The Sun. — London, England, 1857-03-17 00:00:00

SHARE MARKETS—(This Day.) RAILWAYS. Closing Price yesterday. Business done I St. -- this day. St. 25 R. id I RAILWAYS. shr.l r -- ,241 . BO 1 13i I It. 11 25 al 25 al 25 1 Rt. 11 20 10 10 al St. 10 1 0 al St. lf St. 10 St. 11 St. 11 !Bristol S Exeter... !Caledonian.. ..... ... 11 Do. Fifths D0.,101.5h. , M&8 0 23 Do. Eighths )0 London di Eighth dl Lndndrry.&Coleraine al Lndndrry. & Ennisk. X) Maneh.Shef.&Lincln. 1 Metropolitan 1 Do. J. L. Ricardo's arrangement )0 Midland 00 Do. Birming. & Derby 11 Midland G. West . (Ir. ) al Do. 3 Shares ......... 11 Newcastle & Carlisle 11 Newpt.Abervilrfd 9 Newry & Enniskillen 11 Newry, Warronpoint & Rostrevor 10 Norfolk. 33 Northn. Counties Un 10 North British 10 North Devon, Rail. & Dock Stock 10 Do., A Stock ......... 0 Do., B Stock 10 N. Eastern Berwick 3 Do. do. Extension ... 6i Do do. G.N.E Porch. .11 Do. Leeds 10 Do. York 10 North London .1 N. &S. Wstn., Hamp stead, and City Jn L 74 North Staffordshire ill North Western ill N. &S. Westrn. Juno )0 Oxford Worcester Li Wolverhampton 16 Portsmouth LO lthymney )0 Scottish Central 10 Scot. N.E.Abrdo. St )0 Shropshire Union 4 Sitingbourne &Sheer 611 South Devon 10 South Eastern 11 Do. 43 per o. Shares 10 South Wales 7 S. Yorksh. River Dun 7 D 0........ . ........ Staines,Wok.,klVok ill Stockton k Darling L 5 Do. do., 1854 3 Do. do., 18'5 161 Stockton & Hartlepl )0 Taff Vale X) D.. Pref., No. 1 ..... r 2 Thames Hay. D. kR 11 Vale of Neath 611 Waterfd. & Kilkenny 11 Waterford&Limerick 11 West Cornwall 11 West End of London and Crystal Palace 11 DO. A, 11 De 111 11 West London 611 De. First Class a Do. Second ()cass_ [1 Wmbledon &Croydon Ambg. Nottng. Bost. & Eastn. Junc....... All Belfast & Ballymena All Birmng. Wolverh. £ Stour Va11ey......... )O Birkenhd. Lancsh. & Cheshire Junet...... al Blackburn ............ al Blyth & Tyne original £25 (iss. at £45).... Chester & Holyhead. Cork and Bandon Cork, Black. & Pass 1 Cornwall 11 Da A 8 Do. B [5 Dublin&BelfastJunc 11 Dun. P. &Aber.Jnnc )0 East Anglian al Eastern Counties 10 EasternUnion,A.stk )0 Do., do. B. Do. New A L7i East Kent ......... ) 0 East Lancashire al East Suffolk 4 Do. )0 Edinburgh & Glasgow Edinb. and Peebles Edinb. Prth. &Dunde ' ll 'Forth and Clyde Juno. )0 'Furness ....... ...... . 10 Glasgow & S. Western , Great N. of Scotland )0 Great Northern 10 Do., A. Stock 10 Do., B. Stock ..... /0 Gt. Sth. &West. (Ire. ) I 0 Great Western... Rr) De. Str. V. R glut. St 11 Irish South-Eastern I ILancaster & Carlisle. Do., Thin 15............ Do. New Thirds Lancash. &Yorkshirr Do., do. F. £l6 ... Do., Wst. Riding Un. !De. Southport...... London & Blackwalli Lond. Bright. dt S. Cat. London & N. Western BRITISH Pi al Atlan. and St. Law. 9 Bombay, Baroda, and Cen.lnd,guar. 6 p.c. Do. L O,) Buffalo & Lake Hut, )0 Buff , Brnt. I; Godch. )0 6 p.e.bds., 1 Aug.,'72 Do. do., 1 July, '73 )0 Do. do., 1 June, 74 !s. Calcutta and S. East. ;6d Central Oude (Lim.) Os Ceylon A shares 1 Do. B. de, dl Demerara 2s. Eastern Bengal , East Indian .5 Do. C Shares dl Do.4i p.c.Bnds.,'s7 al Do. do. do., '59, de. all Geelong & Melbourne guar. 5 per cent :0 Gd. Trunk. of Canada, all Do. 6 p. c. Deben... Gt. IP. Pen. g. 5 perc. 4 Do. New. guar. 5 p.c. di Gt. Wcstn. of Canada 8 Do. New I Do. Bds., payable '57 [1 Do. do., '76, p.'6• 1 Do. do., '73, do. I Do. do., '73, without option all Madras, guar. 4 p.c all Do. do., 5 per e. 10 Do. 4i p. C. Eaten. 5 Do. 3d Ex., g. sp.e. 5 Do. 4th Ex., do. 1 se. Oude (Limited) 5 Scinde, guar. 5 per c all Do lAntwrp & Rotterdam tonnes ill Belgian East. Junct. .6 Beziers to Graissessac ill Carmeaux&Toulouse Coal Mines and Ry L 2 Dutch Rhenish al Eastern of France al Do. New h. Euphrates Valley .8 Gt. Central of France .7 Great Luxembourg 4 Italian Junction II Lake Const. & Bale [ll Lierre and Turnhout 6 Lombardo-Venetian ill Luoca & Pist.sp.c.p. dl Lyons and Geam al Lyons &lfediterran al Maria Antonla Do. Now 611 Namur k Liege 111 Do. do. 6p. e. Pref ill Northern of France_ ill NorwegianTrnk. Prof A Paris and Lyons dl Paris and Orleans 7 Reoife ifs San Fran (Pernam.) g. 7 P• c• T 4 Rome and Frascati all Royal Danish all Royal Swedish all Sambre and Mouse all Do. 5i per cent. pref. all Southern of France.. all West Flanders........ all Do. 54 per C. Pref . all IT.itN.l)r, of France 6 ``Western of Austria... all !West. of• Switzerland all kWiesbaden all Do. 8 P cent. prof. all Zealand J OINT-STOI all lAustri, 181 ,Bank of Egypt' ******* 50 ; Bank of London *** ** Bk.& Lu. ** * al 'Britishill N. Arrerica.n 6 IC.llk.of Au.&Ch il") City 15 Colonial 9 Commercial of Loml 411 Eng. Scot. &Ana. Cht ill Lon.Cll. IPk,ofAust. al Ditto New ........ omi !O London and Cty )0 Lud.&E.linkng.Corp .0 London Joint Stock., 2 Lond.audWesttninst. 15 National Pro. of Eng.' .0 Do. New 2 1 , ,National Bank .11 !New South Wales 31 ! Oriental Bank Corp. .5 Ottoman Bank ;5 Provincial of Ireland .11 Do. New 1 R. Aus.B. &G.Im.Co 11 South Australia .11 Union of Australia 2A Do. New LO Union of London Unity 3,1 (anal Wedna Bk. c f Loud 41 -4, ••• '''''' iii - 9 67 - 69 8f - 9 ••• 90 - 92 - 70} -7 0 i, 37 .-- 38 1 ••• '''. • ••• '''' . ••• .".. • .•• ..... • 10 - 10, 19A - 20 101 - 11 44 - 50 33 - 35 6 - 7 98 - 99 56~ --~ b 7; ii : ii .71 - 8. 95 - 96 86 - 87 120 - 123 LO3 - 105 671 - 67 j 64 - 66 72 76 73 831' 74 8. [O2 1023 par ~ .. ••• - [OB - 109 ;04 - 164 .. ...... ... id par :04 104? ..." ••• oi 7- 374 Si -81 A 53i -64 i: iii = i'B 5(3 - 58 3i - 46. -47 ti 85 - 86 4 - 3i•l 8 - 21 39 - 40 61i - 62} 97 - 99 5k 4&' 7 -- 76 10i -- 11 29i - 301 7 - 6 108 110 274 28 50 62 24 —14 d 174 1S 734 744 - 4i 3ii 4. 3 c 1 12 14 41 43 201 - 21.1 4 - 4i 7 - 9 24 - 5i - ISSESSIONS. if - it - lip 199 - •8 - 99 96 - 98 P ii = lip 112 - 114 21 - 20. 211 -- 22 51A -52 A 81 -- $3 211 -- 211 11 -- 261 -- 2 i i, 31 - 32 $9 -- 100 120 -- 125 120 -- 125 107 - - 109 19 204, 21f . 224 par p 'p - 2 i 2 -- p 6i - 61 ••• i - I - 4 Pi 6 par p 644 10 — 11 pa Ipr 24i —24 i 6i 6i 6 i - 613P1 301 - 31 - - 21 - 2U 381 - 381 8-94 69 i - 60 57 - 59 I a pail 18 - 20 1 - 91 - 9 1 8 - 9 4i 4i 9A 10 321 3 1 1 / Par p BANKS. 97 - 99 1- P 53 - 60 11 ___ i d 69 _ 71 174 18X -- 19 182 -- 19 --- EP 39i 40:A -- p •• 5i 6 7 9 26 264 11 9 4 10 8d 4j 4 si: 10 At. 10 St, 10 12 al 50 al I 6 l 14 161 12 St. 100 St. 10 St. ID 50 al 25 a] 100 al 25 al 50 1 St. 11 50 St. li At. 11 25 2 25 1 60 a St 10 St, l 0 10 3/, 20 I 20 al 10 al St. St. st. 25 20 20 50 20 10 I 5 20 10 20 10 ICO ' 18 20 20 20 . 20 20 20 20 20 20 1 5 al 20 li 20 L 20 al 1,0 al 20 2 . 20 11 20 11 to 20 al 20 al 20 5 al 20 al 20 a] 33i al 10 al 20 a] 20 a 1 16 al 10 al 20 al 20 20, 40 25 100 .40 & 50 a, 20 ; 100 5i 100 2, 100 2 1 20 al 10 al 20 al 20 2i 100 51 50 11 100 2i 100 3, 20 11 20 2! 50 al 25 al 20 1; 3 00 2, 10 al 251 al 25 8.; 50 ll 100 5i 100 51 18 20i: 100 11 100 11 100 10 '2O 2 20 261 20 1( 20 174 , 20 21 St. le 20 1, ICO 1 00 a: 20 al St. IC 100 20 20 20i 20i 100 100 100 ICO LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. Fedi RAIL WArd. 100 Buckghamsh. 100 Clydesdale Jc. all Col.Stour Vy. 100 E.Lin. g. 6 p.c all E. Un. H. Sh. 100 Glas. Barr. & Neils. Direct. 100 Do. New all Glstr.&Dn.Fr all Hall & Selby. all Do. Shares. all Do. I Shares. all Lon. & Grcenw all Do.Freference 1.00 Lon. Til., &S. 54 Do. B irk. Sh. all Manch.Bxton. and Matlock LOO Mdld. Bradfd. 53 Newmarket BuryE.G.spe. all g.&Est.s p.c. all Do. 6 per ct.. all Do. Fixed sp.c all Prest. & Wyre all Do. 1 Shrs. A 100 Boystn.& ' all Shrews.& Her ' all S. StatTordsh.. all I WearVal.g6pc all ;Do 100 Wilts &Somrst at.Wi Leasing 3ompanies Closing Prices •r tellay. Ln.&N.W. Calßdon ... 93 - 95 98 - 102 11 - 13 134 - 137 3i- Gt. Northn E. Count. Caldonian. Gt. Westn. Y. & N.M 'Do S. Eastern. Do.. Peto &Co Do Ln. &N.W. dr Midld. Midland... F. Count.. !Do Do Do L. &N. W Do Gt. Northn l T. Brassey M. MClean Stk. &Dar Do restn. iiii - iO3 121 13 23 24 !100 105 par p 21 90 92 I - P 571 1 01 - I'4 8 - 9 9 - 8i 31 - 324 88 - 90 !E SHARES. Easiness this day. Pm 55 Do.. PREFEREN I all Blyth and Tyne 10 p. e.pref. (issd.at 501.) 100 Bris. Sr Ex. 4 p. c. St. 5 Do. 4 per c. Shares.. 100 Caledn. £lO 44 p. c. 100 Ches. & Ho. 55 P.C. 100 Do. do. 5 per cent... all Cork &Bandonssp.e. all Dun.Perth.lrAber.J. 2 E. Anglian Cls. A Sh. 100 Do. do. Cls. B 6p. e. 100 Do. do. Cls. C7p. c all Eas,Co.Ex,sp.c No.l all Do. No. 2 ...... all Do. New 6 pr. c. St. all East Un., G. 6p. c. all Do. 51., 0 per cent. all Do. 101. Debentr.Sh. ' all' Do. do. 4 per cent... 'OO East Lancash.6 p.ets. all EAW. York. J. sthe 5 Edin. & Gl. sp. c. Sb. 100 Ed.Prth.&Dun.4p.e. 100 Furness, sp. c 100 Gists. & 5.W.G.5 p.c. 100 Great Northn. 5 p.c . 100 Do. 5 p. c. Redeem at 10 p. c. prem 1 100 Do. 45 per cent 60 Do. 5 p.c., Red. at 5 p. C. prom . all Gt.N. of Seot.l st Pre 100 Gt. S &W. (Ireland) 15 Do. 4 per e. Pref. St. 6 Gt.W.(B.&H.Ex.spc 100 Do. con. red. 44 p.c. 100 Do. con. rod. 4p. c. 100 Do. irred. 4 percent. 100 Do sp. e. red. pref. 1 all Do. Birm. Pref. Sh all Do. Chester Bp. e.P.S all Do. do. 5 p e. do 1100 Do. Birm. Gun. Stk all Do. Chesil. Gua. Sh all Do. do. do all Do. do. do. 100 LAn.& York. 6 pc. St. 1 100 Lon. &B. G. 5 pc. No.l 100 Do. ,P., sp. e. St. N 0.2 100 Do. Now Guar. 6p.c. 1 100 Do. do. sp. c., No. 4 1 100 Lon. &N. W., Cov. & Nuneaton 5 p. et 100 Lon. dz S.W. 7 perct late 3d Shares all Londy. & Color. 5 Si] all Londy.&Ennis. 3 Sh 100 M., S.,&L. 6p. cent 14 Do. do. do. .