The Sun. — London, England, 1857-12-21 00:00:00

was submitted by the President to the Senate on the following 10th Dec. Whether this treaty, in its original or amended form, would have accom plished the object intended without giving birth to new and embarrassing complications between the two Governments, may perhaps be well questioned. Vertain it is, however, it was rendered much le ss objectionable by the different amendments made to it by the Senate. The treaty as amended was ratified by me on 12th March, 1857, and was transmitted to London for ratification by the British Government. That Government expressed its willingness to concur in all the amendments made by the senate, with the single exception of the clause mentioned as to Ruatan and the other islands in the Bay of Hondu ras. The article in the original treaty submitted to the senate, after the reciting that these islands and their inhabitants having bees by a convention bearing date the 27th Aug., 1856, between her Britannic Majesty and the Republic of Honduras, constituted and declared a free territory under the sovereignty of the said Republic of Honduras, sti pulated that the two contracting parties do hereby mutually engage to recognise and respect in all future time the independence and rights of the said free territory as a part of the Republic of Hon duras. Upon an examination of this convention between Great Britain and Honduras of the 27th August, 1856,- it was found that whilst declaring the Bay Islands to be a free territory under the sove reignty of the Republic of Honduras, it deprived that republic of rights, without which its sove reignty over them could scarcely be said to exist. •It divided them from the remainder of Honduras, and gave to them their own, legislative, executive, and jttdioial officers, elected by themselves. It deprived, the, Governor of Honduras of the taxing power iri - every +form, and exempted the people of • the-islands,froua the performance of military duty exCept, for their own exclusive defence. It also prohioitedthatrepublie from erecting fortifications upon diem for their protection, thus leaving them open to invasion from any quarter ; and finally pro vided that slavery shall not at any time hereafter be permitted to exist therein. Had Honduras ratified thisconvention, she would have ratified the establishment of a state substan tially independent within her own limits, and a state at all times subject to British influence and control. Moreover, had the United States ratified the treaty with Great Britain in its original form, we should have been bound to recognise and respect in all future times these stipulations, to the prejudice of Honduras and in direct opposition to the spirit and meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer Treaty, as understood in the United States. The senate rejected the entire clause, and substi tuted in its stead a simple recognition of the sove reign right of Honduras to those island 3 in the fol lowing language :—" The two contracting parties do hereby mutually engage to recognise and respect the islands of Ruatan, Hessena, and Morab, situate in the Bay of Honduras, and off the coast of the Republic of Honduras, as under the sovereignty, and as part of the said Republic of Honduras." Great Britain rejected this amendment, assigning as the only reason that the ratifications of the Con vention of the 27th August, 1856, between her and Honduras, had not been exchanged, owing to the hesitation of that Government ; had this been done itatated that her Majesty's Government would have had little difficulty in agreeing 'to the modification proposed by the senate, which would have had in effect the same signification as the original wording. Whether this would have been the effect whether_ the circumstance of the exchange of the ratification of, the. Briti4h Convention with Honduras prior in point of time to the ratification of our treaty with Great Britain, Would in effect have had the same signification as the original wording, and this have nullified the amendment of the senate, May well be doabted. It is perhaps fortunate that the question has never arisen. The British Government immediately after re jecting the treaty as' amended proposed to enter into a new treaty with the United States, similar in all respects to the treaty which they had just refused to ratify, if the United States would consent to add to the senate's clear and unqualified recognition of the sovereignty of Honduras over the Bay Islands, the following conditional stipulation :—" Whenever and so soon as the Republic of Honduras shall have concluded and ratified a treaty with Great Bri tain, by which Great Britain shall have ceded mid the Republic of Honduras shall have accepted the said islands, subject to the provisions and con ditions contained in such treaty." This proposition was of course rejected. After the Senate had refused to recognise the British convention with Honduras of the 27th August, 1856, with full knowledge of its contents, it was impossi ble fer me, necessarily ignorant of the provisions and conditions which might be contained in a fu ture convention between the same parties, to sanc tion them in advance. The fact is, that when two nations like Great Bri tain and the United States—mutually desirous as they are, and I trust ever may be, of maintaining the most friendly relations with each other—have unfortunately concluded a treaty which they under stud in senses directly opposite, the wisest course is to abrogate such a treaty by mutual consent, and to commence anew. Had this been done promptly, all difficulties in Central America would most pro bably ere this have been adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties. The time spent in discussing the meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty would have been devoted to this praiseworthy purpose, aid the task would have been the more easily ac complished because the interest of the two countries in Central America is identical, being confined to securing a safe transits over all the routes across the Isthmus. Whilst entertaining these sentiment., I shall nevertheless not refuse to contribute to any reason able adjustment of the Central American questions which is not practically inconsistent with the Ame rican interpretation of the treaty. Overtures fur this purpose have been recently iaade by the British government in a friendly spirit, which I cordially reciprocate, but whether this renewed effort will result in success I am not yet prepared to express an opinion—a brief period will determine. CONTINENTAL PO WE RS. With France our ancient relations of friendship I still continue to exist. The French government have in several recent instances, which ,reed not be enumerated, evinced a spirit of g modwill and kind ness towards our country which I he trtily recipro cate. It is, notwithstanding, inuc'i to be regretted that two nations whose productions are of such a character as to invite extensive exchanges and freest commercial intercourse shield continue to enforce auci-nt and obsolete restrictions of trade] against cacti other. Our commercial treaty with France is in this respect an exception from our treaties with .all ether commercial nations. It jealously levies dis nriminating duties both on tonnage and on articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the one country, or when arriving in vessels belonging to the other. More than forty years ago, on the 3d of March, 1815, Congress passed an act offering to all nations to admit their vessels laden with general produc tions into the ports of the United States upon the same terms with our own vessels, provided they would reciprocate to us similar advantages. This act confined the reciprocity to the productions of the respective foreign nAtions who hereby entered into the proposed arrangements with the United States. The act of May 24, 1828, reduced this re striction, and offered a similar reciprocity to all such vessels without reference to the origin of their cargoes. 'Upon these principles our commercial treaties and arrangements have been founded, ex cept with France, and let us hope that the excep tion may not long exist. Our relations with Russia remain, as they have ever been, on the most friendly footing. The pre sent emperor, as well as his predecessors, have never • failed, when the occasion offered, to manifest their good will to our country, and their friendship has always been highly appreciated by the government and people of the United States. With all other European governments, except thatof Spain, our relations are as cordial as - we could desire. 