and Second Circles, ss. ; Second Price, 2s. 6d. ; Pit, 3s. ; Second Price, 2s. ; Gallery, Is. Doors to be opened at half-past Six—the performances to commence at Seven o'Clock. Tickets and places for the Boxes to be taken of Mr. Notter, at the Box-office, from Ten till Four, where Season Tickets may be had upon application. Private Boxes to be had solely of Mr. Andrews. bookseller :67, New Bond-street. ItoYAL SURREY THEATRE. Sixth Week of the Grand Comic Pantomime, universally a llowed to be the best in London. is attracting the most brilliant overflows ever witnessed, and will be repeated every evening. THIS EVENING, FEB. Will be acted, an entirely new Drama, called CARL CARLSRHUE ; OR, THE PAINTER, THE PUPIL, AND THE PRINCE. After which, the New Legendary Drama, called THE LAPIDARY OF LEYDEN. To conclude with the New Grand Christmas Pantomime, called i'HE QUEEN BEE, OR HARLEQUIN AND GOODY TWO SHOES. The splendid Scenery ht Mr. Brunning—The magnificent Diorania by Mr. P. Phillip•. :Miss Sharp, ; C.own, Pantaloon, and :spine, by the Bolero Family. Messrs. Sams of St. James's-street ; Andrews, Ebers, and Mitchell, Bond-street ; and Seguin of Regent-street, Book sellers, are appointed let Private and Public Boxes during the run of the Pantomime. ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE. Mr. BUTLER begs leave most respectfully to announce to the Nobility and Public in general that, havin g become Sole Lessee of the abo ve E s t a bli s h ment . it w ill OPEN FOR THE SEASON on SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 18 , 10, when an Occasional Address will be spoken by Mr. Butler, which will be immediately succeeded by " God Save the Queen," verse and chorus by all the Company. The iderformances will commence with MR. AND MRS. GRUBB. Mr. Grubb, Mr. Bri.okes ; Mrs. Grubb, Mrs. Garrick. To which will be added, for the first time a New Piece, entitled THE PINK OF POLITENESS. (Written by C. Selby, Esq. ) Duke de Coyllin, Mr Jones ; Madame de Kerzoet, Mrs. Anderson. Te be followed by a Comic Sketch, never acted, called A FAMILIAR FRIEND. (Written by a Friend. ) Mrs. Chattersly, a familiar friend, Mrs. Glover. The whole to conclude with a Comic Burletta, novel here, called MY MAN TOM. Charles Unit, Mr. Forrester ; Tom Chaff, Mr. G. ihl. Stage Manager, M.. Baker. Boxes, 4s. ; Pit, 25.; Gallery, Is. The Box-office will be under the superintendence of M'. Parsons. and will be opened on Tuesday, February 4, and each succeeding day until the commencement of the Season. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We have not seen the advertisement Mr. Hunt alludes to, and know of no such place in London as the " Penny Post News paper Office." So there is either some mistake, or fraud. We receive regularly almost every day remittances for num bers of The Sun. The best way is to send direct to the Office. A sovereign may be transmitted in a letter by the Post-office for a penny. 111(.H-WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO- 0111{0W. °ming 21 minutes alter 1 I Evening 47 minutes alter 1 p.d. 4.%.'" Zefn 51-tixf Nor has Lord STANLEY himself followed a dif ferent career. Last night Lord :VIORPETH quoted not one, but several, instances, in which Lord STANLEY has yielded to an outward pressure, and modified measures to please the gentlemen of Ire land, or the owners of sugar plantations. After Mr. WARD had so happily exemplified the character of the Tory party, which adopts the Whig measures and calls them the ancient institu tions of the country, it required something more than assurance in Lord STANLEY to claim for Sir ROBERT PEEL and his present friends the merit of consistently adhering to their own plans of government. One remarkable difference we admit there is between the Whigs and the Tories ; the former confess that they yield, and state their reasons for it ; the latter strive to hide their concessions, and boast of their stoicism, while they give way to the pleasing seduction. In this, as in most other matters, they add to all the vices of the Whigs the true Tory vice of hypocrisy. Even in giving up tyranny when they are com pelled, they are so besotted that they still claim the reputation of tyrants—like vicious old men, who demand credit for vices they are no longer capable of perpetrating. As the progress of na ture sobers them, so the progress of society has compelled the Tories to defer to public opinion; but Lord STANLEY, in their name, most boast ingly and hypocritically talks of governing by his own strong will, as if the years 1826, 1828, 1829, and 1832, had never existed. The whole of the French Journals of Thursday have been received. The only news they contain s the ap pointment of M. GUIZOT in the place of M. SEBAS TIAN' as Ambassador to the Court of London. On Wednesday M. GUIZOT received the congratulations of his friends, so that all doubts upon the subject are no .v removed. THURSIJAY, ;AN. 30. i list Highest Lowest Last Price Price. Price. Price ie.ien ~ pet t cuts lll 95 ... 