£6 100 Do. do. 34 per cent all Marypt.l. Carl. 4 p.c. all Do. 45 per cent 104 Do. do. 100 41id.Consol.6 p.c. St. 100 Do.Con.Br.Bir.6 p.c. 1 100 Do. 45 p. c. Prof. St. 100 Do. L. &H. Pref. St. all New., Aber.. &e., pr. 5 p.c.red. 5 p.c. pm. 8 Do. Perpet. 6 pr. et. all Ntorf k Deb. 4p. e. Sh. 100 Do. sp. e. Ext. 1846 100 Do. 54 p.c. pf., 1847 100 D0.Wv.V.5p.c.,1847 100 North British 35 71. Preference 100 N.B. Berw. 4 p.c.Prf 84 Do. do. do 13 Do. Leeds 6 pc. No.l 9 Do. do. Qrs., 1848.. 10 Do. York H. &S. Pur. all North Staffordshire 100 Ox., War. & Wolf. 6 p.c., Ist guar 100 Do. 6p. c. 2d guar all Scot. Cent. New Pref. 100 Sc.N.E.Aber.g.6p.c. 100 Do. do. 7 p.c. pf. St. 100 Do. d 0.35 p.e. pf. St all South Devon all Do. Axed 45 pr cent all S. Eastern (Readin lan.) of £1 Os. 6{l. 100 Di. 4i per cent all Do. Fixed 45 p.o. Sb 100 S. Wales MM. 4 p. 100. Do. do. 45 p. e all S.Yorksh.4 p.c.Guar. all Stock. &Dar., sp. o. 15 Do. do. do. all Stock. & Hartl. g. 5. p.c. till July 1, '561 all Waterfd&Kilk. 6 pc. 1 20 St. BRITISH 121 Alfred Cons. (Philk. 14 British Iron 20 Conduraw (Cambrn., 1 Dm Gt. Cnsls. (Tay., L4s Great South Tolgus. LO/ 3 1 G rt. W. Alfrd. (Philk. 7 iGrt.W. Vor (Heist% Bsed l Laciy Bertha 7A N. Frances (Illogan) . . N.W.Bisset (Illogan) 6115 North Wheal Crofty 1A Par. Cons. (St.Blaxy), 9 Porkellis U. (Wend.) 6s. Sort. Cons. Min. Co 2A S. Caradon (St. Cleer 2 S. Carn Brea (Illogn. 19 S.W. Franees(lllogn.) 4A Tam. S. St L. Min. Co 9 Tin Croft 40 lUn.Mines (Gyveunap 12s 6IV. of Towo s y (Camat:.! 14 W. Basset (lllog n).,i 20 W. Caradon (Liskrd. Wh. Basset (Mogan) 5 Wh. Buller (Rdruth). _si Wh. Edward(Calstck 11 78'Wh. Kitty (U. Lia,nt' 8 Wh. Ma. Ann (Me nht. . 4J Wh. Trelawney (Lis.; FOREIGN 7 Australian 27 Brazilianlmp.(issueo at £5 pm) all Do. Cocaes dti Cuiad: , 15 Do. St. John Del Ite) Clarendon Can. Min. Co. of Jamaica all Cobre Copper 16 Copiapo all Fortuna all General all Linares 1 LUSltalliall 11 Mariquita 11. New Granada all No veau Monde all Pont.Sil.Laf.k Smlt 1 Port Philip 15i Santiago de Cuba all south Australian all Do. Scrip all De. 10 p. c. Pref all United Mexican 1 1 al MISCEL: 10 10 50 100 19 Australian Agricult. all Australn. Royal Mail all Berlin Water Works 40 Brit. American Land 32i Canada LOP Do.Go.6pc.JankJuly [OO Do. 6 p.c.Feb.&AuF. 100 D 0.6 p.c. Mar.&Sept. all Copper Min. *1 Eng. all Do. Pref. 73 p. cent all Crystal Palace all Do. Preference all Crystal Pal. of France Dustou Iron Ore 18 Eastern Steam . 100 Electric Telegraph all Electric Tel. of Irel. all En.&Aust.Cop.SmCo lOs. Eur. & Ind. Jan. Tel. .411 Gen. Ir. Sc. Col.(lhn.) 14 Gen. Steam Navigat. I 5 London Discount a ll Loud. Gen. Omnibus I 10 Magdalena St. Navig. ) all Mediteran. Elec. Tel. ) Mexican & S Amok icn 5 5 Nat. Discount Co 5 5 Do. New ) 5 Netherlands Laud._ CI all Do. Do. .......... 5 all Do.B p c.Pf.iss.at Id. 5 1 Do. Do. ............ 0 SO New B. &N. S. Lan .l l 1. 100 N.S.W. Gov.s p.c.D. all N. B. Australasian_ 0 all Nrth.ofEuropeSteani I all Oriental Gas 1 ss. Do. New Shares ......I 3 all Peelßr. Ld. & Minrl. 0 all Peninsular & Oriental 0 10 Do. New all Rhymne7 Iron ...... all Do. New ................ 60 Royal Mail Steam.... all Scot. Austral. Invest. all Do. New . .............. 100 S. Aus. Gov. 6p. c.bds. al South Austral. Lane all Submarine Tel. Scrip all Do. Registered . , n 5 21 Tj a us t&Ln Co. U.Ca : _Dienion's Laud Y • ‘-*o ,6p,cJan. & July 20 100 St. 93 - 9 97 -9.) 6 -6, 10 - 115 " -- 1 121 P 2 •• • • ""' •' ••• 75 - 7' ... ....." .. .141 - 115 105 - 110 99 - 101 59 - 61 10i - 10; 4.- 6: 95 - 96 - 102 - 20 - 15 - ]37 - 140 - 118 - 159 0 - ii 65 - 68 - 136 134 93 - 88 -8, 1. - li - 107 90 92 li ld 1 21 - 22 114 105 1 65 17i 23i 100 9f - 111 - 118 - 110 - 70 - 24 - 101 - 10 27 - 2 - ii = ii MINES. 22A -- 233 61 -- 155 -- Iss 150 -- 460 14A -15 A le -10 A 6 -- 6A -- 1 1$ -- 20 31 -- 33 6 -- 7 25 -- 24 11 8 --1 -- 340 -- 350 6A -- 7i 330 -- 350 - li 5 - .51 215 - 25 i - 1 34i -35 i 160 - 170 260 - 283 340 - 370 4i - 6 19 - 21 46 - 43 23 - 25 MINES. i -li 11 - li 3 - 3 19 - 21 id 61 63 12 14 id 71 ld p 7 = i* .. --- .. 11 - 2. ••• ... 4 - 41 ANEOUS. 24 - 25 5 - 40 a: 45 155 - 160 35 - 40 26 - 21 - 2A 14 - 92, :: iii •1i - ii i - it I 41 - 4 i i 4 -i i 4 1 3 4 4 par p - -- - 1.4 - it) 2i - 23 i -25 6 - 8 ...i ''' i• l -- " ••• 35 - 37 .-- 1 - 1 ••• 12 - 14 •••• •p 38 25 67} A 1061 ]Of i 4 37i 85a f 20 30 90i I 112 13 171 201 1 193 9 143 135 rilE SUN,.LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAticil 17 1857, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, any reduction. Another burden is the charge for the civil establishments of the, country. I do not think i hat any ma terial reduction can be effecte'd in • he i toms coneti tuting that, ohOge. Then there ; re next the three great ;,ratiebes of our expenditure, namely, the army, the Lau, and ti e miscellaneous estimates. It is on thee° three branches, if any, that any considerable re lotion (f t xpenditure can be made. I anyone of the fa-t who desire to see the public e tablishruentsof this country reduced teal ) A state. I should be sorry to see those establidonente reduced to the print at which they were between 1340 and 1350. I depot think that that state of things would be consistent with our safety. But I brink you may cembine considerations of economy with a due regard to the public service; it an pears to the you may keep your naval and army esta blishments orgariicallyas strong in ev, rything that relates to science, in everything that cannot he provided on the spire of the mement, or at all events during the ell _:x of a moder a t e ti me dui i n ht prepare f or g which you mitt war. I speak more esp chilly cf the army, preserving it in a state of efficiency ; but, on the other band, it is the duty of the Ge n e'nme t and the country, whil i main- tai .iarg the army organically strong, t , have it numeri cally as is consistent w,th thealue diseharge of its ordi nary duties in time of peace. Again, with regard to the miscellaneous estimates—these estimaCs tiave increa ed out of all propertion within the last few years. They have i ncrease d , I an bound to say, not by the fault or 1 with the consent of the present or any previous Gevern- insnt, but they have increased mainly from the preQsure and ez ravagance of Parliament it-elf. (hear.) It has ' been the theory that Parliament ought to be the check on the tendency of Government t, ex ravagance with re- gaid to the iniscello.neoes at d other ; estimates ; but that position has boen reversed, and the Gavernment has been the check, but not the sufficient and effectual check, on the extravagance of Parliament. Now I do not pro pose to go further into this subjsct, but I wish merely to urge on the consideration of your 1 aelehips and the country that if you desire to get ad of the burden of the income tex, if you do not wish, to sea tt incorporated as a permanent p ation of your system of taxation, you must in the pare intervening between now and 1360 apply yourselves vigorously and rigi ily to a system of economy and redaction of expenditure as, consistently with the efficiency of the service of the country, may render it possible fur you to recover your balance of re venue and expenditure. Bat it is quite obvious that the expenditure of this country, and more especially the ex penditure of your warlit,e establishment=, must depend mainly upon the system of policy which you pursue— (hear, hear)—a , d more especially upon your foreign p , licy. -(!dear, hear, hear.) if you determine that that policy, shall be one of respect far the independence and for the rights of foreign nations, abstaining from in tervention with their purely internal concerns, avoiding by every possible means offensive language, and dealing ' with them in a temper which shall substitute, in case of a fancied injury, a tone of conciliation for the tone of menace and braggadocio—if you adopt this course, and be not slow to take ex' lanations asked for in a friendly spirit, and given in the same spirit by other Govern ments, I have no fear in the present condition cf the world, and with the general feeling which pervades al most all foreign nations, I have no fear _that for the exigency of the public s erv i ce you will have to keep up a wa on the e Larg eopp otooting policy, intime if y o o f u peace. deter. lenturt is.a fyob'bin u li prec e e n e t d on mine to meddle with the internal concerns of every coun try, dictating to them how they shad deal with their own subjects, interfering when the interests of your own subjects are notin the elighte-t degree concerned, to threaten and to bully, and to use the language of menace and intimidation to powers which even if weak may re fuse to submit to such a course of conduct- then I tail you, and I tell the country, you must keep your estab lishments oh a war footing, and you must teen be pre pared to back up every petty quarrel, and be ready at all times, at a fortnight's noti ce, to provide for a war that may spread over the wh o l e f ace of the world. An d above all, if you are to lay down this dangerous principle, that your subordinate officials in every part of the world are to have the power at their discretion of committing this country to war, if you lay down the broad principle that, right or wrong, their acts must be approved of by the Government of the day, and if you lay down further the principle that being so approved by the Government at home, it is beyond the competence of Parliament to ex press an opinion for fear of being charged with factious combinations—(hear, hear) —then