8 • • I regret to say that no progress whatever has been .. nta.de, since the adjournment of the United States greas, towards the settlement of any of the 'numerous claims of our citizens against the Spanish g"ernment. . I)egui ftthat the • h„ t .ar frigate Ferrolana, on th e high outrage committed on our flag seas " off t t raaT Americ a Cuba, in March, 1855, by firing into the h ateamer El Dorado, and demanding andaear o tt ,remains unacknow ledged and unredre, mt 4 the r, be regretted. general tone and tem towards that of the per of the Spanish government United States are much to •Our present EnvoyExtrao A. I -Illvey and Minister ' Plenipotentiary is to be recalled, and it i 3 my , pendua. , with ur to send out a new minister to % pail) pose special instructions on all questions de terminatio n tween the two governments, with a dete • g be te have them speedily and amicably' adj iuted, if ) * . i nes (be possible. wen ,, o •_lii the meantime, whenever our minister - urg e , e ! i 'l bthajtist claim of our citizens on tbe notice of the ?oc.i. Spanish government he is met with the objectiont that Congress havenever made the appropria t n . " rr recommended by President Polk, in h is annual 'message of December, 1847, to be paid to the Span ill government, for the purpose of distribution among the claimants in the Imisttd case. A similar recommendation was made by my immediate Pro decessor, in his message of Decernl)ew 1853 ; arrd , entirely concurring with both in the opinion tint this indemnity is j ustly due under the treaty with Spain, of 27th Oct., 1795, I earnestly recommend IHE such an appropriation to the favourable considera- tion of Congress. PERSIA. A treaty of friendship and commerce was con cluded at Constantinople on the 30th Dec., 1856, between the United States and Persia, the ratifica tions of which ware exchanged at Constantinople on the 30th of June, 1857, and the treaty was pro claimed by the President on the 18th of August, 1857. This treaty, it is believed, will prove bene ficial to American commerce. The Shah has mani fested an earnest disposition to cultivate friendly relations with our country, and has expressed a strong wish that we should be represented at Tehe ran by a minister plenipotentiary, and I recommend that an appropriation be made for the purpose. CHINA. Itecent occurrences in China have been un favourable to a revision of a treaty with that em pire of July 3, 1844, with a view to the security and extension of our commerce. The 24th article of this treaty stipulated for a revision of it in case experience should prove this to be requisite, in which case the two magistrates will at the expira tion of twelve years from the date of the said con vention treat amioably concerning the same by means of suitable persons appointed to conduct such negotiations. `nese twelve years expired on July 3, 1856 ; but long before that period it was ascertained that important changes in the treaty were necessary, and several fruitless attempts were made by the commissioner of the United States to effect those changes. Another effort was about to be made for the same purpose by our commissioner, ' in conjunction with the ministers of England and France ; but this was suspended, by the occurrence of hostilities in the Canton river between Great Britain and the Chinese empire. These hostilities have necessarily interrupted the trade of whole nations with Canton, which is now in a state of blockade, and have occasioned a serious loss of life and property. - Meanwhile the insurrection within the empire against the existin g imperial dynasty still continues, and it is difficult to anticipate the result. Under these circumstances, I have deemed it ad visable to appoint a distinguished citizen of Penn sylvania Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni potentiary to proceed to China, and to avail himself of any opportunities which may offer to effect changes in the existing treaty favourable to American commerce. He left the United States for the:place of his destination in July last, in the war steamer Minnesota. Special ministers to Chirfa have also been appointed by the Governments of Great Britain and France. Whilst our minister has been instructed to oc cupy a neutral position in reference to the existioc , hostilities at Canton, be cordially co-operate with the British and. French ministers in all peace ful measures, to secure by treaty stipulations those just concessions to commerce which the nations of the world have a right to expect, and which China cannot long be permittedlto withhold. From assur auces received I entertain no doubt that the three ministers will act in harmonious concert to obtain similar commercial treaties for each of the powers they represent. DIFFICULTIES WITH GRANADA. We cannot fail to feel a deep interest in all that concerns the welfare of the independent republics ou our own continent, as well as of the empire of Brazil. Our difficulties with New Granada, which a short time since bore so threatening an aspect, are, it is to be hoped, in a fair train of settlement in a mannerlju;t•and honourable to both parties. The Isthmus of Central America, including that of Panama, is the highway between the Atlantic and Pacific, over which a large portion of the commerce of the world is destined to pass, and the United States are more nearly interested than: any other nation in preserving the freiYdom and security of all the communications across 'this isthmus; It is our duty, therefore to take care that they shall not be interrupted, either by invasions from our own coun try or by wars between the independent States of Central America. Under our treaty with New Granada, of the 12th December, 1846, we are bound to guarantee the neutrality of the isthmus of Panama, through which the Panama Railroad passes, as well as the rights of sovereignty and property which New Gra nada has and possesses over the said territory. The obligation is founded upon equivalents granted by the treaty to the government and people of the United States. Under these circumstances, I recommend to Congress the passage of an act autho rising the President in case of ne , .;essity to employ the land and naval forces of the United States to carry into effect this guarantee of neutrality and protection. I also recommend similar legislation for the security of any other route across the Isthmus in which we may acquire an interest by treaty. FILLIBUSTERS' V.IC PEDITION. With the independent republics on this continent, it is both our duty and our interest to cultivate the most friendly relations. We can never feel indif ferent to their fate, and must always rejoice in their ..... prosperity. Unfortunately, both for them and for us, our example and advice have lost much of their influence is consequence of the lawless expeditious which have been fitted out against some of them within the limits of our country. Nothing is better calculated to retard the ad vancement of our character as a nation than the toleration If such enterprises in violation of the law of national It is one of the first and highest duties of any independent state, in its relations with the members of the great family of nations, to restrain its people from acts of hostile aggression against their citizens or subjects. The most eminent writers on public law do not hesitate to denounce such hostile acts of robbery and murder. Weak and feeble states, like those of Central America, may not feel themselves able to assert and vindicate their nights. The case might be different if expeditions were set on foot within our own territories t 3 make private war against a powerful nation. If such expeditions were titled out from abroad against any portion of our own country, to burn down our cities, murder and plunder our people, and change our govern ment, we should call any power on earth to the strictest account for not preventing such enormities. Ever since the administration of General Wash ington, acts of Congress have been in force to punish severely the crime of setting on foot a military ex pedition within the limits of the United States, to proceed from thence against a nation or state with whom we are at peace. The present Neutrality Act of April 28, 1818, is but little more that' a c, election of pre-existing laws. Under this act the President is empowered to employ the land and 1 naval force, and the militia, for the purpose of preventing the carrying on of any such expedition or enterprise from the territories and jurisdiction of the United States, and the collec• ors of customs are authorised and required to detain any vessel in port when there is reason to believe she is about to take part in such lawless enterprises. When it was at first rendered probable that an attempt would be made to get up another unlawful expedition against Nicaragua, the Secretary of State issued instructions to the marshals and dis trict attorneys, which were written and directed by Secretaries of War and the Navy to the appropriate army and