112 5...111 95 ... 12 4 per t en ts 3 per Cents Sr, Si) . 30 80 ... 80 70 ... 80 70 Ink of r ranee 3147 50 ...3147 LO —.3140 ...3140 Latlitte Bank I,ooor. Sh 1059 50 ...1052 50 _1052 50 ...I 52 50 5,000 f. sh 5lBO —.5180 ...5175 ...5175 Heiman 5 per Cents lO2 ... 102 ... 10..3j ... 1024 i Plank.. 9.2 50... i 27 ..o ... 1/2•_l sO ... 927 50 United States Bank Loan 9734 ... 9734 ... 974 4 l ' 7l, 5 1 , 411150 Ac,ive Passive ti},. ... 6 ... 6% ... tho Old Deferred 7 ... 7 ... 7 ... 7 Portuguese 3 per (cuts 23% ... 2:1% ... 23% ... 23% Nett olit. to ,iornan lll-:.% ... 102% ... 102 ... IQ% ItAILWAN SHARE:. Versailles, 11 B 485 ... 495 ... 495 ... 493 L.B. 345 ... 346 23 ... 345 . 345 1 1tilhausen to 'Mann 385 Str,hurg to Bale ... 335 ... 337 50 ... az ...:387 50 Orleans .. ASPHALTES AND BII'UAIENS. Yarn (Maberly's) COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen held a Court yesterday at Buckingham Palace. Mr. Arthur Aston, Her Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Queen Regent of Spain, acting in the name and on behalf of Her Catholic Majesty the Queen Isabell a th e S econ d , was presente d to Her Majesty at an audience, to take leave, by Viscount Palmerston, G.C.8., Her Majesty's P r i nc ip a l S ecretary o f State for Foreign Affairs. The Court was attended by the Earl of Fingall. the Lerdil Waiting, Sir Fr e d er i c k St evens , th e Groom in Waiting, a n d Colonel Buckley, the Equ err y in Waiting. HerAl v ajest i y sco ga n y t e A a i ti el d b ie o n u ce rne, y a es n t d er L da o y rd to Hill.th e Marquis of Normanby,The Royal Dinner party at the P a l ace la s t eveningln cluded the buchess of Sutherland, the Earl of Uxbridge, the Hon. Berkeley Paget, and the Hon. Charles Howard. The Princess Augusta visited the Duchess of Kent yester day at Bucki ng h am - Palace. Her Royal Highness also visited the Duchess of Gloucester at Gloucester House. The Princess Sophia Matilda visited the Princess Augusta yesterday at Clarence House, St. James's. Mr. Mark Philips, M.P., Mr. Brotherton, M.P., and Deputation, had an interview with the Marquis of Normanby yesterday at the Home Office. A Deputation of Irish Distillers on the Malt Drawback, headed by Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, and Mr. W. K. Dehany, Solicitor of Excise, had an interview yester day with the Chancellor of the Exchequer at his official resi dence in Downing-ssreet. The Deputation consisted of Mr. Hutton, M.P., Messrs. Brown, Jameson, Haig, Green, Mr. Power, M.P., Mr. Callaghan, M.P., and Mr. Caffey. Mr. Craven F. Berkeley had an interview with Viscount Melbourne yesterday in Downing-street. The Belgian Minister transacted business yesterday at the Foreign Office. Lord Hawarden, Mr. Fielding, M.P. for Oldham, M . r. Hutt, M . P. , and Mr. Ward, had an interview yesterday with the Marquis of Normanby at the Home Office. We cannot but express our great surprise that no means have yet been taken here for some public rejoicing. on the occasion of her Majesty's approaching nuptials. With out being prepared to make any specific suggestion on the sub ject, we do trust that there will be no illumination, as that is a mode of rtjoicing which leads to the expenditure of large sums of money, without tending to any advantageous result.-- Cambridge Advertiser. We have not space to-day for our usual re port of the Markets, but nothing of any importance has occurred, prices being nearly stationary in all of them. SILVER TEA and COFFEE SERVICES Drawings of the newest patterns, will be forwarded to any part of the country, in answer to a paid letter, with full parti euhrg of size, weight, and price; or Purchasers will find most extensive assortment of the Silver Services in the Show Rooms. Either Tea-pot, Sugar Basin, Cream Ewer or Coffee pot, may be had separately. T. COX SAVORY, Silversmith, &c., 47, Cornhill (Seven doors from Graceehurch street), London.