give up all your ideas of economy, arm yourselves cap-a-pie, and prepare your selves fur all the . horrors of war at the discretion or in dia ration of any official you may have in any pert of the wool 1 p rou d o f a littl e b r i e f authority, and prepared to rest on the misplaced confidence whi c h the Government reposes in them. (Hear, hear.) This leads me to the point as to the circuunitances under which you are t 11 an appeal is to be made to the country at large. My loads, you need not be apprehensive that I am going again to trouble you smith any oti - servarions as to the legality of the proceedings in China. I am going to as sume for the present that the whole of those steps were per setly legal, but I am going to point out to your lordships the position in which the country is placed by those proceedings. It is no slight public evil that in the month of March, just at the commencement of the ses sion, and as the House of Commons is preparing to be gin the business of leg elation, it should be suddenly in terrupted by a dissolution of Parliament—a dissolution which creates the greatest pus: ills inconvenience with regard to public: and private affairs, and involves not only the loss • of time taken up by the elections, but the further loss Of time necessarily taken up in the business incident to a new Parliament, all which will I venture to say. reader . the pi-paw* sermon-even less productive of beneficial iniia4dres than was promised even by the meagre programme which wan presented to us at the commencement of it. The inconvenience is great; and surely we ought to inquire why it has been inflicted. You tell me the Government haye had a vote against them, which renders it necessary either to resign or to appeal to the country. - Now I ask whose fault was it that made the question one which involved the character of Government ? I am going to offer my apology to your lordships' house and the House of Commons for having so far misunderstood the spirit of the constitutien as to believe that it was within their constitutional competence to take notice of, and taking notice of to express an in dependent opinion on, the conduct of an official on whose conduct the Government, by command of her Majesty, had laid the papers and documents before Parliament. I may be mistaken, but I have certainly thought that when papers were l a id on t h e ta bl e o f th e house by her Majes ty's Government, it was for the very purpose of inviting on those papers the expression of the opinion of Parlia ment. It may be said that either this or the other house of Parliament has been anxious to interfere with the exe cutive duties of Government, or with those functions which'properly be;ong totheCrown. Now they have mani feAecl, on the contrary, a degree of forbearance of which I do not complain, but which I venture to say is almost unparalleled in the history of the country. Well, my lords, what is the case I A quarrel has been entered into, troops have been despatched, war has been declared, an expedition bas been undertaken, negotiations have been entered into, negotiations have been concluded, peace has been made, and from the first to the last, from the hour at which the quarrel first began to the hour at which I am addressing your lordships, the House of Lords and the House of Commons have not had one scrap of paper, one official document, to show them the object, the cause, the intention of the war, the terms upon which it has been terminated ; and last of all, the Reuse of Commons, which ought to furnish the seppliee upon an estimate of the expenses of the war, are nut likely to know anything about the expenses until they have been called upon to pay the bill. Therefore I say, the House of Lords and the House of Coruruons have displayed no undue anxiety to interfere with the duties of her Majesty'e Government, or in any way to hamper or embarrass the executive. But when papers are laid before Parliament it is an invita tion on the part of the Crown to Parliament to express their opinion upon the subject matter of those papers, and if we do not so express our opinion .we neglect, grossly neglect our duty, and by a tacit acquiescence may seem to sanction acts which are most repugnant to our feelings and most objectionable to our consciences. And now, my lords, what has taken place ? Upon a perusal of those papers a motion was made in the other House of Pariiainent by a gentleman usually, I believe, a supporter of her Majesty's Government, and, most un doubtedly, wholly unconnec t e d w ith th e C onserva ti ve party in the H ouse o f C ommons. Th a t mo ti on d ec l are d that in the opinion of that house the pipers which bad been laid upon the table failed to afford a sufficient justi• fication of,- what had taken place in Chum. What was the course taken by me relative to that subject? I gave notice, and brought forward a [notion iu this house vary ing in terms, but entirely the same in effect. And what was the course pursued by the , Government in both houses ? Why, to assume to themselves the whole re sponsibility of the conduct of their agents in China— , to make themselves parties to the proceedings—to insist upon being censured, mote insist rather upon this, that Parliament should either forbear the expression of its opiniou or be charged most unjustly with a desire to cen sure, and still more to displace her Majesty's Govern ment. Now, I will venture to say, that it, instead of the course pursued by her Majesty's Government, vin dicating to the uttermost the conduct of their agents, they had come forward with a statement, which would , have expressed their own honest and sincere conviction that a hasty and ill-judged step had been taken by their plenipotentiary, which might i nvo l ve con, e Q,„„, w h ic h he would be the first to regret, and the last to contem plate—if they had said that they cou'd not eltogether vindicate the course which he had pursued, but that allowance ought to be made for the difficulty of the position in which he was paced—and if they bad concluded with an intimation of their intention to do that which they have subsequently done, ramely, to send a plenipotentiary with full power, if not to supersede to override the authority of their official, and bring tie matter to a speedy conclusion—if they bad ventured to make that decimation in this and the other house of Parliament ? I believe it would have put an end to the discussion, to all debate, and most undeubtellY to all opposition. (![ear.) But what course did the Government take I /lure is a proposition that the pap, rs before us do n tiot :Wilily th e c.milnet o f t h e n fli iale ie China. !kr litaj"sly'e t... 4 uveriouent Oin ig.:ite e.!: , 1 do" clare that in their judene its tii,,c, rapers , e jietify the conduct of their offi e i a l s. They compel you to ea y ii "aye" or " no," arid it is quite obvious that towards the conclusion of the debate in the How.° of Commons 8 ' flle little cloange came over the spirit of the dream of i nc Government, because we find the supporters of the (laveroment isoying, a f ter all it vies very hard that lier Majesty's Goverinneet should be hold reseonsill f..r what had been dime by their officials--fur matters of which they had Iv) cognisance—matters which were done without their knowledge. (Hear, bear.) It was not we in the House of Commons, but it was ' they who made themselves responeibn for the conduct of their agents. (Hear.) And let me warn you, that how ever magnanimous and grand it may sound on all occa sions to Fay that puldic servants, more especially absent public Eervante, ought to be defended, and to carry that pri!leiplti as far :le yea viol rannietently with justice, and even with indu i gence, Yet when it 'senses to this, that HOUSE •OF LORDS.—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his scat on the woolsack at 5 o'lock. The Earl of. ALBEMARLE said he had a motion on the paper for Friday nu respecting torture in India, but ho thcught he shoul I beet serve the interests of the millions represented if he withdraw the motion until the assembling of the next Pdrliame, t. . . The Earl of EGLINTON presented petitions frill dif ferent ports of Scotland, praying for a restriction on the Fall of spirits. MUTINY BILL. Oa the motion of the Eul GItANVILLE, this bill was read a first time. LIGHTING OF TOWNS (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of the Marqu , s of CLANRICARDE this bill was read a third time aid passed. CONIMISSIONERS OF SUPPLY (SCOTLAND) • BILL. This b'll passed through cootruittee. INCOME-TAX BILL. Earl GRANVILLE moved the second reading of t%is The Earl of DERBY—My lords, I hardly need say it is not my intention to avail my,•elf of the present opportu nity to 6ffer any obj , -ction to the second reading of this bill, which has been moved by the noble earl ; at the same time I connot cone( a! the expression of my regret that it has been thought consistent with the public ser vice to defer the consideration of a measure so important until a new Parliament is about to be summoned. When the new Parliament meets it will, in my judgment, greatly tail in one of its first duties if in the very ea , lkst pericdof its existence it does not take into its serious consideration the wh(l question of the finances and taxation of the country. I need not say that with regard to taxation your lordships have nothing to do, more than that which consists in simply bearing your allotted portion of the