navy officers, requiring them to be vigi lant and to use their best exertions in carrying into effect the provisions of the act 1818. Notwith standing these precautions, the expedition has escaped from our shores. Such enterprises can do no possible good to the country, but have already inflicted much injury both on its interests and its character. They have prevented peaceful emigration from the United States to the states of Central America, which could not fail'to prove highly beneficial to all the parties concerned. In a pecuniary point of view alone our citizens have sustained heavy losses from the seizure and closing of the transit route by the San Juan between the two oceans. The leader of the recent expedition was arrested at New Orleans, but was discharged on giving bail for his appearance in the insufficient sum of 2,000 doll. I commend the whole subject to the serious at - tention of Congress, believing that our duty rind our interest, as well as our national character re quire that we should adopt such measures as will be effectual in:restraining our citizens from committing such outrages. PARAGUAY. I regret to inform you that the President of Paraguay has refused to ratify the treaty between the United States and that state, as amended by the Senate, the signature of which was mentioned in the message of predecessor to Congress at the opening of its session . in.. December, 1853. Th e reason assigned for this refusal will appear in the correspondencerherewith submitted. It beina desirable to ascertain the fitness of the River La Plata and its tributaries for navigation by steam,,,tha United States steamer Waterwitch, was sent thither fOr that purpose in 1853. This enter prise was successfully carried on until February, 1855. Whilst in the peaceful prosecution of her voyage up the Parana river the steamer was fired upon by a Paraguayan force. The fire was returned, but the Waterwitch, which was of small force, and not designed for offensive operations, retreated from ~...,of the confli c t. t a decree the President of Paraguay, of October, prohibitingforeignvessela of s war f from navigating Paraguay the river of however,tba ttlie Was, owner of but one bank of rieutes, a state of the the other belonging to Cor- Argentine Confederation, the right of it s g °V: c r i ll ciann:itttobexpect that such a decree o a t ctnowledged. would be obey But the Watervvitch*ael intended for t in h , sronerlv speaking, timer engaged in - vessel . of war. She was - a -s t 6 - 4, - a a scientific enterprise, e advantage of com mercial states generally. Tinder these circumstances I am constrained to SUN, LOND' i ON, MONDAY EVENING, MAE 1 WER 21, 1857, consider the attack upon her as unjustifiable, and as calling for satisfaction from the Paraguayan insurrection and in restoring and maintaining the sovereignty of the constitution and laws in the ter ritory of Utah. I recommend to Congress establishing a territorial government over Arizona, connecting with it such portions of New Mexico as they may deem expe dient. I need scarcely adduce argumettts in support of this recommendation. We are bound to protect the Convention were in favour of establishing sla very in Kansas. They accordingly concerted au article in the constitution for this purpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by other ter ritorial conventions. In the schedule providing for the transition from a territorial to a state govern ment, the question has been fairly and explicitly referred to the people whether they will have a con stitution with or without slavery. It declares that before the constitution adopted by the Convention shallbesentto Congressfor admission into the Union as a state, and election shallbe held to decide this ques tion, at which the white male inhabitants of the ter ritory above the age of 21, are entitled to vote. They are to vote by ballot, and that the ballot passed at the said election shall be endorsed " Constitution with Slavery," and " Constitution with No Slavery." If there be a majority in favour of the Constitution with Slavery, then it is to be transmitted to Con gress by the President of the Convention in its ori ginal form ; on the contrary, if there be a majority of Constitution with No Slavery, then the article providing for slavery shall be stricken from the con stitution by the President ofthe Convention ' • and it is expressly declared th at no slavery shall exist in the state of Kansas, except that the right of pro perty in slaves nowin the territory shall in no man ner be interfered with; and, in that event, it is made his duty to have the constitution thus ratified transmitted to the Congress of the United States, for the admission of the State into the Union. At this election every citizen will have an oppor tunity of expressing his opinions by his vote whe ther Kansas shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, and thus the exciting ques tion may be peacefully settled in the very mode required by the organic law. The, election will be held under legitimate authority, and if any portion of the inhabitantsshould refuse to vote, a fair oppor tunity to do so having been presented, this will be their own voluntary act, and they alone will be re sponsible for the consequence. Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave state must, tinder some au thority, be decided by an election, and the question can never_be more clearly or distinctly presented to the people than it is at the present moment. Should this opportunity be rejected, she may be involved for years in domestic discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can make up the issue now so fortunately tendered, and again reach the point she has already attained. Kansas has for some years occupied too much of the public attention. It is high time this should be directed to far more important objects. When once admitted intothe Union, whether with or with out slavery, the excitement beyond her own limits will speedily pass away, and she will for the first time be left, as she ought to have been long since, to manage her own affairs in her own way. If her con stitution, on the subject of slavery or any other subject, be displeasing to a majority of the people, no human power can prevent them from changing it within a brief period. Under these circumstances it may well be questioned whether the peace and quiet of the whole country are not of greater im portance than the mere temporary triumph of either political party in Kansas. Should the constitution without slavery be adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of property in slaves now in the territory are then re served. The number of these is small, but if it were greater the provision would be equally just and reasonable. These slaves were brought into the territory under the constitution okthe,United States -and are now the property of their masters. This point has at lengthbeen finally decided by the highest judicial tribunal of thecountry, and this on the plain .principletliat when the confederacy of the sovereign states acquire a new territory at their joint expense both equality and justice demand that the citizens of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoeveris recognised asproporty bythe common Constitution. To have summarily confiscated the property in slaves already in the. territory would have been an act of gross injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older states of the Union which have abolished slavery. THE MORMONS IN - UTAH. A territorial Government was established for Utah by act of Congress, approved Sept. 9, 1850, and the constitution and laws of the United States were thereby extended over it, so far as the same or any provisions thereof may be applicable. This act provides for the appointment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, with a governor who was to be ex officio superin tendent of Indian affairs, a secretary, three judges of the Supreme Court, a marshal, and a district attorney. Subsequent acts provided for the ap pointment of the officers necessary to extend our land and our Indian system over the territory. Brigham Young was appointed the first governor on the 20th of September, 1850, and has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor Young has been both governor and superintendent of Indian affairs for this period he has been at the same time the head of the church called the Latter day Saints, and professes to govern its members and dispose of their property by direct inspiration and authority from the Almighty. His power has been therefore absolute over both church and state. The people of Utah almost exclusively belong to this church, and!believing out of a fanatical spirit, that he is governor of the territory by divine appoint ment, they obey his commands as if they were direct revelations from heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that his government shall come into collision with the government of the Waited States the members of the Mormon Church will yield implicit obedience be his will. Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is his determination. Without entering upon a minute history of occurrences, it is sufficient to say that all the officers of the United States, judicial and executive, with the single exception of two Indian agents, have found it necessary for their own personal safety to withdraw from the territory, and there no longer remains any government in Utah but the despotism of Brigham Young. This being the condition of affairs in the terri tory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As chief executive magistrate I was bound to restore the supremacy of the constitution and laws within its limits. In order to effect this purpose I ap pointed a new governor and other federal officers for Utah, aad sent with them a military force for their protection, and to aid as a posse comitatus in case of need in execution of the laws. With the religious opinion of the Mormons, as long as they rem tined mere opinions, however de plorable in themselves and revolting to the mond and religious sentiments of all Olaistendom, I had no right to interfere. Actions alone, when iu vio lation of the United States, become the legitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. My instructions to Governor Cummin. have, there fore, been framed in strict accordance with these principles. At that date a hope was indulged in that no necessity might exist for employing the mili t a r y in restoring and maintaining the authority of the law, but this hope has now vanished. Governor Young has by proclamation declared his determination to maintain his power by force, and has already committed acts of hostility against the United States. Unless he should retrace his steps the territory of Utah will be in a state of open re bellion. He has committed these ;Acts of open hostility, although Major Van Vliet, an officer of the army, was sent to Utah by the commanding general to purchase provisions for the troops, had given him the strongest assurance of the peaceable intentions of the Government, and that the troops would only be employed as a posse comitatus when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execu tion of the laws. There is reason to believe that Governor Young has long coetemplated this result. He knows that the continuance of his despotic power depends upon the exclusion of all settlers from the territory except those who will acknow ledgehis divine mission, and implicitly obey his will, and that an enlightened public opinion there would soon prostrate institutions at war with the laws both of God and man. He has, therefore, for several years, in order to maintain his in dependence, been industriously employed in collecting and f a b r i c ating arms and munitions of war, and in disciplining th e Mormons for military service. As superintenden t of Indian affairs he has had a n opportunity o f tam p erin g with the Indian tribes, and exciting their hostile feelings against the United States. This, according to our inrormation, he has accomplished in regard to some of those tribes, while others have remained true to their allegi anc e, and have com municated his intrigues to our I n di a n agente-- has laid in a store of provisions for three .years, which, in case 'of necevity, as-he informed Major Van Vlief, he bid defiance to all th e powers of the g overnmen t . will conceal, and th en take; to the mountains and A great part of a ll this may be id le boastin g ,"but yet no wise government w ill lightly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by such frenzied fanatieilm as exists among the M ormons, in Utah. This is the first rebellion which has existed in our territories, and humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last. To trifle with it would be to encourage there with such an imposing foWrc e it and to render it formidable. e ought to con- go vireo these del u d e d people that resistance would as to be vain, and thus spare the effusion of blood. We can in this manner best convince them that we are their friends, and not their enemies. In order to accomplish this object it will be neces sary, according to the estimate of the War Depart ment, to raise four additional regiments, and this I earnestly recommend to Congress. At the pre sent moment of depression i.O tije revenues of the count,y, I sin sorry to be obliged to recommend such _measures ; but 1 feel confident of the support of Congress, cost what it may, in suppressing the government. Citizens of the United States also, those who were established in business at Paraguay, have had their property seized and taken from them, and have otherwise been treated by the authorities in an in sulting and arbitrary manner which requires redress. Demands for this purpose will be made in a firm but conciliatory spirit. This will the more pro bably be granted if the Executive shall have authority to use other means in the event of a re fusal. This is accordingly recommended. THE SLAVERY QUESTION. the lives and the property of our citizens inhabiting Arizona, and these are now without any efficient protection. Their present number is already con siderable, and is probably increasing, not wit hst %rid ing the disadvantages under which they labour. Besides, the proposed territory is believed to be rich in thoelements of mineral and agricultural wealth, especially in silver and copper. The mails of the United States to California are now carried over it throughout its whole extent, and this route is known to be the nearest, and believed to be the best to the Pacific. It is unnecessary to state in detail the alarming condition of the territory of Kansas at the time of my inauguration. The opposing parties then stoo d in hostile array against each other, and an accident might have re-lighted the flames of civil war. Besides, at this critical moment, Kansas was left without a governor, by the resignation of Governor Geary. On the 19th of February previous the terri torial legislature passed a law providing for the election of delegates on the first Monday in Sep tember, for the purpose of examining a constitution 'preparatory to admission into the United States. This law was in the main fair and just, and it is to be regretted that all the qualified electors had not registered themselves and voted under its pro ' visions. At the time of the election for delegates, an extensive organisation existed in the territory whose avowed object it was, if need be, to put down the lawful government by force, and to estabtish a go vernment of their own under the so-called Topeka constitution, / The persons attached to / this revolutionary organisation abstained from taking any part in the election. The Act of the Territorial Legislature bad omitted to provide for submitting to the people the consti tution which might be framed by the convention, and in the excited state of public feeling through out Kansas an apprehension extensively prevailed that a design existed to force upon them a consti tution in relation to slavery against their will. In this emergency it became my duty, as it was my unquestionable right, having in view the union of all citizens in support of the territorial law, to express an opinion on the construction of its provisions. Concerningslavery, it has been the prin ciple of Congress neither to introduce itinto any ter ritory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way. Under this Kansas was admitted as a state to be received into the union, with or without slavery, as their constitution might prescribe at the time of their admission. Did Congress mean by this language that the delegates elected to frame a constitution should have authority finally to decide the question of slavery, or did they intend, by leaving it to the people of Kansas, that they them selves should decide this question by a direct vote ? On this subject I confess I had never entertained a serious doubt, and therefore, in my instructions to Governor Walker of the 28th March last, I said MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS. Long experience hasdeeply convinced met 13 at a strict construction of the powers granted to Congress is the only true as well as the only safe theory of the constitution. While this principle shall guide my public conduct, I consider it clear that under the war-making power Congress may appoint and ap propriate money for the construction of a military road through the territories of the United States when this is absolutely necessary for the defence of any of the public States against foreign inva sion. The constitution has conferred upon Con gress power to declare war, to raise and support armies, to protect and maintain a navy, to call forth the militia, to repel invasions. These high sovereign powers necessarily involve important duties, and among them there is none so sacred and so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion of a foreign enemy. The constitution has therefore, left , the powers of government on tlii.;3 point to construction, but expressly requires that the United States shall protect each of them against invasion. Now, if a military road over our own territosies be indispensably necessary to enable U 3 to meet and repel the invaders, it follows as a necessary conse quence not only that we possess the power, but it is our imperative duty to construct such road. It would he an absurdity to invest a government with the unlimited power to make and conduct war and at the same time deny to it the only means of reaching and defending the frontiers. Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot protect California and our Pacific territories against invasion. We cannot expect by any other means to transport men and munitions of war from At lantic states in sufficiek time successfully to defend these remote and distant portions of the republic. Experience has proved that the routes across the isthmuS of Central America are at best a very un certain and unreliable mode of communication ; but even if this were not the case they would at once be closed against us in the event of war with a naval power so much stronger than our own as to enable it to blockade the ports at either end of these routes. After all, therefore, we can only rely upon a mi litary road through our own territories, and ever since the origin of the government Congress has been in the practice of appropriating money from the public treasury for the construction of such roads. The difficulties and the expense of the constructing a military road to connect our Atlantic and Pacific states have been greatly exaggerated. The distance on,the Arizona route, near the 32d parallel of north latitude,- between the western boundary of Te i xait on the Rio Grande, by the eastern bounel.art of California on the Collocade ' from the best explora tions now within our knowledge, does. not exceed 470 miles, and the 'face of the country is in the main favourable. that when a constitution shall be submitted to the people of the territory, they must be protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or against that instrument. A fair expression of the popular will must not be interrupted by fraud or violence. In expressing this opinion it was far from my intention to interferewiththe decision of the people of Kansas eitherfor or against slivery. This I l lasv t e always carefully abstained from. 'Entrusted with the duty oftaking care that the laws be faithfully executed, my desire, eras that the people of Kansas should furnish to Congress the evidence required by the Organic Act, whether for or against slavery., And in this manner, on their passage into the Union in emerging from a condition of territorial depend- ence into that of a sovereign State, it was,their duty, in my opinion, to make known their will by the votes of the majority on the direct _question whether this important domestic institution should or should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible mode in which their will could be authentically ascertained. The election of delegates to convention must necessarily take place in separate districts. From this cause it may readily happen, as has often been the case, that a majority of the people of the state or territory are on one side of a question, whilst a majority of the representatives from the several districts into which it is divided may be upon the other side. This arises from the fact that in some districts delegates may be elected by majorities, whilst in others those of different sentiments may receive majorities suffi ciently great not only to overcome the votes given for the former, but to leave a large majority of the whole people in direct opposition to a majority •i the delegates. Besides, our history proves that in fluences may be brought to bear upon the represen tative sufficiently powerful to induce him to disre gard the will of his constituents- The truth is that no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the will of a majority of the people of any state or territory about au important and ex citing question like that of slavery in Kansas, ex cept by leaving it to a direct vote. How wise then was it for Congress to pass over a subordinate and intermediate agency, and proceed directly to the source of all legitimate power under our institu tions. How vain would another principle prove is practice ! This may be illustrated by the case of Kansas, should she be admitted into the unionwith a constitution maintaining or abolishing slavery against the sentiments of the people. This could have no other effect than to continue to ex isperate the existing agitation during the brief period re quired to make the constitution conform to the irresistible will of the majority. The friends and supporters:of the Nebraska and Kansas Act when struggling on a recent occasion to sustain its wise provisions before the great tri bunal of the American people, differed about its true meaning on this subject. Everywhere through out the Union they publicly pledged their faith and honour that they wouldcheerfully submit the ques tion of slavery to the decision of the bona fide people of Kansas without any restriction or quali fication whatever. All were cordially united upon the great doctrine of popular sovereignty, which is the vital principle of our free institutions. Had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be in sufficient compliance with the requisi tions of the organic law for the members of a con vention thereafter to be elected to withhold this question of slavery from the people, and to substi tute their own will for that of legally-ascertained majorities of all their constituents, it would hive been instantly rejected. Everywhere they remained true to the resolution adopted on a cele brated occasion, recognising the right of the people of the territories including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, whenever the number of its inhabitants justifies it, to form a con stitution with or without slavery, and be ad mitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. The Convention to frame a constitution for Kansas met on the fifth Monday of September last. They were called to gether by virtue of act of the territorial legisla ture, whose lawful existence had been recognised by Congress in different forms and by different enactments. A large portion of the citizens of Kansas did not think proper to register their names and to vote at the election for delegates, but an opportunity to this having been fairly afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of their right could in no manner affect the liabilities of the Con vention. This Convention proceeded to frame a constitu tion for Kansas, and finally adjourned on the 7th day of November. But little difficulty occurred in the Convention, except on the subject of slavery. The truth is that the general provisions of our recent state constitutions are so similar, and I may say so excellent, that the difference between them is not essential. Under the earliest characteristic action of the Government, no constitution framed by the Convention of a territory preparatory to its admission into the Union as a State, had been sub mitted to the people. I trust, however, the example set by the last Congress, of requiring that the con stitution of Minnesota should be subject to the ap proval and ratification of the people of the proposed State, may be followed on future occasions. I took it for granted that the Convention of Kan sas would act in accordance with this example, founded, as it is, on correct principles ; and hence my iustrnctions to Governor Walker in favour of submitting the constitution to the people, were ex pressed in general and unqualified terms. In the ,Kansak,Ne:braelea Act, this requirement, so accept able to the whole constitution, had not been in serted, and the Convention were not bound by its terms to submit any-other portion Of the instrument to ant.election except that which relates to the do mestic institution of slavery. ThiS will be rendered clear by a simple reference to its language. It was not to legislate slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their do mestic institutions in their own way. According to the plain construction of the sentence, these have an appropriate reference to slavery. Do mestic institutions are limited to the family. Toe relation between master and slave, and a few others, are