burden. We have heard in various quarters propositions for rendering taxttion and legislation co-extensive. I have never yet heard and do not expect to hear, of any proposition either to relieve your lordships of taxation, which you have no voice in imposing, or, on the other hand, of giving to your lordships, in your legislative capacity, the power of exercising some control over taxation, or giving you in your individual capacity that which btlongs to the humblest elector in the kingdom—the right of choosing representatives to sit in the other house of Parliament. Neverthelte a I do not think that the subject of taxation is a sulject altogether unworthy of your lordships' con sideration, nor that I shall be out of place on the present occasion in bringing the subject of the taxation and faeces of the country under the careful considera tion of her Majesty's Government. I confess I f look with deep concern upon the present state o the finances of the country. For several years the cardinal point agreed upon on all hands has been that at the earliest possible moineet the income tax, which is eo earnestly condemned by public opinion and the voice of every public man, should be repealed, and that henceforth it should be considered, as heretofore it has always been considered, a useful engine in time of war, but to be kept sacred for extraordinary emergencies and expenditure in time of war, and to be excludtd altogether from your system of taxation in time of peace. I had indulged the sanguine hope and ex pectation—l have not altogether abandoned the hope— that we ii ay, those who are alive in the year 1860, see the realisation of that which I will ca'l the pledge of the Government of 1853 to the country, that at the expira tion of that period the income tax should altogether cease and determine. But I am bound to point out to your lordships arid to submit to the Government that the present state of oar finances, unless some vigorous and active measures are taken, leave me with little ex pectation that that 'lodge will he fulfilled in the year 1840. In the present year the Chancellor of the Excite• qusr calculates upon having a surplus of somewhere about 500,0001. It was a p , rtien of the provision of the act of 1853, that in order to prepare for the final abolition of the income tax in 1860 it should be reduced—com mencing on the sth April, 1857—from 7d. to sd. in the pound, and so remain until its final extinction iu the year 1860. The war supervened, and so far from its being possible to diminish the income tax during the continu ance of the war, it was found necessary to double the amount, to raise it in the first instance from 7d. to 141. in the pound, and subsequently to increase it still fur. ther to 161. in the pound. The act which increased the rate to 14d. in the pound bore on the face of it the enactment, that the income tax, which was levied for the extraordinary purposes of the war, should continue for one year after the conclusion of peace and no longer. The act introduced by the present Government pro fessed to contain the same provision, and to be no thing more than an extension of the rate from 14d. to I6d. ; but by that which had been represented ai a mere slip of the pen, a mere casual error, it did so turn out, from the wording of the act, and from the period at which the peace was concluded, and the period at which the treaty was ratified, that the let ter of the law instead of continuing the tax for one year after the termination of the war, practically. con- tinued it for two. It was admitted on all hands that that was not the intention of the Legislature, and it was loudly ' proclaimed on the part of the Government that they should be ashamed to avail themselves of that paltry quibble. Now, if they did not wish to avail themselves of that paltry quibble, the simple course would have been to repeal the act, the consequence of which would have been to reduce the tar.. to sd. in the pound. I cannot but ex press my deep regret, on account of the principle it in volves, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have taken advantage of that error in the act of Parliament, not indeed for keeping up the whole war tax for the pre sent year, but for making an addition for the ordinary re venues of the country of 21. in the pound beyond that which it bad been the intention of Parliament to grant. Your lordships will see how that applies. Undoubtedly the act of the Chancellor of the Exchequer wag, by the increase of that 2d., which means two millions, to increase the amount of the income tax for the ordi nary and not the extraordinary purposes of the year. I regret to say that that appears to me an evasion of the pri, ciple which".was laid down in 1853. With this addition of two millions, the Chance for of the Exchequer calculates that, for the year 1857-8, 1 he will have a surplus revenue of 500,0001., that surplus revenue accruing on the assumption that there will be no extraordinary demand on the resources of the country during the present year, and consequently no provision is made for that most calamitous, and I are afraid, most expensive war with China, in which we are unhappily involved by no choice of our own. But even on the sup pesition that the war with China is to cost you nothing, and on the improbable supposition that the war with Persia is to cost you only 250,0001., you will only have, according to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a surplus of 500,0001. Now, to make up that surplus of s 500,0001., you will receive in the present year the half of the war income tax of 9d.,amounting in round figures to four milions and a half. That source of revenue will fail you altogether in 1858. You will therefore have your re venue for 1858, compared with that for 1857, diminished by four millions and a half of war income tsx. If the law stands without further alteration it will be further dimin ished from 7d. to sd. for the year 1858-9, which, making an allowance fee. the half-year to be collected, will cause a further falling off of a million. Yon will therefore have ha 1858, as compared with 1857, a diminution to the amount of four millions and half ; but in addition to that, in 1858, you will have to commence the payment of a sinking fund, to provide for debt raised by the Chancel lor of the Exchequer, which Will swell your expenditure for 1858 above your expenditure for 1857 a million and a half. You will have therefore in 1858 a diminished re venue to the extent of 5,500,000/., and an increased ex penditure to the amount of 1,500,0001., leaving alto gether a balance to the deficit of 7,000,0001., against which you have to set your assumed surplus for the pre sent y, ar of 500,0001. As you stand at present, with no extraordinary expenditure, no war in Persia, no war in China, the programme of the Government is that in 1858 you wi'l have a deficit of 6,500,0001. I will not go so far forward as the year 1860, when, according to the plan of 1858, the whole of the income tax is to be sacrificed, which would make a further reduction of five millions. I will not do so, because in that year there will be a fal ling in of Long Annuities to the amount of four millions, ant there will be a cessation of the payments of Exche quer Bonds ; but it is sefficieut for my purpose to show that there wi 1 be an increasing deficit, and that you have a deficit this year of no less than six milliops and a half. Now, I ask whether this is not a circurnstarce which is worthy of the serious consideration of both houses of Parliatuent 1 I ask, iii this state of things, what hope have you, unless some serious alteration be made, by which the revenue and expenditure may be ba• lanco I, that in the year 1860, or at any sub , equeet pc ;lot!, yen will be relies e Ifrour the iiitolerAble pre:set e of the income tax? Now, there are three nit-des by which you Can rest ;re a bAtnee in your revenue and expends- ' ture— by one of three, or by all of three; by the increased produete venese of existing taxes ; or by the institution of a rigid system of economy. I fear that you have oc ca ion to apply to all three. I venture to express undouht tel coef;dence in the elasticity of the revenue of this coun try if relieved frow the gigantic taxation which at present keeps it down, butit would be folly to suppose that any in creased productiveness of existing taxes will increase the revenue by any sum approaching 6,500 , 000/ . Th eo, with retard to new taxes, we all know with w h a t dis ta,te and disgust this country looks to the imposition of new texas in time of peace. There remains only the third coin se—a erict reduction of the national expendi ture. Now, the principal burden on the nationa.l(xpen- Lure is for the payment of the interest on the national dept, in which it is obvious that, keeping faith with the public credit)r, we cannot by any effort of ours make your agent has plunged you iota a war, the expsnsee of which (.ou cannot calculate, wet h rr •re of which cannot b.i tel I, if he is to rec.-let' ne , sis!a or to ti eX , ,11 , of dissolving Parliaeant if Paeliarn a 'OCS tC mem. in his proccedings—you er." giving the most exerhiteat en couragement to. hasty action, :see! the ivaut of pr , per sense of responsibility to every agent yoe sinpley in every part of the globe. (lie ar, hear.) Bet if you cen sidcred the conduct of your aeent t ntialy 'olamelegs, it you thought the papers quite je stiff ,d his prudence, and Allowed that he was the fittest inati to conduct your affairs, why su p erse d e him ?