domestic institutions, and aro en tirely distinct from institutions of a political cha racter. Besides, there was no question then before Congress, nor has there since been any serious ques tionbefore the people of Kansas, of the country, except that which relates to the domestic institu tion of slavery. The Convention, after an angry and excited de bate,.finally determined, by a majority of two, to so Innitthe question of slavery tothe people. Though at the last 43 of the 50 delegates present affixed their signatures to the constitution, a large majority of For obvious, rsasons the government ought not to undertake such &work itself_ by means of its o agents. - This ought to be committed to other agen cies which Congress might assist either by grants of land or money, or by both, upon such terms and conditions as they may deem most beneficial for the country. Provision might thus be made not only for the safe, rapid, and economical transportation of troops or munitions of war, but also of the public mails. The commercial interests of the whole country, both east and west, would be greatly improved by such a road, and, above all, it would be a powerful additional bond of union ; and although advantages of this kind, whether postal, commercial, or politi cal, cannot confer constitutional power, yet they may furnish, auxiliary arguments for expediting a work which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced within the war-making power. For these reasons I commend to the friendly consideration of Congress the subject of the Pacific Railroad, without finally committing myself to any particular route. THE PUBLIC FINANCE. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will furnish a detailed statement of the condition of the public finances, and, of the respective branches of the public service devolved upon that department of the Government. By this report it appears that the amount of re venue received from all sources into the Treasury during the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1857, was 68,631,513 dols. 67c., which amount, with the ba lance of 19,901,325 dols. 45c. remaining in the Treasury at the commencement of the year, made an aggregate for the service of 88,532,839 doll. 12c. The public expenditure for the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1857, amounted to 70,822,724 dols. 85c. of which 5,943,896 dole. 91c. were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium, leaving in the treasury at the com mencement of the present fiscal year on Ist July, 1857, 17,710,114 dole. 27c. Tho receipts into the treasury for the first quarter of the present fiscalyear commencing Ist July, 1857, were 20,929,819 dole. 81c., and the estimated re ceipts of the remaining three quarters to 30th June, 1858, are 36,750,000 dole., making, with the bal ance before stated, an aggregate of 75,389,934 dole. Bc. for the service of the present fiscal year. The actual expenditure during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, was 23,714,528 dols. 37c., of which 3,895,232 dole. 39c. were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and premium. The probable expenditure of the remaining three-quarters, to 30th June, 1858, is 51,248,530 dols. 4c., including interest on the pub lic debt, making an aggregate of 74,963,058 dole. 41c., leaving an estimated balance in the treasury at the close of the present fiscal year, of 426,875 dole. 67c. The amount of the public debt at the commence ment of the present fiscal year is 29,060,386 (lois. 29c., leaving a balance unredeemed at this time of 25,165,154 dole. 51c. The amount - of estimated expenditure for the remaining three-quarters of the present fiscal year will in all probability be increased from the causes set forth in the report of the Secretary. His sug gestion, therefore, that authority should be given to supply any temporary deficiency by the issue of a limited amount of Treasury notes, is approved, and I accordingly recommend the passage of such law. . _ As stated in the report of the Secretary, the tariff of March 3, 1857, has been in operation for so short a period of time, and under circumstances so un favourable to . a just development of its results as a revenue measure, ,that I should regard it as inex pedient, at least for the present, to undertake its r4vision. I transmit herewith the reports made to me by the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, of the In terior, and of the Postmaster-General. They all contain valuable and important iuformation and suggestions, which I commend to the favourable consideration of Congress. I have already recom mended the raising of four additional regiments, and the report of the Secretary of War presents strong reasons proving this increase of the army under existing circumstances to be indispensable. I would call the special attention of Congress to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy in favour of the construction of ten small war vessels of light draught. For some years the Government has been obliged on many occasions to hire such steamers from such individuals to supply its pressing wants. At the present moment we have no armed vessels in the navy which can pene trate the rivers of China. We have but a few which can enter any of the harbours south of Norfolk, although many millions of foreign and domestic commerce annually pass in and out of these har bours. Some of our most valuable points are thus left exposed. This class of vessels of light draught, great speed, and heavy guns would be formidable in coast defence. The cost of their construction will not be great, and they will require for them Small expenditure to keep them b ii i i it c a om oo m m is p i j ar io a n t : ive l l n y time of peace they will prove as effective as much larger vessels, and often more useful. One of them should be at every station w h e re we maintain a squadron, and thre e or four should be constantly employed on ou an r Atlantic d and Pacific . coast. Economy, utility, effi ciency combine to recommend them as almost indispensable. Ten of these small vessels would be of incalculable advantage to the naval service, and the whole cost V their con struction would not exceed 2,300,000 dols. The report of the Secretary of the Interior is worthy of great consideration. It treats of the numerous and diversified branches of domestic ad ministration entrusted to him by law. Among these the most prominent are the public lands and our relations with the Indians. Oar system for the dispo s al of the public lands, originating w ith the Fathers of the Republic, has been improved, as experience pointed the way, and gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of our western states and territories. It has wet ked well in p r actice. Already thirteen states and seven territories hive been carved out of these lands, and still more than a thousand million of acres remain favourable consideration the interest of the people unsold. What a boundless project th;s presents to lof this district. Without a representative on the our country for great future prosperito and power. floor of Congress they have, for this very reason : , We have heretofore disposed of 363,862,464 acres peculiar claims upon our just regard. To this _I of public lands. While the public lands are a source know, from my long acquaintance with them, tht ay of revenue, are of great importance, their import- are eminently entitled. ante is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy (Signed) JAMES BUCHANAN. and independent race of honest and industrious Washington, Dec. 8, 1857. citizens, who desire to subdue and cultivatethe soil. They ought to be adminstered mainly with a view of promoting this wise and benevolent policy. In appropriating them for any other purpose, we ought to use even greater economy than if they had been converted into money, and the proceeds were already in the public treasury. To squander away this richest and noblest inheritance which any people have ever enjoyed upon objects of doubtful constitutionality or expediency, would be to violate one of the most important trusts ever committed to any people. Whilst Ido not deny to Congress the power when acting bona fide as a proprietor to give away portions of them for the purpose of increasing the value of the remainder, yet, considering the great temptations to abuse the power, we cannot be too cautious in its exercise. Actual sellers under existing laws are protected in their right of pre emption to the extent of a quarter section of 160 acres of land. The remainder may be disposed of at public or private sale. Speculation has of late years prevailed to a great extent in the public land% The consequence has been that large por tions of them have become the property of in dividuals and companies, and that the price