—(hear)--why c emnit the injustice o f sending, out a person to take the authority out of hi.: hands ? (Hear ) I know not wh, titer the de termination to send out thatsupersali'-o officer aa , come to before or after the division in the liaise of Commons; but in eith er case i t a ff or d s t o t h e ina j eats in that house an ample vi n di ca ti on o f t h e couree weich they pun tied, If it was th e i n t en t ion o f th e G wernmeat, previous to that debate, to supersede Sir J. i: )wringe in the first. declarati on wou ld h ave put an end to tae e pl ice they ought f ran kl y to h ave sa id so; an d suc h a win ile qearr.:l In the nex t place, the intentio n of the Government to ' supersede him w ould argue th e f oregone coac l us io n in totem unnds th a t tl.• paperswhich they h a.d produced did not justify his conduct. I , Halt j ideenent was only formed saner the decisien of the He e , of ceesmoos had shown the m w h a t was t h e sense of th e re p r seetet;vee of the country, I say th e fl oase o f C eroan is re - former! a signs! service in conipeiling the Geveraaitni; the'r vote to do that which they ought to have dune irrespec tive of any such vote. (Hoer) In eith , r case the vete of tha . maj i ity is amply justified, if it wily resit t ..1 in tee fact of having induced the G (vernnicrit to sup-aa3.l, Sir J. B authority. Tao moment the rie j erity was declared, there areee the cry of a factious comei ee _ tion, of an unnatural coil Lion, of an uepr'nei a led at tempt to overthrow the Government—then areeher g e e the most revolting to the freliege of every lienewahle tnal—charges which I pronounce here to be base end uof mndei.- 7 charges which I no not, think that any of your lord hips will ever have the c urage t e stand for ward and support and express. (Cheers.) For myself I will only say, and I ray it on the word and honour of a peer and a gentletna.n, I do not know, an l I Lave root known, any coalition, or any combineti a , or any aje(-- meet, or any untleJaking with regerd to tho e votes rami those motions between any persons not pre fessing pre cisely the same opinions ill either house of Pei !lament. I have distinctly and solemnly declared that I have been nor party to any combination, and I have as empliatica ly de clared my solemn conviction that the vote which was ar rivedat. in the House of Co canons was the result of no combination, of no concert, still less of any desire to co alesce against her Majesty's Government for political ob jects, but that it was the spontaneous ( xoression of opi nions, reluctantly exoress,d by many hon. meinbera with regard to the officials iu China. I blue what I. hey, stated will carry conviction wi h it—at ell events to the minds of all those with whom I haves the honour of a personal acquaintance--and I trust it will also carry cot-e -viction to the minds of many more to whom I am not personally known. But I will proceed to state to your lordships facts whith I think wi 1 convince the meet p• tical that there could nut be al ielhe,.ion of that kind. Your lordships wilt, perhap , , have dine me the honour of recodecting that upon the first night of the sessien, from the information which I had se• n in tie puhfie papers, I expressed my great at x4.:ty regerd to the position of affairs in China. I exyeesed great doubt as to the legality and prudence of the cour-e wi isti had been pursued, and my great apprehension that that e euree would be productive of signal digesters. Shortly after the papers were laid upon it e t (Ws of the house I made it my duty most carefully and a , xiensly to ex amine the whole of them ; and, having d does so, I found that the informati n which had been fur nished by her Majesty's Government only strengthened and confirmed the impressions which I hail rec:ived from the information which I had seen in the newspaper.. I gave notice accordingly of my int eeti en ti bring for ward a resolution on the subject, and at the same time aseed her Majesty's Government to furnish tae with some other papers ; and I must do my noble friend (the E art of Clarendon) the justice to say that he made no obj:ction to the production of the documents for which I aeleed, and I thank him for the readiness and courtesy with which he furnished all the necessary informa . ion on the rubj-ct. Having rend those papers, I came to the conclu sion that it was my bounden duly to bring the question under the consi(leration of your loaieiipi. I did not men tion that intention to more than three or f cur of those i you contempl ate.' Now, is it not possible fur the hon. and learned gentlemen to suppose that there may be a fourth ? Is it not possible fur him to speculate upon the poeeieility that men in this house may intend to give thiir votes without teference to political combinations? DJ!'s he Cxel.vie the peseiblity of that fourth course of action whi arises from a conscientious conviction as 4 .0 the truth ? Is that excluded from his contemplation ? Nlay it not be possible that men cannot subscribe te a re solution which - a-istrts that a certain course has been best . calculated to preserve peace, and to support the honour and dignity of this country ? Is it possible that, Without reference to . party or personal interests, men may decline to affirm a resolution which deals with principles •of greater importance to the welfare of this country, for good or for evil, than have ever been under the c msideratiou of the house ?" Now, my lords, who ware the parties ? By a singular coincidence it hap pens that the speech in the House of Commons was delivered in consequence of a motion made by myeelf in your 1 irdsbip's house censuring the conduct of the Gee vernment, and which was carried by a majerityt Who was the defendant in that case? The noble viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government. He was Ole man whose conduct, censured by the House of Lords, was made the subject of appeal in the House of Commons. He considered there was so much doubt as to the judg ment which the house might give, that then, as now, he did not think it unworthy of him to raise the cry of com bination and conspiracy, and to abuse the judgment of the bowie, and divert them from the merits of the case by the same cry which his followers are raising with the same truth as at this moment. The accuser, if I may use the term, was the same. The defendant was the same. And who were the parties involved in the guilt of that conspiracy ? I need hardly tell you that the eminent statesman whose indignant repudiation I have cited, was charged with a combination and conspiracy against the Government, was one who for four years before had given them his unvarying and disinterested support, for getful of ell previous causes of insult. That statesman was Sir It. Peel, and that speech was the last speech which he delivered in Parliament, oaly a few hours be fore that unhappy occurrence which deprived the coun try of hie eminent. services. Who was the man who put himself forward as the chivalrous defender of the noble viscount on that occasion? Who was the man who brought for ward the exculpatory resolutions in the House of Commons? That man was Mr. Roebuck, one of the present ceespirators and accomplices in this base combi. nation. My lords, I have given you facts to prove the improbability, I would say the impossibility, of such a coalition. The very notion of it is too absurd to be swal lowed down by the veriest gobemouche reading the pest canard in the newspaper. It is more absurd than the wholesale railway massacre in America, of which the must egregious dupe was the leading journal of this country. (Laughter.) It is more absurd and incredible than any stretch of imagination or fiction. My lords, I know. well the ease with which, as has been somewhere The barefaced lie, launched with malignant force, Untried by thousands, is believed of course. I know the Antssus-like power with which calumny, re futed a dozen times, springs from the ground with addi tional strength, and, notwithstanding the solemn Resec tions which I have made, and the facts which I have stated, nothing will surprise me less than to see the daily press to-morrow teeming with a repetition of this base and infamous calumny, and to find it made the subject, the stock-in-trade of addresses and electioneering speech e: di vid uale who are most intimately arid politic:3l'y connected with me; and until the time I came into the house and laid the resolutions upon the table, I believe I ant litereily correct in eayiag that no human being had seen those re volutions, or was responsible for one syllable which they contained. (Hear.) Well, my leriv, what was the reeult? If the House of Commons is to bo accused of a lac:ions cog ition and an unprincipled c)mbination, are your lordships to escape scot free ? Why is not the same charge and the same imputation to be made here, because we were in the minority and not in the majority ? I believe the charge to be as true with regard to one houst as to the other. I brought forward the question, and by whom was it supported I Not only by gentlemen who ordi narily sit on the same side with me, but by two noble earls opposite (the Earl 01 Aberdeen and E trl Grey), by the Comptroller of the Exebequer (Lord Honteagle), by a noble earl than who:; there is no man a mere atauuch supporter of her Majesty's Govern.nent., a more decided • Whig of the old school—Bail