has greatly enhanced to those who desire to purchase for actual settlement. In order to limit the area of speculation as much as possible the extinction of the Indian titles and the extension of public surveys ought to keep pace with the tide of emigration. THE BELGIAN ELECTIONS. VIENNA, DEC. 16. A leading article on the result of the B e lgia 11, election, which is in the Oesterreichische Zeitung 01 this day is calculated to produce a deeper imprei sion on the minds of the Austrians, as well of high as of low degree, than all the pastoral letters and Jesuitical homilies which have been addressed tr . them since the conclusion of the Concordat. Tim t article is too long to be transferred to your columns p but the following extract will convey its mean ing :—" Although the Papal Government, if unaided, would not be able to maintai n possession of its territories, it has recently obtained victories equal to those obtained by Gre gory VII., Innocent 111. and Sixtus V. The policy of the Papal See in 1847 gave such offence to the great Catholic Powers that it appeared as if a lung time must elapse before the Church could regain its influence ; but she is as powerful, . in fluential, and triumphant as she was in the times of Louis XIV. If a great event had not a feW days since occurred in a small State, the world would have been justified in believingthat thewheal of history was moving backward, and would not come to a stand until it reached the court - y dof Canossa, where temporal power was trod under foot by spiritual authority.* The issue of the Belgian elections is neither a simple party' triumph nor an occurrence of mere local importance. It is a great historical event, which goes far to prove that the successes of the Church daring the last 10 - years have not been obtained over the masses of the people. The word ' Ultramontane' can be applied to single men, and even to classes, but not to nations. In Sardinia, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, France, on the Rhine, in Austria, and even in thd domAin% of the Church, - the great masses of the people are not Ultramontanists. To the Ultra montane party belong many men of high in tellect, pure character and elevated position, but still it has singularly little real power. Victories obtained over the masses are generally durable in their effects, but not so victories obtained over individuals or classes. If • the result of the elec tions had proved that the Belgian nation ap proved of the policy of the ultra-Catholic party, it would have been a tremendous triumph for Rome. The reverAe was the case, and de cofneatse quently Rome has suffered a tremendous .. Ultramontanism may find supporters in Universi ties, in Governments, and in palaces, but sooner or later it must give way to the opposition offered b y the masses of the people, with whom it finds no favour." - If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sec tions of States or 'companies, as they have done heretofore, I recommend that the intermediate sec tiens retained by the government should be subject leepreemption. by actual settlers. It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve our public lands as much as may be for the actual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promote the prosperity of the new states tied terri tories and the powers of the Union, but shall secure homes for our posterity for many generations. The extension of our limits has brought within our jurisdiction many additional and populous tribes of Indians ; large proportions of which are wild, untractable, difficulty of control. Predatory and warlike in their disposition and habits, it is impos sible altogether to restrain them from committing aggressions on each other, as well as upon our frontier and territories. Expensive military expeditions are frequently necessary to over awe and chastise the more lawless and hos tile. The present system of making them valuable presents to influence them to remain at peace has proved ineffectual. It is believed to be the better policy to colonise them in suitable localities, where they can receive the rudiments of education, and be gradually induced to adopt habits of industry. So far as the experiment has been tried it has. worked well in practice, and it will doubtless prove to be less expensive than the present system. The whole number of Indians within our territorial limits is believed to be— from the best data in the Interior department— about 325,000. The tribes of Cherokees, Chocfaws, Chicksaws, and Creeks, settled in the territory set apart for them west of Arkansas are rapidly ad vancing in education and in all the arts of civilisa tion and self-government, and we may indulge the agreetible anticipation that at 'no very distant day they will be incorporated into the ' Union as one of the sovereign states. It will be seen from the report of the Postmaster general that the Post-office Department still con tinues to depend on the Treasury, as it has com pelled to do for several years past, for an important portion of the means of sustaining and extending its operations. Their rapid growth and extension are shown by a denoininal statement of the number of post-offices and the length of post roads, com mencing with the year 1827. In that year there were 7,000 post-offices ; in 1837, 11,177 ' • in 1847, 15,140 ; and in 1857 they numbered 26,586. This year 1, 725 post-offices have been established and 704 discontinued, leaving a net increase of 1,021. The postmasters of 368 offices are appointed by the President. The length of post roads in 1827 was 105,336 miles ; in. 1837, 141,242 miles ; in 1847, 153,818 miles ; and in the year 1857, there are 242,601 miles of post road, including 22,530 miles of railroad on which the mails are transported. The expenditures of the department for the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1857, as adjusted by the auditoi, amounted to 11,507,670 dole. ; to de fray these expenditures there was placed to the credit of the department on the 7th July, 1856, the sum of 789,599 dollars. Mao gross revenue of this year, including the annual allowances for the tranportaaion of free mail matter, produced 8,053,951 dollars, and the remainder was supplied by the appropriation from the treasury, 2,250,000 dollars granted by the act of Congress, approved August, 1856, and by the appropriation of 66,883 dollars made by the act of March 3, 1857, leaving 252,763 to be carried to the credit of the depart ment in the accounts of the current year. I com mend to your consideration the report of the de partment in relation to the overland mail from the Mississippi river to San Francisco, California. The . route was selected with, my full concurrence as the one in my judgment best calculated to attain the the important object eontemplated by Congress. The late disastrous monetary revolution may have one good effect, should it cause both the Go vernment and the people to return to the practice of a wise and judicial economy both in public and private expenditures. An over flowing treasury has led to habits of prodi gality and extravagance in our legislation it has induced Congress to make large appropria tioni to objects for which they never would have provided had it been necessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxation or by loans. We are now compelled to pause in our career, and to scrutinise our expendi tures with the utmost vigilance, and in pgrtorming this duty I pledge my co-operation to the extent of my constitutional competency. It ought to be ob served at the same time that true public economy does not consist in withholding the means necessary to accomplish important national objects entrusted to us by the constitution, and especially such as may be necessary for the common defence. In the present crisis of the country it is our duty to con fine our appropriations to objects of this chara oer unless in cases where justice to individuals may demand a different course. In all cases care ought to be taken that the money granted by Congress shall be rightfully and economically applied. Under the federal constitution every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall before it becomes a law, be approved and signed by the President ; and it not approved, he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it originated. In order to perform this high and responsible duty, sufficient time must he allowed the President to read and examine every bill presented to him for approval. Unless this be afforded, the constitution becomes dead letter in this particular, and even worse, it becomes a means of deception. Our constituents, seeing the President's approval and signature at tached to each act of Congress, ale induced to be lieve that he has actually performed this duty when in truth nothing