Fitz vi 1 am. (Hear, hear.) I said I had had no combi .na.;,oli and nil concert with any person previous to c ming into the house, and I spoke the literal and exact truth ; but when I came into the house I took the opportunity of showing to my noble and learned friend (Lord Lyndhurst) the resolution which I intended to propose, and I was fortunate enough to receive his entire approval. There Was at the time sitting by my noble and learned friend a Whig peer—a man of great eminence and dis tinction, and a most cordial supporter of her Majesty's • Government—who asked if he might be allowed to see the resolution. I said, " Certainly," and placed it in his bands. He read it carefully, and asked if I had any ob jection to strike out one epithet ? I said "no," and drew my pen through it, observing, " Now that I have altered ray resolution to suit your convenience, I presume I shall have your vote." (Laughter.) That is the only combina tion of which I know, and a proof that it was not very offensive to the Government is to be found in the fact that since that hour Earl Fitz ,villiaen has been appointed lord lieutenant of the West Riling. (Hear, hear.) S!eortly after I had given my notice in your 1 rrdships' hou-e, and at a tune when the House of Commons was occupied and its attention altogether engrossed by the discussion of the budget, a right hon. friend, with whom I am in con smlt intimate political communication, asked ins if I did not think the subject of China was a very desirable one to bring before the House of Commons, intimating that he wished to take that course. I said I quite concurred in his opinion—that I thought it was impossible to allow the case to pass over ; but I advised him not to give any notice on his part until be had cummurticated with one or two of his political friends, and mere e peeially with my right hon. friend the avowed leader of the Conserva tive party in the House of Commons. My right hon. friend returned some 24 hours afterwards, and said, " I have acted upon your advice, and have given no notice, but I am sorry to tell you that Mr. Cobden has taken the case out of our hands—he has stepped in between us and given a notice sn the same subject, and e , n,equentl a has prevented me from bringing it forward." He further said—and I c incurred in his remark, and it may serve to show what a coalition and CaretAnation existed at the time—he said that the fact of the subject being brought forward by a person from whom he entirely di , seLted in politics would indispose some of those who acted with him politically to give the ],reposition their support. (Hear, hear.) We hive it on the authority of Mr. Cobden himself—a gentleman with whom I Lave not the slightest personal aequalwanee, an d w ith w h om I never exchanged in my life a word on :ley subject pub lic or private—we have the declarati rn of Mr. Cobden that before he brought forward hit motion h communi cated with no one except his intimate friend Mr. Ban, the hon. member for Manchester. We l', my beds, am I to vindicate myself or my friends against the charge of combining for the purpose of effecting the overthrow of the Government with Lord J. Russell, with Sir F. Bfring, with Lord R. Grosvenor, and other of the most di-tin guished and faithful adherents of the Weig party ? The y all voted in the majority, and are, I presume, according to the scandalous reports iu circulation, to be c:msidered accomplices in that base and infamous coalition. (Elear.) Wily, my lords, that majority compriqid-many of the supporters of her Majesty's Government. It comprised, with the exception ot-those aceially in the Geyer:anent, I may venture to stay ever man of note of every party in the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) One party of these gentlemen, who go by the term of "Peelite4," be:, who do not always act in very great concert with each other—(a laugh)—Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Card well—all joined in the majority—three out of the four naturally more disposed to support the Government than to adopt the politics of the opp , sition. I will put by Lord J , :hn Russell, Sir Francis Baring, Lord itqbert Grosvenor, and the Whig party. I suppose wd sled! hardly be charged with combining or coale,cieg wiLli Mr. Cobden and Mr. Gibson, or on the other hind with r‘lr. Roebuck e t x re te sti n l , lt l al e i e v a t t , e r . y a ( 1 1 1 ,8 3 t , l a r 1: 1 atity of thtuleed a laugh.)r s e ti P p r [ e o e s n ed ta t o l vollohbei n f tvh a ee t r i tyx u n, is its t r meth ,:core. can understand, fir political objects, two parties not very materially differing from each other in general views of polity, and thinking that between them they might be abbe to carry on the affairs of the Government —I can imagine their sinking point,: of miner difference and combining for a p ditic obj mt. But that such a combination should be formed of five different parties, all differing from each other widely vmith regard t.i almost every political question, is a monstrous abmrdity, and ought ti he sufficient to settle the idea of combination. (Hear.) My 1 ,rd , , this cry of combination and co lition is nothing new. It is usually the resort of a Government when it thuds public opinion in l'arliamout too strong for it. Now, what is I'ar la ment to do ? If a case is submitted t r it ii, which the conduct et Geyer-en:era is itnpuoried, and trot care is reipperted by till the gentlemee it free ev•ioos it is a periy qu7stioe, a trial of t trer,g , nethine ni re. No reference is made to the merit s of the ca , e, but it is a mere trial of strength between the pat ties. Bat if among the opponents of the G. vernment you tied those who are its habitual and arineet supporters, you turn round and say it is a factious cembieation, an un principled coalition. (Hear.) But I have heard it seid that the strenlth of the case was sn ?reat Orate von meny of those who are Conservatives felt oeund to uphold the policy of the Government. I have never questioned the judgment—l have never questioned the cii,cretion—;tell less the motive of those who voted on that occasion in opposition to their party. I have assumed that they did so froea the conviction that the case was such xi not to call for a vote of censure. Some r e asons were g i ven by those gentlemen which do not appear to toe to be very conelusi ve ae to the merits of their %ere -3. We were t Id they could not vote against ;ho Geeeroment vet i oh lead made such excellent ecclesiastical appQiutiueuV.. I con for the spice of the next three weeks. My Loris, I t , ay —of course without personal offence to any one—but by whomsoever that shall henceforth be said, written, or printed, I solemnly declare that the statement bears pre• e i e iy that relation to truth which was expressed in the eery pithy lir;guage used in the first line which I just quoted. (Laughter) My lords, let me ask how long i t i s since her Majesty's Government came to the conclusion that the votes of parties not concurring in general poli tical principles, but joining together on same political occasion, must necessarily begiven from factious motives? I will go back to the earlier history of the life of the noble viscount now at the head of the Government. No man certainly is better qualified t 3 speak of combinations than the noble viscount, who has been engaged in so many such transactions. I will not go back even to the com mencement of the present session of Parliament. I will recal your lordships' recolection to a certain motion which eras brought forward in the House of Commons by a supporter of the Government—a gentleman named Mr. Locke King. That motion was in favour of reform and an extension of the franchise. It was opposed by the noble lord at the head of the Government, and to sup port his opposition to the motion of his own supporters and adherents the noble lord brought into the field the magnificent sum of cne and thirty members, of whom one and twenty were persons holding official situations. Against him, of his own supporters, wore arrayed 179. (Mbar.) 179 to 31 was the majority against the G - vernment, left by themselver to their own resources and that of their supportere. 