is, in many cases, more mit . ° ended : From the practice of Congress, such an examination of each bill as the constitution requires has been rendered impossible. The most important business of each session is generally crowded into its last sittings, and the alternative presented to the Pre sident is either to violate the constitutional duty which he owes to the people, and approve bills which for want of time it is impossible he should have examined, or by his refusal to do this, subject the country and individuals to great loss and incon venience. Besides, a practice has grown up of late times to advise me in appropriation bills at the last hours of the session ou new and impor tant subjects. This practice constrains the Presi dent either to suffer measures to become laws which be does not approve, or to incur the risk of stop ping the wheels of the Government by voting an appropriation bill. Formerly such bills were con fined to specific appropriation for carrying into effect existing laws and the well-established policy of the country, and little time was then left to the Presi dent for their examination. For my own part I have deliberately determined. that I shall approve of no bill which I have not examined, and it will be a case of extreme and most urgent necessity which shall ever induce me to depart from tnis rule. I therefore, respectfully, but earnestly, recommend that the two houses would allow the President at least two days previous to the adjournment of each session, within which no new bill shall be presented to him for approval. Under the existing joint rule one day is allowed, but the rule has been hi thei to constantly suspended in practice that important bills continue to be presented to bias to the very last mo mentno of the session,. In a large majority Ilfie the great public inconvenience can arise from of t of time to examine their provisions, bo. bill be constitution. has declared that if a he last ten days d to the President within ea t to caseshe want return, either of the session he is not re up and passed required to be a law. Tt with a veto, in may then lay over, and be inconvenience would be at the next session. Great which case itaken • d in regard to appropriation bills ; but, experience the late excellent law allowinga fortunately, under diem to members of Congress salary instead of a per the exponsemoot „ien.,e o f a s. :alted se:s,ion will be greatly reduced. I cannot conclude without commending to your * This is an allusion to the Emperor Henry many, who, being clothed in penitentials, w aited thre e days in the court of the castle of Canossa before he W admitted to the presence of the Sovereign Pontiff' GiTgo of rt VII. .The castle belonged to Mathilda, the Margrarie Tuscany, who was on remarkably intimate terms with Holiness. IV. of filer' Country Markets. DALKEITH GRAIN MARKET—DEO. 17. Inferior Qrs. Beat. Current. 327 Wheat sos Od 3 72 7Q&......... 17: i s 1383 Oats • 2ss OLI ..... .„. 210 ,2,1 .. . ... Od 1156 Barley ` 34s 4cl " 26s Icod .... . ... , A 45 Peas &beans 37a Od 3ss 4d ......... 33 0 w- HADDINGTON GRAIN MABXET—DEC. 16. WHEAT. BARLEY I I OATS. 13 1,04 1 ; 1: 4 F i rst 47s Od 3 4 s Od I 25s 6d 4.2 s „ Li Second 3Bs 5d 28s ld 1 21s 10.1 34 ... 4 " . Third 2 Bs Od 22s Od 118 s 6d i 30$ wo T o t a l quantity of wheat in m arket, 485 qrs., 3 89134 sold 0 01 d Al barley ~ 848 qrs ., Of f oa t s ~ 421 qrs., 407 sold Pt IP If beans OP 132 qrs., 93 sold AVERAGES PER IMPERIAL QUARTER. Wheat, 11. 18 6 1-12ths I Barley, —V. 8 1 4-1205 Oats, ... 11. 8 1 4-12ths 1 Beans, 11. 14 2 10-12 tbs ABERDEEN—Dzo. 18. Potato oats 18s Od to 19s Od 1401bs er bushel Common oats 17s 6d to 18s Od , Bere 23s Od to 25s Od 1 531bn Barley } , 23s Od to 2 5 s Od dto 1. , s Od per boll. Oatmeal Wheat, red (spring) 3o s Od to 33s Od 621bc ~w hite 3 os Od to 4.5 e Od Flour 390 Od to 40s Od per sack. rnovrsioN MARKET. Beef, per lb ..- ....... 6d. to 9d I Butter, p lb. is Od to ls Mutton, per lb 6d. to 9d I Eggs, p doz. is ld to is 2d Lamb, , per il l o b , ..o . s 6 6 d d to to o O s s 9 u d i a u enl, ti p iiB p ,d ai u r . 2 3: odOd to 2s 2 3 8 s 6 6 1 1 Pork, perlb...os Od to Os Od Ducks, do., is 6d to 28 01 Salmon, per lb Os Od 1 Ducklings,do2s Od to 2s 6 I Grouse, per brace—...os to Os Turkeys, each 3s Od to 3s 61 Tallow, p stone, Os to —s 01 Potatoes, pr pock, 11d to 1 21 Rabbits, each 8d to —d. Butter for exportation (present cure) per cwt.... 8 05 to —s Eggs, wholesale price, per dozen RETAIL PRIOR& F10ur,141b....0s Od to 2s 2d Barley flour,l4lb.Os to ls 8 a d Oatmeal Os Od to 15 7 d „ dust, ..... ! 0, t o 0, 1 10 Beremeal --Os Od to is 6d „ per lb .......... 2d to 2c . c 1 Peasomoal... Os Od to 2 s 4 d Sids , ........................... 7 Cheese, per imperial stone, ts. Od. to 45 6d 4-lb. 10af...6d. 1 2-lb. 10af...3d. DUBLIN, DNO. 18. White wheat, 28s Od to 29s 0,1 ; red ditto, 24s Od to 276 6d; ditto new, — s Od; barle y , malting, 15s to 18s 6d; grind ing, —s to —s ; oats, old, 12s 6d to 153; ditto, new, 15 0,1 to —s Od ; oatinual, 14s to 15s 6d; be e, new, to 5 Od ; rapese , d, 23 s Od to 25s Od p er bid ; bakers' flour, 1 6 S Od to 22s Od per cwt ; Indian corn, 31s 01 to 333 Od P 480 lba. LOCAL SHARE MARKET& MANCHESTER, DEC. 19. STOCK EXCHANGE. —The market opened active to-day, and a fair business was transacte but the market closed rather easier. Leeds, 9:3—Blackburn, —East Lanes. shire, 91—Midlands, 28i —North Staffords, 4 die—North Eastern, 'lerwicks, 24—Loudon and North Westerns, 96i —Eastern Counties, lli—Sheffields, 391—Gooles, 191 Grand Trunk of Canada, 10a Great Westerns, 63-- Caledonian, :38,i —Great Western of Canada, 181-16. BIM:INGHAM, DEC. 19. STOCK EXCHANGE. —Business in the market generally dull to-clay, with firmer prices. Londong closed at 1034 —Midlands, 88—Hulyhea ds, 30 —North Stafforde, 34 d. LISVERPOOL, DEC. 19. w ere verb STOCK ExellANGE. —The transactions to- day l' much improved , anti prices were rather hi g her. London ~ 0 — South Eastern, 20i East and North Wester n Lancashire, 91 92—Blaciikburn, 1 3 —Lancashire and Yorkshire, i—. North Eastern, Berwicks, 23i—Great Western, 52i 534 Sheffields, 34—Midlands, 88A Dovers, 19 —Grand Trunk of Ca? ada, 10q—Birkenhead, 70—Bank of Liverpool, 22 LEEDS, DEO. 19. STOOK EXCHANGE. —The market to-day again active. —Short Bradfords, 4 dis.—Midlands, 881 7-16—Easterrt Union, B, 7 1 —Leeds 91., 13-16 d—North W es tern, 73"; B i rm i ng ham and Derby, 63—North Eastern York, 411 I E —Gooles, 194. —astern Counties, Ili. [ADYERTISEMENT.J—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills famed throughout the world for the cure of ulcerated legf , ,—Mrs. Grace Faulkner of Mount Radford, Tarte, Devon, was grievously afflicted with an ulcerated leg that had proved iacurable for years, the attendant flag' toms being of the most painful nature. She was induced to give these remedies a trial, and in a short time her leg became perfectly sound. Therefore, from a grateful desire to spread its knowledge, and promote the good of o•hers who may be similarly afflicted, she voluntarily publishes this testimonial.—Sold by all medicine ven dors throughout the world : at Professor Holloway s establishments, 244, Strand, London, and 80, Maiden' lane, New York ; by A. Starapa, Constantinople ; A. Guidicy, Smyraa ; and E. 11lcir, Malta BIRTHS. EvANs— On the 19th inst., at Nash Mills, Mrs. J. Ewa' of a daughter. IlonsoN—On the 19th inst., Mrs . Jesse Hobson, of 48. Moorgate-street, of a eon. C o ttage, near KELLY—On the 18th inst., at C roxle y Rickmansworth, Herts, the wife of Lieutenant -Colonel Kelly, 38th Regt., of a daughter. WADE—On the 17th inst., in Upper Seymour-streset,, of Port. man - sq uare, the wife of Ric hard B. Wade , Eq. a daughter. MATtRIAGES. Broms—MArr —On the 10th inst., at St. Mary's Church, Islington, Mr. Alfred B rook s , of Ludgate-street, to Ann, eldest daughter of Mr.WilliamMapp, of ClowstoPs near Bewdley, Worcestershire. to Ann, daughter of til late Crowley h. DEATHS. Bust —On the 17th inst., at his father's residence,W est° super-Mare, Wm. Maddocks Bush, Beg., M.D. imEw —On the 17th inst., at S ur bit on, Surxey, Dre t E sq ., Ph. D., F.R. A.S., lat e o f Southampton,' aged FAAAS—On the 7th inst., at Hastings, Mr. Geo. Frm" aged 79. Emir HARDINGE—On the 18th i ns t., at St. Leonard Frances, fifth daughter of te Her. Sir C. Sardine, Bart., of Bound es-park, Tunbridge - wells. HICKS--On the 18th last., at Rye, Charl es Hicks, E 04•1 of the firm o f Hi c k s and Son, aged 76. LAMBERT—On the 18th inst., suddenly, Da niel Lambert' Esq., of Banstea,d, Surrey, aged 82. SOLOMON—On the 18th inst., a t 6, Greaat7,9ueen-atreeto E 3q, s eed • Westminster, Jacob Solomon, LONDON P r i n ted and Published by MURDO YOUNT', 2, nt :77:z 11 114 Strand, in tho I:ref:Aunt of tn.., ;invoy. in the county of Middlesex, Monday, December 21, 1,357.