01 that occasion of c Aubination was the combination repudiated with scorn! No. The Coeservative party, true to their principles, and casting aside all question of whom to suppOrt and whom to defend, came to the rescue, and they placed that miserable 31 of the Government in a majority of 192 to 179 ; and that act of the Conservative party saved ' the Government from defeat ; saved them from being de voured by their own hounds. (" Hear, hear," and laugh ter.) Oee fortnight after that time, the party who had thus, regaretteos of political consideration, and looking only to principle, defended and supported the noble vis count against his own adherents—when, in conjunction with some of those adherents, they passed their deliber ate judgment upon the papers submitted to their comi &ration —that party, who saved the noble viscount from annihilation, are charged by him with a disgrace ful cralition for the purpose of getting him out of office. (Hear, hear. I ask your lordships to put the two cir cumstances together, and tell me if the charge of faction is brought against either party, to which party that charge of faction is attributable (Hear.) My noble and learned friend (Lord Brougham) in his speech on the address, 'pressed a hope that in the matter of China our officials abroad were not seeking for a pretext for picking a quarrel for their own advantage. I may venture to parody the expression of my noble and learned friend, and to express my hope that in this matter her Majesty's Government were not seeking a pretext to pick a quarrel with their own supporters. (Rear.) I think it possible that the Government, not finding triemselves quite com fortable with regard to some questions about to be sub nutted to Parliament, were not sorry to avail themselves of what they thou;ht a favourable opportunity of going to the country, not upon any consideration of the - ques Lion of Ceiva, but upon the question of the general sup pert arid confidence of the country in the noble lord. I believe that this Chinese question will have noiefluence Whatever, and was not intended to have any influence, except so far as it is connected with the cry of combina tion. The real question put to the country by the noble viscount is this—have I your confidence (Hear.) I mention emphatically the noble viscount at the head of the Government, because I must, with all possible respect for the noble lords opposite, and right hon. gentlemen iv. the other house, express my convic tion that, exe.ept myself - , there is not a man in the country who dues not consider the whole of the colleagues of the notle viscount as mere appendagei of the noble viscount, and as utterly unsubstantial as cyphers. Some of tgear may be useful and very ornamental appendages, but they are appendages alone, and the question is not one of confidenceeiu the Government, but one of confi dence in head of the Government. I have already adverted to one Suiject which was rather out of place iu the discussion on the China question—l mean the eccle siastical appointments of the noble viscount. That question I know has been and will be prominently put forward at the coming elections. lam quite aware of the benefit of bringing questions of that kind before the publie, especially at the present moment. Nevertheless, I feel it my duty to express my opinion on that question, which has excited, and continues to excite, public in terest. I trust I tball be able so to express myself as t o give no offence to any human being, and least of all is it my duty to say a siogh word in derogation of the four prtl4to ,, of the church who, by a very unusual number of vacancies occurring at We !elm() time, have beery asp pointed upon the recannneu6.ation Gf the noble viscount. So far from saying a eingle. werd in d.rugs.l - it_m of those right reverend prektes—l have not the honour el the personal acquaintance of any of th , m ; hut I know with regard to some ; and I believe with regard to others, that they hare been distinguished as men laborious, diligent , earnest, and zealous in the sacred rofession to w hich they belong, arid th a t some of them h a ve energetica ll y 14boured in the discharge of their parochial duty or some of the lar g e s t parishes in the kingdom, and tberefereoli am tot disposed to say a single word in derogact.iorthe_ their aopoiuttnents. But there i° nothing' which themselves mu , t more regret than that a party use_ ac o e o . u, i be made of their names; tbat they should be placed 1 invidious contrast with their right reverend brethren, and than their appointments shout t bela ud o t ifi d , e n e s o , t b o u n t account becau se of their acknowledged fitness fo r represent theirer one of the ex treme they are supposed to typify Reclaims of the Chnrcir o ' f England into which it is unhappily divided. Let me not be misunderstood. I have no sympathy With the Tractarian party. I believ _ _ _ ______---...,_........._................... fess I am not able to trace any connection between the e that that party Las done much which has tended to pro. fact of the Governmen , haying !nada €zosllert ecelet , ias- duce the d.e i;T er et a Oisruption of the eburch, that it has , s and the juitifleation of ail that La, ' deoe much to crate and to,ter a spirit of alieriwion in ticil apeeintmen been cone by Sir J. Bowrie-g. (Lane h . ;f I*. ) I do not maey oi 4 , - ,e co rtenueil y from thteloctriries and teaching o f que,tien the motives of the genii. • , men who so voted. the ehurcb,and that they have gone, far to produce akind cf Bit if the argmeent i,! good on one side, it ought to be reaction in tho church itself which isaltront asciangerous on good on the other— the other side. They have assumed a tone wish regard to i eecle , iastical power and authority which is net suited t) " litmus hanc vedirre petimurciu 3 viciscim." If theF are eetithd to say, on the part of the Government, the genius and the temper of the present day--which, " the case wa3 so strong t h a t y. iur own supporters carne however suited to the feelings and the habits of ti mes to aid us," is it not right t o sa y on the other side, " the long p as t, are considered and treated as unwarrantable case was so clear, its merits were such, that parties dif- and iutra c t a b' e -i n the pre -eat timo. Tbey.have, in my from ourselve s hi; it t oo i .t rong for the consciences, belief, fallen into a grievous error in introdutung into the and could not swall o w it . " wh a t d o we see i n th e a d- cercaionials of the church Practices cud forms which are dre,ses now ping forth to the co untry ? . There is either , irnmateri,,l i n th ernselvee, and if so, to be avoidtd ha!dly one which does not s o y, :.hat th e c l r cu i nstanees as ca,culated to raiseqhei,ti on and contreverey, or which, wrath oc.:urrf-d at Csnt. on were eer y muc h ta he re- if they are more than fords and ceromonials.eave a lean -4 ae7elle.nt and ceii,coetious personal grett,:d—tlett it would have been much better if our ing an tendency to that. creed whk,e_... e .,iti„,ll I.lmil o'eetiary had . cited for instructions from home— repeat fel- the very l e d ; up )11 as rel.,giously corrupt and petal that tis conduct woe not ju , tifiald.t. Bet then comes the r! - .nt-i of the church which prteess that- 'crecd—l, as a infamous COATI; on and coei binatzon," which overbans Protestent, every other coe , ideratif:n. This cry of combination isms- tal ly , 'argeroan ,, . s (at - ar ) 1, ~ therefore nave no s m -1 th:n now, and let me read to your I. )r d s hp s th e i aeguage pathy with the T rac t ar i an party, and I believ e that Yrio used'hy a very eminent statesmen some years ago, wh e n thing can be more dangereus than the existence of that i i the church. But at the sam e t i me I do not a stud it cry was raised in the House of Commons : party " The Loa. an I learned gentleman the member for South- nece: I trdy 3 ,. .lipatliisc wiLli t ICss who .nrotess a. kind o f ainie• . •nn, an, ,i s n tied a full tx o n laatiou of the circurn pseudotier -li,lism and latitn,linariaui s rn of . epi n i ons an . • ieme Atencia nt d , r which my votewi'l he given. Sir, he shall regar is the doctrines and di.3eivliue of th e Establi s h ed have that explanation. I have no reserve. roe ho n . an d CAurcli. 1 have the c.reatest r e: p ec t f : r th e energy and learned inelnher has stated•tbat there is a dishoneuraids labor in the cans of religien whi c h is di v i aye d by coospiracy formed against her INl;j?sty's Government,. many cas,os of Dis,enters. T:mero is room enough, G o d 6r, a more ti,,f ,undid charge never was pr e f erre d. itnows ! IT tnein awl tneChureli , ef Englatuf t . engat.e (Hear, hear.) He presumes that there has been some in a common cyllibat ae.,tui:rt %ice ai:d arrtlijt m : ants, base co m i, r • in is e between gentlemen siPing on this 38 I hoS' who are iiot a.eaieist, 114 lisp.-4; he with u s , I wise, aide of the 11 , 118 e, but baling different opinions upon them God speed in the good wok in which .they labour. . matter s of vitro i n t,•re,t. Ile is wholly tristakeu. There But reY 3.' , llpathifr.t , 4 anti tifectious are with that grea t has born co such compromise. lie talks of th ere 'o.aly of tie clergy of tl:e church, the mernbere of la h'c't beli; three. e •urses to pursue. He tells us there are are, I lot Leer, the mo s t numerotP, who, preferring th e three c itu Wiwi ins by which office may he obtamed. He religion of th e c ! oset to t h e demonstration- of the plat says, `I donsa , ,d to know which of these threes courses forte, with the 13i1,1e for their guide, and with the an- cis nt fithers and leareed c Pinuenta'ors of the church for their aesistante, are most desircus of inculcelltieg t e practical truths of religion ; and who, while they base every deeireeto maintain the bonds of union and peace with every denomination of their Christianetrethren, are yet not reaiy to compliTent away any of the doctrines it the church which ie their hearts and their coo eelences they believe .1;o be fundameutel anti eseential. It is because these are my opittione, an i I believe them to be the opinions of many, very many, of the sound thinking men of E gland, that I regret that the Go vernment should have ter° am, or appeared to have thrown, the whole weight of their influence and autbc rity into that end of the scale in which the wide latitude of the Church of Entlend allows freedom of opinion to be weighed. These topics are not exactly spell ni are fit ting to be dealt with by your 1 nelshipe, even although we approach them with every feeling of veneration a: el re pest ; and if that be so, how much less fit are such topics for the bitter political contests of the liestinea— how much less fit are they to be mixed up with the heats and bickerings of election contests, and the coarse and ribald jests which are ever the attendants of the a ,tur nalia of an election ! Fur the sake of the church, for the sake of the Government, and for the sake of the coun try, it would be most unfortunate for the Government to go to the country and to enter on an election on a question of the leaning 'of the Government to one side or other of the different sections into Which, unhappily, the Church of England is divided. I cantint conceive a more unhappy subject on which the fortunes of an election should turn, or one fraught with mere uuwttigatej dan rto the church itself. I will now, my lords, turn to topics which are more usually the objects of discussion in your lordships' house. The real question is, has the noble viscount at the head of the Government the confidence of the country ? Before I answer that question I must look to what has been and what is supposed to be the policy of the noble viscount. And first, as regards the foreign policy of the noble viscount. (Hear.) On that point I am afraid I must repeat much of that which I have said be fore in expressing my want of confluence in the conduct of the foreign affeirs of this country by the noble vie count. I cannot f Prget the affair of 1848 ' • I cannot for get the affair o f 1850 ; b ut I w i l l look only to the situa tion of affairs at the present moment, and I shall find as unchaeged con inuance in that mischievous system of interference in the affairs and concerns of foreign coun tries which I have eo conetantly and earnestly depre cated. I give the noble viscount full credit for many things. I give him full credit for the courage with which in 1855 he accepted the arduous duties cast upon the Ministry. I give him full credit, with his colleagues, for the efferte which he made to bring the war to a euccesee tut issue. But as regards the ends and objects of the war, I cannot say that I give my unqualified assent to the terms on which that war was concluded, or for the conduct of some part of the negotiations which led to the treaty of peace. At the conferences at Paris, tbe noble viscount, and those who acted with him, were parties to a grievous injury which was inflicted on tbe maritime influence of this country. I allude to the con cession of that which has for ages been one of the chief rights of this country as a maritime power ; and I need hardly add, that without our maritime supremacy this country will be nothing as a leerier of Europe. I be lieve that to hay been a most unfortunate conces,ion, and the more unfortunate as it wilt made entirely gra tuitouely. (Hear ) Again, look at the mischievous and wholly unjustifiable interference of the Government of this country in the affairs of Naples. (Dear.) We have hai before us papers which purported to contain expla nations of the cause of .that iutMerence ; but anything so meagre, anything throwing so little light, or rather throwing so much darkness, on the transactions in gees - tiee, I never saw. Of the 45 pages of which those papery" consisted, theft) were but three which contained anything bearing et, the sutject on which we desired to know anything. They reterred principally to trials which had taker' place, and to memoranda, mostly anonymous, to internal matters which had taken place in Naples, but they did not contain anything which could show the right of our country to interfere in the internal affairs of another country. Your lordships could not find one single thing in, those papers which gave a shadow of a pretext for saying that any European inte rest was in danger, that there were any European griev ances to complain of; and the only question with the King of Naples was a complaint of the French aed Eng lish Governments that he would not adopt a new course of international policy which they recommended. Their advice and remonstrance were rejected by the King of Naples, as it would have been by any independent sove reign who had the slightest regard for his own dignity. It was recommended by our Government that the king of Naples should grant an amnesty to cerain persons. To whom I Were they our subjects, and was there anything unreasonable, if, in answer to such an application, we received for an answer, " What business is it of years I" Suppose that before Mr. Smith O'Brien and some other persons had received that pard on f rom h er M a j esty w hi c h had Mr. Smith O'Brien's aubsequent conduct has fully justi fied ; suppose that before that pardon was granted, the representative of the Government of any other country had come to us and reported officially that it would be a Igreat gratification to the people of Ireland if a free par don were granted to Mr. Smith O'Brien and his col ' leagues—l will not call them by any other name—and entreated our Government for its own sake to , xtend a pardon to these pi:illicit! offenders. Can there be any doubt that the answer of our minister would not be half as civil as that which we received from the King of Naples ? and roost probably the minister of the foreign country in question would have been requested to take the document he had brought with him away, and most I,kely then he would have been asked to walk out of the house, and not to give himself the trouble to walk in again. What did the King of Naples do? He writes a letter, in which, after giving e'very credit to the Government of this country for the feelings which they expressed, he calmly stated that he did not see what right they had to interfere. Some time passed, and then another communication was made to the King of Naples, in which a complaint was made that his letter was not altogether courteous. To this the King of Na plea replied, and he stated in the fullest terms his readi ness and his anxiety to keep on a friendly footing with England, and his regret that his sense of the indepen dence of his country did not permit him to accept the ' advice tendered to him by France and England. The only answer to that communication was the recall of our minister from Naples. What was there in all this to justify the breaking off of diplomatic relations with a power which bad expressed itself so anxious2‘ hat was the ready to maintain friendly relations with us . the cons , quence ? The retirement "of our minister was treated as a matter of indiffereuce, and in the face of Europe the minister of England was allowed 'contemptuou eilenoe ; while, a t th e to beat's ineiin Nap e, ales i' an assurance 'contemptuous silence was given by the Gov, rnmeut of Naples that there need be no fear for the safety of the sold ,cts of England and France, notwithstanding the withdram al of the tninistere of those countries. De you think that under such circumstances England stands in a dignified position before the world 'I I ceuld under stand if the noble viscount had had some scheme of na tional policy for Naples, however unjustifiable such a ceur2e might be, which he attempted to carry out. That _ mieht be something. But what shall we say to that enures which employed the lanerme e el menace and iuti midation ; which three: eeed Naples with the presence of our fleet ; and istetuula.ted tnti hopes andassions of the diecontei.ted peoVe to. th e very verge of insurrection, when, if sn,h an insurrecti on hal broken out, I am con fident that f rom England the yoked into it by the conduct of the Br.tisb Government, would have received neither support, cometenance,linotr commieeration, parties who had been pre hut would have been loft to hiedaerda andi miserable and disastrous consentionce Ilna policy of alone. (Hear.) I then, so far as th_e, for e i g n savthat I h ave the not,le vhcount is concerned, csnny any confidence in bine ( 11 " h r e ' hear.) But lam still noble viscount ; fi g '', "crahre noble viscount and I have more doubtful with regard to the ea d y 7 no es t t w ic ith p s o t l a ic n y di o n f g t t h h e e long period been in rate, before be asks Ili to give him ' policy L. pet i i in i ' n e - e I vyl l i a] utterly at a loss to say what his known to us what is hies • an y Op7l,e7y7fidefto%.plee:e Lim - s w t a h k a e t " Each man in his turn e .,„ S e b3 p k' rts," but the noble viscount in politics has plays ninny i l pa . rt. (Hear ) He is not inertly a Janus ~, Pl'Y c- - h 7 - Janus Centieeps ;he is the very clime , Biceps, but a i e w e and no one cau say to what line of poli leen ofpoo ,-, ~, ' tie b e pledgee bimself when lie outlerteks..s to follow the '," ( 4 ' ee ea l lead of the noble viscount. (Hear, bear.) tet us know to what course of pulley we are pledging ourselves when we give our confidence to the noble viscount Some of the cries with which he is said to be going to the country would, I should think, rather iastonish the noble viscount. It is now, ." Palmerston" —it is all along Palmerston, and not the Government— “palcuerstou and Liberalism," " Palmerston and Pro testantism," "Palmerston and the abolition of purchase in the army," " Palmerston, and down with Maynooth," "Palmerston, the only Christian Premier." And it has even been blesphemeuely said "Palmerston, the man of . God." (Hear, hear, and laughter ) Yes, my lords, it i has been announced in a clerical paper that Palmerston 1 [' is the man of God. (Hear, hear) Some of your lord ships may perhaps remember a caricature which was iu 241 156 8 I Bt.' li Bt. 11 20 1211 St. Ili 25 1 1 25 St. 11 10 10 10 24 20 20 FOR: ,IGN. 53 21 261 i 11 391 60i i 16i i 50 50 50 25 12i 20 123 25 20 25 10 L 0.6 20 25 25 12i 2i i